Reflections upon the late great revolution written by a lay-hand in the country for the satisfaction of some neighbours. Defoe, Daniel, 1661?-1731. 1689 Approx. 119 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 37 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A37437 Wing D844 ESTC R9630 11987869 ocm 11987869 51970 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37437) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51970) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 63:12) Reflections upon the late great revolution written by a lay-hand in the country for the satisfaction of some neighbours. Defoe, Daniel, 1661?-1731. [4], 68 p. Printed for Ric. Chiswell ..., London : 1689. "Licensed April 1689, James Fraser"--T.p., verso. Attributed to Daniel Defoe. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Revolution of 1688. 2002-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-08 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-08 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion REFLECTIONS Upon the Late GREAT REVOLUTION . LICENSED , April 9. 1689. James Fraser . REFLECTIONS UPON THE Late Great Revolution . Written by a LAY-HAND in the COUNTRY . For the Satisfaction of some Neighbours . LONDON : Printed for Ric. Chiswell , at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard . MDCLXXXIX . REFLECTIONS Upon the Late GREAT REVOLUTION . PRovidence having placed me in so low a Sphere , that I have had nothing to do in the great Revolutions of which our Land has lately been the Scene ; I must not pretend to judge of what has past : But altho I have not been an Actor , I cannot say I have been altogether an unconcern'd Spectator of the great Changes these last Three Months have produced : For what I did not know in the Cause , I thought I might yet lawfully admire in the Effects ; which truly have been so miraculous , that 't is as much the Worlds Wonders as ours : So that if ever People had cause to apply the Words of the Psalmist , Psal. 118. ver . 23. we certainly may say , This is the Lord 's doing , and I 'm sure it ought to be marvellous in our Eyes . But alas ! as if we meant to vie Miracles , and to shew that we can be as obstinate as God can be gracious , we are so far from admiring , that we will neither own nor accept the Wonderful Deliverance that God has wrought for us . A sign , I fear , that we are unworthy of so great a Mercy , while we can be so insensible of , and so unthankful for it : And , like the Children of Israel in the Wilderness , instead of going on to possess that Canaan God seems to have design'd for us , we are for making a Captain to return again into Egypt ; and to put our Necks into that Yoke , which neither we nor our Fathers were able to bear . And I wish our present Murmurings and Discontents do not provoke God to deal with us as he did with the Israelites , and swear that we shall not enter into , nor enjoy that Rest we so despise . But if Passive Obedience be so necessary a Duty , and we are indispensibly obliged to obey our Kings whatsoever they be ; the Children of Israel had certainly a great deal of reason to quarrel with Moses and Aaron , for making them Rebels , depriving them of the Honour of suffering for a good Cause , and making them do so many ill things . For certainly the Children of Israel were as much , and as truly the Subjects of Pharaoh , as any body can be to any of our Modern Kings . For they were all born in his Land , govern'd by his Laws , and he and his Ancestors had reigned over them by a long Prescription of Four hundred Year ; and if this is not enough to give a King a Title , I doubt most of our Monarchs may despair of shewing a better . But to that I know it will be answer'd , That 't was God Almighty's own Doings ; and that as Abraham might lawfully sacrifice his Son when God commanded it , so they might lawfully Rebel when they had God's Authority for it ; for God being the Great King , may dispose of Kingdoms as he pleases . To which I shall make no other Return , but humbly offer this Quere , ( which I should be glad to see resolved ) Whether God can , or ever did command an unlawful thingg ? For his Proposal to Abraham was only for Trial ; for you see , he would not permit him to kill his Son when it came to it : But the Children of Israel went through with their Design ; therefore if in it self it had been so great a Sin , he would not have commanded , much less assisted the Israelites in the Execution of it . To see Men then murmur against God , and quarrel with Providence , only because it would not suffer them to be opprest as the Israelites were , nay destroy'd and ruin'd ; seems so unaccountable a Ground for Dissatisfaction , that it deserves to be examined into . And I must own , that I have so much both of Esteem and Reverence for some of our Discontents , that I cannot think them so weak , as to have a Platonick Love of Suffering ; or so wilful , as to oppose the Truth if they are convinced of it : Therefore suppose they have ( at least as it seems to them ) some good Reason , which makes them thus not only deny , but resist their own Interest . And here Conscience and Zeal both stand up for them , ( the two best Champions in the World when in the right , but the most unruly and dangerous when in the wrong ; ) and Conscience telling them they cannot comply , Zeal tells them they must oppose and declare against such Proceedings . But yet for all this , how hard a Task soever it seems , I should not fear encountring , nay overcoming these two , had I not two greater Difficulties to contest with , that is Prepossession , and Prejudice . For we daily see by sad experience , that People may be as fully perswaded of , and as zealous for an Error , as 't is possible to be for Truth it self . For which I need go no further for an Instance , than St. Paul , who says , Acts 26.9 . I verily thought with my self , that I ought to do many things contrary to the Name of Jesus of Nazareth . Of which he gives us an account in the two following Verses ; Being ( as he himself terms it ) exceedingly Mad against them . But that we might not be ignorant what we are to ascribe this extravagant Zeal and extraordinary Fierceness to , he tells in the preceding Verses of this 26 th Chap. and also in the 3 d Verse of the 22 th , That from his Youth up he had been brought up in Jerusalem , at the Feet of Gamaliel , taught according to the perfect manner of the Law of the Fathers , and was zealous towards God , as ye all are this day . So that 't is very apparent , it was his Education that inspired him with his Zeal . For the Pharisees were not only the strictest , but the most dogmatical Sect among the Jews ; and while they thought they , and only they , had the Law of their sides , they not only despised , but hated all that were not of their Opinion ; and thought it not enough to instil their own Doctrines and Principles into their Disciples , unless at the same time they imprest upon them an absolute Horror and Detestation of all others : So that here was Prepossession and Prejudice to the height ; and we may see the Effects of it in St. Paul ; for it made him proof against all the Miracles of our Saviour and his Apostles , ( for living in Jerusalem , it cannot be supposed but that he must both see and hear of them ) so that nothing but a Call from Heaven it self could convince him . But I say not this , that I intend to apply it particularly to any of our Times , but only to shew in general the Unhappiness of such a grounded Prepossession and Prejudice , and the difficulty of treating with it , because Truth it self will appear unwelcome to such , if it contradict their received and admired Opinions . But after all this , it must be allow'd , that never any prejudice was taken up on so justifiable grounds , as that our Church-men may have to the very appearance of Rebellion ; for living in the late War , and seeeing the dismal Effects of it , by the sad ruin it had wrought both in Church and State , they might reasonably think they could not run too far from such pernicious Principles . But alas ! there is an extream of the other hand , which perhaps may be as dangerous , and therefore ought as carefully to be avoided . For if , like some of our over Zealous Reformers in the Church , who having both seen and detested the Errors and Superstitions of the Church of Rome , thought they were to hold nothing in Common with them ; if , I say , like these , our State-Reformers should fling away and abhor and detest all that was done in 41. as the one would soon run us out of our Religion as Christians , so the other would out of our Birth-right and Priviledges as English men . But as I hope no body will reject their Creed because believed by the Papists ; so I think it would be full as unreasonable for a People to despise and destroy their own Rights and Liberties , because they were asserted by a Company of Rebels so long ago . But all this while I have been only skirmishing with some of their Out-Guards , their main Body and Strength too remains yet entire : Which I shall own invincible , if they can make out those two great Points . First , That Monarchy is Jure Divino , properly so call'd ; and Secondly , That if the King Command us any thing contrary to our Laws , we are yet in Conscience obliged to obey , and yield Obedience either Active or Passive . These are indeed the Foundation Stones on which the great Doctrines of Non-Resistance and Passive Obedience are built ; and if the Foundation prove firm and true , I cannot , no I dare not deny the Superstructure , but 〈◊〉 yield my self their Convert ; being , I bless God , more desirous to be overcome by Truth , than to conquer without it . And coming with this Resolution , I hope I may , for Argument sake , be allow'd to say what I can for the Cause I have undertaken . To which purpose , I shall desire leave to Consider these two things ; First , From whence Kings in general do derive their Authority ( which answers to the first Point of Monarchy being Jure Divino ; ) and Secondly , What is that particular Authority that is vested in our Kings ( from which I hope to clear the second Point . ) I. But first of the First , And since Jure Divino is the thing pretended to , I think I cannot take a better Method , than to let Gods own Word and Law decide the Question . For I take it to be the best as well as the last Judge in such Points ; and therefore I shall confine my self to the Sacred Scripture , and bring no Proofs nor Argument on this first Head , but what that affords me . And if I can from thence prove these Three things : First , That Monarchy was not at the first Instituted by God Almighty : Secondly , That after Monarchy was permitted and established among the Jews , the People did make and set up their Kings ; and Thirdly , That those Kings which were named and appointed by God himself had not an absolute Power , but were under Conditions and Covenants : If , I say , I can make out these three things , I shall then suppose I have done all that can be expected from me , and that I have sufficiently confuted the Jure Divino Title . And now when I come to treat of my First Point , 't is possible some may expect that I should by History trace Monarchy back to its Original source ; but our present dispute being , Whether it be Jure Divino or no ? I thought ( as I said before ) that Gods Word would be our best Guide ; and therefore shall confine my self to the Sacred Writ , although it must be own'd , that if there be any intimations at all about the Matter we are now in quest of , they are for several Centuries so dark and obscure , that Negative Inferences are the best Proofs we can produce ; but if our Advesaries can bring a piece of Canonical Scripture that is Affirmative on their side , I shall not only be very glad to see it , but also very willing to submit to it ; for I am sure it was never my design to contest either Gods Will , or Gods Word ; and the latter being the surest way to come to the knowledg of the former , ( it being given us for that very end ) I hope it will not be unreasonable in me to expect that the Claims to Jure Divino should be made out by express Scripture , for the Grant ought to be very clear that conveys such an inestimable Privilege . Now I conceive a thing may become Jure Divino two ways ; First , by being immediately Instituted by God Almighty ; and Secondly , by being positively Commanded ; of which the Church both Jew and Christian can afford us Instances , among the which I should reckon the Passover with the Jews , and the Lords Supper with the Christians , they both of them being not only immediately Instituted , but also their observation positively Commanded by God himself . And although I cannot say I rank Kings in that Classis , yet I do own an Order of Men to be Jure Divino , and that is the Bishops ; for that of St. Joh. 17.18 . As thou hast sent me into the World , even so send I them into the World , seems to me so powerful , and so full a Commission , that I dare not reject it . And when our Monarchical Men can shew me a Text of Scripture , wherein our Saviour does as fully make over his Regal Authority to Kings , as he does there his Prophetical to the Apostles , I shall then certainly pay them the same deference . And because Examples do illustrate things much more than simple Positions , I shall now suppose , that some of us of the Church of England went into the Indies in the Nature of Apostles , to Preach and Plant Christianity among them ; and succeeding in the design , I should then ask , Whether it were lawful to set up what sort of Church-Government we pleas'd among these new Converts , or whether they did not think we were obliged to establish Episcopacy ? But of the other side , supposing that we went as Conquerors , and had made an absolute Conquest of a very large Territory , might we not then lawfully set up what kind of Civil Government we pleased , and such as we thought might be most beneficial and agreeable to our new Subjects ? Or are we in Conscience indispensibly obliged to set up Monarchy where-ever we have the Command , although it should happen to be extreamly disadvantageous to the State in its present Circumstances ? And the Answer that every body shall in such a Case be able to give themselves , will I suppose sufficiently clear the Point of Jure Divino . But for all this , the other side are very free to make out their Title to it ; and if they can prove that it was Originally Instituted by God Almighty , or that we are positively Commanded to obey Kings exclusively to all other sort of Government ( for if that , and only that , be Jure Divino , I conceive it would then be a sin to submit to any other . ) If , I say , they can make out both or either of these from Scripture , I yield ; but till that is done , it may not be amiss to see what Account the Historical part of the Bible gives us of the beginning of Monarchy . And here it must on all hands be owned , that for the first Sixteen hundred years , that is , the whole space from the Creation to the Deluge , there is not any mention or least intimation of such a thing as a King ; and yet according to the Calculation of some of the Learned , the World was then as full of People , and consequently there was as much need of Government then as now . But what want there was of it , I know not ; but that there was no such thing as Monarchy then in the World , we have a great deal of reason to believe . For this I can be very sure of , that in the Holy Line , that Branch of the Posterity of Noah wherein the Church was to be preserved , and from whence the Messiah was to spring , there was no King for near Fifteen hundred years after the Flood , and yet one would have guest , that that People that were so particularly favour'd of God , that they had the Enclosure of his other Laws and Ordinances , ( as the Psalmist tells us , Psal. 147.19 , 20. He sheweth his word unto Jacob , his Statutes and Ordinances unto Israel . He hath not dealt so with any Nation , neither have the heathen knowledge of his laws ) ; should not have been excluded for so many hundred years from this Jure Divino Ordinance , had it originally been instituted by God. But that it was not commanded to them , is , I think , pretty evident , not only from their being so long without it , but also from the very severe and bitter Reproofs they meet with from Samuel , when they desire a King. And after that God had comply'd with the People , in setting a King over them , he was yet at the expence of a Miracle , as you may find it , 1 Sam. 12.18 . to convince the People of their sin and folly in asking one ; who in the 19th Verse , confess , We have added to all our sins this evil in asking us a King ; which methinks is no very good Argument of its being Jure Divino . It 's answered , I know , to this , That God was their King ; which doth not cross , but confirm what I say ; for he who is the King of all the Earth , did not think fit to govern them by Kings . But how long soever it was before Monarchy was set up in Israel , it must be owned , that it had a much earlier admittance among other Nations ; for Nimrod , who was the first King , at least , the first we find mentioned in Holy Writ , did certainly begin his Kingdom in the Second Century after the Flood . But truly the Character that is given of the Man , would not make us very much in love with the Order to which he gave both Beginning and Name ; for that his Kingdom was founded by Force and Violence , is very clearly intimated ; and that he got the Name of the great Hunter , by his driving Men ( not Beasts ) out of their Possessions : for poor Ashur , the Son of Sem , who had fixt himself in the Land of Shinar , was forced to fly for it , and to get him over Tigris , where indeed he laid the Foundation of another great Monarchy , that of the Assyrians . For Nimrod carrying on his Kingdom by the same means he began it , made it necessary for some that were his Neighbours , to set themselves up Kings , that they might be the better able to oppose him : and Pride and Ambition being very natural to Men , every body began to aspire to Dominion ; so that in a short time every little Village and Hamlet had its particular Monarch : for we find the Land of Canaan pretty well stockt with Kings when Abraham comes to sojourn among them . And this is all the Account that I can from the Scripture collect of the Original of Monarchy . But I think it is a little remarkable , that as the first City was built by Cain , so the first Kingdom was set up by Nimrod , who was of the Posterity of C●am . So that the very Foundations of Monarchy seem to be laid from those Two Persons , who have a particular Curse and Brand upon them in Holy Scripture ; and they that shew'd so little Respect to the Paternal Authority , ( from which some would derive the Original of Monarchy ) are the beginners of the Kingly Power ; which is another very good Proof of its being at first Jure Divino . I could have said a great deal more on this Head ; but my Design being to make an Essay , not a Book , I shall proceed to the Second thing I undertook to prove from Scripture ; that is , That after Monarchy was establish't among the Jews , the People had a share in the Election , and did frequently set up , and make their own Kings . That the Kings of Israel and Judah did owe their Crowns at the first to the Peoples Importunity , is , I think , so evident , by what I have already cited out of Samuel , that I shall suppose it needless to repeat it here ; for although God did comply with the Peoples Request , yet we cannot say he approved it , but barely permitted it , as he did Divorces among them , and perhaps on the same account , the hardness of their hearts ; but from the beginning it was not so , Mat. 19.8 . But 't is not from this Topick that I intend to prove the People had a hand in making their own Kings ; but I shall bring Instances of several Kings , of whom it is said , by Name , they were set up by the People ; and I will set them down in order , as I find them recorded in the Sacred Story . But perhaps you will wonder that I should begin my Catalogue with Saul and David , who being particularly chosen and appointed by God Almighty , one would think the People should have nothing to do in setting them up . But yet you will find they had , if Scripture is Authentick in the Point . For although Saul was solemnly Anointed by Samuel , 1 Sam. 10.1 . chosen by Lot at the Assembly of the Tribes at Mizpeh , ver . 21. and declared King , ver . 24. Yet you may see how soon he was despised , even by those that had desired a King ; for in the 27th Verse of that very Chapter , you will find them asking , How can this man save us ? and they despised him &c. and he was glad to hold his peace , and went home to his own House at Gibeah , where he follows his Rural Imployment ; for in the next Chapter we find him not very like a King , but like a good Husband , driving his Cattel home himself ; Behold Saul came after the herd out of the field , 1 Sam. 11.5 . But after Saul had signalized himself by the Defeat of Nahash , and the People seem'd to have a very warm sense of their late deliverance , Samuel very wisely takes them while they are in good Humour , and says , Come , let us go up to Gilgal , and there renew the Kingdom : And the people went up to Gilgal , and there they made Saul King before the Lord , 1 Sam. 11.14 , 15. Which methinks seems to infer , that Samuel thought the Peoples Approbation necessary for the Confirmation of the Kingdom to Saul ; for after that , they all owned and obeyed him , which they did not before : And although this is a pretty clear Proof as to Saul , yet those that I shall produce about David , are , I think , more strong and pregnant ; for although David was by God Almighty design'd and declar'd King , during Saul's Life-time , and at Saul's Death was in a very good posture to have possest himself of that Kingdom , to which he seem'd to have so good a Title ( for he had a Victorious Army with him , with which he might certainly very easily have vanquish'd the small remainder of Saul's baffled Forces ) ; yet he does nothing like that , but comes and settles himself and Family quietly at Hebron , where the Text says he dwelt , 2 Sam. 2.3 . But how long he was there before the men of Judah came to make him their King , the Story does not express ; but thither they came ( of their own accord , it is to be supposed ) , and there they make him King over the House of Judah , 2 Sam. 2.4 . But for all he had the same Title to the Crown of Israel , God having promised him both , yet he does not pretend to any Dominion over them , till they themselves come and make him their King , as you will find it , 2 Sam. 5.3 . and 1 Chron. 11.3 . but that was not till Seven Years and an half after he was King of Judah : So that it seems Israel took a fair time to consider of it ; for Ishbosheth reigning but Two Years , it must be Five Years and an half after his Death ; and what Government was in that Interregnum , is hard to say , because the Scripture says nothing of it ; but what they did so many years after , is yet call'd the fulfilling of Samuel's Prophecy to David ; for the Text tells you , They anointed David King over Israel , according to the Word of the Lord by Samuel , 1 Chron. 11.3 . From whence we infer , That when God Almighty does the most directly and immediately raise a single Person or Family , the People are his Instruments to do it , and bring it about , as is , I think , very apparent in this Case of David ; as also in that of Jeroboam : for although the Prophet Ahijah had given him Ten Pieces , to signifie the Ten Tribes he should reign over , and had also told him , 1 Kings 11.37 . I will take thee , and thou shalt reign according to all that thy soul desireth , and shalt be King over Israel : Yet for all these great Promises , he was glad to run for it , and play least in sight all Solomon's days ; so that he had no advantage by it , but only great hopes , till the People fulfill'd that which was but Prophecy before , 1 Kings 12.20 . And it came to pass , that when all Israel heard that Jeroboam was come again , that they sent and call'd him to the Congregation , and made him King over all Israel : So true is sometimes that saying , Vox Populi est Vox Dei. But this last Instance does afford us another Observation , which I think ought not to be past over in silence ; and that is , That God does not tye himself to a Family or Line ; For if Jeroboam will serve God , as David did , he will build him as sure a house as he built for David , 1 Kings 11.38 . By which we may see , that God is no Respecter of Persons , and that Kings have no surer Tenor in Gods Favour than other People ; for his Promises are as conditional to them , as to the meanest man ; and if they fail of their Duty , God may , and oftentimes does take the Forfeiture , as we see here both in the Case of David and Jeroboam . But when , and how far those Forfeitures are to be taken , ought to be left to that Almighty Wisdom and Providence , that turns every thing to good . But to return to the Story , from which I think I have not much digrest as to the Matter , though I may have a little Inverted the Order ; for according to that , I should not have treated of Jeroboam before Solomon . But the truth is , I cannot say there is such Proofs of the Peoples setting up Solomon , as for the Two preceding Kings ; and yet there are some Circumstances in the Story , from whence one may infer something of that kind : However , it may prove something which may be of some use in our present Dispute ; and that is , That a King may have a Successor , even while he lives ; for David , you see , commanded Zadock the Priest , and Nathan the Prophet , to anoint Solomon King , &c. that , as David says in the following Verse , he may come and sit upon my throne ; for he shall be King in my stead , 1 Kings 1.34 , 35. Now the occasion of this unusual way of proceeding , I suppose , was this ; David had a mind that Solomon should succeed him , and finding that Adonijah had got a strong Party , thought the best way to secure the Throne to Solomon , was , to put him in present Possession of it : Although , by the way , it must be remarked , that Adonijah was the Elder Brother , and so , according to our Rules of Succession , had the better Title ; from whence it may be inferr'd , That that Rule may sometimes be inverted without sin ; and 't is the more remarkable , because that God had taken such particular care of the Right of the First born in private Families , so that a Father had not power to make a Favourite-Child the Eldest , nor to put by the Son of a hated Mother from that double Portion to which his Birth-right intitled him . And yet the very first time that Succession to the Crown of Israel can be pretended , that Order , you see , is inverted , and Solomon , the Youngest Son set up . But to go on with our Story ; David , on the former account , finding it necessary to turn over the Crown to Solomon , during his own Life , yet thinks it fit to give the People an Account of his Proceedings , and the Reasons of them ; for he tells them , that God had chosen Judah to be the Ruler , and of the house of Judah , the house of my father ; and among the sons of my father , he liked me to make me King over Israel . And of all my sons ( for the Lord hath given me many sons ) he hath chosen Solomon my son , to sit upon the throne of the kingdom of the Lord over Israel , 1 Chron. 28.4 , 5. And after that David had given Instructions to Solomon about building the Temple , and both the King and People had made their Oblations of what they had which was fit for the Work , the Congregation of the People continuing yet together , 't is said , Chap. 29. ver . 22. And they made Solomon , the son of David , King the second time , and anointed him unto the Lord , to be the chief Governour . So that it seems David thought the Peoples Approbation necessary for the Confirmation of the Crown to Solomon ; else truly that very solemn Sacrifice and Invitation , of a Thousand Bullocks , a Thousand Rams , and a Thousand Lambs , had been a very unnecessary Expence : And then it follows in the 23d Verse , Solomon sat on the throne of the Lord , as King , instead of David his father , and prosper'd , and all Israel obey'd him . And although 't is said of his Son Rehoboam , both 1 Kings 11.43 . and 1 Chron. 9.31 . that he reigned in his Father's stead , yet 1 Kings 12.1 . 1 Chron. 10.1 . we find there was something else necessary to make him his Successor ; for in both places 't is said , all Israel were come to Shechem to make Rehoboam King : And when he was so imprudent as to disoblige them , and would not comply with them , they did not think it their duty to comply with him , nor would they allow him Second Thoughts in the Case , nor admit of any Treaty , but ston'd Adoram , that he sent to them , and immediately made Jeroboam King ; So that of Twelve Tribes , there was but One that made Rehoboam King. But now the Kingdom being divided into Two Branches , perhaps it may be expected that I should speak to them both . But the Succession in the Kingdom of Israel being so broken and confused , although it might afford me more Instances both of the Peoples making and pulling down Kings ; yet I shall , with the Tribe of Judah , adhere to the House of David , and from the Story of that Crown , bring my main Proofs for the Confirmation of the Argument I have in hand ; but since the Story of Israel may afford some very good and useful Observations , I hope I shall not be thought to deviate very much from the Design of this Paper , if I make a little stop here , to pick them up by the way , that so when I return to my Discourse of Judah again , I may meet with no more interruptions . The Observations that might have been made on Jeroboam , I have in part superseded , by taking notice of them in another place ; and therefore shall only repeat the Heads of them ; which were , 1st , That the People were the Instrument of making good God's Promise to him : 2dly , If Jeroboam had served God as sincerely as David , he should have been as great a Favourite : 3dly , That Jeroboam not performing those Conditions on which he was raised to the Crown , it was very just in God to take the Forfeiture , and to extirpate the House of Jeroboam . And although Baasha does seem to come as ill by the Crown as any body recorded in the Sacred Story ; for he not only conspires against , but slays the King his Master , 1 Kings 15.27 , 28. yet for all this he is owned by God Almighty , being the man , that was promis'd , shall I say , or rather threaten'd to Jeroboam ; for old Ahijah tells Jeroboam's Wife , Moreover the Lord shall raise him up a King over Israel , who shall cut off the house of Jeroboam , 1 Kings 14.14 . And although Baasha did take great care to fulfil the latter part of this Prophecy as fast as he could , yet he walking in the way of Jeroboam , and continuing in his sin , God sends his Prophet to upbraid him , and tell him what he had done for him : Forasmuch is I exalted thee out of the dust , and made thee Prince over my people Israel , and thou hast walk't in the way of Jeroboam , &c. behold I will take away the posterity of Baasha , &c. 1 Kings 16.2 , 3. from which we may infer these Two things , 1. That Usurpers are raised by , and may pretend to reign by God's Power ; and therefore may claim the same Obedience that lawful Kings ( so that the Affirmation of St. Paul , There is no power but of God , ought to be taken in the largest and literal sense . ) Our Second Inference is , That Baasha and his Family were rejected , not for his Treason , but his Idolatry ; not for killing Nadab , but for sinning like Jeroboam . And truly this Observation will run through most of the Kings of Israel , who , generally speaking , came to the Crown the same way , and afterwards walk't in the same steps Baasha did : But if any of them had but broken down the Calves , and rooted out Idolatry , no question but their Posterity should have been established ; for you see , that Jehu's imperfect Piety , in destroying Baal , and rooting out the House of Ahab , that first introduced that Worship into Israel , was rewarded with his Sons sitting on the Throne to the 4th generation ; and had he but gone on to do that to the Golden Calves that Josiah afterward did , who knows how long his Posterity might have govern'd Israel ? But after his Promised Succession was at an end , the Crown was never settled in any Family , but the Kingdom so broken by continual Conspiracies , that we hardly meet with any thing else that is remarkable , unless it be God Almightys Justice , who from that time to the end of that Monarchy , suffers the Son to be pull'd down by the very self same method and me ans the Father was set up ; so that there was nothing but Blood and Confusion among them , with which the People were so tired , that they do not seem to concern themselves at all in the matter , but submit to them that were uppermost ; else it would seem pretty strange , that Pekah the Son of Remaliah should with Fifty Men assault and take the Palace Royal in Samaria , kill the King that then Reigned , and put the Crown on his own Head , as you have it , 2 Kings 15.25 . For as it would have been a madness in Pekah to have attempted it with so small a force , if the People had stood by Pekahiah : so on the other side , had the People joyn'd with Pekah , a much greater number would certainly have appeared with him . So that I suppose the People sat Neuters , and did not concern themselves of either side , but obeyed him that proved the strongest . And although that is a method that I should not much recommend , yet we do not find that God or his Prophets do any where reprove them for it ; so that it seems there was no fighting about Titles in those days . There might indeed be a great many more Observations raised from the Story , but any attentive Reader will be so well able to do it for himself , that I shall neither forestal his Diligence , nor tire his Patience with any more at this time ; but resume the thread of my Discourse , and go on with the Story of Judah . And it must be owned , that from the time of Rehoboam ( where we last left ) to Vzziah , or Azariah , which you please to call him , there is no express mention of the Peoples setting up their King's : But , as I observed before in Rehoboam , we are not , from the Texts saying , such an one Reigned in his Fathers stead , to conclude , that he did it without the Peoples suffrage and good will ; and truly for the most part there are some general words , as that the People brought them Presents , as to Jehosaphat , 2 Chron. 17.5 . ( and Presents was the way by which in those days People owned and exprest their Duty and Homage , and the refusing them was an interpretative denying of their Authority , as you see in the Case of Saul , 1 Sam. 10.27 . ) or , when the Kingdom was confirm'd , as they say of Amaziah , 2 Chron. 25.3 . he then slew his Father's Murderers : So that it seems there was something previous , even to the impow'ring him to do that Act of Justice . And altho I cannot say , these Phrases do down-right affirm , yet they do intimate , that there was something to be done by the People . But whether Amaziah was set up by the People , or no , I shall not now dispute ; but sure I am , they pull'd him down , and deprived him , not only of his Crown , but of his Life also , as you may find it in 2 Kings 14.19 . But of that we have a larger Account , 2 Chron. 25.27 . Now after the time that Amaziah did turn away from following the Lord , they made a conspiracy against him in Jerusalem , and he fled to Lachish , but they sent to Lachish after him , and slew him there . Now that his turning away from following the Lord , did give his Subjects Authority to depose , and to kill him , is that which I should be very loth to affirm , although it seems to be set down there as the ground and occasion of their conspiring against him ; but this , I suppose , I may safely aver , That his forsaking God might be one great Reason why God forsook him , and left him in the Power of his Subjects : For all the Promises to the Jews , being of temporal good things , and the possessing of Canaan , and long life and prosperity in it , their great reward , they might very reasonably make their good or bad success the great Criterion by which they might judge how they stood in God Almighty's Favour , and whether they had pleas'd or displeas'd him . But now among us Christians , whose Promises are of another Nature , I should be very far from making that a general Inference , though from the very same Event . For alas ! it is yet too fresh in some of our Memories , when the best of Kings , and of Men , was deliver'd up to his Subjects : But I think I may borrow the Expression of the Prophet Esay , and say , that not for his own sins , but for the transgression of the People he was stricken : Wherein God's Justice was to be admired , in making their greatest sin the greatest judgment that could have been inflicted on a rebellious People . But to return to Amaziah : I must confess , that I can never read that Story but with wonder , to find , that the People are neither upbraided with it , nor punish't for it . For although we read , that he took vengeance on his Father Joash's Murderers , and that the People of the Land slew all those that conspired against King Amon , 2 Chron. 33.25 . yet we do not find any body so much as call'd in question for his Death : So that certainly there was some Circumstances that did much alleviate it ; and that the Fact was not in it self so foul , as at this distance it appears to us : for although Vzziah , for to get the Crown , might promise them Impunity , yet I question whether God would have confirmed the Sentence : and Isaiah , who prophesied in the Days of Vzziah , should not have been more partial to the People , than he was to the Kings ; for you see he could tell Hezekiah pretty plainly , of his little Vanity , in shewing his Treasures to the King of Babylon's Embassadors ; and not only reproves the Pride of the Women for , but also repeats all the little foolish Toys that belong'd to their Dress in his Days ; and he that was so strict in these lesser matters , methinks should not in silence have past over so foul a Fault as that of King-killing ; and yet , to my great wonder , I do not find any one Passage , either in the Story , or Esay's Prophecy , as does so much as seem to reflect on that Fact , as an ill thing . There is another Prophet indeed ( who lived in his Grandson's time ) who is thought by some to reflect on this Crime very heavily , as the beginning of this sort of sin in Judah ; Amaziah being the first of their Kings who was murder'd , though many had been murder'd in Israel , Mieah 1.13 . I will not therefore insist too much upon this , but go on to observe , That although they would not suffer Amaziah to enjoy his Life ; after he had quitted both Crown and Kingdom , yet they had that Honour and Justice for him too , after he was dead , that they not only interred him in the Royal Sepulcher , but set his Son also on the Royal Seat ; For all the people of Judah took Vzziah , and made him King in the room of Amaziah his Father , 2 Chron. 26.1 . And he is indeed the first King that is so expresly said to be set up by the Authority of the People , although their Suffrages , as I hope I have sufficiently proved , was thought necessary for the establishment of most of them . But altho Vzziah was the first , you will find he was not the last that was so set up . But before we come to speak of them , we will consider one Passage in the Reign of Vzziah ; and that is , his going into the Temple to burn Incense ; which being against the Law , we will see a little how the Priests demean themselves , and whether they thought they were oblig'd to sit still if they could not persuade him off it , and rather suffer him to do it , than resist him . But by the Preparation Azariah the High-Priest makes for a Scuffle , I fancy he did not understand the Doctrine of Passive Obedience ; for the Text tells you , 2 Chron. 26.17 . that Azariah enters after the King , with fourscore Priests which were valiant Men : But what occasion he had for such a Train , or why their Valour should be so particularly taken notice of , if they were to have no use of it , but were to submit , I cannot so easily conceive . But the 18 th Verse says , they did actually oppose the King , and bid him get him out of the Sanctuary , for he had nothing to do there . Nay , in the 20 th Verse they do thrust him out ; but that indeed was after the Leprosie was come out upon him . But altho this Story might afford several Inferences which would not be beside our present Question , yet they are so very obvious , that I may trust my Reader to make them ; therefore shall proceed , and must own , that from Vzziah to Josiah , there is no express mention of the Peoples interposing , or setting up of Kings ; but upon Amon's Murder , you see , they did take upon them ; for you will find it both in 2 Kings 21.24 . and 2 Chro. 33.25 . But the people of the land smote those that had conspired against King Amon ; also the people of the land did make Josiah his Son King in his stead . And I hope it may be said , that God Almighty did approve their Choice , he being the best King and the best Man that we read of in the whole Catalogue of the Kings of Judah ; he performing his Duty both to God and his People so very well , it would have been a shame to his Subjects , if they had not requited him , by paying him all that Observance and Duty to which he could have any Pretence . But altho he may be an Example to the best of Kings , the Scripture giving him this Eulogie , And like unto him there was no King before him , that turned to the Lord with all his heart , and with all his soul , and with all his might , according to the Law of Moses : Neither after him arose there any like him : Yet from him we may best learn what an intolerable Mischief a Wicked King is ; for tho Josiah was so very good , yet there was an old Arrere of his Grandfather Manasseh , that all his Vertue and Goodness could not clear : For , Notwithstanding the Lord turned not from the fierceness of his great wrath , wherewith his anger was kindled against Judah , because of all the provocations that Manasseh had provoked him withal : And the Lord said , I will remove Judah out of my sight , as I have removed Israel ; and will cast off this City Jerusalem , which I have chosen , and the House of which I said , My Name shall be there , 2 Kings 23.26 , 27. Therefore what Reasons have both Church and State to deprecate such a King as will infallibly intail Ruine on both ? For you see , that God's House , even that House that he had chose to set his Name there , shall be involved in the common Destruction . Therefore were I to add a new Clause to the Litany , it should be , From such a King as Manasseh , Good Lord , deliver us . But above all , we ought to be fearful of , and pray against an Idolatrous and Bloody King ; for those are the two Crimes with which Manasseh is particularly charged , and which hastned the Captivity of Judah , and consequently shortned the Life and Reign of the good and beloved Josiah , to whom it was particularly promised as a Blessing , that he should not live to see the Ruine and Desolation that was to be brought on the Nation after his Death . After which , the people of the land took Jehoabas the son of Josiah , and made him King in his fathers stead in Jerusalem , 2 Chron. 36.1 . and 2 Kings 23.30 . But altho he inherited his Father's Kingdom , it seems he did not his Vertues ; for it follows in ver . 32. That he did evil in the sight of the Lord , and so his Reign was very short ; for Pharaoh Necho makes him a Prisoner , and carries him into Egypt , and makes his elder Brother Jehoiakim King in his stead ; in whose days the King of Babylon first came up against Judah ; and after his death , Jehoiachin succeeds , whom Nebuchadnezzar carries to Babylon , and makes Zedekiah King , in whom the Succession was quite inverted , ( for he was Uncle , and not in the Direct Line ; ) and the Monarchy also ending with him , I should here have concuded this Part of my Discourse , but that I cannot omit one Observation , and that is , That there were several Kings of Judah alive at the same time : It is certain Two , Jeconiah and Zedekiah ; but for any thing I know , there might be Three ; for we do not read of the Death of Jehoahas , who was carried Prisoner into Egypt ; and by his Age I 'm sure he might survive Zedekiah's carrying to Babylon ; for he was but Twenty three Years old when he began to reign , and his own Reign , with all the Three Kings that succeeded him , do not make Twenty three Years more before the Captivity . But now I would fain know , what the Royalists of our Age would do in such a Case , and which of the Three they would own ? For there was great Variety ; One set up by the People ; the second , as Heir to him whom the King of Egypt had set up ; and the third , set up by the King of Babylon . But I do not find , that the Jews had any such Scruples at that time , but always obey'd them which were in possession ( as long as they were so ) let them be set up by whom they would ; and the Scripture gives them the same Epithete , they are all called Kings , without ever disputing their Titles . Nor are the People reproved for obeying Zedekiah , altho they knew that Jehoiachin ( who had certainly the better Title , and had also reign'd as King ) was alive . But altho the People are not rebuked for submitting to Zedekiah , whom Nebuchanezzar had set over them ; yet Zedekiah is for not obeying the King of Babylon , to whom he had past his Word that he would : So that we may see , that Kings are obliged by their Oaths and Promises , as well as other Men. Which brings me to my third Particular I was to prove , which is , That at the first setting up of Kings among the Jews , their Power was not Absolute ; but that they were obliged to certain Covenants and Conditions . And altho I will not pretend to prove it of every individual King ; yet if I can do it of the first and second , and also the solemn repeating of it after an Interregnum , I shall hope I have done all that can be expected from me : For whoever succeeds to a Crown , is supposed to take it on the same Conditions his Predecessors had it ; which it would be superfluous for the Story to repeat every time . And therefore I shall not make a long Preface to a Point that I hope so easily to dispatch ; for I suppose , that a few plain Scripture-proofs will ( for I 'm sure they ought to ) go farther than a long Rhetorical Discourse : And how few Instances soever I can bring , yet I shall begin at the Spring-head , and make the first Kings , Saul and David , Witnesses to the Truth of what I now assert , and prove , that such a Compact and Agreement between the Prince and People , is the very Corner-stone of Monarchy it self . And that I may do this the more fully and clearly , I must beg my Reader 's Pardon , tho I carry him so far back as the Inauguration of Saul the first King of Israel . But I shall not tire his Patience so much as to repeat all that I have already said of Samuel's displeasure at the People , for rejecting God , and defiring a Man to be set over them for their King , 1 Sam. 10.19 . And tho Samuel , to terrifie them , had represented the King they desired , rather in the shape of a Tyrant , that would destroy and ruine , than of a Prince that was to defend and save them , 1 Sam. 8. from the 11 th to the 19 th ; yet seeing they would not be discouraged , but still persisted in their Resolution , Nay , but we will have a King over us , God was so merciful to them , as to give Rules to this unruly King that Samuel had described : As I think we may safely collect from 1 Sam. 10.25 . Then Samuel told the People the manner of the Kingdom , and wrote it in a Book , and laid it up before the Lord. For had God designed that the King's Will should have been his only Law , it had , I 'm sure , been a very superfluous , if not an impossible Task , for Samuel to have writ that down : And besides , the laying it up before the Lord , does infer somethign of extraordinary weight and sacredness in that Book , that was to be placed in that holy Repository , with the Records of that Covenant which God himself had vouchsafed to make with his People . Now upon these Considerations , I think , I may safely call this the Original Contract that was between the Kings and People of Israel . But we may guess , it was not an Absolute Arbitrary Power ( such as our Neighbour-Prince pretends to over his Subjects ) that was by this made over to Saul ; for altho he saw many of his new Subjects did despise him , yet he was glad to hold his peace ; or , as the Margin says , He was as tho he had been deaf , 1 Sam. 10.27 . So that it seems Samuel thought it necessary the People should be farther obliged , than at present they thought themselves ; and therefore proposes their going up to Gilgal , there to renew the Kingdom , 1 Sam. 11.15 . And all the people went to Gilgal , and there they ( that is , certainly , the People ) made Saul King before the Lord in Gilgal , and there they sacrificed Sacrifices of Peace-Offerings before the Lord. And that the joining in a Sacrifice , and both Parties eating and partaking of the same Sacrifice , or at least eating together at what they called a Feast , was both the most usual and solemn way of making Covenants in those days , both among Jews and Gentiles , is a thing so well known , that I need not insist on it ; else both Sacred and Profane Story would furnish us with Proofs enough , were it necessary . But the Agreement which I suppose was then made between King and People , begot such a mutual Kindness and Confidence in one another , that the Text adds , There Saul and all the men of Israel rejoiced greatly ; and from that time we never find any Dispute between them . And so I shall proceed to his next Successor , David ; and the Proofs of his making such a Covenant with the People of Israel , are as clear and full as can be desired . Upon what Terms the Men of Judah first admitted him , is not so plainly set down ; but it being their own voluntary Act to make him King , we may suppose , that they would take care to see their own Interest secured . But 't is very apparent , that after Abner designed to revolt to David , he will make his Conditions with him first : And Abner sent Messengers to David , saying , Make thy League with me , and behold my hand shall be with thee , to bring about all Israel to thee . And he said , Well , I will make a League with thee , &c. So Abner came to David to Hebron , and twenty Men with him : And David made Abner , and the Men which were with him , a Feast , 2 Sam. 3.12 , 13 , 20. at which , I suppose , the Bargain was made of both sides ; for , as I before observ'd , few Contracts were concluded without the Ceremony of Eating and Drinking together . And after that , Abner says , I will arise , and go and gather all Israel to my Lord the King , ( for now he owns him to be so , altho he would not call him so before ) that they may make a League with thee , and that thou maist reign over all that thy Heart desireth ; as it follows in Verse 21. So that it seems the King's making a Covenant with the People , was to precede his Reigning over them , altho David had been both chosen by God , and Anointed by Samuel so many years before . And when upon Abner's death , that first Treaty with the Men of Israel was broken off , we do not find that David pretended to any Authority over Israel , till of their own accords , about five years and a half after , All the Elders of Israel came to the King to Hebron , and King David made a Covenant with them in Hebron before the Lord , and they Anointed David King over Israel , 2 Sam. 5.3 . And yet , as I said before , if ever any King could pretend to be Jure Divino , it must be David ; but for all that , he is content to come to the Crown like other Men , and does not assume it to himself till given him by the People . There is another thing also that I desire may be observed ; which is , That the Phrase before the Lord , both in this place , and 1 Sam. 11.15 . is indifferently apply'd both to King and People . For here 't is said , the King made a Covenant with the People before the Lord ; and there , that the people made Saul King before the Lord. From whence I think we may collect , that being mutual , the Promise was as obliging , as it was solemn of both sides , for both are exprest in the same words . And we may also conclude , that when we meet with that Phrase of eating and drinking before the Lord , and making King unto , or before the Lord , as 't is 1 Chron. 29.22 . it is designed to signifie the mutual stipulation between King and People : So that we may infer , that Solomon did take the Crown upon the same Terms his Father David did , altho the word League or Covenant is not exprest . And if the three first Kings did thus receive the Crown from , and oblige themselves to the People , we may safely suppose that their Successors did the same thing , although it is not particularly affirm'd of every one . Nor do we find any more mention of it till King Joash's coming to the Crown . And when the Kingdom was restored ( after the Usurpation , or Interregnum , shall I call it , of Athaliah ) all the old Rights and Customs are both mentioned and repeated , as you may find it , 2 Kings 11.4 , 17. How Jehoiada brought Joash into the House of the Lord to the People , and made a Covenant with them , and took an Oath of them in the House of the Lord ; and in the 17. Verse , And Jehoiada made a Covenant between the Lord , and the King , and the People , that they should be the Lords people ; between the King also and the People ; all which you will find repeated , 2 Chron. 23.3 , 16. And if this is not a pregnant Proof of the Truth of what I have said , that the Kings of Israel and Judah were not Absolute , but were under Obligations and Conditions to their People , as well as subjected to the Laws of God ; if this Instance , I say , with the rest before mentioned , may not be allow'd for Proofs , I shall dispair of bringing a Proof , either for this or any thing else , out of the Bible ; but if these will pass , I suppose they may be sufficient to convince any impartial Reader , therefore shall presume it would be superfluous to multiply Quotations in so plain a Case . And now I have gone through the three things I proposed to clear out of Scripture : How well I have perform'd my undertaking , I shall leave to better Judgments ; and that my Readers may be the better qualified to be my Judges , I desire they would do as the Noble Bereans did , Acts 17.11 . Search the Scripture daily whether these things are so ; for as I advance nothing upon my own Authority , so I do not desire any thing should be credited only because I say it ; for in Points of such importance , 't is very fit every body should judge for themselves . And if these things are so , Kings must be contented to own their Power as well as Birth to be of humane extraction . But yet I must beg leave to deny an Inference that some would make from that , who say , 'T is no act of Disobedience to God , to resist our Prince ; nor of Obedience to God , to submit to him , if he does not derive his Power from God , and act by his Authority and Commission ; for I would fain know whether it is not possible to make a humane Contract so strong , that it shall be a Sin against God to break it ? For according to this way of arguing , I might give away an Estate , and settle it as firm as Law can make it , and yet afterwards I might , without doing the Party any wrong , take it from him again without his consent , because he has no Grant to shew from Heaven for it . And this Instance I think may be pretty applicable to this Case : The People at the first Institution and setting up of Monarchy among them , make over so much of the Power , and such and such Rights and Priviledges to the King , which if afterwards they refuse to make good , they are and ought to be lookt upon as Rebels and Traitors . But on the other side , suppose the Person to whom I had made over some part of my Estate , should upon that pretend a Title to my whole Estate , and would let me enjoy no part of it , might not I lawfully resist him ? And what answer they would give to this , may serve to the other Case ; and that brings me to my second General , What Power and Authority it is , that is actually vested in our Kings ? Under which the Doctrines of Non-resistance and Passive Obedience shall be consider'd . II. Having on the former Head examined both the Original of Monarchy , and also proved that it was Limited and Conditional among the Jews ; and it being agreed on all hands , even by the greatest Assertors of the Prerogative , that our Saviour did not make any Alteration in the Rights of Princes , but what he found them possest of , he gives them leave quietly to enjoy ; I think we may safely conclude , that since he made no augmentation to the Princes Power , he laid no new Obligation on the Subject , but the King is to Govern , and the People to Obey , according to the Rules agreed and establish'd between them ; for the truth is , there can be no universal Rule given in the Case ; for the Magistrates Power , and the Measures of the Subjects subjection , are only to be judged of by the particular Laws and Constitutions of that Kingdom ; for that may be very lawful in one Place which is not so in another : Therefore our Saviour did give not only the Wisest , but the Justest Resolution , to that ensnaring Question of the Jews about Tribute , that ever was , when he said , Render unto Cesar the things that are Cesars , and unto God the things that are Gods , Mat. 22.20 . For although he does by name reserve nothing but Gods dues , yet I think it can hardly be inserved from that Negative Argument , that the People should part with their dues ; for the Command is only in general , to give to Cesar that which of right belongs to Cesar : so that I cannot think this Text gives Princes any Title to what is not their due ; but you see he does not pretend to tell us what is Cesar's due , because no general Rule could be given in that Case , the Rights of Kings and People varying almost in every Country . Therefore 't is from the Statute-Book , not the Bible , that we must judge of the Power our Kings are invested withal , and also of our own Obligations , and the measures of our Subjection . And here I might have a fair opportunity of expatiating , and both tell you the advantages , nay the necessity of Government in generals , and discourse also of the several kinds that are in the World. But my design being Brevity , I shall only take notice of that wherein we are particularly concerned , and that is Monarchy ; which , generally speaking , is the best Government in the World. But of that there are several sorts , as an Elective Monarchy , and an Hereditary one ; and those that Reign by Succession , may be distinguish'd into two kinds more , an Absolute and a Limited Monarchy ; the latter of which I take to be the happiest Constitution under the Heavens : Therefore next being born within the Pale of the true Church , I think to be born an English-Man is one of the greatest Privileges any ones Birth can entitle him to ; a happiness that I am sure is envied by our Neighbours , though I doubt not valued so much as it ought to be by them that enjoy it ; although they have the opportunity of a Comparison , which they say is the only way to judge either of happiness or ease ; for if we look but on our next Neighbours of the other side the Dike , we shall soon see the difference , and what a misfortune it is to be subject to the Arbitrary Power of a lawless and merciless Tyrant . How they came under those unhappy Circumstances at first , is not my business at present to examine ; but I 'm sure it ought to be the business of our whole Lives to bless God that we are not yet under the like ; and next our Thanks to God , we ought to commemorate the Courage of those Noble Patriots , who from the beginning of our Monarchy have opposed the Encroachments that some of our Kings would have made upon our Laws and Liberties , which , blessed be God , were derived intire to us , and I hope we shall transmit them so to our Posterity , notwithstanding all the endeavours that have been used for the subversion of them . For I think I may challenge the whole World to shew so equal and so happy a Constitution of Government as is this day in England , which is so exactly and harmoniously composed , that I know nothing to compare it to but its self : for as Vertue does commonly lie in the mean , so our Legislators have wisely pickt out all the good that was in all sorts of Government , but shun'd the Extreams that any one might have betray'd us to : For here the Populace have liberty without a Democratical Confusion and Fury ; the Nobility have all the Priviledges to which Aristocracy it self could intitle them , without the necessity of running into Factions and Cabals for it ; and the King's Power so equally ballanced between the Two other , that his Power can hardly ever degenerate into Tyranny , nor , on the other side , while he governs by Law , can he ever want Authority , either to protect or correct his Subjects , or means to reward Vertue , or discourage Vice , which are the great Ends for which Civil Government was at first instituted . And as the several parts of our Government have such a mutual dependance one upon the other , so they have the same opportunities of reciprocally endearing and obliging one another : So that I have often thought , with reverence be it spoke , that we have a kind of Trinity in our Government , as well as in our Faith , to which I 'm sure they ought to have another resemblance , and that is their Unity : for their Power is so equal in the great Point of Legislature , that one cannot properly say , that one is greater , or less than another ; for as all have Negative Voices , so neither , nor both the Houses without the King , nor the King without the Two Houses , can do any thing ; but the Consent of the whole Three is necessary both to the making and abrogating a Law ; for all Three Parties being equally obliged to execute , and obey those Laws when made , it was very reasonable they should all give their Consents to them before they were made . And since the Legislative Power is in all Nations esteemed the Supreme , and ours being so divided , it seems to be a little improper to call any One of the Three the Supreme Power . It must be acknowledged indeed , that the Executative Part of the Power is , by the Consent of the other Two , committed to the King , and that only by way of Trust , and under such Limitations , that it cannot properly be call'd the Supreme Power , although he may fitly enough be stiled the Supreme Magistrate of the Nation , because he , and none but he , has the Power to make men keep the Laws , and to punish them for the Breaches of the Law ; but that under such Restrictions and Limitations , that the Title of Chief Magistrate of the Nation is given to him much upon the same account that the Mayor of a Town is call'd the Chief Magistrate of that Town ; for , without all doubt , all the Members of that Corporation , and the Inhabitants of that Town , are obliged to obey their Mayor , when his Commands are according to their Charter ; and he has also power to punish the willful Breaches of it , in any that are within his Jurisdiction ; but yet every body knows his Power is limited : and so truly is our King 's , and that in the most important things , and where he would certainly chuse to shew his Power , were it absolute ; that is , in the raising of Money , and punishing of Capital Offenders ; for of all things the Sword of Justice should be solely in the Power of the supreme Magistrate ( if he were really absolute ) ; but that we know our Kings have not , for he hath no other way to right himself than what the meanest Subjects have : For suppose he should accuse any one of High Treason , he must first Indict him , and then undergo all the tedious Forms and Processes of Law , before he can Convict him : So that I cannot say , that the King has in that particular any priviledge beyond the Subject ; for Traitors are to have as fair play for their Lives as any other Offenders , although the punishment ( as it ought to be ) is more severe when 't is inflicted ; for the King being a publick Person , and one that by his undertaking the Administration of the Law , is more expos'd to danger ; for by the very Execution of Justice , he certainly provokes the Offender , and if he be of any Quality and Rank , his Friends and Relations too : So that truly by the Rules of Equity , both the Law and the People ought to set a double Fence about the King's Person , and take particular care to secure him from those Hazards to which his High Place and Office may render him more liable than more inferiour people . So that those particular Laws which are made in favour of the Prince , are rather the Effects of the Justice and Kindness of the People , than Evidence of the Priviledge and Prerogative of the King ; several Instances of which the Reign of our late King Charles the Second might furnish us with ; but as it would be tedious to repeat them all , so truly all may be comprized in that one , of putting the Militia into the King's Power ; for the remembrance of the late Rebellion , and the sad Effects of it , were then so fresh in every bodies memory , that they thought there could be no greater Inconvenience , than that of the King 's wanting Power to maintain that Authority with which the Law had invested him ; and so for his farther security , they past that , and several other Acts which were extreamly for the King's advantage : And surely none of our Non-Resistance Gentlemen but must own , that they were a considerable Addition to the Prerogative : And whosoever shall pretend they were the Right of the Crown before , teaches the King to be ungrateful as well as unjust . I know it is alledg'd by some , That a Soveraign Prince receives not his Authority from the Laws , but the Laws receive their Authority from him . From which they would infer , That a King is neither subject to , nor bound up by the Laws any farther than he pleases . But I must beg leave to deny both this their minor Proposition , and the Conclusion , although I grant the major , from which they say the other Two will necessarily result ; but for my part , I cannot see the necessity of such Consequences , although I should grant there was a personal Power antecedent to all the Civil Laws ; for that was the Paternal , and not the Regal Authority . For sure none will affirm , that is the Law of Nature , as the former certainly is : for without all doubt the People had power to Elect a King , before there could be any such thing as a Soveraign Prince born in the World. So that 't is evident , that the power of the People is not only antecedent to that of Kings , but also that the Kings did receive and derive their Authority at first from the People . So that 't is no incongruous , much less impossible supposition , That Kings do derive their Authority from the Laws ; for certainly they must owe their power to that which gave it a Being ; and that is that Original Contract which is made between the People and the Person or Family they shall think fit to advance to the Kingship ; which ought to be the Boundary of the Prince's Authority , as also of the Subjects Submission . But however the Case may stand in other Countries , God be thank'd us so in England . For our Ancient History tells us what sad Confusion there was in this poor Island after the Conquest of the Romans , when every little Captain set up for a King ; and there was always such inveterate hatred between those small neighbouring Princes ( if they deserve to be call'd so ) that they would rather call in and submit to Forreigners , who devour'd and enslav'd all sides , than yield to one another : And on this account both Danes and Saxons were at first call'd in . And although the Saxons had establish'd an Heptarchy among us , yet they found they were too many for this small Plat of Ground ; for they were always encroaching , and fighting with one another : wherefore growing weary of that , Horne tells you , in his Mirrour , chap. 1. How they chose themselves One King , to maintain and defend their Persons and Goods in Peace , by Rules of Law , and made him swear , That he would be obedient to suffer Right , as well as his People should be . And these are the Terms on the which our first Monarch , properly so call'd , ( for truly before they did not deserve the Name of Kings ; for I 'm sure their power was not so great , or perhaps so extensive , as that of a Lord Mayor of London ) did ascend the Throne ; and that the same Terms and Conditions were agreed to , and confirmed by his Successors , might be easily proved , would it not take up too much time ; but yet King Edgar thought it worth their while to collect and transcribe them . And we find William the First was willing to wave his Title of Conquerour , and by confirming the Ancient Rights and Priviledges of the People , be receiv'd as their Legal , not their Conquerour , or Arbitrary Governour : For although Conquest may give one power , it cannot of its self give one Right to rule a Nation ; for the Consent of the People , either tacite ( that is , when they like their new Governour so well , that they never offer to resist , but quietly comply and submit to his Government , receive the advantage of his Protection and Laws , and pay him , in return , what his Laws require ) or explicit , ( that is , when they make Conditions and Terms for themselves , before they will submit ) is so necessary , that no King can be long safe without it . And since the way of explicit Contract has been the general Method of our Predecessors , therefore whatever Objections are made against that known saying of Bracton , Lex facit Regem , it will hold good in Law ; and I verily believe none of our Kings would exchange the Title that the Law gives them to the Crown , for all the Evidences the Clergy can furnish them with out of the Gospel , to prove their power absolute and arbitrary . Therefore since 't is the Law that must tell us with what power our Kings are invested , perhaps Bracton may give us as good an account of it as any body , when he says , The whole Power of the King of England is to do good , and not to do hurt ; which he explains , by adding , Nor can he do anything as a King , but what he can legally do , lib. 3. c. 9. From whence , I suppose , the old Maxim , That the King can do no wrong , first sprung . For while he acts by Law , 't is evident he cannot ; and for what he does against Law , he does not do it as a King. Nay , the same Bracton seems to think , That he actually unkings himself by it ; for he says , Non est enim Rex , ubi dominatur Voluntas , & non Lex : By which certainly he does not mean , that he ceased to be a good King ; for that he need not have been at the pains of telling us ; for our own sad Experience would soon have convinced us of it ; but having told us before , That he can do nothing as a King , but what he can legally do ; without all doubt his meaning was , that we are not to look upon him nor obey him as our King , when he commands any thing contrary to Law. But there has been so much writ on this Subject already , that as it would be hard to say any thing new upon it , so it would be both tedious and superfluous to repeat the old . But I suppose I may safely take for granted what all sides allow ; and that is , That ours is a limited Monarchy : For all must own , that if our Kings act as they ought to do , they must keep within the Boundaries of the Laws . And where the Regal Authority is circumscribed , and the King's Power , as King , has its Non ultra ; yet that the Peoples Obedience should know no Measures , but is extended ad infinitum , is to me , I must confess , a very unintelligible Doctrine . For if we are equally obliged to render Obedience , either Active or Passive , to the Kings Commands which are contrary to the Law , as we are to those which are consistent with it , and authorized by it ; I must crave leave to say , that Law is a very superfluous , because a very insignificant thing ; nay , certainly , if the Case be so , it were much better be taken away ; for perhaps it may betray some poor ignorant People , who , 't is possible , may think it gives them some Right , when indeed it gives them none . But if they shall think fit to make any distinction between the Obedience we are to render to the King , when he speaks like a King , by the Consent and Authority of the Laws ; and what we are to pay him when he speaks in his Personal and Private Capacity : If , I say , they shall think fit to make any distinctions in the Case , I should desire them to set the Boundaries ; for truly , according to the Doctrine of Passive Obedience ( in the Latitude they now take it ) I know no body else that can fix them . But I would fain know of them , whether there is not such a Rule in Divinity , That where there is no Law , there is no Transgression . And if no Transgression , certainly no Obligation to undergo any Penalty ; for the same Text tells us , in the same Verse , Rom. 4.15 . That the Law worketh wrath ; that is , that the Law obligeth to the Punishment threatned to the Breakers of it : But , Where there is no Law , there is no Transgression , and consequently , no wrath ; and if they will please to apply this to the Point in hand , I think I need not add any thing to it ; but proceed to shew , that besides the general and implicit Obligation that our Laws lay upon all that have any share in the Government , or any Interest in the State ; our Kings have a more particular and actual Obligation to govern by them , and to submit to them . For that August Ceremony of their Coronation was not intended only to please and amuse the Vulgar with the Gaiety and Splendor of the Shew , but was instituted for Wiser Ends , that by the Magnificence and Solemnity of the Action , it might fix upon the Hearts both of King and People the remembrance of those Vows and Engagements they at that time mutually make to one another ; and I do not at all doubt , but the Custom was derived from the Jews , and is the same thing that I have so largely treated on in my First Part : For here King and People make a solemn Covenant before the Lord ; and that nothing may be wanting to the Resemblance , they partake of a Common Meal together ; which was the ancient way of confirming and ratifying all Compacts and Agreements betwixt Party and Party : And I think I may not improperly stile the Coronation , the Marriage-day between the King and Kingdom ; for altho in Hereditary Monarchies there is a kind of Pre-contract , as there often is between private Persons , which may be so obligatory , that nothing but Death can dissolve it ; yet the Wisdom of the Law does not think that sufficient , but requires a formal and publick owning of it , for these Two Reasons , among many others . First , For the Satisfaction of the Parties themselves , and to give them the greater Confidence in one another . Secondly , That the Number of Witnesses may be some Check to them , and make them think how notorious their Perjury will be , after they had confirm'd their Vows before a Multitude . So that , as we before proved , the King's Power was Limited ; so now I think we may say , it is Conditional also : For I cannot but suppose , that all that shall read this Paper , understand the Nature of a Covenant so well , that I need not tell them , the Obligation is mutual , and that if I break my part of the Covenant , I have no Right to challenge the Performance of the other side . But if Kings have any particular Privilege of breaking their Words , and forswearing themselves , they would do well to produce their Grant of Exemption from the Rules of God and Nature ; for we know where 't is said , I will not hold him guiltless that takes my Name in vain ; in which Law I do not remember any Exception . But I know to this 't will be replied , That they shall answer for it to God , but are not accountable to their Subjects for the Breaches of their Oaths : And if so , I do wonder why they were at first imposed ; for I think I may not improperly urge what St. Paul says , 1 Tim. 1.9 . The Law is not made for the righteous man , but for the lawless , &c. So 't is not a good King that we desire to tie up ; for we know he will be a Law to himself ; but 't is the Lawless King that we would set Bounds to . But if the most sacred and solemn Oaths give the Subject no Right at all to require or expect Performance , I know not of what Use they are , unless it be to Damn the King , which surely will be but small Consolation to a Christian Subject . But this by the by . But since such Covenants have in all Ages and Nations been counted so obligatory and sacred , that the Apostle tells you , Gal. 3.15 . Tho it be but a Mans Covenant , yet if it be confirm'd , no Man disanmilleth , or addeth thereto . Nor can any after-act ( as he proves very well in the 17 th Verse ) make it void : Therefore by this Doctrine I cannot see what Authority any third Person has to acquit either King or People of their Oaths to each other : So that I hope I may without offence say , That Kings are obliged by their Covenants , since God Almighty owns himself to be so ; for Moses desires the People should take particular notice of it , Deut. 7.9 . Know therefore , that the Lord thy God he is God , the faithful God , which keepeth Covenant and Mercy with them that love him and keep his Commandments : That is , God will be sure to perform his part of the Covenant , if the People keep theirs . And in Psal. 89.34 . My Covenant will I not break , says God. And it seems to be a Title wherein he takes more than ordinary delight ; for both Nehemiah and Daniel desiring to procure his Favour , and to make him propitious to his People , begin their Addresses to him in these very words : O Lord God , the great and terrible God , that keepeth Covenant and Mercy , &c. Neh. 1.5 . and Dan. 9.4 . therefore since it is one of the Attributes and Excellencies of God , that he is true and faithful to his word , it should be no part of the Privilege of Kings to be at liberty to break theirs . Now all Covenants being Conditional , where there is a possibility of the Parties breaking their part of the Covenant , there is also a possibility of their forfeiting the advantages of it , and the right they had to claim performance of the other side . Now that Kings can break their Word , and Oath too , as well as meaner Men , we have had a little too late experience . Therefore it is a point of great concern , to know how far , and when it may be lawful for the Subjects to take the forfeiture for their Kings brench of Covenant . And here God forbid that I should attempt to make the Government Precarious , or to make Kings accountable for every little Failure : For as every breach of the Law in a Subject is not Treason , so every violation of it by the Prince is not the forfeiting of his Prerogative . Nay , they are so very few Cases wherein 't is possible to be done , that perhaps our Late unhappy King James is the first Instance of it in our Nation ; not but that we have had as bad Kings , and worse Men to rule over us : But none but himself did ever attempt , in so many Instances to destroy the Constitution , and overturn the very Foundation of our Government . For 't was neither his Mal-administration in general , nor the several particular Injustices that were committed in his Reign , that I look upon as his great Crimes : For although the Proceedings against the Bishops and Magdalen College , were very ill things , and made a very great noise , yet sure none can say that he forseited his Crown by those particular Breaches of the Law. No , there was the time for shewing and exercising true Passive Obedience ; for had the Bishops done any thing but just what they did , they had not done their Duty ; but their Patience and Submission to those Injustices did extreamly well become them : For 't would be a sad World indeed , if every body that thought themselves hardly or unjustly dealt withal , should fly in the face of Publick Authority , and have power to resist the lawful Magistrate . No , I would rather chuse to live under the greatest Tyrant in the World , than in such an Anarchy ; for where there is any Law , private Persons are not , nor ought not to be Judges in their own Causes , and that is one Reason why an unjust Sentence is Obligatory ; for in such Cases private Persons must suffer , rather than by force right themselves . For 't is an old saying , Better a Mischief than an Inconvenience ; that is , Better a private Person should be wrong'd , than the publick Peace disturb'd ; and the calling Authority in question for every little Complaint , would be a greater inconvenience than thousands unjust Sentences against particular Persons ; for although Justice be never so much violated , yet if the Law it self be preserv'd intire , and the Constitution and Basis of the Government remain firm and unshaken , the Subject must be content to suffer , and neither Oppose nor Depose their King. But yet , after all , there is some things that may be done by Princes , which the greatest Asserters of the Monarchical Right hold to be Forfeitures of it ; particularly , the selling of them , or betraying them to a Foreign Power and Jurisdiction : to which I shall crave leave to add two more ; the setting up a False and Spurious Heir in an Hereditary Monarchy ; and the overturning all the Establisht Laws , and setting up Arbitrary Power in a limited one . And if I can prove our late King James to have been guilty of all three , surely I need not say much more to prove that he has forfeited his Right , or that his Subjects are actually freed from their Allegiance to him . 1. And as to the first point , I shall not trouble my self to enquire into the particulars of the Private League , which they say he made with the French King , for we have publick matters of Fact enough , to prove all that is necessary in this Point : For the sending an Ambassador to Rome , and owning of the Popes Authority so far , as to receive his Nuncio and Provincial Romish Bishops , and that against so many Laws and Statutes that are expresly against it ; and not only that , but making Privy Counsellors , and advancing to the Helm of State those very Persons that by our Laws are not allow'd to live in the Kingdom . And to what end could all this tend , but to bring the Nation under the Papal Jurisdiction and Slavery ? 2. The second , of setting up a suspected Child to be Heir ; as 't is a thing of which we have no President in all our Story , so 't is a Sin for which we have yet no name ; but I should call it Civil Adultery ; it being doing that to the Publick , that a false Wife does in a private Family . It is a thing indeed against which there is no Law , because , like that of committing Paricide , the Law-givers thought no body could ever be guilty of it ; and truly I believe he is the first Instance of a Father that ever set up a suspected Child against his own Children . And if this is not an inversion , or rather a subversion of the Succession , I know not what is . And yet , to my wonder , I can see some people pass this by very patiently , who can rail with a very good grace against the Parliament ; I cannot say for giving the present King a Right , but anticipating the Title he had to the Crown , and that with the consent of the next Heirs too ; so that they cannot say there is any wrong done in the Case And yet some make a horrible out-cry , as if both the Constitution of the Government , and the Laws of Succession , were all subverted and broken by it : when they have only set up a Prince of the Blood , for which there is Presidents in our own Chronicles . For Henry the 7th . by Name , had no Right of either side , but what he derived from his Mother ( who was Heir of the House of Lancaster ) and his Wife , who was the true and undoubted Heir of the House of York , and consequently of the Kingdom . But although he Reigned by her , he would not suffer her to Reign with him , for he would allow her neither Power nor Title ; so that this is no new thing among us ; but the setting up of that spurious Brat I am sure has no paralel : And if there was to be Inversion in the Case , surely it should sooner be made for the sake of a Noble Prince , who merited all that could be done for him , than for the setting up of an unknown , but in all probability base-born Child ; the very thoughts of which all true English Men ought to abhor . 3. But how foul soever the two former things may and ought to appear , it is the third that knocks the Nail of the head . But I think I may reasonably suppose it superfluous for me to enter into a long Discourse of the Illegality of the Dispensing Power , which is so fully display'd in the Tryal of the seven Bishops , that it may supersede all that can be said on the point . But although Charles the Second wished he had had the Power of dispensing with tender Consciences on some particular Emergencies ; yet none but our late King James ever pretended to have Authority to dispense with , and silence all the Laws of the Nation . But when he assumed to himself the Power of dispensing with those Laws he could neither make nor abrogate , he did at once both Unking himself and release his Subjects . For as the English Kings have no Right but what the Law gives them ; so the People owe no duty but what the same Law obliges them to ; and when our Kings go about to invalidate the Laws , they destroy that very Power that gives the Monarchy both Being and Authority . And that this was the very Case of the late King James , I dare appeal to any body that knows our Laws , unless it be those vile despicable Wretches , whose names will be Infamous to all Posterity , who pretending to sit to Judge according to Law , gave Sentence contrary to the Law. But it was very much for the honour of that Noble Profession , that there was so many sets of Judges turned out , and that they were so many years before they could pick out Twelve Men that were Rogues enough to be entrusted by them ; and even here they were happily deceived , for among four which I suppose they thought themselves secure of , two of them , when they came to the tryal , approved themselves honest Men. But if we talk of Treason and of Traytors , none sure , since the very Foundation of Monarchy in this Nation , have deserved that Title so well as J. and C. for I am loth to know them by the Names of Lord C. and Lord Bishop of Ch. ( but since there was a Judas among the Apostles , I hope it will be no scandal to our Excellent and Reverend Bishops , that there was one Traytor among them . ) But certainly two such Traytors both to King and Kingdom , Church and State , England never bred . But I hope they will meet with such full rewards for their Treasons in this World , as may deter others from following them , and also secure them from that sadder vengeance in the World to come , which I am sure I heartily wish . I could here add a great deal more on this Head , but that I suppose it needless ; for having proved before , that our King's Power is both Limited and Conditional , and consequently that he can forfeit his Right to the Government ; I think I need not , now I have made out those three things , use any other Arguments to prove King James has actually done so , although I might insist upon his Deserting , as well as subverting the Government . III. But after all that I can say , I do not expect every body should have the same Sentiments I have . But having endeavour'd from the beginning to clear the way before me , and to prove all my Points as I went , that I may not leave my Reader in a Maze at the last , I shall consider and answer , as well as I can , the Chief Objections that may be made against what I have now said , which I think may be reduced to these Four Heads . First , That it is against the receiv'd Opinion of Monarchies being Jure Divino , and being first Instituted by God. Secondly , That it contradicts several plain Texts of Scripture . Thirdly , That having sworn Allegiance to King James , his doing an ill thing will not acquit us . Fourthly , That 't is doing the same thing we condemn'd so in the Rebellion in 41. And I should have added a fifth , but that I hope I have in part anticipated all the Objections can be made against the Succession . 1. Now to the First , I shall only desire them to consider what I have said in my First Part , about the first beginning of Monarchy in the World , and particularly the establishing of it among the Jews . But although I there deny its first Institution to be by God's immediate Appointment and Direction ; yet I would not be understood so , as if I meant to exclude God from having any thing to do in the setting up or making of Kings ; for I know , that by him Kings reign , and 't is by his Counsel and Inspiration that Princes decree just things : For , alas ! without him the mightiest Monarch in the World can neither think a Thought , nor stir a Step ; for in him ( as St. Paul says ) we live , and move , and have our being , Acts 17.28 . So that in some senses God may be said to be the Author of all our Actions ; for the Prophet says , Shall there be evil in the City , and the Lord hath not done it ? Amos 3.6 . And without him we are not able to do any thing ; for St. Paul says , 1 Cor. 3.5 . That we are not sufficient of our selves to think any thing as of our selves , but our sufficiency is of God : And if not able to think , certainly not able to act , without his Concurrence and Assistance . And if a Sparrow shall not fall to the ground without our Father , and the very Hairs of our Head are numbred , as our Saviour tells us , Mat. 10.29 , 30. surely that God that takes such care and notice of little inconsiderable things , will not let Kings and Kingdoms be without his Care and Providence : And yet for all that , they may be , as St. Peter stiles them , an Ordinance of Man. The truth is , some of our Prerogative-men treat the King as the Papists have done the Virgin Mary , think they cannot speak too highly of her ; and so they make her a perfect Goddess , and ascribe Honours to her which are not her due . But altho I have as great Veneration for her as I can or ought to have for a Creature , and acknowledge her to be Blessed among Women ; yet she was but a Woman still : So I must look upon Kings as Men still , and own them to be the Chiefest , I wish I could always say , the Best of Men. And altho God may in his secret Decrees design the making such Persons Kings ; yet he makes the People the Instruments of raising them , and 't is from the People that they immediately receive their Power , as I shew'd at large in the Stories of David and Jeroboam . But tho God do not chuse a King by any miraculous Declaration of his Will in the Case , yet ( if that will satisfie ) I will grant that he may direct and incline the Hearts of the People to chuse one rather than another ; and when they once have chose , God certainly does confirm it , so that 't is not in the Peoples power to chuse again , unless by the King's fault his Power is forfeited , and so it revolves to the People . For I should be very unwilling to live under any Government where God has nothing to do ; but all that I contest is , that Kings are not so immediately set up by God , that upon that score they should be unaccountable to their People , especially where they are not the Supreme Power , as 't is evident they are not in England . And that one Circumstance does make so great an alteration in the Case , that it almost supersedes what I have to say to the several Texts of Scripture that may be urged against what I have here said : But yet that I may both take away all Objections , and give all the Satisfaction imaginable , we will consider all those Texts distinctly , and see how far they may be applicable to our Case . 2. And the properest Method of doing it , I suppose , will be by taking them in order as they lie : And the first that offers it self to our Consideration , is that of our Saviour , Mat. 22.21 . Render therefore to Cesar the things that are Cesar's , &c. But having had occasion in another place to treat of that Text , I shall desire my Reader to turn some few Leaves back , and shall only add to what I have there said , That I do acknowledge it a Duty to render to Cesar , nay to every body , the Things and Dues that belong to them ; but think that we fully discharge our Duty to the King , when we pay him all the Obedience that the Law gives him Right to challenge , or lays any Obligation upon the Subject to perform : And if they can by this Text prove we do not do so , or that we are obliged to render unto Cesar the things which are not Cesar's , they will indeed then say something to the purpose . But this being the only Rule that our Saviour gave in the Case , and it being acknowledged , that our Saviour did not intend to make any Alteration in the Rights of Princes , but leaves them as he found them ; it may not be amiss to consider a little how he found that Matter , and what particular Commands God gave to the Jews concerning their Obedience to Kings . And I must declare , that I have read the Old Testament over with all the attention I am capable of ; and unless it be in the Proverbs , I cannot find one Text that gives us any Direction , much less Command , about Subjection to Kings , but only what our Divines draw by way of Inference from the Fifth Commandment : But whether God intended it in that sense they have now put upon it , I think might bear a Dispute : But if he did , it must be only by way of Prophecy , for there was not a King in Israel for near Five hundred Years after the giving of the Law : And this I 'm sure of , that upon the setting up of Saul , when Samuel had the King and People Face to Face , altho he often repeats their Duty and Obligation of fearing the Lord , and obeying him , yet not one word of Command to the People to obey their new King , which I have sometimes wonder'd at ; and the only Account that I can give of it , is this : That being they were resolv'd they would be like other Nations , and would have a King to reign over them , God comply'd with them in the thing , but would have nothing to do with the Compact between them , but leaves them to agree that Matter between themselves as well as they can ; and accordingly we find , that tho God chose the Person , as in the Case of David , yet they would not admit him King , till they had made a Bargain with him , as I have shew'd at large in the First Part of this . So that upon the whole , and as far as I can discover , the Power that our Saviour found Kings invested with , was what the People first consented to , and afterwards by Laws obliged themselves to : But there can be no Universal Rule , because that the Laws vary according to the differing Constitution of Government that is in several Nations : Therefore our Saviour gave the properest and the fullest Answer , by bidding them render to Kings what by the Municipal Laws of that Kingdom was their Due . The next Text is that of our Saviours rebuking St. Peter , Mat. 26.52 . Then said Jesus unto him , Put up thy Sword into thy place ; for all they that take the Sword , shall perish with the Sword. Now for the better understanding of this Place , it may not be improper to compare the several Relations of this very Passage , as 't is diversly recorded by all Four Evangelists ; and altho it is the most at large in St. Matthew , yet he omits one very necessary and remarkable Particular , which is related by St. Luke , chap. 22.49 . And when they which were about him saw what would follow , they said unto him , Lord , shall we smite with the Sword ? But Peter being a little too zealous , would not stay for his Lord's Answer , as the others did ; but without leave makes use of his , which occasions him this Reprimand from Christ , and upon a double account . First , Striking without his Lord's Commission ; for I do not question but it would have been a fault in him to have cut off any bodys Ear , as well as Malchus's . Secondly , Thinking that Christ wanted his Defence ; and tho Christ had so often foretold , That the Son of Man was to be betray'd , and given up into the hands of Sinners ; yet now he would pretend to rescue him from those very Sufferings he came on purpose into the World to undergo . For St. John lays the stress of the Argument there , Put up thy Sword into the Sheath : The Cup that my Father gives me , shall I not drink it ? Joh. 18.11 . So that the unseasonableness of the Defence is all that he there reproves , and seems to me to be the chief thing aimed at by St. Matthew , when Christ says , Thinkest thou that I cannot now pray to my Father , and he shall presently give me more than twelve Legions of Angels ? But how then shall the Scripture be fulfilled , that thus it must be ? Mat. 26.53 , 54. But allowing it was unlawful for St. Peter to strike without Christ's leave , yet I cannot see how that Text would support all that they would build upon it ; for the Chief Priest's was not the Supreme Authority of that Nation at that time ; for they own'd to Pilate , Joh. 18.31 . That it was not lawful for them to put any man to death : And whether they had any better Authority to take him , is more than I think can be proved ; for St. Matthew intimates , that they sought to take him by craft and subtilty , and could not have accomplished it but by his Servant's Treachery ; and after they had apprehended him , and brought him to Pilate , who was the Chief Magistrate under Cesar , yet he would not pretend to judge him , because he belong'd to Herod's Jurisdiction , till Herod return'd him to him . So that here is no reason to suppose , that Malchus's being the High Priest's Officer , was an Aggravation to St. Peter's Guilt ; for the High Priest had no Power himself in those Causes ; so that there was no Resistance of the Supreme Magistrate , or Publick Authority in the Case . But our Saviour did very justly condemn Peter's taking so much upon him , as to presume to strike without his Lord's leave , when he stood by . But now the two main Texts of Rom. 13. and 1 Pet. 2.13 . should come to be considered ; but they enterfering a little one with another , we shall endeavour to reconcile them , before we discourse of either ; for nothing can be more directly contrary , than St. Peter's calling that the Ordinance of Man , which St. Paul says is the Ordinance of God. But I must confess I cannot see that there is any greater necessity of bringing St. Peter to St. Paul , than Paul to Peter ; for they are both Canonical , and both equally true ; and were it not that all Texts are to be prest to maintain the Doctrine of Monarchy's being Jure Divino , I should think there were no great difference in the Case : For having before so fully proved , That Kings were at first set up by the People , St. Peter had a great deal of reason to call them the Ordinance of Man ; but after they were establish'd , it was then the Ordinance , Order , or Command of God , call it which you will , that the People should obey them as far as they had obliged themselves by Law to do : And I do and must own , that any Subject who refuses Obedience , either Active or Passive , in any of those Instances which the Laws and Constitution of the Government require him to submit to ; that Man , I say , does actually resist the Ordinance or Command of God , and does deserve the Penalty the Apostle threatens , take the Word in what Latitude you please . And this I take to be the clearest way of reconciling the two Texts . And I will also own , that the Apostles gave very good Advice , and that the Christians of those Times were obliged to follow it ; and if there be now in the World any Christians in the same unhappy Predicament , I should think it their Duty to follow it also : But , God be thank'd , we are in much other Circumstances than they were at that time ; for they were under the Command of Arbitrary Tyrants , whose Will was their only Law : Whereas we are under no Law but what we have made our selves , and our King's Power is both Limited and Conditional , and , properly speaking , we cannot call the King Supreme , for I think I have before shew'd , that there is a possibility for a King to be guilty of Treason , or at least that which is tantamount to it ; for they can forfeit their Regal Authority , as I do not at all doubt but our late King actually did . So that unless they will be pleased to prove , that it is the duty of all Kingdoms and States to put themselves into the same Circumstances , and make themselves Slaves on purpose that they may be oblig'd by this Command of St. Paul's ; I think we may very lawfully plead exemption from some of the Inferences they would draw from it ; not but that I will own there is such a duty as Passive Obedience , a Virtue which even in our Constitution we may have the opportunity of exercising , perhaps oftner than they desire ; although of late it has been so great an Idol , that not only our Laws and Government , but even our Religion and Posterity were to be sacrifis'd to it . But if it was really the effect of a tender Conscience , I would very willingly be informed how they came to be so particularly partial to this Rule of St. Paul's , for there are a great many Commands of our Saviours which seem to be as obliging , to which they do not pay so great deference . For I am sure there is such Precepts , That if any man smite thee on the right Cheek , turn to him the other also ; and that we shall give to him that asketh , and from him that would borrow of thee turn not thou away ; and of him that taketh away thy goods , ask them not again ; and many such like we shall find in the 5 th . of St. Matthew and 6 th . of St. Luke . Now if these were duties to the Primitive Christians , how come we to be excus'd from them ? and I can think but of two Answers ; the one that they were Temporary ; ( but that will not be allow'd for something I know ) and the other , and I think the better is , that the Circumstances of the Christians are so much alter'd in Worldly respects , that what was a proper means to bring people in , and make them in love with the Gospel , when they saw the great Patience and Meekness of the Professors of it , would not now be so proper a way to preserve it . For now that the Laws have set the Boundaries to every Mans Right , ( which neither Law nor Gospel allows any body to infringe ) to take away those Fences , would be so far from advancing Christianity , or rendring it more Beautiful and Lovely , that on the contrary it would let in Confusion , and authorize Rapine and Disorders : so that a litteral Performance of those Duties , would , in our present Circumstances , destroy one of the great designs of Christianity , and certainly that can never be a Duty which is against the very end for which the Command was at first given ; and whether an illegal and unlimited Obedience in the People would not destroy the very end of Government , which we know is the safety of the People , I shall desire may be a little better consider'd . But now suppose some tender Consciences should think themselves obliged to obey those commands of turning the Cheek , and not asking their Goods again in the very literal sence of the words , yet might they not keep this to themselves , and exercise the Virtue when occasion offer'd it self ? or was it necessary for them to cry this their Opinion in all the Market Towns of the Countries ? Nay , to thunder Damnation against all that were not of their mind . How this may be applyed I believe every body can guess ; and also what , in all probability would be the effect of such Proceedings ; but a word to the Wise is enough . 3. I come now to the 3d. and in appearance the most difficult Objection , how those that have taken the Oaths of Allegiance to King James can be absolved from the Obligation of them ? But if they will allow what I should hope , I have before sufficiently proved that the Kings Power is both Limited and Conditional , I should think this great question might be very easily solved ; for every body knows that a Covenant is a mutual Obligation , and has force no longer than while the Conditions are performed on both sides ; but if one of the Parties shall wilfully break his part of the Covenant , he does not only forfeit the Right he had to challenge the Performance of the other side , but does by his breach actually void the Covenant , and consequently releases the other Party from all the Obligation he was under . But besides this , there is another Consideration , which being of weight ought not to be omitted ; and that it is an uncontestable Maxim of our Law , which makes it Treason for to resist the King de Facto , although it be in defence , and to maintain the Right of the King de Jure . So that Possession is not only , as we used to say , eleven Points of the Law , but is in this Case all twelve . And if any body can think it their Duty to commit Treason , it would be pretty strange ; but if they do , however they may satisfie their Consciences , 't is probable they will not the Law so easily . Nor is this Law , if thoroughly consider'd , so unreasonable in it self , as perhaps it may at first appear : For 't is an acknowledged Aphorism , That the safety of the People is the Supreme Law ; and therefore to be prefered before Titles to Succession . For the Law-makers might easily suppose , that no Person who was actually in Possession of the Throne , would willingly quit it unless forced to it ; for I verily believe our late King James is the first Instance , of any Prince that ever ran away from his Government , and quitted the Crown without striking a stroke for it , and that when he had any Army to defend it ; and truly for that we must own our selves extreamly obliged to him , he having prevented that , which that Law seem'd to fear , and desir'd to avoid ; that is a Civil War. For the Law supposes that a greater Inconvenience to the People , than to be Governed by one that had not a right Title to the Crown : And truly all the Proofs that are brought out of the Gospel for Obedience to Princes , do confirm this Maxim of our Law ; for neither our Saviour nor his Apostles bid Christians enquire into the Right and Title of the Roman Emperors ; but bids them to obey them under whose Government it was their lot to fall : For few of them could pretend a legal Title to the Crown , and sometimes there were several Persons set up by several parts of the Army ; and then he that got the Mastery , proved his Title by his Success ; so that the Right of the King de facto is confirm'd both by Law and Gospel , and therefore must be unquestionable , when there is no such thing as a King de Jure to oppose him : For by the Forfeiture King James made of his Right , I do not at all doubt but our present King is de jure as well as de facto . Nay had King James never done any thing amiss in his whole Reign , but that of deserting the Government at that very nick of time , it would certainly have justified our Compliance with the present King. For although King James had thought it necessary for the security of his Person to withdraw himself , yet sure there was no necessity of his leaving us without all Government and Defence . For might he not have appointed a Vice Roy or Deputy , as he do's in Ireland , that might have kept possession of the Throne in his Name , and to whom the Subject might have resorted , both for Justice and Protection ? But instead of that , he steals away himself , orders his Army to be disbanded , and so abandons the People solely to the mercy of the Foreign Force , whom he leaves in the Possession of the Authority which he quitted . And if silence and submission may be interpreted consent , he did by that resign both Crown and Kingdom to him . But however he meant to dispose of himself , 't is evident he left those of his Subjects , that would have adhered to him ( as there is reason to believe a great many would , if he had stuck to them ) in a very ill Predicament ; they having then no power to resist , and now no right to do it . For all that shall now attempt his restoration , are by the Law made actual Traytors ; and I do not at all question , but that he would take care to see they should be treated as such , if by their means he should recover the Crown : For the resisting of the King de facto , is a Treason that not only makes them liable to that Kings punishment whom they oppose , but leaves them to the discretion of the King they served ; for the Law gives him power to execute them for Traytors , who should now restore him to the Throne : And both the Example and Doctrine of his dear Brother and Ally of France , will soon teach him which is the best , because much the readiest way of requiting those who should procure his Re-establishment . For 't is a dangerous thing to oblige a King of his Principles too much , as we may learn from the Barbarous treatment of the poor Hugonots in France ; who without all dispute gave that King the Power to use them , or rather abuse them so . And such we have a great deal of reason to believe , shall be the requital of those of the Reformed Party , who should do the same thing for King James , that they did for the now Tres Grand Louis , And since we English have no Obligation to our Kings but what the Law lays upon us ; when we are by that set at Liberty , methinks we should not think it our duty to enslave our selves contrary to the Laws , and known Constitutions of the Nation , especially since there is nothing else required of us , but to accept of that Deliverance which God himself hath wrought for us . For there is very few that have had any other part to act in this Great Revolution , than That of standing still ( as Moses says to the Israelites ) and seeing the Salvation of the Lord , Exodus 14.13 . Of which that we may be worthy , pray God make us more sensible of it , and more thankful for it ; and this I suppose may be enough , because a great deal more than I at first intended to have said to the third Objection . And to the Fourth I hope there will be no great occasion of saying much ; for certainly no body that can either consider , or compare , can think the Cases of 1648. and 1688. Parallel . For the great ( I had almost said the only ) fault of that good King , and true Martyr , was his complying too much with his People , ( and yielding that to their importunity which both Law and Conscience told him he should not have consented to ) a fault that I dare say his Son James would never have been guilty of . But it must be acknowledged indeed , that in the Case of the Ship-money he did assume a Power the Law did not allow him ; but 't was the only Instance of his doing it in his whole Reign : And 't is evident , that in that too he did not design his Subjects Wrong ; for no body was forced to pay it ; but they that had a mind to contest the thing , as some did , had liberty so to do : For there were Trials in Westminster-hall about it , and Sentence given against the King : From which we may gather these two things : First , That the Judges were neither over-aw'd nor turn'd out by the King , for doing Justice . Secondly , That the King did not think himself above the Law , but submitted to it ; so that it seems there was no such thing as the Dispensing Power known in those days , but the Rights of the People were preserved inviolate . I wish I could have said , the Rights of the Crown had been so too ; and then perhaps we should never have known the vast difference that there was between the Father and the Son : But whoever will please to compare the Cases , will find full as great difference between the Causes , as the Persons . For in the former , it was the most open and notorions Rebellion that ever was recorded in Story ; whereas all the Fault that the generality of the English can now be charged with , is ( if it be a Fault ) the Complying with the Necessity that King James himself laid on them , of submitting to the Power he left in Possession ; and which I am sure they were not in a Condition to resist . And now methinks it should hardly bear a Dispute , Whether 't is any bodies Duty to make themselves Traytors according to the Rules both of Law and Gospel ( as I have shew'd above ) for the Restitution of him that subverted the Laws , deserted the Government , and I doubt still designs the Destruction of the Nation . And truly the Causes and Occasions of those two great Revolutions in 48 , and 88 , were not more distant than their Designs and Ends were ; the first intending the Subversion , and this latter the Establishment and Preservation of the best and purest Religion in the World. But perhaps some may say , This is not the best way of doing it ; for 't is an Old Saying , and a True , That the Blood of the Martyrs is the Seed of the Church , which , like a Palm-tree , grows fastest when it has the greatest weight upon it : And that 't is a very idle Out-cry that some make , That they would take their Religion from them ; for that dwells in the Heart , and no body can take that from me , unless I please . But altho 't is very true , that the Heart is the Seat of true Religion ; yet I think it savors a little too much of Presumption , for any body to undertake to preserve it there by their own Strength . But suppose that they were , and that they were sure their Faith should not fail under the severest Trials ; yet is the Publick Service of God , the Opportunities of going into the House of God , and there pouring out our Prayers and Praises before him with the Congregation of the Saints ; is this , I say , so despicable a Blessing , that 't is not worth keeping if we can ? We see how holy David bemoans and laments his Banishment from the Temple , and how he longs and languishes for the return of those blessed Privileges , so that he envies the very Birds that were permitted to nest near the Altar ; and yet he had as true a sense of God and Religion , and as plentiful Effusions of the Spirit to supply such a Want , as any of us can pretend to . But alas ! it would not be only a temporary Deprivation that we should bewail ; for whoever now shall attempt to bring back King James , does as much as in him lies , to cut off both himself and his Posterity from the solemn Publick Worship of God for ever . And altho I know God can support under any Condition , yet they will find a great deal of difference between those Sufferings they wilfully bring upon themselves , and those which are of God Almighty's laying : For I can securely rest upon his Word ; for I know that he is faithful , and will not suffer us to be be tempted above that we are able , but will with the temptation make a way to escape , that we may be able to bear it , 1 Cor. 10.13 . But if we will not escape when he affords us the Means , What Promise is there either of Support or Deliverance from those Dangers we wilfully bring upon our selves ? And 't will certainly be very just in God , to suffer us fall under that Ruine we have courted , in which , I doubt , we shall have very little comfort ; for 't is not the Sufferings , but the Cause , that makes the Martyr . Therefore I beg leave to conclude with the Words of St. Paul , 2 Cor. 6.1 , 2 , 3. and beseech you that you receive not the Grace of God in vain ; for as God may truly say , he has heard us in a time accepted ; in the day of salvation he hath succour'd us ; so may I also , Behold , now is the accepted time ; Behold , now is the day of salvation . And let us all be careful that we give no offence in any thing , that the Ministry be not blamed . But that we may all with one Heart and one Mouth bless God for his wonderful Deliverance , and pray for the Prosperity and long Life of King WILLIAM and Queen MARY , whom God grantlong to Reign . Amen . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A37437-e190 I. II. III.