A vindication of Dr. Hammonds addresse &c. from the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius, in two particulars concerning [brace] the power supposed in the Jew over his owne freedom, the no-power over a mans own life ; together with a briefe reply to Mr. Iohn Goodwins Gbeisodikai, as far as concernes Dr. Hammond. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45473 of text R35984 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H615). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 128 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 24 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45473 Wing H615 ESTC R35984 15585294 ocm 15585294 103955 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45473) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103955) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1150:3) A vindication of Dr. Hammonds addresse &c. from the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius, in two particulars concerning [brace] the power supposed in the Jew over his owne freedom, the no-power over a mans own life ; together with a briefe reply to Mr. Iohn Goodwins Gbeisodikai, as far as concernes Dr. Hammond. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. [2], 44 p. Printed for R. Royston ..., London : 1649. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. -- Addresse to the generall and counsell of war. Ascham, Antony, d. 1650. -- Original and end of civil power. Goodwin, John, 1594?-1665. -- Gbeisodikai. War -- Religious aspects -- Christianity. A45473 R35984 (Wing H615). civilwar no A vindication of Dr. Hammonds addresse, &c. from the exceptions of Eutactus Philodemius, in two particulars. Concerning the power supposed i Hammond, Henry 1649 21705 18 280 0 0 0 0 137 F The rate of 137 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VINDICATION OF Dr. HAMMONDS Addresse , &c. From the Exceptions of EVTACTVS PHILODEMIVS , IN TWO PARTICULARS . Concerning The Power supposed in the Jew , over his owne Freedome . The No-power over a mans own life . TOGETHER WITH A BRIEFE REPLY TO Mr IOHN GOODWINS {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as far as concernes Dr. HAMMOND . LONDON , Printed for R. Royston , at the Angel in Ivie-lane . 1649. A VINDICATION OF Dr. HAMMONDS Addresse , &c. § . 1. THe late Author of the Originall , and end of Civill Power , under the name of Eutactus Philodemius , hath thought fit to question two things set downe by Doctor Hammond in his Addresse to the Generall , and Counsell of War . The first is this Affirmation , That the Jew under Gods own Government might wholly give up himselfe , and his Freedome to his Masters will ( the power of life being onely exempted ) and by having his eare bored , might of a free-man , become a slave for ever . § . 2. The second is this Question , Whether ever any man was by God or Nature invested with power over his owne Life , i. e. to take away his owne life , or to kill himself ? § . 3. This Affirmation , and this Question , he willingly acknowledges , and is content that the Question shall be interpreted a down-right Negation , That never any man was by God , or Nature invested with power over his owne life , or power to kill himselfe . And having thus confest the citation , as farre as concernes him , it remaines , that I proceed to justifie , both parts of it . And to that end , I shall think my selfe sufficiently fortified by two advantages , which that Authour hath been pleased to allow me in this matter . § . 4. First , that it is not any opinion of Doctor Hammond , but the plaine words of Scripture , which are under his name , thus opposed by this Authour in both places . The former is in terminis , Exodus 21. at the beginning , If the servant shall plainly say , I love my Master , &c. I will not goe out free , Then his Master shall bring him to the Judges , &c. And his Master shall bore his eare thorow with an awle , and he shall serve him for ever . And againe , Deut. 15.16 . And it shall be , if he ( i. e. the servant set free at the Sabbatick year ) say unto thee , I will not goe away from thee , &c. Then thou shalt take an awle , and thrust it thorow his ear unto the door , and he shall be thy servant for ever , and also to thy hand-maide thou shalt doe likewise . § . 5. That a plaine place of Scripture should be thus mistaken for an Assertion of Doctor Hammond , I am not permitted to suspect , because that Author hath to his mention of the Doctors Name added the testimony of Gen. 21. which , though it be a mistake , I suppose , of the Printer , for Ex. 21. will yet be a competent testimony of that Authors opinion , that Doctor Hammond had Moses on his side , and consequently , that both were to be involv'd by him in the same condemnation . § . 6. The same , I suppose , I may assume of the other Negation questioned by him , that 't is in Doctor Hammond , but the repeating of the 6. Commandement [ thou shalt not kill ] according to the latitude , wherein all Jewish , and Christian Writers have interpreted it to the prohibition of self-murder , as hath been shewed by him at large in another place . § . 7. Having mentioned this first advantage against this Author , sufficient certainly to secure Doctor Hammond from his blame , and to make any Apologie for him unnecessary , and well-nigh scandalous ( the Word of God being able to plead its owne cause , without the assistance of any humane Advocate ) I have yet the benefit of a second kindnesse allowed me by this unknowne adversary ; which , though Scripture were not of Authority with him , would encourage the Doctor not to fear the falling under his displeasure . That is , the unreconcileablenesse of those two opinions ( the one with the other ) which he is pleased to confront to Doctor Hammond , viz. that it should be unlawfull for a Jew to give up his Freedome , ( and that servitude should be , as he calls it , an unnaturall servitude ) and yet that it should be put in his power by God and Nature ( for that is to affirme it lawfull , and agreeable to Nature ) to take away his own Life , or to kill himselfe . For it being by Job mentioned as an Aphorisme of common Nature , that a man will for his life give all he hath ; and in the accounts and practises of all men , that of Liberty being part of that all ; It will consequently be unreasonable , and impossible for him that hath once affirmed the parting with ones freedome to be an unnaturall servitude , to deny the killing of himself to be an unnaturall murther ; And therefore , having so faire advantages before me , not onely the Scripture in terminis on my side , but this Adversary , by so easie a consequence , become my Second also , I am ( not unwillingly ) perswaded to tender a brief reply to those reasons , which seeme to have drawn this Author into this casuall dispute , and to endeavour the preventing of those Errours ; to which , a Philodemius , or popular disputer may in such an Age of Licentiousnesse betray others . § . 8. To the case of the Jewish Servant , giving up his freedome to his Master , ( which was by the Doctor mentioned out of Moses ) the Authour hath framed three Answers . § . 9. The first , That it cannot be affirmed upon good and pregnant grounds , that from nature the Jew had any such power , but that God onely permitted it to be so ; and the Jew , by this unnaturall servitude to his master , was a fit type of that slavery that man should be in unto Sin , to obey it in the lusts thereof ; for his servants we are whom we obey . § . 10. To this I Answer , That the affirmation of Moses in the Scripture , [ That this was permitted by God to the Jewes ] is to me a good and pregnant ground that the Jew had this power under Gods own Government , which is all that he affirmes to be affirmed by Doctor Hammond in that place ; and therefore , the putting in those other words [ Of the Jewes not having it from Nature ] seemes to be on purpose designed to take off from the clearnesse , and the pregnancy of the probation , and so onely to darken , but not to invalidate the argument . § . 11. But then secondly , I adde , that Gods permitting any thing to any man , is a pregnant argument , that from Nature that man hath that power : If by Power we mean a morall power , or power of doing it without Sin ; And if by Gods permission we understand his Approbation , as of a lawfull fact . For , thus it is certaine , that God never so permits , as to approve ( or not prohibite ) any thing , which by the Law of Nature may not be done without sinne . For the Law of Nature being the Law of God , as truly as any positive Law of his promulgating ; and God in all his Lawes being constant to himselfe , so farre as never to prohibit , and permit the same thing at the same time to the same men ; It is most certaine , that what God thus permits , Nature permits also , i. e. Leaves it lawfull to be done , or possible without Sinne . § . 12. But if by Permission this Author meanes no more then dispensation , or grant of present Impunity , such as in the Jewish Common-wealth was ( for the hardnesse of their hearts ) allowed in the businesse of divorce , or ( for the multiplying of them ) in polygamy , then it will sure rest upon him to prove , and not only , as he saith , to suppose , that God thus ( and thus only ) permitted it to be so : But this I shall suppose impossible to be proved , though it cannot lie upon me to demonstrate the Negative , nor shall I so much fear the probablenesse of his unprov'd groundlesse supposition , as to endeavour it . For indeed , what degree of likenesse is there betwixt those divorces and polygamies , ( which were such inordinate Liberties ) and this other of divesting himselfe of Liberty ? Only the same that is betwixt two Contraries . § . 13. I shall not need further to insist on this , both for the plaine words of Scripture , and because it is the acknowledgment of this very Author , page 18. That this may lawfully be done for the obtaining of a greater good , which being compared with Rom. 3. ver. 8. makes up a demonstration , that a man hath this power , i. e. that he may lawfully doe it . For 't is not the intuition of the greatest morall good , much lesse of the greatest advantage to my self , or any other , that may make that lawfull which in it self is unlawfull , or which by nature man hath not power to doe . § . 14. And therefore , when he addes , [ That in this the Jew was a fit type of mans slavery to sinne ] as t' will be easily granted , that he was ( as type signifies Image or Embleme ) so sure it will not prove that this servitude of the Jew , was an unnaturall servitude , any more then any other parts of the Judaicall Law , ( which either in the intention of the Law-giver , or by the wit of Man can be made an Image of any present state , or condition of men ) can by that one Argument be proved to be unnaturall . For , sure all types are not by that one evidence of their being types demonstrated to be sinfull , especially when they are instituted , or permitted by God , and by that appeare to be agreeable to his will , in Opposition to , or Variation from which all sinne , or Obliquity consists : Or if this charge must fall singly on this Type , but not on all others ( as sure the Passeover , which was a Type , was not yet unnaturall , and so of the rest ) then must this charge be proved by some other medium , then by this onely , that it is a Type ; and till that be produced , I must think this way of discourse ( which first supposes this giving up of the Jewes Liberty to be a Type , and then concludes it unnaturall for being such ) to be the proving of quidlibet ex quolibet , the same with his , which first supposes a live man to be a Picture , and then sends him a challenge for being such : Certainly such reasoning is too very loose , and light , to set any good Character on that cause that wants such supporters . § . 15. His second answer is yet a little more strange , and such as could not yet easily have been foreseene , or expected , That his having his ear bored was a punishment for his contempt of that Liberty , &c. T is sufficiently known that this boring of the ear was the ceremony of receiving a Servant among the Jewes ; and therefore , when David saith of Christ , But mine eare hast thou opened , 't is acknowledg'd , that thereby was denoted his taking on him the forme of a servant . This boring of the ear with an awle was no very painfull thing , sure not so much as Circumcision ; and yet 't would be a little strange , that when a Proselite was received among the Jewes with Circumcision , that should be deemed a punishment on him for his not continuing a Gentile , or that his Conversion to Judaisme , of which this was the Ceremony , should be thereupon counted an unnaturall Sinne : The answering such Arguments as these , would require a more chearfull , and pleasant humour , then the times , or occasion of these debates will well permit . § . 16. The last Answer lookes a little more demurely , That his giving himselfe up to be a slave for ever , did referre to , and terminate in the year of Jubilee , &c. and that he did not make himself irrecoverably a slave , &c. [ That this was to terminate in the year of Jubilee ] is said without farther proof , then onely of this untestified affirmation in a Parenthesis , that that was the year of his freedome from that servitude which the corruption of his own will had brought upon him , which is the proving a thing by a bare repeating of it in other words , and onely throwing a little durt upon it . For how doth it appear that it is a piece of Corruption ( for a man that loves his Master , as the Text saith , and is better pleased with his service , then with his former liberty ) thus to choose that which he likes best ? Or how comes the casting off Liberty to be a corruption of the will , when casting off yokes , and servitude is made capable of so good a Character ? Had the words of Saint Paul , speaking of servants , [ If thou canst be free , use it rather ] been brought to back this bare Assertion , there had been some tolerable excuse for such a begging of the question as this : But those words extend not to a command , that every man should be obliged to be free , that can , but onely to a permission , that , if he will rather use it ( i. e. preferre this Liberty ) he most lawfully , and commendably may . But this Authour hath not thought fit to make this Interpretation , or account of that place necessary to be given him . As for the truth of his Affirmation , that this Bondman with his ear bored , was released at the year of Jubilee , 't is that , which , as it doth not well consist with the words of Moses , [ He shall serve him for ever ] Exod. 21.6 . and Deut. 15.17 . so it is not proved by any other place , or made probable that [ for ever ] is not an absolute [ for ever . ] One place in Leviticus , there is Chap. 25.41 . which saith , that the poor Brother that is sold to be a bond servant , shall be free at the year of Jubilee , and proportionably the servant ( spoken of by me in Exodus and Deuteronomy ) is to be set free from that servitude , to which he was sold ( i. e. the forced and constrein'd , not purely voluntarily servitude ) in the seventh , or sabbatick year , and so by the same reason in the Jubilee , which is the great Sabbatick ( made up of seven times seven ) in the place of Leviticus . § . 17. But this Author must mark , that this person thus set free , is not the Jew of whom Doctor Hammond spake , but the other that hath made the voluntary surrender of his Liberty , he that , when the Sabbatick yeare comes ( or consequently the year of Jubilee , which offers him the same release ) resolves , that he will not goe out free , refuses to make use of the advantage of a Jubilee , and so hath no more releases behind ; and consequently by this act of his is in an irreversible estate , remains a servant for ever . And so this more specious answer appeares to have as little of truth , or substance in it , as the two former . § . 18. To which , yet I might further adde , That in case it were granted , that the next year of Jubilee gave this man release also , yet would not this avoid the concludency of this place for the lawfulnesse of giving up our Liberty ( which is the onely point in hand ) because he that can doe it for seven , or for fifty yeares , can surely doe it : and although having done it , he shall have Liberty , after that number of yeares , to retract , if he please , yet is this no obligation that he shall retract , but onely a priviledge that he may , which priviledge he may againe as lawfully deny himselfe to make use of , as before he did of his first Liberty . § . 19. Mean while the conclusion , or close of this Authors reasoning is a little more extraordinary yet . For having from ( the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} of ) the Jubilee , inferr'd that he did not make himself irrecoverably a slave , he proceeds . [ And if so ( i. e. sure , if he made not himselfe a slave irrecoverably ) where is the warrant from God , or Nature , from passiing away his freedome , or Liberty at all ? and if so , how without recall , and irreversibly ? ] Is it possible this Author could think these conclusions demonstrated so logically , as that he should set them downe by way of question , which supposes them irrefragable at the first asking ? § . 20. For the first of them , is not the contrary most demonstrable ? that if he were a slave till the year of Jubilee , ( as t is confest he was , and withall that he was so by Gods permission ) then there is warrant from God for passing away his Liberty in some degree , and for some space , though not irrevocably . Doth not he serve at all , that serves not eternally ? or is that no warrant at all , which is such for a limited time only ? Then sure are we not at all permitted to be men , or warranted by God ▪ or Nature , to live in this world , because we have our Jubilee too , our time of manumission from hence . § . 21. And for the second , what is that but a plaine Circle , first to infer the [ not at all ] from the [ not irrevocably ] and then in same breath , the [ not irrovocably ] from the [ not at all . ] How reconcileable this is with the Authours popular title of Philodemius I dispute not , but resolve , it is not the particular merit which bestowed on him that other more regular of Eutactus . § . 22. And for the dexterity that is exprest in the conclusion of the whole section , [ That therefore , that absolute , and unreserved resignation of a mans native Liberty , &c. without any just condition , or adaequate exchange , ( which saith he , is hereby pleaded for by the Doctor ) can have no rise , or origination from God , or reasonable nature ] ( imposing on the Doctor directly against his sense , those words of so irrationall importance , [ without any just condition , or adaequate exchange ] I shall suppose that this was an effect of the necessary wants of his cause , and a discreet praevision that his conclusion could not subsist without such supplies , which made him venture on such indirect meanes . § . 23. For Doctor Hammond is not such an enemy to man-kind , as to plead for such irrationall actings , or to become his advocate that makes imprudent , or unthrifty bargaines , ( though by the strength of his free will to evill , he may possibly do so sometimes , and be obliged by his owne act , and justly suffer the inconveniences , and smarts of it ) but resolveth , that both the Campanians in their dedition , and the Barbarians in their request to the Romans , that they might have leave to become their servants ; and the Jew in Moses's supposition , that loved his Master , and preferr'd his service before his manumission , ( I shall adde my selfe also , who professe to prefer ( in my choice for my selfe ) subjection before absolute Liberty , nay , before Soveraignty it selfe , and believe it a farre more sober , and consequently rationall speech in Saul , 1 Sam. 9.21 . which exprest some aversation to Samuels proposal about anointing him , then that other of Absolons , O that I were a Judge , or King , &c. ) did all part with their Liberty upon adequate exchanges , such , as they ( which were the fittest judges what themselves thought ) did conceive to be the full worth of the commodity they parted with : And such a rationall power of parting with absolute Liberty for somewhat that I like better , ( i. e. for subjection to Government , which is , 1. in it selfe , farre removed from slavery ; and 2. is the onely way to secure men from the danger of it ) is all that that Addresse had occasion to assert , or plead for at that time . § . 24. One thing more there is , which I may be allowed to adde , ( having thus farre reply'd to all his answers ) that the conclusion which was in the Addresse inferr'd from that practice of the Jewes , was farther confirm'd by the practice of diverse Heathens , who can neither be excused by the pretence of a permission , or speciall dispensation from God to doe unnaturall things ( as he thinks may be affirmed of the Jew ) nor yet were observed by the most rational Historians to have done any thing contrary to Reason or Nature , in changing absolute Liberty for somewhat which seemed better , and more advantagious to them , to wit , for security , and protestion , i. e. in changing a state of common hostility , ( the unhappiest lot in nature ) for that other ( set down by the Apostle as the object of their Christian * pursuite , and emulation , and * contention ) a quiet setled peace . The advantage of which change , he that is not inclined to acknowledge , must be of a temper of minde , or body so distant from that , which God hath given me , that I shall not wonder , that that which seemes to me most demonstractively asserted , is to him so farre from being acknowledged such . I shall adde no more to the vindicating of the first proposition , till I meet with the temptation of better , or more dangerous arguments against it . § . 25. I proceed as briefly to the second , which is proposed in the Addresse by way of question , Whether ever any man was by God , or Nature , invested with power of his owne Life , i. e. with power to take away his owne Life , to kill himselfe ? The vindicating of which , I must acknowledge a taske , to which I did not expect , that the Doctor should be call'd ; having not , till now , been so fully convinced of the danger , and ill consequences of favouring the excesses of those mens wits , who have maintained paradoxes , or of the improvidence of those that have tempted others by the publishing of them . § . 26. For certainly about two yeares since , before the time , that the postthumous {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} : was set out , a man might in this Nation have adventur'd to have asked so calme a question [ whether a man might Lawfully kill himself ? ] and not have feared a challenge in Print for this injury , or encroachment upon the liberty of our Nature . And I conceive those Lawes of our Land , which have look'd on this selfe-slaughter , as an inhumane crime , and punish'd it after Death , with the deniall of Christian buriall , & a marke of reproach upon the grave , might , when time was , have been able to have come in to the assistance of so known a truth ; had not the sacred rites of Christian buryall been now so despised , and profaned , that the wanting them hath ceased to be esteemed a punishment among us ; had not the Custome of killing other men so harass'd our Consciences , and obliterated all the remainders of written , and unwritten Lawes , that we need not be wondred at , if the swords , which have been so flesht abroad , mistake their way sometimes , and return on the owners brests . And lastly , had not the deduction been so prone , and easie from the Generall , to the particulars , from the Lawfulnesse of a Nations destroying it selfe , to a single persons going and doing likewise , from the justifying of civil intestine slaughters of the publicke , to that other more tolerable crime of a single violence . § . 26. As it is , I shall not endeavour to perswade my selfe ( as the Pyrrhonian in Sextus Empiricus , would teach me to do ) that I was in a dream , when I read D. Hammond cited , and confuted for thus affirming ; I must rather provide for the encounter , and hasten to answer the arguments , which this Author hath offered against this branch of the sixt commandement ( as he met with it in the Doctors hands ) or else t will be possible this opinion may gather Proselytes also in this age , wherein nothing can be said so incredible , which some men doe not make a shift to take up , and believe very contentedly . § . 27. His first argument is drawne from the Doctors Concession , that man hath power from God and Nature over his owne body to cut , and lance it , and over his owne freedome to passe it away , from whence , if he doe any thing , he must undertake to conclude , that therefore he hath power over his life also ; And to doe that , he must make good these three things : § . 28. 1. That since the confutation of the former proposition , he hath now chang'd his minde , and agrees with Doctor Hammond , that a man hath from God or Nature power over his freedome to passe it away , ( for otherwise , though it will be an advantage against Doctor Hammond , who confest it , yet will it not be of use to himself who professeth the contrary ) and again that he hath forgotten , what in his very last period he had affirmed [ that God doth not intrust and allow any man to have power to destroy his owne image , i. e. to take away mans life , but him , or them whom he makes Gods , i. e. Magistrates to whom he deputes his owne place ] for sure it cannot be thought , that every private man in the community of Nature , is such a Vicegerent of God , or Magistrate . § . 29. 2. That the argument , à minori ad majus affirmativè , is valid , against all Logicke , viz : That he that hath power over the body , or over freedome , is supposed to have power over Life also , and so that the Surgeon , that may scarify the flesh , or cut off an Arme , may therefore as Lawfully slash the throate , and cut off the head also , and in like manner that the Master by being such , is become the Judge of his Servant , and hath among Christians that power of his Life , which he hath seldome been allowed among the worst of Heathens . § . 30. And 3. That God , which hath put something in our power , is thereby obliged to reserve nothing to himselfe ; Or that by giving us the usus fructus , or benefits of Life , he hath giving us the absolute dominion , and propriety of it also . § . 31. But without either of these 3 more difficult undertakings , the Authour hath attempted an easier way , by supposing that neither cutting of flesh , nor Parting with freedome may be endured by God or Nature , unlesse they referre to such an end , whereby a farre greater good is to be enjoyed , and obtained : that cutting or lancing ( without this necessary circumstance of a greater good ) is a step or degree toward selfe murther , &c. From whence the Conclusion , I suppose , must be , that by the same reason the Killing of ones selfe , may then also be conceiv'd allowable by God , when it is referr'd by me to such an end , whereby a far greater good is to be enjoyed , and obtained , but never else . § . 32. To which I shall make these clear Replyes , 1. That a thing directly forbidden by God , cannot be thought approveable by him , upon the referring of it to a morall ( much lesse if it be but an advantagious or profitable ) good end . Their damnation is just , that say , they may doe evill that good may come : And that this is not a begging of the question ; but that , indeed , self-homicide is evill , and forbidden by God , will be clear by remembring these three things , 1. That the command of not killing , is indefinite ; and that he that kils himselfe , doth certainly kill , that he that sheds his own bloud , sheds the bloud of a Man : and 2. That the Image of God residing on him ( which is the ground of this prohibition in Moses , Gen. 9.6 . ) is as truly so , when 't is beheld in the reflexion , as when in the direct line , in my self , as in any other man . 3. That the power of Life is Reserved a peculiar to God , and not communicated to the Creature , ( save onely to his Vice-gerent ) which may thus appear . God as the Creator of the World , and sole doner of life must be acknowledged to have the dominion over it : This dominion consequently is communicated to none but to those to whom by God it is communicated ; To the Magistrate this power is given by that Law of God , whereby he prescribes the putting certain Malefactors to Death ; and whereby he constitutues the Magistrate his Vice-gerent on Earth , and so the executioner of that Law , an avenger for wrath , Rom. 13. And whosoever will challenge the like power , must shew the like charter , and evidence ; and if he cannot doe that , that is sufficient to prove that he hath it not ; As 't is sufficient to convict any man of the injustice of any his claime to my estate , that he cannot shew any deed whereby it was convey'd to him from me ; And there need no other Affirmative proof against such an one , then that it was once in me , and it appeares not how it parted from me to any other . And therefore , till some evidence be produced , ( which I suppose will never be ) that this power of life is made over from God to every private man , the demonstration is abundantly clear , that that power is not in any private man any more over himselfe then others . And it is observable to this very purpose , that though the Stoicks , to teach their Disciples apathy , or courage against whatsoever events did talk of that sure remedy against all temporal pressures , the going out , or killing themselves , ( looking on it favourably as a refuge , or sanctuary from all those things which might otherwise be phansied unsupportable ) yet when they considered it this other way , ( as every thing , they said , had two handles ) i. e. in respect of God , who placed them here ; it was generally resolved by them , viz. by Seneca , and the wisest of them ( and the more foolish of that Sect , are seldome found to practice the contrary ) that we must not on our own heads desert our station , but maintaine that ground on which our Generall hath set us , and waite with courage and patience , till he think fit to command us off againe . As for the other two , power over the flesh , and the freedome , the cutting of one , and parting with the other , they are no degrees toward the taking away life , but on the contrary are used on purpose for the preserving of it , in its being , or well being , the one by the rules of physick , the other of policy ; and therefore is the power of those allowed us by God , and Nature , because they are thus instrumentall to that end , and submitted to our discretion , because they may be so . Thus are some things referred to the Stewards judgement , and put into his power , to dispose for the good of the Family , and yet others reserv'd peculiar , and sacred in the Masters own hands . Thus are my Writings put into my Lawyers hand , for him to use to the preserving of my Estate ; yet is not my Estate put into his power to dispose of it at his pleasure for some greater end . And the argument would be very infirme , because that power which the Steward , or Lawyer hath intrusted to him , ought not to be used by him , but in order to some good end ; that therefore , that which is not so entrusted to him , may be thus assumed also . Some rayes there have alwayes been communicated from Heaven to this Earth of ours ; and yet some Flowers of of that celestiall Crown , which have been reserved as sacred , and incommunicable . And so there will be no kind of weight or concludency in this present way of arguing , this ballancing of flesh or liberty with Life , till it appear also from the same , or equall evidence , that those are reserved by God , as Life appears to be . This certainly without any more help , is a full satisfaction to this argument . § . 33. But then secondly , & ex abundanti , the Killing my self is no way ordinable to good , 1. 'T is not ordinable to mine owne present worldly advant●ge , as lancing , and subjection may be , that is clear ; and that is a reason why God should not give us this Liberty , ( though if we were not able to render reasons , the wisdome of the Law-giver were reason enough ) and for future advantages to my selfe , the being with Christ , which is farre better , 1. that cannot be taken notice of by bare Nature , till that be Christianized : and then 2. according to the Christians rules , we have all reason to resolve that 't will not be purchast by any other way , but by that which God hath prescribed toward it , i. e. by lawfull unprohibited courses . It being evident , that the Crown which is held in Gods hand shall not be dispenced to any , but those which doe {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , strive lawfully , and that patience of waiting till God calls , is one of the Lawes that are thus prescribed in our {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . § . 34. As for advantages to others , the Publick-weal , or peace , 't is not imaginable , how the killing my self can be directly , or otherwise then by accident , ordinable to that ; whatsoever can be conceived of it , will be as sufficiently provided for by the Magistrates having power of life ; and that he may have from God immediately , as well as he can be supposed to have it from any act of collation from me , if 't were in my power . § . 35. Lastly , For any morall , or Christian virtue , or yet farther , the illustrating of the Glory of our Creatour , ( which alone deserve the title of good ends ) 't is not the having an unlimited power , that immediately , or directly contributes to these , but the making use of the limited powers we have , the imploying the lives which he hath given us , according to his will , and not the destroying them contrary to it , I shall not need to prosecute this . All that is in this place pretended by the Author to this purpose , is onely this , that a man may freely consent , and willingly expose his life to death for a greater , or publiker good . § . 36. Where by consenting I shall suppose him to mean a consent of the will to that action which immediately followes , i. e. to the exposing his life to death , ( and if by consent he should mean any thing else , as the consenting , that the other shall kill him , or the making it free and lawfull to that other , to take away his Life , then hath he put two very distant things together , and so 't is but the ordinary fallacy plurium interrogationum , and in that Notion of Consenting I shall anon shew that man may not , i. e. hath not power so to Consent . ) And to the proving of this , it is , that his remaining endeavours ( as farr as concernes Doctor Hommond ) are directed . And accordingly he saith , He will be so bold as to state the Question as it ought , i. e. to remove it from the words and sence wherein Doctor Hammond proposed it ( and in which it is that his whole discourse is grounded ) to those other words of his owne , most extreamly distant in sound and sence ; and in which I am as confident , that the truth is on his side , ( if Consent signifie no more then I take it to signifie ) as I am , that that truth doth not contradict those other truths , which by Doctor Hammond are superstructed on his foundation ; or that the Proposition , as 't is stated by the Doctor , is all that is necessary to be affirm'd for the founding of the rest of his discourse . § . 37. For I desire to know , whether there be no difference betwixt killing my self , and exposing my life to death ? If so , then it must be not onely lawfull so to kill my self ( which is all the Author demands ) but sometimes an act of duty , and necessity also : For so certainly ( in the assisting my Soveraign , or Country to hazard , and expose my life , when I am thereto lawfully called ; and so againe , to suffer Martyrdome in the confession of Christ , or discharge of any Christian duty , is not onely lawfull for me to doe , but I sinne if I doe it not . And yet I doe not perceive that this Authour hath laid this obligation , or necessity on himselfe , or any man else in any case to kill ( or lay violent hands upon ) himselfe , and so I suppose he is still of the Doctors mind , ( though he be willing to conceal it ) that there is a difference between these . § . 38. And if there yet want any farther light to the clearing of this difference between this [ having power of my owne life so as to kill my selfe , and that [ having power of my life , so as to expose it , or venture it in a good Cause ] I shall ( for the concluding of this Paper ) propose the plaine difference betweene them . § . 39. And that may be taken from the nature of the word [ exposing ] for that we know signifies no more , then to submit it to an hazard , and so to expose my life , is to hazard my life : In doing so , all that can be affirm'd of me , is no more then this , that I am willing , or content ( and by my actions expresse that willingnesse ) to lose my life , if God please to permit it to be taken from me . § . 40. When my life is thus lost , three things must necessarily concurre to it , 1. The Violence of the invader ; 2. The Providence of God permitting him to invade ; and 3. My not resisting , or my not using the meanes ( which were naturally possible for me to use ) to prevent , or avoid the violence of this invasion , as when Christ might have used Angels ( and another slight , and a third complyance , and caution ) but chooseth not to doe so . Of these three the onely efficient cause of the action ( of killing ) is the malicious violent invader ; sure neither the providence of God in permitting , nor my owne meeknesse , or obedience to Christ in following him , though it be to the very Crosse . § . 41. In this case , supposing that it be for a good End that I now expose my life ; it is also supposed , that the pursuance of that end is either duty in me , a thing that I am absolutely bound to , as the Confession of Christ , &c. or else that t is excesse of Charity , to which , though it be not under particular precept , yet the Intuition of some great , and glorious end doth so invite , and incline me , that t is heroicall Virtue in me to doe it , and that which ( though God doth not so require it of me , as that I sinne , if I doe it not , yet ) he hath promised to reward abundantly , whensoever 't is done for his sake . § . 42. In the former of these cases , when the pursuance of that good end is strict duty , as in case I am commanded to confesse Christ , or to assist my Prince in protecting my Country , There as my endeavour is required of me by that precept , so is my utmost endeavour , such as I must not remit , whatsoever the danger be ; And if that danger prove to be the utmost danger , even of my l●fe it selfe , yet the command of Constancy , of not fearing , or fainting , and the character of perfect love given by Saint John , that it casts out fear , and the denunciations against the fearfull , or cowardly , doe all joyne to extend my obligation , to pursue this so necessary End without any receding , and if the Crosse it self lie in my way toward this end , to take it up , i. e. willingly to submit to Gods Providence , which hath thought fit to call me to this Tryall , if it be even of resisting unto bloud . And so still all that I doe , is the constant , patient , chearfull submission to Gods Will ( in his providentiall disposing of my life , and in permitting the injurious to take it from me ) and nothing else ; an absolute choise of Obedience , but not of Death ; a sacrificing to duty all desire of Life , but not otherwise undertaking to dispose of it . § . 43. Hence is it that my venturing of my Life doth not clear , or free the Invader , from any degree of sinne , or guilt in thus taking it away from me . 'T was but a Sarcasme or Trope in Julians Souldiers , to say , they did not wrong the Christians by killing them , but onely hasten them to their desired home : And the Fathers were able to answer the Paralogisme by the rule in Ethickes , distinguishing betwixt a mixt , and absolute will ; and so concluding their slaughters to be Injuries , though they were willingly embraced , the Persecutors to be Persecutors still , though the other were Martyrs . § . 44. Which is a demonstrative proof , that 't is the Invader , not Sufferer , whose act the killing is supposed to be , and so that I am not in this case of exposing my Life , supposed to give any Consent that he shall kill me , or consequently to divest my self of the power of my life , or indeed to have any such power over it . For whatsoever is absolutely in my power to dispose of , that I may lawfully consent to part with ; That if I doe part with it , ipso facto , and jure * becomes his , to whom I part with it ( and if there be any errour in it , 't is chargeable on the giver , who was thus profusely Liberall above the proportion : ) And consequently for him to take and use it , is in him no sinne ; As that part of my Estate which is in my power , may by me be past over to another by gift , and being so , is lawfully possest , and enjoy'd by the receiver . § . 45. And therefore , I say , if the lawfullnesse of the exposing my Life would conclude me to have a power over it , it must be as perfectly lawfull for the Tyrant , into whose hands my Life ( in the confessing of Christ ) is by me exposed , to take that Life from me , as 't is for the poor man into whose hands my goods are by me put ( in obedience to Christs command of mercifulness ) to receive , and carry away those goods ; which being an absurdity too grosse to be defended by any , will , I suppose , incline this Author to discerne the distance betwixt the questions , as the one is by him , and as the other was by Doctor Hammond proposed . § . 46. And in like manner also , when the End pursued by me , is ( though not absolutely necessary , yet ) better and more excellent ; there the Precept of being faithfull unto death , and the promise of reward made to him tht layes down , or loses his life for Christs sake , doe as much oblige to constancy , at least , as much assure that such constancy shall be acceptable to God , ( and that the more by how much greater the hazards , and terrours , and temptations are to the contrary ) as when the particular matter of the action was under precept . And so that other accidentall difference will make no variation in the main , nor make it at all probable , that exposing my life heroically was not warranted by God , when exposing it necessarily , was supposed to be so : it being as certain that God doth warrant me to doe that which he commends , as what he strictly commands to me : And therefore what was said in the case of duty , doth as truly hold ( and so needes not to be repeated againe ) in this case of [ more excellent ] also . § . 47. Having thus far proceeded , it will now be unnecessary for me to answer the Arguments which this Author addes in this matter , because the Question being by him changed from that , which was proposed by Doctor Hammond ( and stated Negatively ) to another , which no man can be more ready to affirme , and assert then that Doctor ; It would be an impertinent nicenesse in him to refuse to have his Opinion confirmed by another mans reasons ; I shall rather wish that all his proofs were demonstrative , and effectuall to conclude , what Doctor Hammond affirms with him ; and onely briefly shew , that they are ineffectuall to prove what that Doctor denies , and that will soon be done by the most cursory mention of them . § . 48. For first , I grant with him that God permitted his owne Sonne to be put to death by the hands of violent , and unjust men , but see no consequence from thence , that Christ , as a Man might lawfully have taken away his own Life ; as for the phrase of laying down the life for the sheep , that sure signifies not the killing himself , for the goodnesse of the Shepheard consists not in that ) the cutting his owne throat , when the Wolfe invades the Flock ; but the making use of his Life to the utmost , wherein it may be advantageous to the Sheep , and venturing , and hazarding it in their defence , or quarrell ; yea , and contentedly suffering ( not acting in ) his own death , that he may be able to avert theirs . For this is the meaning of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to lay downe the life , ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , to venture himselfe voluntarily into danger , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , in the notion in which the Greek Glossaries explain the phrase , from {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , i. e. {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in Hesychius , and the Latine , Parabelanum animae suae esse , i. e. all one with {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) to expose it , not to be so solicitous for the defence of it , as to forgoe da●y , or charity , or care of the poor sheep intrusted to him , for the preserving of it . § . 49. A second Argument is by this Author touched on ( though not formally urged by him ) that the preserving whole societies from perishing is a good , and a publick end , and that the impunity of offenders being the readiest way to the dissolution , and destruction of societies , Nature is supposed to dictate that one man should rather justly die , than whole societies unjustly perish . This Conclusion , and Premisses , the Doctor doth , as the Author foresaw , most willingly acknowledge , but withall discernes not , how it proves that a man hath power over his owne life : It will be sufficient if God by any other meanes ( as by instating it in the Prince &c. ) do place that power of life in others . The utmost which this way of arguing can pretend to conclude , is , 1. That whatsoever any man hath in his own power , that t is reasonable for him to deliver up into the Governours hand , ( thus to make it easie , or possible to discharge his trust , and by these advantages to contribute to the publike quiet and weale . ) Nay 2. that God that hath the power of life , and sees how usefull 't is to have that vested in Governours , should consequently be supposed so to vest it ( And that he doth so , is the clear acknowledgment of the Addresse . ) § . 50. But sure it cannot extend so farre , as to make a man give ( or have ) that which he hath not , nor to restraine God from having the sole Originall power of that , which otherwise might be acknowledged to be vested in him . § . 51. As for the supposition , which the Author here addes on the back of this , [ In case 10 men in the community of Nature chose one to rule over them , and one of them thus spontaneously subjected shall murther one of his fellow Subjects ] ( whereupon he demands whether the ruler so set up may not by his own consent by virtue of that power he received from him among the rest , put such a Murtherer to death ) To this I answer , that the Governour may in this case put the Murtherer to death , but this not by virtue of any power , or consent of the Murtherer , but by authority from God , who alone hath the power of life ; In relation to which it is that the Governour is styled {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Minister of God , in this very notion , as he is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , an avenger for wrath or punisher of offenders . § . 52. That which is in the Subjects power the Governour may have by the Subjects consent , and by virtue of the power which he received from him ; And therefore it is that the power of violent resisting invaders , the right of repelling force by force , which God and Nature hath given the single man in community of Nature , is now , in case of submission to the Governour , parted with , and deposited by him , so far as refers to the Governor , and though it be founded in selfe-defence , yet he that thus violently resists the powers , shall receive to himselfe damnation . § . 53. But still that which is not in the Subjects power , is not , nay cannot be vested by the subject in the Governour , but flowes from an higher principle ( from him that really hath the power ) and comes from the Subjects consent , onely , as from the causa sine quâ non , or by way of resultance ; That as God communicates not this power of life to any but the Governour ; so that mans Consent , that hee should be his Governour , doth remotely ( and by way of condition , or qualifying of the subject to a capacity of receiving that power from God ) concurre to the vesting of that power in that person . Thus doth the temper of the aire contribute to the qualifying the slime , or putrid matter to receive influences from the Sunne , and then those influences beget life in it , and endow it with that higher principle , which the temper of the aire , that contributed all it could , ( having not thus much in its power ) could not be affirm'd to contribute to it . § . 54. And so you see the Doctors way of stating this question doth as fully provide for the punishing of Malefactors , and preserving of communities , as the supposing the power of life to proceed originally from the People , would be able to doe ; As he that affirmes the Soule in every birth to be infused by God , makes as sure a provision for Generation , and consequently for the preservation of the humane species , as they that suppose the Soul to be traduced from the Parents , as well as the Body . § . 55. His last Argument is from Rom. 5.7 . For a good man one would dare to die , i. e. saith he , would with the presence of a resolved Spirit die ; the word [ daring ] saith he , noting a presence of minde terrified with no dangers . To this Argument againe , as far as by the Author it can be extended , i. e. to the acknowledgement , or concluding of the lawfullnesse of a valiant couragious suffering of death , either for a publick good , or for some act of eminent private charity , I am fully of the Authors mind . § . 56. But the word [ dying ] in that place , signifying no more then submission of the Will , contentednesse , or willingnesse to suffer death , not by his owne , but by some other mans hands , an {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a taking those blowes ( though never so sharp and mortall ) on his owne shoulders , and brest , which were meant by the Enemy to another ( to the mercifull , or good man in that Text ) there is no Logick can conclude from hence , that a man hath any power over his owne life , to take it away from himselfe by any act of force , ( as {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} among the Attick Writers , is , saith Phrynicus , used {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , He that kils himselfe , takes upon him an Independent Authority over himselfe ) or to give it into another mans hands , so that he may without any farther Authority ( without any investiture of the power of the Sword from God ) lawfully take it from him . I shall conclude this with an observation of Boethius , that the love of life is not seated in the will of the Creature , but in the principles of Nature . That so our lives may not be ventured on the uncertainties & hazards of our owne passions , or satieties , which may incl●ne the will to prefer death sometimes , but in the instincts of that more constant immutable Rule , which alwayes prescribes the preserving of those treasures , by God and Nature entrusted to us . § . 57. Having made this short , and suddaine returne to this Authors reasonings , Doctor Hammond will leave the matter most willingly , where this Author hath placed it , at the feet of all ingenuous , and unprejudiced Readers , and will endeavour ( as unpassionately as any man ) to approve himself a Servant of Reason , and embracer , or friend of Truth , wheresoever he meets with it ; upon which score , he is content to acknowledge some Obligations to this Author , who hath occasioned this farther survey of his former affirmations , and given all other men some cause to be more confirmed in the perswasion and assurance of the truth of them . And thus much I conceive is sufficient to have said upon this occasion . § . 58. BUt it seemes the Readers quiet is not to be obtain'd so easily ; for while that which hath been thus said was under the Printers hand , Mr. John Goodwin's {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} came forth , and by the mention of Doctor Hammonds name twice in his Title page , gave reason to delay this Vindication so long , till it might appear whether 't would be usefull to adde any thing to it ( upon this new occasion ) by way of Post-script . And herein it hath proved a little unluckily , that this second Advocate of the same cause falling upon this passage in the Addresse ( the Subject of our present discourse ) hath yet in his judgement upon it so varied from the former Author , that as he hath yeilded the question hitherto debated , and confest that no man hath by nature the power over his owne life ; so he hath provided a new task for me , by denying the Doctors consequence from hence , [ that then this power cannot be derived to Kings by Men , or from the People . ] This I confesse is somewhat strange that that should be imagined derivable by men , or from the people , which at the same time 't is confest no man hath . I have lately learn'd a * Scotch Proverb from Master Henderson , and finde by search the meaning of it to be this plaine English , that nothing is derivable from any place , which was never there : and Mr. Goodwin acknowledges the strength of that consequence to stand in the authority of this Maxime , Nihil dat quod non habet , Nothing gives that to another which it hath not it selfe . And truly , I shall never desire a firmer basis for any conclusion of mine then such an acknowledged Principle as this . Should I finde any part of my possessions in M. Goodwins hands , and he justifie his Title to it , by pretending the donation , or sale from Philodemius to him , and I produce evidence that this was never in the possession of Philodemius , would there be any more required of me , to conclude consequently , that 't was not derivable from Philodemius to him ? would it not be a strange reply , to say , That this consequence depended on the Authority of a Topick Maxime ? The word [ Topicke ] I suppose to be here prefixt by him upon a designe of diminution , as Topicall is equivalent with probable , and oppos'd to demonstrative . But I hope this is not thus a Topick Maxime . Can any demonstration be more convincing , then that which is built upon a Principle , as acknowledg'd as any in the Mathematicks , and the contrary of which implies a contradiction [ to have , and not to have ? ] § . 59. As for the reason of denying this consequence , which Master Goodwin renders , because [ though no particular man hath by nature this power over his owne Life , yet as a member of community he hath , not simply a power , but a necessity lying upon him by way of duty , &c. to consent with others , that his life shall be taken from him ] 1. 'T is not to me imaginable , that he should have a necessity of duty lying upon him ▪ who hath not simply a power , meaning , as here he must , a power of doing it lawfully . And 2. For this power , or necessity of consenting onely ( as that differs frōthe power of giving ) this will be of no kind of force , unlesse it also appear that the Magistrate derives the power of life ( which is suppos'd to be in him ) from this consent of theirs , or that it is this consent of theirs , and nothing else which gives him that power . But this is so far from being proved , that it is not so much as affirm'd by Master Goodwin : And on the other side 't is clear , that the bare consenting that a thing shall be taken out of my hands , is very distant from the taking upon me to give it ; the latter pretends and supposeth a possession , or investiture in the giver , the former doth not in the Consenter ; and so , though the latter would be of some use ( if granted ) to inferre Mr. Goodwins conclusion , that the power is originally from the people , yet the former will be no way able to inferre it . § . 60. The matter will be very visible by example in any Trust , or Stewardship . The Lord intrusts to his Steward the keeping of a summe of money , after that he assignes it over to some other man by Bill of Attorney , and legally vests his right in that other . In this case the Steward formerly intrusted consents , that that other shall take what is thus by the Lord assigned to him , and indeed a necessity lies upon him by way of duty so to doe . In this case I shall ask M. G. from whom this money is deriv'd to this other ? from the Lord , or from the Steward ? I hope he will acknowledge from the Lord : The same againe , when the King delivers a Castle by way of Trust , to be kept by one of his Subjects , and after assignes it over to his Sonne , and the Subject that kept it , consents that the Sonne should have it , and so the Sonne enters upon the possession ; the case is clear , that 't is not from the Subject that the Sonne derives this possession ( though 't is as true that the Subject consents to deliver it up ) but from the King onely : and that Act of the Subject is no expression of any right in him , from him conveyable to the Sonne , but onely of his Trust , and subordination to the King . And this is generally the difference betwixt Investitures and Trusts : what is vested in me , I may give , or derive to another , what is intrusted onely , I cannot : the Servant cannot dispose of his Masters goods , yet that his Masters disposall may stand good , he may , and ought to give his consent . This is so grossely true , that 't is pitty any longer to insist on it ; and yet 't is the very thing that the whole point in hand depends on , and was therefore , I conceive , so industriously involv'd , and obscured by Mr. Goodwin . § . 61. After this , Master Goodwin insensibly glides into another peice of artifice ; The power of life , saith he , is eminently and virtually in the people collectively taken , though not formally . And againe , A man , and a body of men , have power over their owne lives Radically , and Virtually , though not formally . This period of Master Goodwin seemes to be a new way of Answer , by applying distinction to the Antecedent , as the former was by denying the consequence . The Antecedent was [ That no man hath by nature the power over his owne life , &c. ] from whence the Addresse concludes that therefore [ This power cannot be diriv'd from the people ] To this Master Goodwin first returnes his acknowledgement , That if the consequence be right , it is a clear case , that Regall power is not originally in the people , but conferr'd on the Ruler immediately from God . This is an acknowledgement in him of the truth of the Antecedent , and a doubt onely of the consequence , which accordingly he immediately proceedes to invalidate : And therefore 't is a little strange ( and an argument that his first attempt was not very successefull to him ) that he should now so soone returne to deny the Antecedent ▪ at least to distinguish of it , having before so absolutely granted it . But to passe over this , and allow him this liberty of recalling his bounty , let us examine the force of his distinction . § . 62. The force of this distinction doth not , I conceive , respect the Subject [ the people ] ( as if that might be taken in two notions , either singly , or collectively ) because presently , without that distinction , he speakes indifferently of [ A man ] and [ A body of men ] but it belongs to the Copula , or word [ Is ] and then it must be thus dissolv'd . The power of life may be said to be in a man two wayes , 1. Formally , 2. Eminently and Virtually , and Radically . This distinction of Formaliter , and eminenter hath been apply'd by Philosophers to the Sun , and Heavenly Bodies : of which it being by them resolv'd , that they are simple and free from those mixtures to which our sublunary bodies are subject , and yet it being apparent , that they warme and heat other things , it is thereupon defined , that they have not heat , or other qualities in them Formally , ( i. e. in that manner , or kinde , that fire is hot , or we are hot ) but Virtually , and eminently , i. e. that they have some other Virtue , or faculty in them , higher , or more eminent then that heat which is in inferiour bodies : and that that doth enable them to warme other things , though they are themselves such pure creatures , as not to have those grosse qualities in them . Whether this be rightly affirm'd , or onely nicely conjectured by Philosophers ( for I suppose there is little known of those distant bodies beyond conjecture ) I shall not now enquire , but onely desire to be taught by Mr. Goodwin , how this can be made appliable to the matter in hand , i. e. to the power of life and death . This power , we know , is in God first , and if in any Eminently , and Radically , and Virtually , certainly in him : And in the Supreame Magistrate formally , being actually inherent in him , though not Originally , nor in so eminent a degree as in God it is . But can it thus be said also to be eminently , &c in the People , i. e. that the People have in them some higher , and more eminent Virtue , or faculty then the power of every man over his own life ; and that that supplies the place of that formall power , and that by it the People beget , or produce the power of life in the Supream Magistrate , as truly , as , if they had it formally , they could doe ? This is the meaning of the distinction in the ordinary , and onely notion of it , and must be it , if it be rightly appliable ; but Mr. Goodwin interprets his meaning of it , so farre from this , so farre from importing , or concluding the People to have such an higher power or faculty ( to which [ Eminently ] and [ Virtually ] in opposition to [ Formally ] belongs ) that 't is indeed by him set downe as much inferiour to that power formally inherent . For thus he interprets it , A Man , and a body of Men , have power over their owne lives Radically , and Virtually , in respect whereof , they may render themselves to a Magistrate , and to Lawes , which , if they violate , they must be in hazard of their lives , &c. By this I discerne two things , 1. That by this eminent , Virtuall , Radicall power , Mr. Goodwin understands that ( which is farre enough from the meaning of those words , and ) which Logicians call a remote , or indirect power , ( as that is oppos'd to an immediate , or direct ) or rather a power , to which this effect is meerly accidentall , as if the patient were said to have power to cure himselfe , meaning thereby that he hath power to submit himself to the Physitian , who is able to cure him . And for Mr. Goodwin to assume the liberty of speaking thus largely , was not , I suppose , his want of knowledge in propriety , but his willingnesse to receive advantage from this abuse of words : And then 2. If this be the onely meaning of the four hard words , ( Eminently , Virtually , Radically , and Formally ) viz. that 't is in the power of men ( or the People in community of nature ) to render themselves to a Magistrate , and to Lawes , to which rendring 't will be consequent , that they shall hazard their lives upon violating those Lawes , then , I say , are Mr. Goodwin , and Doctor Hammond very well agreed ; for this his explication of that distinction is very reconcileable with those words of the Addresse . This giving up their ( i. e. the peoples ) Liberties to one , or more , makes that man , or men , a Ruler over them , and being a Ruler , to him belongs ( deriv'd from God , not from them ) the power of life which Gods decree hath instated in the Supreame Power , or Ruler , who is therefore in that relation of avenger for wrath or punishment , a Minister of God , Rom. 13. &c. For whence is it that their rendring themselves to a Magistrate , in Mr. Goodwins stile , brings upon them that hazard of lives , in case of violation of Lawes , unlesse it be that he that hath power of their lives , placeth that power in that Magistrate to whom they have rendred , or subjected themselves ? That this is God , and not the People , I will not conclude to be Mr. Goodwins opinion , because 't is his maine designe to prove the contrary , but that those words of his , and his distinction so explained will bear that sense , I mean , that they will be true , and acknowledg'd by him , that acknowledges the power of Life to be onely in the Supream Governour , deriv'd from God , I conceive sufficiently manifest ; & consequently , that though this power be said to be in the People remotely , improperly , and indirectly , and so in Mr. Goodwins notion of eminently , &c. yet 't is not from the People , but from God onely , that the Governour hath it . § . 63. The reply will be as ready , and easie also to all force , or concludency of his next Argument , that which is taken from the Peoples power , to make , or consent to the making of Capitall Lawes . For 1. Mr. Goodwin cannot be ignorant that it hath been sometimes in the power of Kings to make Lawes , without the addition of any consent of the people : such were the Principum placitae among the Romans : and after it was thought fit by Princes to lay some restraint on themselves , both that they might be better advised , and more readily obeyed , then , though the peoples consent hath been deem'd necessary , yet doth this belong onely to the regulating , and modifying the exercise of this power : the Fundamentall power it selfe of life , being in the Supream Governour , before the making these Lawes ; Now 't is very easie to distinguish betwixt these two , the power , and the Regulating of the exercise of that power ; the power in the grosse , and the determination of that power to this , or that particular action . The interposition of man in the latter of these , doth no way prejudge the sole priviledge of God , in the donation of the former of them : As the Grace of God is his peculiar , and proper gift ; and yet man may give Directions , and Rules , how we are to act by that Principle , what use it will best become us to make of that pretious talent entrusted to us . And therefore , for the great Noon-day-Truth which Mr. Goodwin induceth from these , and the like considerations , viz. [ That men by nature have such a power over their lives , as voluntarily , &c. to expose them to the stroke of publique justice , in case they shall offend , &c. ] This being granted , is of no force against Doctor Hammond , but doth with him rather suppose a Publique Justice able to strike , i. e. a power of life already vested in the Magistrate , before this consent of the People , or abstractedly , without respect unto it . And so still it is not from this consent of the People , that this power is deriv'd to the hand of Publick Justice , but from some other higher principle , viz. that of God , to whom {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} the avenging , or punishing of offenders , peculiarly belongs , and no other , but in subordination to , and substitution from him . § . 64. And what if the King , as M. Goodwin next alledgeth , have no power to take away the life of his Subjects without cause , or for every cause , but onely such as by Law are punishable with death ; what if he cannot command them to be their own Executioners ? Doth it follow from hence , that therefore , he hath the power of life from the People , not from God ? Doth the power of God so consist in doing causelesse , or irrationall things , that nothing which is exercis'd moderately , or ordinately , can be imagin'd to come from him ? I shall suppose that God himselfe hath perfect dominion over the world ; and yet that he observes rules of all-justice , and goodness in the exercise , and dispensing of that power , and hath not power of doing any thing contrary to those rules of eternall Justice ; which he hath prescribed to himself ; which to do by all wise men hath been counted an act of imbecility , not of power . And consequently , how naturall is it that he should thus determine , and limit his deputies also ? give them power of life over their Subjects , and yet command them to exercise that power with that just temperament , which either naturall , or civill , or municipall Lawes shall dictate , and prescribe them ? And therefore Master Goodwins arguing is very loose , and unconcluding ; [ That if the power which the King hath over the lives of the poeple , were immediately from God , then he might lawfully execute the same , and take away the lives of men , without any mediating direction , or warranty from any Law . ] For sure the same God that gives the Magistrate the power of life , doth command him also not to throw away that pretious trust causelesly , makes him his Minister for wrath to them that doe evill , and contrary wise a rewarder to them that doe well , and though he subject him not to any earthly superior , but reserve him to his own severe tribunall , yet he subjects him to reason , and rules of Justice , and ( when he hath undertaken to governe by that Standard ) to the positive municipall Lawes of that particular Kingdome also , and hath been as particular in prescribing Lawes to the Prince , to avoid Oppression , or acts of Height , as to Subjects to abstaine from resistance . § . 65. As for that proofe which Mr. Goodwin produceth to enforce his arguing , viz. [ That the execution of no commission immediately issued by God , ought to be suspended upon , or determin'd , or regulated by any comission , or constitution of men . ] It is as far from truth , as it could well have been contriv'd to be : As will appear if it be considered ; that the word [ Commission ] 1. signifies not an absolute , or positive Command , but onely a power , or investiture of Authority ; or if a Command , yet that 2. onely an Affirmative precept , the nature of which is , that it binds not ad semper , and so consequently , may be suspended at some time , by the free will of him that hath the Commission , much more if any weighty reason interpose to determine his will . 3. That this Commission is onely Generall , and indefinite , without application to particular cases , referring that application to the conjuncture and concurrence of circumstances , ( which ordinarily are humane , and Politicall ; ) and consequently to the discretion of Rulers judging by those circumstances : The intervenience of which circumstances makes the particular exercise of that Commission convenient , and seasonable in one place , and at one time ; and consequently , where they do not intervene , there the exercise of it may be at that time , and place suspended as unseasonable . As when the shedder of blood is by God commanded to be put to death , and yet some men accidentally , and invountarily fall under that Title , it must be in the power of the Magistrate , to suspend the execution of that sentence , or else the Innocent must loose the benefit of the Citty of refuge , and run the same fortune with the most murtherous designer . § . 66. After this manner 't is clear , that Christ had a Commission from heaven to worke Miracles , to cure Diseases ; yet 't is particularly affirm'd of the infidelity of his Country-men , that that suspended the exercise of his power for some time ; He could not doe many mighty works there because of their unbelief , yet , I hope , this will no way be thought to argue , that Christs commission issued from his Country-men , or from the belief of men , ( though that were necessary , to the exercise of it ) or that Christ did ill in suspendi●g the exercise of his Commission . In like manner the people of Israel had from God not onely a commission , but command to put the nations to death , Deut. 20.10 . And yet on those of them that were left , 1 Kings . 9.20 . Solomon suspended the act of that commission , and onely levied a tribute of bond-service ver. 21. Once more ; I shall suppose a Generall to receive power of Martiall Law from the Soveraigne in any Kingdome , this power he is not willing to exercise , but by a cognizance of each malefactors cause before a Councell of Warre . Here 't is plain that that Councell of Warre suspends that exercise of the Generalls power upon a particular man ; but sure it will no way follow from thence , that that Commission , which was suppos'd to issue to the Generall from the Soveraign , doth now issue not from the Soveraigne , but that Councell of Warre ; and then no more will the possibility of suspending the exercise of the Kings Commission by Law , &c. conclude that Commission to issue from the People , and not from God . And therefore in the case which Mr. Goodwin hath been confident to referre to Doctor Hammond to Arbitrate [ Whether the King hath any Regular or just power over the lives of men , other then that which is proportion'd , &c. by the Lawes of the State ] I suppose the Doctor may agree with Mr. Goodwin , and yet never be enforc'd , or concluded by that concession , to question the Originall of the power from God , the difference being discernible between the Power it self , and every particular exercise of that power ; and the suspension of the latter , farre from including the evacuation , or cancelling of the former . § . 67. The same answer will clear Mr. Goodwins succeeding Plea , pag. 26. That if the power of Kings over the lives of men , were by immediate derivation from God , then must this power be uniforme , &c. in all Kingdomes whatsoever . ] This consequence is farr from all appearance of truth ; Because the power may be from God , and yet that God that gives the power , may leave it in the particular exercises of it , to be determined either by the arbitration , and free will , and prudence of the Governour , where there are no Lawes , or by the Regulation of Lawes , where there are such ; The Dimensum , or proportion of power over the lives of the Subjects , which a Governour claimes , consists not in indivisibili , in any certain , or definite point , but is that which may enable him to discharge his office of Ruler , i. e. to protect his people , and restraine their inordinacies . And as farre as Reason , and ( which are supposed to be a branch of that ) paticular Lawes , ( subordinate to Gods Word ) see it fit to extend the exercise of that power , so far may that Ruler regularly extend it ; And whatsoever proportion it be , that he is intrusted with by God , 't is not reasonable that he should irrationally extend the exercise of it . And this regulation of indefinite power by such prudent limits as these ( i. e. by the Vniversall law of Reason and Justice , or by the particular conclusions , which the wisdome of Law-givers hath thought fit to deduce from thence ) cannot justly be quarrell'd , as a retrenchment of power , any more , then the infinite goodnesse of God which permits him not to be able to do any thing which is contrary to that attribute , is a manicling , or restraining his Omnipotence , but is onely a cultivating and dressing of it , a paring off the excesses , and exorbitances of it , and leaving it a form'd channell , instead of a vast or unbridled Ocean . § . 68. And thus I suppose the nature of Angels or men , which have bounds of Virtue and Conscience , and Lawes prescribed them , within which they are to move , and not to range unlimited in the desert of their owne uncertain proposals , cannot thereby be said to have lost the liberty of their species , or to have received no powers from God in their creation , though some regulations ( it must be acknowledged ) they are under , and consequently , determinations and suspensions for the exercise of their powers . And what inconvenience the affirming of this will bring upon the Doctor , what hazard of blaspheming of God , &c. I must professe my self so tame , as not to fore-see , or imagine , howsoever M. Goodwins {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} hath helpt him to phansie such invisible Mormos , and Anakims in our passage . § . 69. Next , it is but affirm'd , and not at all made probable by Mr. Goodwin , that the Affirming the Kings power over the lives of the people to be by immediate derivation from God , is to smite them with blindnesse , &c. and not to discover to them the Dan and Bersheba ( I suppose he meanes by this trope , the due bounds and limits ) of such their power ] I am sorry Mr. Goodwin should think it fit that such popular harangues should be admitted to supply the place of reason , and shall briefly reply , That they that affirme the power of the Sword to be from God derived to Magistates , doe at the same time define , and affirme , that those Magistrates are to remaine rationall creatures , and to continue under the Soveraignty of Reason , and all the branches of that , as farre as their particulars are concerned in it , i. e. to be ruled by the Vniversall Lawes of Justice and Equity , by the Civill Sanctions which tend to the preserving of Societies , and consequently by the particular Locall , or municipall Lawes of any Country , which are supposed to have a peculiar propriety toward the preserving , and regulating of that People . § . 70. 'T will now be to little purpose to prove that these two affirmations are reconcileable , the one deriving the power of life to the Ruler from God , the other acknowledging the regulation of this power by these bounds ; For there is no kind of repugnance , or contradiction , nothing but accord and amity between them : The very Hand of God that conferres this power , gives this very direction , and Law for the exercise of it , that they that rule other men should themselves be guided by Reason in all their actions : And what that Reason is in each particular emergent , they are not alwayes , or onely , the Judicialls of Moses , which are fit to direct us , but the wisdom sometimes of Particular Laws , and Law-makers . And so there is small danger either of ensnaring Kings , or disturbing States , ( as he seemes willing to fear ) by this doctrine ; which though it define the Originall of this power to be from Heaven , can yet allow the regulation of this power for the Exercise of it to be of an inferiour , Humane , Politicall Orgination . § . 71. One Argument more Mr. Goodwin is pleased to take in to disprove the immediate derivation of this power of life from God . Because , saith he , that derivation which is immediate from God , can by no wayes be assisted , furthered , or promoted by any creature , or second meanes , but this derivation of that power of life is at least furthered by the act of the people in electing , &c. Ergo , I shall not examine the force of his ensuing probations , which have frailties enough in them , but shall be content to suppose the most he can wish , or imagine , viz. That the people doe elect , or choose their King ; In this case , saith the Doctor , The people give not the power of their lives to that King , but by giving up their Liberties , &c. to him , nominate him to that office of supreame power , which , wheresover it is , God superinvests with the power of life . This is the Doctors stating of the question in his Andresse , and thereby the separation is evident between the Act of the People in Electing the person of the Ruler , and the Act of God in conferring this power of life . All that can be said of the former of these is that that act of the people is the meanes of determining the Generall decree of God ( that Rulers shall ( as his Deputies ) have the power of life ) to this particular person , not that it is an assistent , or sociall cause in conveying this power to the Ruler , much lesse that it shall undertake to wrest this power out of Gods hands , and assume it into their owne ; but , I say , as a causa sine quâ non , or a previous preparation of the subject , by their choise qualifying the person to be thus invested , and impower'd by God . And so , though the people in this case are supposed to doe somewhat , i. e. to Elect , and that election to determine this power of Gods to this person , yet is this power derived solely from God , as the Addresse hath sufficiently explain'd , and not from any act of the People : And therefore the word [ Furthering ] in Mr. Goodwins Argument , may be taken ( as an equivocall word ) in a double sence , either to denote actuall assistance , or contribution of force , or efficacy , toward the production of the effect , viz. of the power of life in the Ruler : And in that sence it is not true , that the Act of the People in Electing , doth further this power , it being the sole act of Gods decree to give that power , and nothing else . Or else the word [ Furthering ] may be taken to signifie no more then preparing , or qualifying the Subject to a capacity of receiving this power from God , ( as John Baptist prepared mens hearts for the receiving of Christ , when he came , but had nothing to do in the mission of him , which was the sole work of God ) and thus indeed , the Election of the People may further the derivation of this power from God to such a particular Ruler ; And there is nothing more ordinary then for Gods workes to be thus furthered by second causes , or meanes , even his work of Grace , which he ownes most peculiarly . The resemblance made use of in the Addresse , is very commodious to clear this whole matter . In the Generation of a child , the parents are acknowledged to contribute much , to be not onely furtherers , but even efficients in the production , Yet is it commonly agreed , that God creates , infuses , and inspires the Soul immediately . I need not examine , or attest the truth of the ordinary opinion , that the soule comes from heaven , not from the Parents ; because I now use it as a resemblance onely , and that it may be allowed to be , though it should not be true , and thus far at least it will be argumentative , that the electing of the person of the Ruler by the people , doth no more conclude that the power of life is not superinfused and derived to the Ruler ( so chosen ) from heaven , then the parents begetting of the child is an argument , that the soule is not superinfused from God . Our Phoenomena may be all very happily solved by this way of setting it ; and M. G. exceptions superseded , and the conclusion cleared , which was the onely one , which the Addresse desired to infer by this consideration , viz. That whatsoever were supposed of the peoples electing their Ruler , yet the Supream power neither is nor can be in the community of the people by force , meerly of their Originall , or naturall Liberty , upon this firme ground ( not yet shaken by M. G. or Philodemius ) that the power of life , which is part of the Supream Power , is not part of the naturall Liberty , nor consequently either inherent in the Community of men , nor by them communicable to any Representative . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ▪ The onely thing , which this rejoynder ( as the former discourse ) was designed to demonstrate most irrefragably . § . 72. And having proceeded thus farre to make returne to M. Goodwins offers of reason , I shall not endeavour to make payment to his Scoffes , pag. 28. or vindicate Doctor Hammond from his charge of overweeningnesse , &c. Though 't is not at all intelligible to me , how those words in the Addresse ( For it is possible that I may put you in minde of an evident truth , which perhaps you have not taken notice of ] should be chargeable with this {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , or interpretable to any farther sense , then onely this , That this truth so evident in Doctor Hammonds opinion , was not by him ●onceived to be sufficiently taken notice of , or laid to heart by them , to whom he then made his Addresse . And if that Doctor were therein mistaken , or if he be justly charged in his next page ( together with the rest of his perswasion , under the title of the whole Legion of the Royall Faction ) as the first-borne of that evill Generation of Flatterers , for producing plain Arguments of Reason , and Scripture to avert , that which appear'd to him a heavy Sinne , and Judgement , from a Nation ; I must then betake my selfe to my Prayers , that God will forgive me my more discernible sinnes , ( when innocencies , and good offices to mankind are become so culpable ) and get out of his company as soone as I can , who can so readily shift the discourse from reasoning to defaming , and supply with reproaches what was wanting in Arguments . § . 73. I am now come to an end of this debate concerning the Power of life , but cannot be so prudent , or thrifty of my paines , as to dissemble the other exceptions , which ( in this book ) Master Goodwin hath made to some other parts of the Addresse ; I shall give you as brief an account of them as is possible . § . 74. The fitst , is his dislike of that Critick annotation , as he stiles it , of the Royall Doctor , taking notice that the Supream Power , or Ruler is stiled by the Apostle , Rom. 13. the Minister of God , and not of the people ] How this comes to be stiled a Critick annotation , ( which supposes it a Grammaticall one , ( as {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , are the parts divisive of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) where there is no use made of Grammar to deduce it , nor indeed of any thing but of the plaine words , as they lie in the Text ) I have not the skill , or sagacity to divine . All that Doctor Hammond affirmes is this , that the Supream power , Rom. 13. is stiled by the Apostle , the Minister of God , and not of the people . And is not this manifest to any that looks on Rom. 13.4 . where he is twice stiled {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Minister of God , and is neither there , nor anywhere else stiled the Minister of the People . § . 75. But , saith M. Goodwin , This no way infringes the credit of his conclusion , that Kings are the Servants and Ministers of the People . The Apostles were the Ministers of God , and yet they preach themselves also the servants of Men , 2 Cor. 4.5 . and Ministers of the Saints , Rom. 15.25 . &c. To this I answer , that the phrase {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , Minister of God , signifies a Minister of Gods Ordination , and Institution , and though it may signifie somewhat else , yet this is the onely notion wherein Doctor Hammond takes it in his Addresse , according to Rom. 13. of which he speakes , where the powers are said to be ordained by God , and to be his Ordinance . Now he that is thus a Minister of God , cannot be so also of the People , because these two Ordinations being incompatible , he that holds by one , must needs disclaime holding by the other . Another notion there may be of the phrase , as it signifies performing of service to God ; and so indeed the same Apostle that serves God , may be a servant of Men also , and to that , all M. Goodwins probations are directed , and though S. Paules {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , his carrying of almes , and contributions to the poor Saints , be no very proper instance to this purpose ; yet thus 't is acknowledg'd , that S. Paul may be a servant of Men , and performe offices of Humility to them , ( though by the way this Servant of theirs behaves himself sometimes very like a Master , and comes with a Rod when he sees it convenient . ) § . 76. But this is nothing to the purpose to infer the King to be {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , a Minister of the People in the former notion , i. e. a Minister of the peoples Institution ; and therefore all that M. Goodwin addes of the Reasons why the Ruler , Rom. 13. is not called the Minister of the people , is very extrinsecall to that purpose . The utmost that he can enforce from that place is , that the King attends on the publique good . But sure that will availe as little to prove that he is not a minister of Gods instituting , or one that hath the power from him , as the Shepheards waiting over the Flock , is a proof that he is ordeined , or instituted by his Sheep . § . 77. The next undertaking of M. Goodwin against Doctor Hammond , is to prove that the Civill Magistrate is by S. Peter call'd {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ; which he renders the Ordinance , or creature of Man because they receive their very being from the people as Kings , and as Magistrates . Doctor Hammond hath , I conceive , sufficiently vindicated that Text of S. Peter from this interpretation , and 't were easie to shew , that the phrase {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} must by all analogy be rendred Humane creature ; not Ordinance , or creature of Man ; by humane creature , meaning any part of mankind ; by creature of man , a thing of mans creating . The phrase to expresse the latter of these would be , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , taking Creature for production , or work , and Man for the artificer , or workman of it ; what is said in the Addresse , is sufficient to direct any sober man to a right understanding of that place . And M. Goodwins exceptions are very farre from perswading the contrary . As 1. [ That the King is there call'd Supream , not in respect of the community of the people , as , saith he , the Doctor supposeth , but as compar'd with subordinate Rulers . ] But this is of no force against the Doctor in that place , where all that he inferres from their title of Supream , is , that they are the very persons that are enstiled the Ordinance of God , Ro. 13. & that is the signall character which he mentions in that Text , without taking notice of any other aspect of the word Supream , or drawing any nice conclusion from it . § . 78. His second exception is against the concludence of a Negative Argument . Which I acknowledge an exception so far as to keep that Argument from being demonstrative , in case all the force of it were fetcht from the Negative ; But that Argument from the Negative ( or from the Governours not being said to be sent by the people ) is but praelusory and preparative to another more forcible branch of the Argument , viz. that ( on the contrary ) Supremacy is affixt to the King , and Subjection for the Lords sake , commanded to be paid him , ( as mission from him is affirmed of all other Magistrates ) And both those put together , the Kîngs being Supreme , ( i. e. inferior to none but God ) and Subiection being affirmed to be due to him for the Lords sake , ( i. e. because of the relation which he stands in to God , by whom he is said to be ordained Rom. 13. ) may well enough passe for a character of some remarke upon the King , and keeep the pretended rendring of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , from being the necessary importance of that text , or the Supreme power from being concluded to be originally in the people . § . 79. As for the groaning of the creation , or creature ] Rom. 8. which Doctor Hammond renders [ the hope of the heathen world ] t is not all M. Goodwins {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} that will render it an improbable interpretation . That the Heathen world ( though without hope , i. e. in a desperate condition in respect of salvation , as long as they remained in their idolatries ) were yet so capable of receiving benefit of Christs coming into the world , that Christ is called Desiderium omnium Gentium , the desire of all Nations , in Haggai , and {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the expectation of the Gentiles , in the Septuagints rendring of Jacobs Prophecie ; that they seeing their owne impure condition , desired the meanes of restoring their lost treasure , and consequently are said to desire Christ , without explicit foreknowing any thing of him , ( because that which they desired was no otherwise compassable , but by him ) is no nicety of the Doctors invention , but largely insisted on by S. Augustine in his Bookes De Civ : Dei ; and this one Consideration is Reply sufficient to all the inconveniences which M. Goodwin hath sprung in this interpretation . § . 80. As for the other difficulties which to him seeme to presse and resist the interpreting of the following words to this sense , they are not so solemnly mentioned by M. Goodwin as to owne my impertinence , if I should enlarge on them ; though I can assure him , that D. Hammond hath long since considered the whole Context , and is ready to give an account of the agreeablenesse of it to his present notion , whensoever it shall be seasonable . Only in favour to the Reader , he doth not unnecessarily obtrude it on him at this time , meaning to expect a fairer opportunity for that , and other the like dissertations . § . 81. But M. Goodwin upon the granting of this notion of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , for the heathen world , hath falne upon a speciall {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that however , It signifies the world under the consideration of being the creature or creation of God . And then he wonders why {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} should not signifie the Magistrate to be the creation of man , and how by this interpretation that conclusion of the Kings being the creature of the people , is avoided . To this I answer punctually , that M. Goodwin being the affirmer of this doctrine , [ That the King is the creature of the people ] and his proofe of it being those words of Saint Peter , where obedience is commanded to be paid {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , as t is by him rendred , to every creation , or ordinance , or creature of man , It is certainly sufficient for D. Hammond ( to disprove this conclusion so inferred from that place of Saint Peter ) if he shall be able to mention another probable interpretation of those words , from whence that Conclusion will not be inferr'd ; especially if by other places of Scripture he make it manifest , that that interpretation is most agreeable to the analogie of that and other Scriptures . Now this hath D. Hammond done , by shewing that {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is a phrase which needs not signifie any more then every man , or humane creature , not onely Christian , but Gentile , or Heathen also . Which if it be the entire notation of the phrase ( as at this time M. Goodwin is content to grant ) then sure is there no ground for him from thence to conclude , that the King is {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} in that other so distant sense , an ordinance or creature of the people . As long as M. G. conclusion depends upon that one onely notion of the phrase , so long , unlesse that be acknowledged the genuine sense of it , ( as certainly t is not , when another so distant from that , is supposed possible to be it ) there is no stability to be expected to that conclusion , whose premisses are thus forfeited by his own concession . § . 82. As for the Doctors Answer to the supposed Objection , ( where by the parallel command of honouring all , ver. 17. he infers the limitation of the subject , All to whom honour belongeth there , ( i. e. superiors , not inferiors ) and so here , every humane creature , ( i. e. every such , that is in place of Magistracie ) certainly M. G. hath failed much in his attempt to invalidate it , by affirming that that Apostle , in his command to honour all , supposeth a debt of honour due from every man to every man , according to that of the Rom. 12.10 . In honour preferring one another . For to this I answer , that the meaning of 1 Pet. 2.17 . cannot sure so properly be fetcht from Rom. 12.10 . as it may from the circumstances of the Text and verses on each side of it in the place of S. Peter . In the former verses , 13. and 14. the words clearly refer to the doctrine of obedience to Superiours , and so ver. 15. the mention of Gods will [ that by well-doing we should put to silence the ignorance of foolish men ] ( i. e. that by obeying of our Superiours we should take off the Scandall that lay on Christianity , as if it made men ill Subjects , ver. 16. ) doth plenarily belong also to the same matter . So again , honouring the King in the end of the 17. ver. and servants obeying their Masters , ver. 18. are very forward to concurre with this notion ; And the precept of loving the brotherhood , i. e. their fellow-Christians , and of fearing God ▪ ( from which feare the honour divolves upon his Vice-gerent ) will no way prejudice this notion of the honour there spoken of , that it belongs onely to the debt of inferiours to superiours ; and so that the [ All ] are onely those all that are thus capable of it . § . 83. As for the honouring of Widowes ( by Master Goodwin mention'd from Saint Paul to Timothy ) that sure is not appliable to this matter , since the honour there , is the relieving , or feeding of them , giving them that honour of supply , which is acknowledged to be another notion of the Word , not that which in the fift Commandement , and those other places , is the principall importance of it . § . 84. As little reason hath Mr. Goodwyn to conclude that the precept of being Subject one to another , 1. Pet. 5.5 . should not be a precept of obedience to Superiors , when the words immediately precedent are , Likewise ye younger submit your selves to the Elders , and those Elders , ver. 2. the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} & {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , the Pastors and Bishops of the Church . 'T is possible indeed , that the [ one another ] may be , Others beside Superiors , but sure t is not so probably so , when that which immediately precedes , is Submission to Elders , to which the subjection here added , is not a phrase of diminution , but of addition rather , and when Gods resisting the proud , that immediately followes , is , saith Saint Augustine , ( as in the Poet , debellare superbos ) the direct contrary to Subjectis parcere , the giving pardon , or grace to the obedient Subjects . And thus I conceive the parallel words of Saint Paul , Eph. ● . 21 . Submitting your selves one to another ] are most probably to be interpreted , to those among you who are in any relation of superiority , for so it ▪ followes immediately , ver. 22. Wives submit your selves to your own husbands , &c. Whereas , when he rerurnes to the husba●ds duty toward the wife , it is not submission but love only , v. 25. Other places I might easily mention , where the word ( {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ) may very well signifie no more then others . So the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , confesse your faults one to another , Jam. 5.16 . cannot farther be extended then to a direction to the sick to make confession of his sins , whether to others simply , or to those others whom he hath injur'd , but obligeth not them that are in health to tonfesse their sins reciprocally or back againe to the sick , and so in the next words [ and pray {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , for one another ] that is , that the brethren in health should pray for them that are sick , and not reciprocally that the sick should pray for them in health , the end of the prayer there mention'd being {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , that ye may be healed ; which end , and close doth , I conceive , confine the discourse to the sick first to confesse , and to the healthy , after to pray for the sick and no more . And so {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , 1 Pet. 4.9 . notes hospitality to the strangers that wanted , and not mutuall , reciprocall entertainments one of the other : For though it is possible that it might note the inhabitants civility to the travailer first , and then that travailers repayment of the like , when he comes to be a sixt inhabitant , yet the word {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , strangers , being ordinarily taken as a species of men in want ( as besides some places of Scripture , I remember in Just : Mar : second Apolog : speaking of the offertory , he saith that by that meanes the Praefect became the guardian of strangers , &c. and of all that were in want ) I conceive {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} is no more then kind to that sort of poore strangers , and that without any expectation of being entertain'd by them againe , for that the Almes-giver should expect that returne from the poore , or stranger , is both unreasonable and unchristian also . So Luke . 12.1 . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} cannot be taken reciprocally , that they which trod on others were also trod upon by them , but that one trod upon another agreeable to our present sense : so Act. 7. ●6 . {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} ; not that the person injur'd was injurious also , but onely that one injur'd the other . And yet more plainly , Rom. 2.15 . their thoughts excusing or accusing , {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , where it cannot be imagined that the thoughts mutually or reciprocally accuse or excuse , the accusation belonging to the conscience , which accuseth the erronious will , but not in like manner to the will , that that should accuse the Conscience . These places are added ex abundanti ; That of Ephes. 5. will be able alone to serve the turne , if these others should not be thought to be demonstrative . I have thus briefly reply'd to these other exceptions of Mr. Goodwin as far as concernes that Place in Saint Peter , and I suppose have vindicated it from being the foundation of Mr. Goodwins beloved dogma ( which I shall desire him to shew to be the affirmation of any one ancient Father or Commentator on that place , or of any one place of Scripture b●sides , which might helpe to countenance it ) that Kings are the creatures of the people . § . 85. There are yet some old reckonings which Mr. Goodwin is willing to make even with the Doctor , and I must b●g a very Little patience from the reader to observe what account he hath given of them . § . 86. He begins with fair words of D. H. and acknowledgments , that having frequently heard of him , he never heard any thing but well and worthy of a man , his judgement in the grand state-question of the times onely excepted . That the discharge of his Conscience in obedience to the fift Commandement should be thus made an exception against the Doctor , he hath sure learnt {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} neither to think strange , nor take ill at M. G. hands , remembring that some of the Christians which were antiently in the world , in the absence of other visible crimes , were thought worthy of all reproaches for their common profession , or being Christians . One thing onely I shall suppose , I have the Doctors leave to assure M. G. that it was no speciall desire to engage M. G. which caused the particular mentions , and refutations of some passages in his bookes , but onely the opinion which he had , that they might probably prove matter of seduction to the reader ( and that seduction of a dangerous consequence ) if such necessary antidotes were not provided to avert , or prevent the danger . D. H. I suppose , is not over-fond of such disputes , or debates as these , and is never more in constraint , then when he lies under such engagements . § . 87. Some passages in M. G. Butchers blessing were a first great temptation to him , which , though resisted by the love of quiet , prepared him to receive more violent impressions from some remarkable sections in the Anticavaleirisme , And at last the fire kindled , and his pen gave testimony of it . § . 88. The particulars he then took notice of in M. G. were 1. His dexterities in evacuating the force of Tertullians testimonies concerning the patience , and non-resistance of the Primitive Christians , and these are at large refuted in the tract of Resisting &c. pag. 10. to pag. 20. Secondly , his strange affirmation of Gods hiding from the first Christians this liberty of resisting Superiours , as part of his counsell to bring Antichrist into the world , and his manifesting it to us now , as a meanes of casting Antichrist out . The latter of these two , D. H. conceived as strange , and as dangerous a Doctrine , as he ever met with , and therefore examined it to the bottome , Resist . pag. 21. to 28. These two maine matters of difference D. H. acknowledges to have managed against M.G. but conceive without any thing of asperity , or excesse in any kind , which should look like a particular desire of engaging M. G. And M. G. hath thought fit for many yeares to let these reckonings sleep without ever giving the least reply to either of them . And now that [ of Gods hiding of truths from the Ancient Christians , and the helping Antichrist to his throne ] hath not the fortune to be taken notice of at all . And for the other of Tertullian , though that be now mentioned , yet is it a little strange that no other return should be made to all the Doctors answers , save onely the transcribing of two or three pages from M. Rutterford , and M. Pryn , as from a paire of Royalists , in their two tracts of Lex Rex , and Soveragine power of Parliaments , which sure he could not believe will be of any Authority with the Doctor , though he is so pleasant as to mention the friendlinesse of their judgements , and the Doctors in case of the late King : Beside this transcription , there is but one passage in those dissertations of the Doctors , to which he thinkes fit to make reply , and that is a Grammaticall {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , taken notice of {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} by the Doctor , viz. M. G. attributing to Montanist , that he call'd himself the holy Ghost . This D. H. did conceive to be hastily written by M. G. and not agreeably to the rules of the Grammer , unlesse as in Smectymnus , Areopagi , are set for the Areopagites , so è contra , Montanist were set by M. G. for Montanus . In this casuall incidentall charge M. G. thinks himselfe very neerly concern'd , more it seems , then in giving account either of his Censure of Tertullians testimony of the Christians patience , or of Gods hiding of Truths , and assisting Antichrist . For to justifie the Grammaticalnesse of these words , [ Montanist who called himselfe the holy Ghost ] a great deale of paines is taken , and three whole pages spent on that affaire . T is not possible I should think fit to exercise my Reader by continuing such a Debate as this any longer , but shall think it abundantly sufficient to assure M. G. that the English remaines still unjustified , upon this ground , that the word Montanist is no possessive , and if he still have inclinations to dispute it , I shall propose him this parallel : M. Goodwin is a Christian , who dyed for the sons of the world , and aske him , Whether it be Grammaticall sense to have said this . As for the deep recriminatior against D. H. for using the word [ Resolve ] for concluding , or being satisfied within himselfe , &c. if this be any matter of ease on refreshment to M. G. 't were pitty he should be denyed the liberty to make use of it . § . 89. There now remaines but one particular , the Doctors accusing M. G. of flattery in the Elogies bestowed upon that action of the Army , ( collected in the Addresse , p. 6. ) Whether they were thus guilty , I shall no farther dispute , but leave it to the Reader to determine , having no other designe in this whole Reply , then that M. G. may resume the consideration of his actions , and of his arguments , and remember that the matters of these debates , are of such an importance toward the publike peace , that men of our profession owe an account to God for them . And for other passages of this Author , wherein the London-Ministers are concern'd ; I leave them to answer for themselves , and so conclude this Paper . THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A45473e-190 page 5. page 18. Pract. Cat. l. 2. sect. 5. * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . * {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . * Data ●o ipso quo dantur , siunt accipientis . Iurist . Nam ne in animalibus quidem manendi amor ex animae voluntatibus verum ex naturae principiis venit , Nam saepe mortem cogentibus causis , quam natura reformidat , voluntas amplectitur , &c. de consol. Phil. l. 3. Pros. 11. pag. 22. * That cannot be brought But , that is not the Ben. Vi . Moschopul . Gram. Gr.