Considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, & religion of Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury written by himself, by way of letter to a learned person. Mr. Hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation and manners Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. 1680 Approx. 66 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 40 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A43976 Wing H2218 ESTC R6871 12143799 ocm 12143799 54892 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A43976) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54892) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 106:11) Considerations upon the reputation, loyalty, manners, & religion of Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury written by himself, by way of letter to a learned person. Mr. Hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation and manners Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. [8], 3-63, [9] p. Printed for William Crooke ..., London : 1680. In answer to: Hobbius Heuton-timorumenos, or a consideration of Mr. Hobbs his dialogues / John Wallis. 1662. First published in 1662 with title: Mr. Hobbes considered in his loyalty, religion, reputation, and manners, by way of a letter to Dr. Wallis. Advertisements ([9] p.) at end. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Wallis, John, 1616-1703. -- Hobbius Heuton-timorumenos. Hobbes, Thomas, 1588-1679. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-11 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-11 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CONSIDERATIONS UPON The REPUTATION , LOYALTY , MANNERS , & RELIGION , OF THOMAS HOBBES OF MALMSBVRY . Written by Himself , By way of LETTER to a Learned Person . LONDON : Printed for William Crooke , at the Green Dragon without Temple-bar . 1680. THE BOOKSELLER'S ADVERTISEMENT To the READERS . I Do here present you with a Piece of Mr. Hobbes's Writing ; which is not published from an imperfect MS. as his Dialogue of the Civil Wars of England was , ( by some that had got accidentally a Copy of it ) absolutely against his consent , as you may see by some Passages out of some of his Letters to me , which I have here inserted . In his Letter of June , 1679. he saith , — I would fain have published my Dialogue of the Civil Wars of England , long ago ; and to that end I presented it to his Majesty : and some days after , when I thought he had read it , I humbly besought him to let me print it ; but his Majesty ( though he heard me gratiously , yet he ) flatly refused to have it published . Therefore I brought away the Book , and gave you leave to take a Copy of it ; which when you had done , I gave the Original to an honourable and learned Friend , who about a year after died . The King knows better , and is more concerned in publishing of Books than I am : Therefore I dare not venture to appear in the business , lest it should offend him . Therefore I pray you not to meddle in the business . Rather than to be thought any way to further or countenance the printing , I would be content to lose twenty times the value of what you can expect to gain by it , &c. — I pray do not take it ill ; it may be I may live to send you somewhat else as vendible as that : And without offence , I rest Chatsworth , June 19. 1679. Your Very humble Servant , Thomas Hobbes . Part of his Letter in July , 1679. — If I leave any MSs. worth printing , I will leave word you shall have them , if you please . I am Chatsworth , July 21. 1679. Your humble Servant , Thomas Hobbes . Part of his Letter Aug. 1679. Sir , I thank you for taking my advice in not stirring about the printing of my Book concerning the Civil Wars of England , &c. — I am writing somewhat for you to print in English , &c. I am , Chatsworth , Aug. 18. 1679. Sir , Your humble Servant , Thomas Hobbes . That no spurious Brats , for the time to come , be fathered upon the deceased Author , I have printed , verbatim , these Passages out of his Letters written to me at several times : Their Original I have by me . I will be so just to his Memory , that I will not print any thing but what is perfect , and fitted for the Press . And if any Book shall be printed with his Name to it , that hath not before been printed , you may be confident it is not his , unless Printed for William Crooke . Sir , I Am one of them that admire your Writings ; and having read over your Hobbius Heauton-timorumenos , I cannot hold from giving you some account of the causes why I admire it : And first I considered how you handle him for his Disloyalty , in these words , pag. the 5 th . His great Leviathan ( wherein he placed his main strength ) is now somewhat out of season ; which , upon deserting his Royal Master in distress , ( for he pretends to have been the King's Tutor , though yet , from those who have most reason to know it , I can find but little ground for such a pretence , ) was written in defence of Oliver's Title , ( or whoever , by whatsoever means , can get to be upmost , ) placing the whole Right of Government meerly in strength , and Absolving all his Majesties Subjects from their Allegiance , whenever He is not in a present capacity to force Obedience . That which I observe and admire here first , is , That you left not this passage out , for two reasons ; One , because M r Hobbes could long for nothing more than such an occasion to tell the world his own and your little stories , during the time of the late Rebellion . When the Parliament sate , that began in April 1640. and was dissolved in May following , and in which many points of the Regal Power , which were necessary for the Peace of the Kingdom , and the safety of His Majesties Person , were disputed and denied , M r. Hobbes wrote a little Treatise in English , wherein he did set forth and demonstrate , That the said Power and Rights were inseparably annexed to the Sovereignty ; which Sovereignty they did not then deny to be in the King ; but it seems understood not , or would not understand that Inseparability . Of this Treatise , though not Printed , many Gentlemen had Copies , which occasioned much talk of the Author ; and had not His Majesty dissolved the Parliament , it had brought him into danger of his Life . He was the first that had ventured to write in the King's defence , and one , amongst very few , that upon no other ground but knowledge of his Duty , and Principles of Equity , without special Interest , was in all points perfectly Loyal . The 3 d of November following , there began a new Parliament , consisting for the greatest part of such men as the People had elected only for their adverseness to the Kings Interest . These proceeded so fiercely in the very beginning against those that had written or preach'd in the defence of any part of that Power , which they then intended to take away , and in gracing those whom the King had disgrac'd for Sedition , that Mr. Hobbes doubting how they would use him , went over into France , the first of all that fled , and there continued eleven years , to his dammage some thousands of pounds deep . This ( Dr. ) was your time of harvest : You were in their favour , and that ( as you have made it since appear ) for no goodness . Being at Paris , he wrote and published his Book de Cive , in Latine , to the end that all Nations which should hear what you and your Concovenanters were doing in England , might detest you , which I believe they do ; for I know no Book more magnified than this is beyond the Seas . When His Majesty that now is came to Paris , Mr. Hobbes had the honour to initiate him in the Mathematicks ; but never was so impudent or ignorant as to call , or think himself the King's Tutor , as you ( that understand not what that word , out of the University , signifies ) do falsly charge him with ; or ever to say , that he was one of His Majesties domestique Servants . While upon this occasion he staid about Paris , and had neither encouragement nor desire to return into England , he wrote and published his Leviathan , far from the intention either of disadvantage to His Majesty , or to flatter Oliver , ( who was not made Protector till three or four years after ) or purpose to make way for his return : For there is scarce a page in it that does not upbraid both him , and you , and others such as you , with your abominable hypocrisie and villany . Nor did he desert His Majesty , as you falsly accuse him , as His Majesty Himself knows . Nor was His Majesty ( as you unmannerly term it ) in distress . He had the Title , Right and Reverence of a King , and maintained His faithful Servants with Him. It is true , that Mr. Hobbes came home ; but it was because he would not trust his safety with the French Clergy . Do you know that ever he sought any benefit either from Oliver , or from any of his Party , or was any way familiar with any of his Ministers , before or after his Return ? or curried favour with any of them ( as you did by Dedicating a Book to his Vice-Chancellor Owen ? ) Did you ever hear that he took any thing done to him by His Majesty in evil part , or spake of him otherwise than the best of His Servants would do ; or that he was sullen , silent , or sparing , in praising His Majesty in any company , upon any occasion ? He knew who were his enemies , and upon what ground they misconstrued his writings . But your indiscretion appears more manifestly in giving him occasion to repeat what you have done , and to consider you , as you professedly have considered him : For with what equity can it be denied him to repeat your manifest and horrible Crimes , for all you have been pardoned ; when you publish falsly pretended faults of his , and comprehended in the same pardon ? If he should say , and publish , That you decyphered the Letters of the King and His Party , and thereby delivered his Majesties secrets to the Enemy , and His best Friends to the Scaffold , and boasted of it in your Book of Arithmetick ( written in Latin ) to all the World , as of a Monument of your Wit , worthy to be preserved in the University Library : How will you justifie your self , if you be reproached for having been a Rebel and a Traytor ? It may be you , or some for you , will now say , You decyphered those Letters to the King's advantage : But then you were unfaithful to your Masters of the Parliament : A very honest pretence , and full of gallantry , to excuse Treason with Treachery , and to be a double Spy. Besides , Who will believe it ? Who enabled you to do the King that favour ? Why hearded you with His Enemies ? Who brought the King into a need of such a fellows favour , but they that first deserted him , and then made War upon him , and which were your friends , and Mr. Hobbes his enemies . Nay more , I know not one enemy Mr. Hobbes then had , but such as were first the Kings enemies , and because the King 's therefore his . Your being of that Party , ( without your decyphering , ) amounts to more than a desertion . Of the Bishops that then were , and for whose sakes ( in part ) you raised the War , there was not one that followed the King out of the Land , though they loved him , but lived quietly under the Protection , first of the Parliament , and then of Oliver , ( whose Titles and Actions were equally unjust ) without treachery . Is not this as bad as if they had gone over , and ( which was Mr. Hobbes his case ) been driven back again ? I hope you will not call them all desertors , ( or because by their stay here openly they accepted of the Parliament's and of Oliver's Protection ) defenders either of Oliver's , or of the Parliament's Title to the Sovereign Power . How many were there in that Parliament at first that did indeed and voluntarily desert the King , in consenting to many of their unjust actions ? Many of these afterwards , either upon better judgment , or because they pleased not the Faction , ( for it was a hard matter for such as were not of Pymms Cabal to please the Parliament , ) or for some other private ends , deserted the Parliament , and did some of them more hurt to the King than if they had staid where they were ; ( for they had been so affrighted by such as you , with a panick fear of Tyranny , that seeking to help Him by way of Composition and sharing , they abated the just and necessary indignation of His Armies , by which only His Right was to be recovered . ) That very entring into the Covenant with the Scottish Nation against the King , is by it self a very great Crime , and you guilty of it . And so was the imposing of the Engagement , and you guilty of that also , as being done by the then Parliament , whose Democratical Principles you approv'd of . You were also assisting to the Resemblance of Divines that made the Directory , and which were afterwards put down by Oliver for counterfeiting themselves Ambassadors . And this was when the King was living , and in the head of an Army , which with your own endeavour might have protected you . What crime it is ( the King being Head of the Church of England ) to make Directories , to alter the Church-Government , and to set up new Forms of Gods Service , upon your own fancies , without the Kings Authority , the Lawyers could have told you ; and what punishment you were to expect from it , you might have seen in the Statute printed before the Book of Common-Prayer . Further he may say , and truly , That you were guilty of all the Treasons , Murders , and Spoil committed by Oliver , or by any upon Oliver's or the Parliament's Authority : For , during the late trouble , who made both Oliver and the People mad , but the Preachers of your Principles ? But besides the wickedness , see the folly of it . You thought to make them mad , but just to such a degree as should serve your own turn ; that is to say , mad , and yet just as wise as your selves . Were you not very imprudent to think to govern madness ? Paul they knew , but who were you ? Who were they that put the Army into Oliver's hands , ( who before , as mad as he was , was too weak , and too obscure to do any great mischief ) with which Army he executed upon such as you , both here and in Scotland , that which the Justice of God required . Therefore , of all the Crimes ( the Great Crime not excepted ) done in that Rebellion , you were guilty ; You , I say , Dr. ( how little force or wit soever you contributed ) for your good will to their Cause . The King was hunted as a Partridge in the Mountains ; and though the Hounds have been hang'd , yet the Hunters were as guilty as they , and deserved no less punishment . And the Decypherers , and all that blew the horn , are to be reckoned amongst the Hunters . Perhaps you would not have had the prey killed , but rather have kept it tame . And yet who can tell ? I have read of few Kings deprived of their Power by their own Subjects , that have lived any long time after it , for reasons that every man is able to conjecture . All this is so manifest as it needs no witnesses . In the mean time Mr. Hobbes his behaviour was such , that of them who appeared in that Scene , he was the only man I know ( except a few that had the same Principles with him ) that has not something more or less to blush for ; as having either assisted that rebellious Parliament , without necessity , ( when they might have had Protection from the King , if they had resorted to him for it in the field , ) by Covenanting , or by Action , or with Money , or Plate , or by Voting against His Majesties Interest , in Himself , or His Friends ; though some of them have since by extraordinary Service deserved to be received into favour : But what 's that to you ? You are none of them ; and yet you dare to reproach the guiltless , as if after so ill fruits of your Sermons , it were not impudence enough to preach . I admire further , That having been forgiven these so transcendent Crimes , ( so great a debt to the Gallows ) you take Mr. Hobbes by the throat for a word in his Leviathan , made a fault by malicious or over-hasty construction : For you have thereby , like the unmerciful debtor in the Gospel , ( in my opinion ) forseited your pardon , and so , without a new one , may be hanged yet . To that other Charge , That he writ his Leviathan in defence of Oliver's Title , he will say , That you in your own conscience know it is false . What was Oliver when that Book came forth ? It was in 1650 , and Mr. Hobbes returned before 1651. Oliver was then but General under your Masters of the Parliament , nor had yet cheated them of their usurped Power : For that was not done till two or three years after , in 1653. which neither he nor you could foresee : What Title then of Oliver's could he pretend to justifie ? But you will say , He placed the Right of Government there wheresoever should be the strength ; and so by consequence he placed it in Oliver . Is that all ? Then primarily his Leviathan was intended for your Masters of the Parliament , because the strength was then in them : Why did they not thank him for it , both they and Oliver in their turns ? There ( Doctor ) you decypher'd ill : For it was written in the behalf of those many and faithful Servants and Subjects of His Majesty , that had taken His part in the War , or otherwise done their utmost endeavour to defend His Majesties Right and Person against the Rebels ; whereby , having no other means of Protection , nor ( for the most part ) of subsistence , were forced to compound with your Masters , and to promise Obedience for the saving of their Lives and Fortunes , which in his Book he hath affirmed they might lawfully do , and consequently not lawfully bear Arms against the Victors . They that had done their utmost endeavour to perform their obligation to the King , had done all that they could be obliged unto ; and were consequently at liberty to seek the safety of their Lives and Livelihood wheresoever , and without Treachery . But there is nothing in that Book to justifie the submission of you , ( or such as you ) to the Parliament , after the King 's being driven from them , or to Oliver ; for you were the King's Enemies , and cannot pretend want of that Protection which you your selves refused , denied , fought against , and destroyed . If a man owe you money , and you by robbing him , or other injury , disable him to pay you , the fault 's your own ; nor needs this exception , Unless the Creditor rob him , be put into the Condition of the Bond. Protection and Obedience are Relative . He that says a man may submit to an enemy for want of Protection , can never be construed , but that he meant it of the Obedient . But let us consider his words . They are in pag. 390. Where he puts for a Law of Nature , That every man is bound as much as in him lieth , to protect in War the Authority by which he is himself protected in time of Peace ; which I think is no ungodly nor unreasonable Principle . For confirmation of it , he defines in what point of time it is , that a Subject becomes obliged to obey an unjust Conquerour : And defines it thus ; It is that point wherein having liberty to submit to the Conquerour , he consenteth either by express words , or by other sufficient signs , to be his Subject . I cannot see , Doctor , how a man can be at liberty to submit to his new , that has not first done all he could for his old Master : Nor if he have done all he could , why that liberty should be refused him . If a man be taken by the Turk , and brought by terrour to fight against his former Master , I see how he may be kill'd for it as an Enemy , but not as a Criminal : Nor can I see how he that hath liberty to submit , can at the same time be bound not to submit . But you will say , perhaps , That he defines the time of that liberty to the advantage of Oliver , in that he says , that for an ordinary Subject , it is then , when the means of his Life are within the Guards and Garrisons of the Enemy ; for it is then , that he hath no protection but from the Enemy , for his Contribution . It was not necessary for him to explain it to men of so great Understanding , that you and other his Enemies pretend to be , by putting in the Exception , Unless they came into those Guards and Garrisons by their own Treason . Do you think that Oliver's Party , for their submission to Oliver , could pretend the want of that Protection ? The words therefore by themselves , without that exception , do signifie no more than this , That whosoever had done as much as in him did lye to protect the King in War , had liberty afterwards to provide themselves of such Protection as they could get ; which to those whose means of life were within the Guards and Garrisons of Oliver , was Oliver's Protection . Do you think when a Battel is lost , and you at the mercy of the Enemy , is it unlawful to receive Quarter with condition of Obedience ? Or if you receive it on that condition , do you think it honesty to break promise , and treacherously murder him that gave you your life ? If that were good Doctrine , he were a foolish Enemy that would give Quarter to any man. You see then , that this submission to Oliver , or to your then Masters , is allowed by Mr. Hobbes his Doctrine only to the King 's faithful Party , and not to any that fought against him , howsoever they coloured it , by saying they fought for the King and Parliament ; nor to any that writ or preached against His Cause , or encouraged His Adversaries ; nor to any that betrayed His Counsels , or that intercepted or decyphered any Letters of His , or of His Officers , or of any of His Party ; nor to any that by any way had contributed to the diminution of His Majesties Power , Ecclesiastical or Civil ; nor does it absolve any of them from their Allegeance . You that make it so heinous a crime for a man to save himself from violent death , by a forc'd submission to an Usurper , should have considered what crime it was to submit voluntarily to the Usurping Parliament . I can tell you besides , why those words were put into his last Chapter , which he calls the Review . It happened at that time that there were many Honourable Persons , that having been faithful and unblemished Servants of the King , and Souldiers in His Army , had their Estates then Sequestred ; of whom some were fled , but the Fortunes of them all were at the mercy ( not of Oliver , but ) of the Parliament . Some of these were admitted to Composition , some not . They that Compounded , though they help'd the Parliament less by their Composition , than they should have done ( if they had stood out ) by their Confiscation , yet they were ill spoken of , especially by those that had no Estates to lose , nor hope to Compound . And it was for this that he added to what he had written before , this caution , That if they would compound , they were to do it bonafide , without intention of Treachery . Wherein he justified their Submission by their former Obedience , and present Necessity ; but condemned Treachery . Whereas you that pretend to abhor Atheism , condemn that which was done upon necessity , and justifie the Treachery : And you had reason for it , that cannot otherwise justifie your selves . Those struglings which happened afterwards , lost His Majesty many a good and able Subject , and strengthened Oliver with the Confiscation of their Estates , which if they had attended the Discord of their Enemies , might have been saved . Perhaps you will take for a sign of Mr. Hobbes his ill meaning , that His Majesty was displeased with him . And truly I believe He was displeased for a while , but not very long . They that complained of , and mis-construed his writings , were His Majesties good Subjects , and reputed Wise and Learned men , and thereby obtained to have their mis-construction believed for some little time : But the very next Summer after his coming away , two Honourable Persons of the Court that came over into England , assured him , that His Majesty had a good opinion of him ; and others since have told me , that His Majesty said openly , That He thought Mr. Hobbes never meant him hurt . Besides , His Majesty hath used him more graciously than is ordinary to so humble a person as he is , and so great a Delinquent as you would make him , and testified His esteem of him in His bounty . What Argument now can you draw from hence more than this , That His Majesty understood his writings better than his Accusers did . I admire in the next place , upon what ground you accuse him ( and with him all those that have approved his Leviathan ) with Atheism . I thought once , that that slander had had some ( though not firm ) ground in that you call his new Divinity : But for that point he will allege these words of his Leviathan , pag. 238. By which it seemeth to me ( with submission nevertheless both in this and all other Questions , whereof the determination dependeth on the Scriptures , to the Interpretation of the Bible authorized by the Common-wealth , whose Subject I am , ) That , &c. What is there in these words but Modesty and Obedience ? But you were at this time in actual Rebellion . Mr. Hobbes , that holds Religion to be a Law , did in order thereto condemn the maintenance of any of his Opinions against the Law ; and you that reproach him for them upon your own account , should also have shewn by your own Learning , wherein the Scripture , which was his sole proof , was mis-cited , or mis-construed by him ; ( for he submitted to the Laws , that is to say , to the King's Doctrine , not to yours ; ) and not have insulted for the Victory won by the power of the Law , to which you were then an enemy . Another Argument of Atheism you take from his denying immaterial , or incorporeal Substances . Let any man impartially now compare his Religion with yours , by this very measure , and judge which of the two savours most of Atheism . It is by all Christians confess'd , that God is incomprehensible ; that is to say , that there is nothing can arise in our Fancy from the naming of him , to resemble him either in shape , colour , stature , or nature ; there is no Idea of him ; he is like nothing that we can think on : What then ought we to say of him ? What Attributes are to be given him , not speaking otherwise than we think , nor otherwise than is fit , by those who mean to honour him ? None but such as Mr. Hobbes hath set down , namely , Expressions of Reverence , such as are in Use amongst men for signs of Honour , and consequently signifie Goodness , Greatness , and Happiness ; and either absolutely put , as Good , Holy , Mighty , Blessed , Just , Wise , Merciful , &c. or Superlative , as most Good , most Great , most Mighty , Almighty , most Holy , &c. or Negative , of whatsoever is not perfect , as Infinite , Eternal , and the like : And not such as neither Reason nor Scripture hath approved for honourable . This is the Doctrine that Mr. Hobbes hath written , both in his Leviathan , and in his Book de Cive , and when occasion serves , maintains . What kind of Attribute I pray you is immaterial , or incorporeal substance ? Where do you find it in the Scripture ? Whence came it hither , but from Plato and Aristotle , Heathens , who mistook those thin Inhabitants of the Brain they see in sleep , for so many incorporeal men ; and yet allow them motion , which is proper only to things corporeal ? Do you think it an honour to God to be one of these ? And would you learn Christianity from Plato and Aristotle ? But seeing there is no such word in the Scripture , how will you warrant it from natural reason ? Neither Plato nor Aristotle did ever write of , or mention an incorporeal Spirit ; for they could not conceive how a Spirit , which in their Language was 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( in ours a Wind ) could be incorporeal . Do you understand the connection of substance and incorporeal ? If you do , explain it in English ; for the words are Latine . It is something , you 'l say , that being without Body , stands under — . Stands under what ? Will you say , under Accidents ? Almost all the Fathers of the Church will be against you ; and then you are an Atheist . Is not Mr. Hobbes his way of Attributing to God , that only which the Scriptures Attribute to him ; or what is never any where taken but for honour , much better than this bold Undertaking of yours , to consider and decypher Gods nature to us ? For a third Argument of Atheism , you put , That he says , Besides the Creation of the World , there is no Argument to prove a Deity ; and , That it cannot be evinced by any Argument that the World had a Beginning ; and , That whether it had or no , is to be decided not by Argument , but by the Magistrates . Authority . That it may be decided by the Scriptures , he never denied : Therefore in that also you slander him . And as for Arguments from natural Reason , neither you , nor any other have hitherto brought any ( except the Creation ) that has not made it more doubtful to many men than it was before . That which he hath written concerning such Arguments , is in his Book De Corpore . Opinions ( saith he ) concerning the nature of Infinite and Eternal , as the chiefest of the fruits of Wisdom , God hath reserved to himself , and made Judges of them , those men whose Ministery he meant to use in the ordering of Religion ; and therefore I cannot praise those men that brag of Demonstration of the Beginning of the World from natural Reason . And again , pag. 238. Wherefore I pass by those Questions of Infinite and Eternal , contenting my self with such Doctrine concerning the Beginning and Magnitude of the World , as I have learn'd from the Scripture , confirmed by Miracles , and from the Use of my Countrey , and from the Reverence I owe to the Law. This , Doctor , is not ill said , and yet 't is all you ground your slander on , which you make to sneak vilely under a crooked Paraphrase . These Opinions , I said , were to be judged by those to whom God has committed the ordering of Religion ; that is , to the Supreme Governours of the Church , that is , in England , to the King : By His Authority , I say , it ought to be decided , ( not what men shall think , but ) what they shall say in those Questions . And me thinks you should not dare to deny it ; for it is a manifest relapse into your former Crimes . But why do you stile the King by the name of Magistrate ? Do you find Magistrate to signifie any where the Person that hath the Sovereign Power , or not every where the Sovereign's Officers . And I think you knew that ; but you and your fellows ( your fellows I call all those that are so besmeared all over with the filth of the same Crime , as not to be distinguished , ) meant to make your Assembly the Sovereign , and the King your Magistrate . I pray God you do not mean so still , if opportunity be presented . There has hitherto appeared in Mr. Hobbes his Doctrine no sign of Atheism ; and whatsoever can be inferr'd from the denying of Incorporeal Substances , makes Tertullian , one of the ancientest of the Fathers , and most of the Doctors of the Greek Church , as much Atheists as he : For Tertullian in his Treatise De Carne Christi , says plainly , Omne quod est , corpus est sui generis . Nihil est incorporale , nisi quod non est . That is to say , Whatsoever is any thing , is a body of its kind . Nothing is Incorporeal , but that which has no Being . There are many other places in him to the same purpose : For that Doctrine served his turn to confute the Heresie of them that held that Christ had no Body , but was a Ghost : Also of the Soul he speaks , as of an invisible Body . And there is an Epitome of the Doctrine of the Eastern Church , wherein is this , That they thought Angels and Souls were Corporeal , and only called Incorporeal , because their Bodies were not like ours . And I have heard that a Patriarch of Constantinople , in a Council held there , did argue for the lawfulness of painting Angels , from this , that they were Corporeal . You see what Fellows in Atheism you joyn with Mr. Hobbes . How unfeigned your own Religion is , may be argued strongly , demonstratively , from your behahaviour that I have already recited . Do you think , you that have committed so abominable sins , not through infirmity , or sudden transport of Passion , but premeditately , wilfully , for twenty years together , that any rational man can think you believe your selves , when you preach of Heaven and Hell , or that you do not believe one another to be Cheaters and Impostors , and to laugh at silly People in your sleeves for believing you ; or that you applaud not your own wit for it ; though for my part I could never conceive that very much wit was requisite for the making of a knave . And in the Pulpit most of you have been a scandal to Christianity , by preaching up Sedition , and crying down Moral Virtue . You should have preach'd against unjust Ambition , Covetousness , Gluttony , Malice , Disobedience to Government , Fraud , and Hypocrisie : But for the most part you preach'd your own Controversies , about who should be uppermost , or other fruitless and unedifying Doctrines . When did any of you preach against Hypocrisie ? You dare not in the Pulpit ( I think ) so much as name it , lest you set the Church a laughing : And you in particular , when you said in a Sermon , That Sophos was not in Homer ; what edification could the People have from that , though it had been true , as 't is false ? ( For it is in his Iliade , lib. 15. v. 363. ) Another I heard make half his Sermon of this Doctrine , That God never sent a great Deliverance , but in a great Danger : Which is indeed true , because the greatness of the Danger makes the greatness of the Deliverance , but for the same cause ridiculous ; and the other half he took to construe the Greek of his Text : And yet such Sermons are much applauded . But why ? First , Because they make not the People ashamed of any Vice. Secondly , Because they like the Preacher , for using to find fault with the Government or Governors . Thirdly , For their vehemence , which they mistake for Zeal . Fourthly , For their zeal to their own ends , which they mistake for zeal to Gods Worship . I have heard besides divers Sermons made by Phanatiques , young men , and whom by that , and their habit , I imagined to be Apprentices ; and found little difference between their Sermons , and the Sermons of such as you , either in respect of Wisdom , or Eloquence , or Vehemence , or Applause of Common People . Therefore I wonder how you can pretend ( as you do in your Petition , for a Dispensation from the Ceremonies of the Church ) to be either better Preachers than those that Conform , or to have tenderer Consciences than other men . You that have covered such black Defigns with the Sacred words of Scripture , why can you not as well find in your hearts to cover a black Gown with a white Surplice ? Or what Idolatry do you find in making the Sign of the Cross , when the Law commands it ? Though I think you may conform without sin , yet I think you might have been also dispensed with without sin , if you had dispensed in like manner with other Ministers that subscribed to the Articles of the Church . And if tenderness of Conscience be a good Plea , you must give Mr. Hobbes also leave to plead tenderness of Conscience to his new Divinity , as well as you . I should wonder also how any of you should dare to speak to a multitude met together , without being limited by His Majesty what they shall say , especially now that we have felt the smart of it , but that it is a Relique of the Ecclesiastical Policy of the Popes , that found it necessary for the dis-joyning of the People from their too close adherence to their Kings , or other Civil Governours . But it may be you will say , That the rest of the Clergy , Bishops , and Episcopable men , no Friends of yours , and against whose Office Mr. Hobbes never writ any thing , speak no better of his Religion than you do . 'T is true , he never wrote against Episcopacy ; and it is his private opinion , That such an Episcopa y as is now in England , is the most commodious that a Christian King can use for the governing of Christs Flock , the misgoverning whereof the King is to answer for to Christ , as the Bishops are to answer for their mis-government to the King , and to God also . Nor ever spake he ill of any of them , as to their Persons : Therefore I should wonder the more at the uncharitable censure of some of them , but that I see a Relique still remaining of the venom of Popish Ambition , lurking in that seditious distinction and division between the Power Spiritual and Civil , which they that are in love with a Power to hurt all those that stand in competition with them for Learning ( as the Roman Clergy had to hurt Galileo ) do not willingly forsake . All Bishops are not in every point like one another . Some it may be are content to hold their Authority from the King's Letters Patents ; and these have no cause to be angry with Mr. Hobbes . Others will needs have somewhat more , they know not what , of Divine Right , to Govern by vertue of Imposition of Hands , and Consecration , not acknowledging their Power from the King , but immediately from Christ. And these perhaps are they that are displeased with him , which he cannot help , nor has deserved ; but will for all that believe the King only , and without sharers , to be the Head of all the Churches within His own Dominions ; and that he may dispence with Ceremonies , or with any thing else that is not against the Scriptures , nor against natural Equity ; and that the consent of the Lords and Commons cannot now give Him that Power , but declare for the People their advice and consent to it . Nor can he be made believe that the safety of a State depends upon the safety of the Church , I mean , of the Clergy : For neither is a Clergy essential to a Common-wealth ; and those Ministers that preached Sedition pretend to be of the Clergy , as well as the best . He believes rather that the Safety of the Church depends on the Safety of the King , and the entireness of the Sovereign Power ; and that the King is no part of the Flock of any Minister or Bishop , no more than the Shepherd is of his Sheep , but of Christ only ; and all the Clergy , as well as the People , the King's Flock . Nor can that clamour of his adversaries make Mr. Hobbes think himself a worse Christian than the best of them . And how will you disprove it , either by his disobedience to the Laws Civil , or Ecclesiastical , or by any ugly action ? Or how will you prove that the obedience which springs from scorn of Injustice , is less acceptable to God , than that which proceeds from fear of punishment , or hope of benefit . Gravity and heaviness of Countenance are not so good marks of assurance of Gods favour , as cheerful , charitable , and upright behaviour towards men , which are better signs of Religion than the zealous maintaining of controverted Doctrines . And therefore I am verily perswaded , it was not his Divinity that displeased you or them , but somewhat else , which you are not willing to pretend . As for your Party , that which angred you , I believe , was this passage of his Leviathan , pag. 89. Whereas some men have pretended for their Disobedience to their Sovereign , a new Covenant made , not with men , but with God ; this also is unjust : For there is no Covenant with God , but by mediation of some body that representeth Gods Person ; which none doth but Gods Lieutenant , who hath the Sovereignty under God : But this pretence of Covenant with God , is so evident a lye ( this is it that angred you ) even in the pretenders own Consciences , that it is not only an act of an unjust , but also of a vile and unmanly disposition . Besides his making the King Judge of Doctrines to be preach'd or published , hath offended you both ; so has also his Attributing to the Civil Sovereign all Power Sacerdotal . But this perhaps may seem hard , when the Sovereignty is in a Queen : But it is because you are not subtle enough to perceive , that though Man be male and female , Authority is not . To please neither Party is easie ; but to please both , unless you could better agree amongst your selves than you do , is impossible . Your differences have troubled the Kingdom , as if you were the Houses revived of York and Lancaster . A man would wonder how a little Latin and Greek should work so mightily , when the Scriptures are in English , as that the King and Parliament can hardly keep you quiet , especially in time of danger from abroad . If you will needs quarrel , decide it amongst your selves , and draw not the People into your Parties . You were angry also for his blaming the Scholastical Philosophers , and denying such fine things as these , That the Species or Apparences of Bodies come from the thing we look on , into the Eye , and so make us see ; and into the Understanding , to make us understand ; and into the Memory to make us remember . That a Body may be just the same it was , and yet bigger or lesser . That Eternity is a permanent Now ; and the like . And for detecting , further than you thought fit , the fraud of the Roman Clergy . Your dislike of his Divinity was the least cause of your calling him Atheist . But no more of this now . The next Head of your Contumelies is to make him contemptible , and to move Mr. Boyle to pity him . This is a way of railing too much beaten to be thought Witty. As for the thing it self , I doubt your Intelligence is not good , and that you Algebricians , and Non-conformists , do but fain it , to comfort one another . For your own part , you contemn him not , or else you did very foolishly to entitle the beginning of your Book , Mr. Hobbes considered ; which argues he is considerable enough to you . Besides , 't is no Argument of Contempt , to spend upon him so many angry lines as would have furnisht you with a dozen of Sermons : If you had in good earnest despised him , you would have let him alone , as he does Dr. Ward , Mr. Baxter , Pike , and others , that have reviled him as you do . As for his Reputation beyond the Seas , it fades not yet : And because perhaps you have no means to know it , I will cite you a passage of an Epistle , written by a learned French-man to an eminent Person in France , a passage not impertinent to the point now in question . It is in a Volume of Epistles , the fourth in order , and the words , page 167. concerning Chymists , are these : Truly , Sir , as much as I admire them , when I see them lute an Alembick handsomely , philter a Liquor , build an Athanor , so much I mislike them when I hear them discourse upon the Subject of their Operations ; and yet they think all they do , is nothing in respect of what they say : I wish they would take less pains , and be at less charges ; and whilst they wash their hands after their work , they would leave to those that attend to the polishing of their discourse , I mean , the Galileo's , the Descarteses , the Hobbeses , the Bacons , and the Gassendi's , to reason upon their work , and themselves to hear what the Learned and Judicious shall tell them , such as are used to discern the differences of things . Quam scit uterque libens censebo exerceat artem . And more to the same purpose . What is here said of Chymists , is applicable to all other Mechaniques . Every man that hath spare money , can get Furnaces , and buy Coals . Every man that hath spare money , can be at the charge of making great Moulds , and hiring Workmen to grind their Glasses ; and so may have the best and greatest Telescopes : They can get Engines made , and apply them to the Stars ; Recipients made , and try Conclusions ; but they are never the more Philosophers for all this . 'T is laudable , I confess , to bestow money upon curious or useful delights ; but that is none of the praises of a Philosopher . And yet , because the multitude cannot judge , they will pass with the unskilful , for skilful in all parts of natural Philosophy . And I hear now that Hugenius and Eustachio Divini are to be tried by their Glasses , who is the more skilful in Optiques of the two ; but for my part , before Mr. Hobbes his Book De Homine came forth , I never saw any thing written of that subject intelligibly . Do not you tell me now , according to your wonted ingenuity , that I never saw Euclid's , Vitellio's , and many other mens Optiques ; as if I could not distinguish between Geometry and Optiques . So also of all other Arts ; not every one that brings from beyond Seas a new Cin , or other janty device , is therefore a Philosopher : For if you reckon that way , not onely Apothecaries and Gardeners , but many other sorts of Workmen , will put in for , and get the Prize . Then , when I see the Gentlemen of Gresham-Colledge apply themselves to the Doctrine of Motion , ( as Mr. Hobbes has done , and will be ready to help them in it , if they please , and so long as they use him civilly , ) I will look to know some Causes of natural Events from them , and their Register , and not before : For Nature does nothing but by Motion . I hear that the reason given by Mr. Hobbes , why the drop of Glass so much wondred at , shivers into so many pieces , by breaking onely one small part of it , is approved for probable , and registred in their Colledge : But he has no reason to take it for a favour , because hereafter the Invention may be taken by that means not for his , but theirs . To the rest of your Calumnies the Answers will be short , and such as you might easily have foreseen . And first , for his boasting of his Learning , it is well summ'd up by you in these words : 'T was a motion made by one ( whom I will not name ) that some idle person should read over all his Books , and collecting together his arrogant and supercilious Speeches , applauding himself , and despising all other men , set them forth in one Synopsis , with this Title , Hobbius de se. What a pretty piece of Pageantry this would make , I shall leave to your own thoughts . Thus say you : Now says Mr. Hobbes , or I for him , Let your idle Person do it , and set down no more than he has written , ( as high praises as they be ) I 'll promise you he shall acknowledge them under his hand , and be commended for it , and you scorned . A certain Roman Senator , having propounded something in the Assembly of the People , which they misliking made a noise at , boldly bad them hold their peace , and told them he knew better what was good for the Common-wealth than all they : And his words are transmitted to us as an Argument of his Virtue ; so much do Truth and Vanity alter the complection of self-praise . Besides , you can have very little skill in Morality , that cannot see the Justice of commending a mans self , as well as of any thing else , in his own defence : And it was want of prudence in you , to constrain him to a thing that would so much displease you . That part of his self-praise which most offends you , is in the end of his Leviathan , in these words : Therefore I think it may be profitably printed , and more profitably taught in the Universities , in case they also think so , to whom the judgment of the same belongeth . Let any man consider the truth of it . Where did those Ministers learn their seditious Doctrine , and to preach it , but there ? Where therefore should Preachers learn to teach Loyalty , but there ? And if your Principles produced Civil War , must not the contrary Principles , which are his , produce Peace ? And consequently his Book , as far as it handles Civil Doctrine , deserves to be taught there : But when can this be done ? When you shall have no longer an Army ready to maintain the evil Doctrine wherewith you have infected the people . By a ready Army I mean Arms , and Money , and men enough , though not yet in pay , and put under Officers , yet gathered together in one place or City , to be put under Officers , armed , and payed on any sudden occasion ; such as are the people of a great and populous Town . Every great City is as a standing Army , which if it be not under the Soveraigns command , the people are miserable ; if they be , they may be taught their duties in the Universities safely and easily , and be happy . I never read of any Christian King that was a Tyrant , though the best of Kings have been call'd so . Then for the Morosity and Peevishness you charge him with , all that know him familiarly , know 't is a false accusation . But you mean , it may be , onely towards those that argue against his Opinion : But neither is that true . When vain and ignorant young Scholars , unknown to him before , come to him on purpose to argue with him , and to extort applause for their foolish Opinions , and missing of their end , fall into undiscreet and uncivil expressions , and he then appear not very well contented , 't is not his Morosity , but their Vanity that should be blamed . But what humor ( if not Morosity and Peevishness ) was that of yours , whom he never had injured , or seen , or heard of , to use toward him such insolent , injurious , and clownish words , as you did in your absurd Elenchus ? Was it not impatience of seeing any dissent from you in opinion ? Mr. Hobbes has been always far from provoking any man , though when he is provok'd , you finde his Pen as sharp as yours . Again , when you make his Age a reproach to him , and shew no cause that might impair the faculties of his minde but onely Age , I admire how you saw not that you reproached all old men in the world as much as him , and warranted all young men , at a certain time , which they themselves shall define , to call you fool . Your dislike of old age , you have also otherwise sufficiently signified , in venturing so fairly as you have done to escape it . But that is no great matter to one that hath so many marks upon him of much greater reproaches . By Mr. Hobbes his Calculation , that derives Prudence from Experience , and Experience from Age , you are a very young man ; but by your own reckoning , you are older already than Methuselah . Lastly , Who told you that he writ against Mr. Boyle , whom in his writing he never mentioned ? And that it was because Mr. Boyle was acquainted with you ? I know the contrary . I have heard him wish it had been some person of lower condition that had been the Author of the Doctrine which he opposed , and therefore opposed because it was false , and because his own could not otherwise be defended . But thus much I think is true , that he thought never the better of his Judgment , for mistaking you for Learned . This is all I thought fit to answer for him and his manners . The rest is of his Geometry and Philosophy , concerning which , I say only this , That there is too much in your Book to be confuted : Almost every line may be disproved , or ought to be reprehended . In sum , it is all Errour and Railing , that is , stinking wind , such as a Jade le ts flie when he is too hard girt upon a full belly . I have done . I have considered you now , but will not again , whatsoever preferment any of your friends shall procure you . FINIS . Books Printed for and sold by William Crook at the Green Dragon without Temple-Bar , 1680. Devinity . BRevis Demonstratio , proving the truth and excellency of the Christian Religion , demonstrated by reason , recommended to all rational persons by several eminent Divines in London , Twelves . An Answer to Mr. Fergusons Doctrine about Christs Justification and Sanctification , with an Account of the ends and intents of Christs death and passion , considered as a Reason , by John Knowles . Octavo . The Primitive Institution , or a seasonable discourse of Catechism , wherein is shewed the Antiquity , necessity and benefits thereof , together with its sutableness to heal the distemper of the Church , by L. Addison , D. D. Twelves . A Sermon Preached at the Funeral of a sober Religious Man , found drowned in a pit , since revised and inlarged by the Author upon the account of sudden death . Octavo . A Sermon Preached at a Visitation in Chicester , by W. Howel . Quarto . The School of Righteousness , A Sermon Preached before the King on a General Fast-day , by his Grace the present Arch-Bishop of Canturbury . Quarto . An excellent Rational Discourse of the Lawfulness of taking use for money , by Sir Robert Filmer ; with a large Preface to it , by Sir Roger Twisden . Twelves . A modest Plea for the Clergy , wherein is briefly considered their Original , Antiquity , and necessity , together with the true and false grounds of their being so much slighted , neglected , and unjustly despised , by L. A. D. D. Octavo . The Imitation of Christ , or the Christian patern , written by Tho. a Kempis . Twenty fours . Steps of Ascention unto God , or a Ladder to Heaven , being Meditations and Prayers for every day in the week , and other occasions , by Dr. Gee . Twenty fours . Hugo Grotius Catechism in Greek , Latin , and English , with a Praxis , Octavo . The Spirit of Prophesie ; a treatise to prove ( by the ways formerly in use among the Jews in the Tryal of pretenders to a Prophetick Spirit ) that Christ and his Apostles were prophets . Together with the Divine Authority of Christian Religion and the holy Scriptures , the insufficiency of humane reason , and the reasonableness of the Christian Faith hope and practise deduced therefrom ; and asserted against Mr. Hobbes , and the Treatise of Humane reason : Recommended to the Press by Dr. Gunning Lord Bishop of Ely , by W. H. Octavo . The King-Killing Doctrine of the Jesuits , delivered in a plain and sincere discourse to the French King , concerning the re-establishment of the Jesuits in his Dominion : written in French by a Learned Roman Catholick , now translated into English , and humbly presented to the consideration of both houses of Parliament : in Quarto . Justifying Faith , or that Faith by which the Just do live , briefly described ; to which is added an abstract of some Letters about the Excellency of the Common Prayer , against Mr. Baxter , &c. Octavo . A Sermon Preached upon the fifth day of November , by Dr. G. Hascard , D. D. Rector of St. Clements Danes , and Chaplain in ordinary to His Majesty . Quarto . A Sermon Preached before Sir James Edwards Lord Mayor of London , at the Election of Sir Robert Clayton to be Lord Mayor for the year eusuing , by G. Hascard D. D. and Chaplain in ordinary to his Majesty . A Sermon Preached before the Right Honorable Sir Robert Clayton Lord Mayor of London , by Tho. Mannyngham , Fellow of New Colledge in Oxford . These six last are new . History . A Voyage into the Levant , by Sir H. Blount . Caesars Commentaries , with Mr. Edmonds his observations upon it : in Folio , English'd . Heylins Cosmography in four parts : in Folio . Sir Tho. Herberts Travels , with Additions . Folio . A description of Candia , with an account of the Siege , and the surrender of it into the hands of the Turks . Octavo . Calliope's Cabinet , wherein all Gentlemen may be informed how to order themselves for Feasts , Funerals , and all Heroick meetings ; to know all degrees of honour , and how all degrees are to take place ; with a Dictionary of Herald-Terms . Twelves . A Discourse of the Dukedome of Modena , containing the Original , Antiquity , Government , Manners and Qualities of the People : also the Temperature of the Climate , the nature of the Air , &c. Quarto . The present State of the Jews ; wherein is contained an exact account of their present Customes , Secular and Religious : to which is added a discourse of the Misna , Talmud and Gemara , by L. Addison D. D. The Travels of Ulysses , Translated by Tho. Hobbes of Malmsbury , Twelves . Camera Regis , or the present State of London , containing the Antiquity , Fame , Walls , River , Bridg , Gates , Tower , Officers , Courts , Customes , Franchises , &c. of that City : by J. B. Esq Octavo . The Circumcision of the great Turks Son , and the Ceremony of the Marriage of his Daughter , sent from the English Ambassador . Folio . Scarrons Comical Romance , or a facetious History of a Company of Stage-players , interwoven with diverse choice Novels , rare adventures , and amorous intrigues , written in French by Monsieur Scarron , and now done into English. Folio . The Wonders of the Peak in Darbyshire , in Latine and English , by Tho. Hobbes . Octavo . Parthenissa , a Romance , written by the Right Honorable the Earl of Orrery . Folio . Clelia , an excellent new Romance compleat , in five parts . Folio . All Homers works , Translated into English by that great Master of the Greek and English Tongues , Thomas Hobbes of Malmsbury . Twelves . Together with the Authors life . The life and death of Mahumet , the Author of the Turkish Religion , being an account of his Tribe , Parents , Birth , Name , Education , Marriage , Filthiness of life , his Alcoran , first Proselytes , Wars , Doctrine , Miracles , Advancements , &c. by L. Addison D. D. and one of his Majesties Chaplains in ordinary . A True declaration of the horrible Treasons by William Parry Dr. of the Civil Laws , against Queen Elizabeth ; his Tryal , Conviction , and Execution for the same . The Historians Guide , or Englands Remembrancer : being an account of the Actions , Exploits , &c. and other most remarkable passages in his Majesties Dominions , from the year 1600 to 1679. shewing the year , day and moneth each action was done . An Historical Narrative of Heresie , and the punishment thereof , by Tho. Hobbs of Malmsbury . Folio . Mr. Hobbes his Life , written by himself in a Latin Poem , and now Translated into English. Folio . The same is in Latin in Quarto . These six last are new . Poetry and Plays . The Elegant Poems of Dr. Corbet , late Bishop of Norwich . Melpomene , or the Muses delight ; being new Poems and Songs , written by the great Wits of our present Age. The Confinement , a Poem , with Annotations upon it . Octavo . White Devil , or Vittoria Corombona , a Tragedy . Old Troop , or Mounsieur Raggou , a Comedy . Catalines Conspiracy , a Tragedy . Amorous Gallant , or Love in fashion , a Comedy . Mock-Duellist , or French Valet , a Comedy . Wrangling Lovers , or the Invincible Mistris , a Comedy . Tom. Essence , or the Modish Wife , a Comedy . French Conjurer , a Comedy . Wits led by the Nose , or the Poets Revenge , a Comedy . Rival Kings , or the loves of Orondates , a Tragedy . Constant Nymph , or rambling Shepherd , a Pastoral . Counterfeit Bridegroom , or defeated Widdow , a Comedy . Tunbridge Wells , or a days Courtship , a Comedy . The Man of New-Market , a Comedy . LAW . The Jurisdictions of the Authority of Courts-Leet , Courts-Baron , Court of Marshalsea's , Court of Pypowder , and Antient Demesn ; together with the most necessary learning of Tenures , Essoyns , Imparlances , View , Pleadings , Contract , Actions , Maintenance , &c. with the Forms of Judicial and Original Writs , written by Jo. Kitchin of Grays-Inn Esq to which is added Brevia Selecta , being a choice Collection of special Writs . Octavo . A View of the Customes and Franchisements of London , by J Bridal Esq Praxis Curia Admiralitatis Angliae , Author Fransc. Clark. Twelves . The Reports and Cases of Brownlow and Goldsborough , in two parts . Quarto . The Laws of Charitable uses , by Mr. Duke . Folio . March his Reports . Quarto . Clerks Manual , a book of Presidents , in Octavo . Officium Brevium : Select and approved forms of Judicial Writs , and other Process , with their returns and entries in the Court of Common Pleas at Westminster ; as also special Pleadings to Writs of Scire Facias , collected out of many choice Manuscripts , by several eminent Clerks and practisers in the said Court. Folio . This last is new . Miscelanies , being Books of several Subjects . The Compleat Vineyard , or a most excellent way for the planting of Vines , and making Wine of their Grapes , by W. Hughs . Octavo . The deaf and dumb mans discourse , being a discourse of such as are born deaf and dumb , shewing how they may express the sentiments of their minds ; together with an account of the Rationality of Beasts . The Compleat Measurer , or a new exact way of Mensuration , by Tho. Hammond . Rosetum Geometricum , sive Propositiones aliquot frustra aute hac tentata , &c. Tho. Hobbes . Quarto . The Carpenters Rule made easie , or the Art of measuring of superficies and solids , &c. third Edition ; to which is added the Art of Gaugeing . The Flower-Garden inlarged , &c. with a Treatise of Roots , Plants , &c. in his Majesties Plantations in America . Twelves . The Court of Curiosity ; wherein by the Lot , the most intricate questions are resolved , and nocturnal Dreams and Visions explained according to the Doctrine of the Antients ; to which is added a discourse of Physiognomy , and Characters of most of the Countries in Europe , Englished by J. G. Gentleman of the Inner-Temple . Twelves . Second Edition . Lux Mathematica , Excussa Collisionibus Jo. Wallisii & Tho. Hobbes , multis & fulgentissimis aucta Radiis , Authore R. R. Quarto . Principia & Problemata aliquot Geometria ante desperata , Nunc breviter Explicata & demonstrata , Auth. Tho. Hobbes . Quarto . American Physitian , treating of all the Roots , Plants , Shrubs , Trees , Herbs , &c , in America , by W. Hughes . Twelves . The Great Law of Nature , about self-preservation , vindicated against the abuses in Mr Hobbes his Leviathan . Twelves . Apothegms , or witty sentences , by Sir Fr. Bacon . Twelves . The Golden Rule of Arithmetick made more easie than the Common books of Arithmetick are , by C. H. Octavo . A Suppliment , or third Volume of Mr. Hobbes his Works . Quarto . A Letter about Liberty and Necessity , writ by Tho. Hobbes to the Duke of Newcastle , with Observations upon it , by the late Bishop of Ely. Twelves . A Treatise of Wooll and Cattle , shewing how far they raise or abate the value of our Lands . Quarto . Reflections upon Antient and modern Philosophy and Philosophers , Translated out of French into English. Octavo . Decameron Physiologicum , or Ten Dialogues of Natural Philosophy , by Tho. Hobbes of Malmsbury . To which is added the proportions of a straight line to half the Arch of a Quadrant , by the same Author . Octavo . FINIS .