Effata regalia. Aphorismes [brace] divine, moral, politick. Scattered in the books, speeches, letters, &c. of Charles the First, King of Great Brittain, &c. / Now faithfully collected and published by Richard Watson, fellow of Gonvile and Caius Colledge in Cambridge. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1661 Approx. 456 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 251 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A78780 Wing C2302 Thomason E1843_1 ESTC R204018 99863750 99863750 115964 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78780) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115964) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 230:E1843[1]) Effata regalia. Aphorismes [brace] divine, moral, politick. Scattered in the books, speeches, letters, &c. of Charles the First, King of Great Brittain, &c. / Now faithfully collected and published by Richard Watson, fellow of Gonvile and Caius Colledge in Cambridge. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Watson, Richard, 1612-1685. [36], 106 [i.e. 306], [14], 217-299, [5], 301-354, [6] p. Printed for Robert Horn at the Turks Head near the Royal Exchange, London, : 1661. The words "Divine, .. politick." are bracketed together on title page. "Icon animæ basilicæ" and "Caroli Imi monita & observata Britannica" each have separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. First p. 306 misnumbered 106. The last three leaves are blank. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. 1. Effata regalia -- 2. Icon animæ bsilicæ [sic] -- 3. Monita & observata Britannica. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Christian life -- Quotations, maxims,etc -- Early works to 1800. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Effata Regalia . APHORISMES DIVINE , MORAL , POLITICK . Scattered in the BOOKS , SPEECHES , LETTERS , &c. OF CHARLES the First , KING of Great Brittain , &c. Now faithfully Collected and Published By RICHARD WATSON , Fellow of Gonvile and Caius Colledge in Cambridge . Quid utilius potui , quam tot sententias in unum conducere , pulcras , acres , & itame Salus amet , ad Salutem natas generis humani ? J. Lips . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Simplic . in Epictel . London , Printed for Robert Horn at the Turks Head near the Royal Exchange 1661. 1. Effata Regalia . 2. Icon Animae Bsilicae . 3. Monita & Observata Britannica . To the Right Honourable and most Noble Lord WENTWORTH , Earl of Kildare , &c. My Lord , I Cannot forget , nor yet forbear gratefully to recognizance that most kind and noble violence your Lordship vouchsaf'd to practise upon me in a foreign Country , where the guilt of many years undeserved exile had rendred me morosely jealous of all that had more lately breathed in English air ; and the conscience of discharging faithfully my duty in that trust , which with much affection , and obligation , was committed to me , had made me somewhat obstinate in my retirement , and half a Separatist from Conversation , what honour or advantage soever might be obtained by it , until your Lordships more than gracious condescention had rais'd my blush at what before I esteem'd my vertue ; and your more than peremptory Commands forced me to the honourable fruition of that happiness , whereof I should have been most ambitious , in a near aquaintance with your excellencies , such as I confess unfeignedly , I more admired upon my experience , and infallible observation , than I could have credited upon the most authentick character might have been given me by any whom your Lordship earlier admitted to that discovery which had no veil : all which , though I must not here enumerate to affected minutes ; nor wind up , though without slattery , to the strain of reproach ▪ yet there are three I shall not omit to instance , if to no other purpose , at least ( which implies no doubt ) to oblige your Lordship to perseverance , the apostasie from each being no less desperate , than frequent ; and that from one or two , sometime so countenanced or rewarded , as it has almost the impudence to plead merit , which should beg a pardon ; and to expect to have what should be most abhorred , and detested , either imitated , or commended . The first , my Lord , was your conscientious and earnest care to be better satisfied in the grounds and reason of that Religion , which you did , and were most inclinable to profess , and practise , when most persecuted and depressed ; and , this effected , your humble and obsequious resignation to the Canon of our Church , and that in some particulars , wherein few persons , ever prejudiced , have been counselable ; and such as were not , thought unnecessary ▪ or , because of desuetude , improper to be observed . The second , was your Lordships generous and loyal resolution , in a time difficult to be taken , and no less dangerous to be owned , to adventure life , upon any reasonable and justifiable occasion at an age , but then mature for the gust of worldly pleasures ; and a noble Estate , into the possession whereof you were but newly entered , whensoever both , or either , might be hop'd effectual toward the restitution of your banished , and every way injured King ; wherein although your Lordship are most happily prevented by the powerfull hand of Heaven , which , without humane assistance , has over-rul'd the change ; and , by some sweeter influence than that of a Mar●ial star , hath softened the most obdurate hearts of aged Rebels to a capacity of peace , and the impression of allegiance to their Prince that brought it home to their doors , with so much clemency , and such munificence , as scarcely has been , or ere will be parallel'd , if Posterity should play the wanton in bloud for the like reward : yet I cannot but erect upon that sincerity of your intention ( which I humbly crave your leave , without arrogance , thus publickly to attest ) a Monument of Honour to your Lordships name and person , unto which I wish all the indulgence of Royal favour , that can be expected , or may be hoped from Him , who is more likely to be endowed with Power , and Plenty , answerable to the greater objects He has for Royal bounty , and more causes for sumptuous Magnificence and State , than ever had any of our preceding Britannike Kings . The third was your most intent and affectionate endeavour ( in the privacy you could possibly reconcile to the eminence of your Honour , and the importunity of that Nation ) to recover what the malignity of Times , accompanied with an inveigling discouragement to all select and exquisite Studies , had in part deprived you of , and wherein you had been prevented , to improve your knowledg to a degree worthy your high birth and fortune , and necessary to the future interest you may have in affairs of State , and Regency of your Country : unto which by the ascendent promptness of your Lordships parts , and faculties , such your quickness of apprehension , variety of fancy , solidity of judgment , tenacity of memory , and all else that Nature could furnish ( as if in design ) you might easily have attained , and may yet , the sphear of science you have in your aim , if your engagements otherwise could leave you free for that steady method , and those early hours , which you were prone , my Lord , most exemplarily to observe , as also for the choyce of a person qualified with learning , loyalty , prudence , and integrity , for that your Lordships service and assistance , and such a one , whensoever you find him , I dare assure , will be as much obliged by the singular ingenuity and peculiar sweetness of your Lordships disposition ; as by the nobleness of your entertainment , to advance your purpose . For so much , or so little , as you were pleas'd , my Lord , to make me concerned in it , when you found me otherwise imploy'd abroad , I confess I never was more satisfied in any thing of like nature , than when I could suggest at any time what won upon your opinion , or would be of improvement to your studies in the use . Nor was I thus affected only while your stay was on the other side ; but easily induced to promise , and earnest enough to performe , some part of the same duty after your Lordships departure thence . The Collection I at present dedicate with much assurance , unto your Honour , I am not now to certifie you , was first attempted , in compliance with your Lordships kindness for such Maximes , and Corollaries , and sententious Brevets , which by ordinary observation , and less considerable essayes , I had sufficiently discovered : and when you please to remember how much you expressed your self transported with the first sheets I sent you over , you will not wonder that the little manual , I first intended , is become a Volume ; that I have reviewed and passed beyond the principal Book , to a general survey of all the Writings I hear of published in the name of that most Wise , and now , indeed , by the merit of his intellectual , and moral ; Christian , and Regal ; active and passive vertues , most Glorious King. The benefit I mean you by it , my Lord , is not only the too-late-admiring the superexcellency of that Royal Soul , which was the Casket of such Jewels , the Treasury of such divine and humane Wisdom , as if He had been heir of all the concealed riches of this sort , that had been amass'd for Solomon , or since for the whole succession of Emperours among the Greeks ; Nor to give you some short diversion between the periods of your Studies , or stages of your Lordships most serious and urgent business ; but your modelling and forming by it , at your choicest and severest hours , a Christian Canon both for a practick and contemplative holy life ; a litle Rationale of the Doctrine and Discipline of that Church , into the Communion whereof , ( after an unavoidable conflict , and intrinsic contestation , with the importunity of Presbyterian , Independent , Anabaptistical , and other fallacies , the principles of all which Sects and Heresies had been for many years lowdly sounded by the Trumpet of a bloudy Rebellion in your Lordships ears ) with how much devout affection , with what profess'd satisfaction , and resolution you know , you enter'd ; The best Exemplar and fairest Copy that was ere presented unto the Princes , and Great Peers of the World , for regulating their Councels , Words , and Actions , by Conscience , Reason , Honour ; for your abominating all Sacriledg , as that which would be the Cancer no less of your Soul , than your Estate ; chusing rather , if put upon it , to part with your inheritance , than with so much breath as may form your vote to the prophaning and sequestring , what the religious Charity of your Ancestors dedicated to pious uses ; of adhering inseparably to the Holy Order of Episcopacy , never questioned by any , but such Wretches , as had desperately plunged themselves into either Heresie , Schisme , Sacriledg , or Rebellion ; A Caveat , never to make the counterfeit of religious zeal , serve the purpose of Ambition ; nor to torture your King's Conscience , under a pretence to ease your own ; A Monitory , how much the prudence of Nobles may fix a due temperament in the Commons , as likewise how their chief interest consists in their fidelity to the Crown , not in their ignoble compliance with any factious Party of the People . A perpetual Memorial of the affronts and injuries done to so excellent a King , no otherwise now to be repaired and recompensated , than by paying and exacting all possible duty and allegiance , accumulating all honour , and state , and wealth , that each one can contribute to his Royal Successour , who , it may be hoped , will persevere in the happy government of his Nations , according to the incomparable Maxims of piety and policy , that are scattered in those sacred Oracular books and papers , composed not according to Plato's Ideas , or other speculative conceits and fancies , but out of Divine emanations , by what means , in what manner , instilled , need not be enquired ; out of the various alternate experiments of a flourishing and fading condition , a calm and stormy season of his Reign ; a quiet , and scrupulous , a self-clearing , and sometimes , a self-condemning , disposition of Conscience ; the sense of love and loyalty from some , of Rebellion and malice from other of his Subjects ; the several events from prudent results , and mistakes , in his Councel ; the flattery and folly , the sincerity and sapience , in the diversity of his Nobles ; the learning and ignorance , zeal and moderation , luke-warmness and absolute coldness , in his Clergy ; the steady resolution and giddiness of his Commons ; the courage and cowardise , the conscientious care and negligence of his S●ldiers ; the liberty and restraint , the entredeux or state of indifference , such as may be call'd the Royal durance , or free Imprisonment of his person ; the apprehensions of a violent death , and hope of a kind reconciling deliverance ; finally , such variety of all sorts in Himself and others , that were , or should have been under His Majesties Dominion , that no Prince of like natural endowments , of so just and pious inclinations , had such Religious , Civil , and Military advantages , to raise such a fabrick of Policy and Religion , such a structure of Lawes and Counsells , of secur'd assertions , and weigh'd experiments , as by which not only the Princes and People of our age , at whose ports and Palaces the rumours and terrours of our Troubles have arriv'd ; but all Posterity may prevent , if they please to regard and practise whatsoever misery and mischief the infernal Spirits of Discord and Confusion , may intend them . All these , my Lord , and many more ( which I leave to your own discovery ) being the natural issue of emolument from the book ; my advice is , that you would improve and multiply them in each particular , by your Lordships reading , and hearing , and observing , applying to each Oracle or Apharism , here presented , whatsoever may occur , relating with any significancy , unto it , whether in ancient or modern History ; in the Policy of our own or other Nations ; in the Relations and Discourses of wise and understanding men ; in the practises right or wrong , of any whomsoever your Lordship may have reason and opportunity to regard . This done , my Lord , and ought else your Lordship may see necessary , if after some few years resolution , I have the honour to kiss your hand , I shall expect , with much confidence , your Lordships thanks , which I desire not before you shall have reapt the profit of my pains ; and become sensible of the service done you by this Collection ( how affectedly indigested soere it be ) toward the regulating your Life ; whether in publick imployment , or private conversation ; toward the confirming you in the still-opposed , still undermined , Religion of our Church ; toward your conduct of any Government , or Command , you may have in your Country , and your influence upon the well or ill-affected People there ; toward the honour may be , I hope , conferred upon you , for promoting the interest of the Crown to the very uttermost extent and efficacy of your own : and after all , above all toward your reward in heaven , for your devotion to God , and fidelity to your King , which no man wisheth you , with more affectionate unfeigned zeal , than , My Lord , Your Lordships most humble Servant . RICHARD WATSON . From my Friends Lodgings , in Doctor 's Commons . February 21. 1660 . -61 . To the Reader . Friend , HAving in my Epistle Dedicatory shewed at large the worth and use of the ensuing book , I have the less wherewith to trouble you , if that it self do not , before you read it . For although you see the design was laid in order to the private benefit and satisfaction of the noble Lord , to whom addressed : yet since it becomes thus publick , I shall plainly tell you , that the common neglect I discovered ( and is by the booksellers themselves confessed ) of the most excellent piece that ever passed a Monarch's Pen , was a principal incentive to me , to put it again , thus trasformed , upon the World. Alas ! it may easily enough be judged what has brought the Original , and with whom , into disrepute ; the cry of blood is lowd , and summons the least guilt de profundis , from the depth of Conscience , though the very Centre , to a sentence upon it self , and what an unsufferable torture 't is , either to look upon the lively Pourtraicture of that King , or hear him speak , though but in his papers , whom with axe , or pen , or tongue , or wishfull thought , they murder'd ; or negatively in not detesting , not decrying , not invective-writing , not preventive-acting , were accessory in the least degree , they alone that committed the fault , and feel the pain , can truly tell . This courtesie I have therefore done them , who would needs turn away from the salve , because it signifies they have a sore ; they are hereby no more concerned , as to what is past , than any of the Antipodes , under the government of a King. The Aphorismes are general , and applicable to any Kingdom ; in many of which those Subjects that mean to Act , may read their duty , and they that do not , may expect their doom . I at first had done as Simplicius saith Arrian had , with those of Epictetus , collected only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most seasonable , the most necessary , and the most motive , or operative upon the minds of men ; wherewith being so much affected , I thought the book very well worth review , as loth to leave ought behind that might have the like efficacy by the sense , though not altogether the same acuteness in the conceipt , nor elegance in the language : by which gleaning , or recollection , I recover'd many as fair and full eares as those I had before bound up in the sheaf , many Aphorismes no less considerable , no less deserving an intent regard . Some others if you find coincident with those of the first rank , as some you will , I pray know that the same passed me not unobserved , but having some difference in expression , though little or none in sense , they were ad led the more to oblige you , and to effect that prevalency upon you , which your hast from the former might not admit . Such ( if any such there be ) as may seem flat and ordinary , they are to be set to my account , who confess my self so indulgent in my reverence of the Royal Authour , that nothing of his could fall so low in my esteem . Others , that are not many , but borrowed , and made English , I have entituled to the High Translatour , whose authority gives more weight to 'em , and more they penetrate press'd by Him. In sententiâ ut penetret , valde facit robustae alicujus , & receptae auctoritatis pondus . That all were not reduc'd to heads , and ranged under Common places , has reason , such as I think not fit to be mention'd here : you may know that the learned Grotius ( who was wont neither to spare , nor to lose his pains ) has done the like in a greater Volume . As it is , if you be not more curious , than obsequious , in what concerns you either to know , or practise , you will have for what to thank me , who confirm you in your Religion and Loyalty , or lead you gently to it by a Royal hand . I have one thing more to require of you , that you make not too much hast to censure me , for imposing that upon you , as His Majesty's , which may appear compos'd by me : Some such Aphorismes indeed there are , for which some little change , the inserting of some few words , was necessary to give them as well the form , as force , of Rules , or Dictates ; in which if you take no less pains to justifie , than I did to avoid , your censure , you will find it frustrate , and me guilty of nought but more endeavours , than you have desires , for your own advantage , wherewith I wish you well . A Table shewing where the Centuries begin . Cent. 1 beginneth Pag. 1 Cent. 2 beginneth Pag. 22 Cent. 3 beginneth Pag. 44 Cent. 4 beginneth Pag. 67 Cent. 5 beginneth Pag. 87 Cent. 6 beginneth Pag. 110 Cent. 7 beginneth Pag. 138 Cent. 8 beginneth Pag. 161 Cent. 9 beginneth Pag. 194 Cent. 10 beginneth Pag. 231 Cent. 11 beginneth Pag. 265 Cent. 12 beginneth Pag. 293 EFFATA REGALIA . The First Century . 1. THe weight of Reason will counterpoise the overballancings of any factions . 2. The gravity and discretion of Gentlemen may alay and fix the Commons to a due temperament . 3 The interest of a King and his Children give him many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of his subjects . 4 The love and welfare of subjects is the only temporal blessing left to the ambition of just Monarchs as their greatest honour and safety , next Gods protection . 5 Wherein a King lessens his prerogative , he may gain a recompence in the affections of his Subjects . 6 No flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous , then those which make religious pretensions ground of factions . 7 Kings should not suffer their own judgments to be overborn more by others importunities , then their arguments . 8 The great abilities of Lords may make a Prince more afraid , then ashamed , to employ them in the greatest affairs of State. 9 Officers of State , moving in an high sphere , and with a vigorous lustre , must needs raise many envious exhalations , capable to cast a cloud upon their brightest merit and integrity . 10 Between a Kings unsatisfiedness in himself , and a seeming necessity of satisfying the importunity of some people , it discovers more a fear of men then of God , to prefer what is safe , before what seemeth just . 11 A King is not to prefer the outward peace of his Kingdoms with men , to the inward exactness of conscience before God. 12 It is a bad exchange , for a King to wound his own conscience , thereby to salve State-sores ; To calm the stormes of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in his own bosom . 13 There is a fallacy in that maxime , Better one man perish though unjustly ) then the People be displeased or destroyed . 14 ' The best rule of policy is , to prefer the doing of Justice before all enjoyments , and the peace of conscience , before the preservation of kingdoms . 15 Many are terrified by tumults to concurre with the condemning party , rather then satisfied , that of right they ought so to do . 16 A King ought to be more afraid to take away a mans life unjustly then to lose his own . 17 Suspicions , not raised out of malice , are not in reason to be smothered . 18 No present impunity , or popular vindication , will be subterfuge to men guilty of evil machinations , sufficient to rescue them from the exact tribunals of God and their own consciences . 19 There is an after unavoidable judgment which shal rejudg what among men is but corruptly decided , or give the final sentence , if not at all . 20 It is a better resolution , rather to bear repulse with patience , then to use hazardous extremities . 21 It is one of the most convincing arguments , that there is a God , while his power sets bounds to the raging of the sea : and no less , that he restrains the madness of the people . 22 Nothing port ends more Gods displeasur against a nation , then when he suffers the confluence and clamors of the Vulgar to pass all boundaries of Lawes and reverence to Authoritie . 23 Nothing more to be feared , and less to be used by wise men , then tumultuary confluxes of meane and rude people , who are taught , first to petition , then to protest , then to dictate , at last to command and over-awe . 24 Whoever hath most mind to bring forth confusion and ruin upon a Church and State , useth the midwifery of the peoples tumults . 25 What good man had not rather want any thing he most desires then to obtain it by unlawful and irreligious means . 26 Mens passions , and Gods directions seldom agree . 27 Violent designs and motions must have sutable engines : such as too much attend their owne ends , seldom confine themselves to Gods means . 28 Force must crowd in , what reason will not lead . 29 It is no strange thing for the sea to rage , when strong winds blow upon it ; nor for multitudes to become insolent , when they have men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on . 30 Such is some mens stupid tie , that they fear no inconvenience . 31 Such is some mens petulancy that they joy to see their betters shamefully outraged and abused , while they know their owne security consists in vulgar s●attery . 32 A Kings withdrawing , may give time for the ebbing of tumultuous fury , and others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober sense . 33 It is a hardiness beyond true valour , for a wise man to set himselfe against the breaking in of a sea . 34 A gallant man had rather ●ight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , then shuffle with an undisciplined rabble . 35 It is safest to withdraw from the daily baitings of tumults , not knowing whether their fury and discontent may not flie so high as ●● worry and tear those in pieces whom as yet they but play with in their pawes . 36 A King is not bound to prostitute the Majestie of his place and person , the safety of his Queen and children to those who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunities most capable of their rudeness and petulancy . 37 The just avenger of all disorders many times makes men and Cities see their sinn● in the glass of their punishment . 38 It is more then an even lay , that men may one day see themselvs punished by that way they offended . 39 As Swine are to gardens and orderly plantations , so are tumults to Parliaments , and Plebeian concourses to publick Councels turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . 40 God orders our disorders , and magnifies his wisdom most , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . 41 Such is some mens activity , that they will needs make work rather then want it ; and chuse to be doing amisse , rather then do nothing . 42 Good subjects will never think it just or fit , that their Kings condition should be worse by his bettering theirs . 43 Some men know not so well with moderation to use , as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evil . 44 The Kings interest lies more then any mans in the due execuexecution and vigour of preserved Laws . 45 A King ought not to desire more then the Law gives him , and less the meanest Subject should not have . 46 It is ingratitude , unworthy of honour , That the more is granted them by their King , the less he should have and enjoy with them . 47 A King may count himselfe undiminished by his largest concessions , if by them he gains and confirms the love of his people . 48 The Peoples love may increase toward their King , as they have more leisure , and lesse prejudice . 49 People may be miserable in this only , That some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what their King intends for their good . 50 A King may be mistaken when perswaded , that he cannot grant too much , or distrust too little , to men that being professedly his subjects , pretend singular piety , and religious strictness . 51 It argues a very short sight of things , and extreme fatuity of mind in a King , to bind his owne hands at the request of his subjects , when he shortly meanes to use a sword against them . 52 It would be a course full of sinne , as well as of hazard , and dishonour , for a King to go about the cutting up of that by the sword , which he had lately planted to his subjects and his own content . 53 Some men fear where no fear is , whose security consists in scaring others . 54 A King may repent his letting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple , when it doth prove a temptation to them to cast him downe headlong . 55 As many Kingdomes as the divel shewed our Saviour , and th●● glory of them ( if they could be at once enjoyed by ambitious . People ) are not worth the gaining by wayes of sinful ingratitude and dishonor , which hazards a soul worth more worlds then this hath Kingdomes . 56 It is no strange thing for men left to their own passions , either to do much evil themselves , or abuse the over-much goodnesse of others . 57 An ungrateful surfet of others goodness is the most desperate and incurable disease . 58 There may be an error in a King of too charitable a judgement , without any sinne of his will ▪ 59 A King may be sorry to see other mens eyes evil because his is good . 60 To be forced to sea by a storm unprovided of tackling and victual , is better then to venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore . 61 Some mens hydropick insatiableness is such as no fountain of royal Bounty is able to overcome ; so resolved , they seem either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . 62 It ceases to be a Councel , when not reason is used , as to men , to perswade ; but force and terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to what ever tumultuary Patrons shall project . 63 He deserves to be a slave without pity or redemption , that is content to have the rational soveraignty of his soul , and liberty of his will and words captivated by force and terror . 64. Kingdomes are not so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied to a King , because it belongs to him , as a man and Christian . 65 A King is to owne the dictates of none but God to be above him , as obliging him to consent . 66 Better for a King to die enjoying the Empire of his soul , which subjects him onely to God , so farre as by Reason or Religion he directs him ; then live with the title of a King , if it should carry such a Vassalage with it , as not to suffer him to use his reason and conscience in what he declares as a King to like or dislike . 67 A King is not conscientiously tied to go against his conscience in consenting to such new Proposals as his Reason , Justice , Honour and Religion bids him deny . 68 So tender some men are of their being subject to arbitrary Government , that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the only man that must be subject to the will of others . 69 No man can think it other then the badge and method of slavery , by savage rudenesse , and importunate obtrusions of violence , to have the mist of his error and passion dispelled , which is a shadow of reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . 70 That man cannot be blamable to God or man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully followes what he takes for reason . 71 The uprightness of intentions will excuse the possible fallings of understanding . 72 If a Pilot at sea cannot see the Pole-Star , it can be no fault in him to steere his Course by such Starres as do best appeare to him . 73 It argues those men to be concious of their defects of reason , and convincing arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the weakness of their counsels and proposals . 74 Nothing should please a King more , then when his judgment so concurres with that of his prudent subjects , as he may with a good conscience consent unto them . 75 Where no absolute and moral necessity of reason , but temporary convenience in point of honour is to be considered , a King may chuse rather to deny himself then his Councel , as preferring that which they think necessary for his People , before what he sees but convenient for himselfe . 76 A King should permit no man to gain his consent to that , wherein his heart gives his tongue or hand the lie . 77 A King should rather chuse to wear a crown of thorns , with his saviour , then to exchange that of Gold for one of lead , whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and complie to the various , and oft contrary , dictates of any factions . 78. No resolution more worthy a Christian King , then to preferre his Conscience before his Kingdomes . 79. The meits of a deserving Lady wil be her better protection from the barbaritie of Savage Indians , then from the subtiltie of some malicious Christians . 80. All justice , so well as affection , commands a King to study the securitie of his vertuous Queen , who is onely in danger for his sake . 81. A King can perish but halfe , if his Queen be preserved . 82. A King , in his Queenes memory , and their hopefull posterity , may survive the malice of his enemies should be satiated with his bloud . 83 As God is able to punish the faults of Princes , so no less severely to revenge the injuries done to them by those who ought to have made good that safety which the Lawes chiefly provide for them . 84 Common civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their loyalty . 85 It cannot be safe to a King to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their allegeance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their religion . 86 'T is pity the noble and peaceful foul of a Queen should see , much more suffer the rudenesse of those who must make up their want of justice with inhumanity and impudence . 87 The sympathy of a Queen in the afflictions of her King will make her vertues shine with greater lustre , as Starres in the darkest nights ; and assure the envious World , that she loves him , not his fortunes . 88 Kings need not much to blame the unkindness of the generality and vulgar , when those who have eaten of their bread , & been enriched with their bounty , have scornfully lift up themselvs against them , and those of their own houshold are become their enemies . 89 Some think to satisfie all obligations to duty by their Corban of Religion ; and can less endure to see then to sin against their benefactors , as wel as their Soveraigns . 90 No malice can banish a beloved Queen from her Kings heart . 91 A Kings enemies may envy , but they can never deprive him of the enjoiment of her vertues , while he enjoyes himself . 92 It is among the wicked maximes of bold and disloyal undertakers , that bad actions must alwayes be seconded by worse , & rather not be begun , then not carried on : for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault , and hate repentance more then perseverance in the fault . 93 It is the best policie , with patience to bear what one cannot remedy . 94 To be transported with no disdaine or emotion of passion in greatest injuries , is the temper that best becomes a Christian , as coming nearest to the great example of Christ . 95 Better for a Monarch to remember he is a Christian then a King 96 What the height of a King tempteth to revenge , the humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive . 97 What the Majesty of a King might justly abhor , the charity of a Christian is willing to forbear . 98 The excess of impotent passions injures a man more then his greatest enemies can . 99 Apostacy unto Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin . 100 The superstitious sowrness which some men pretend to in matters of Religion , so darkens their judgment , that they cannot see any thing of sinne and rebellion in the meanes they use with intents to reform . The Second Century . 1 SOme men think all is gold of piety which doth but glister with a shew of zeale and fervencie . 2 Down-right temptations of ambition have no cloak or cheat of religion to impose upon themselves or other . 3 Clemency is a debt which Kings ought to pay to those that crave it , when they have cause to believe they wil not after abuse it . 4 God suffers us not to pay any thing for his mercy , but only prayrs and promises . 5 The rude demeanor of a subject toward his Soveraign carries alwaies its own vengeance , as an unseparable shadow with it . 6 Those oft prove the most fatal and implacable executioners of vengeance , who were the first imployers in Rebellion . 7 No punishment so stains a mans honor , as wilful perpetrations of unworthy actions . 8 Posterity not engaged in the sactions of present times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . 9 A rebellious Army is but tumults listed and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an end . 10 A Kings recess from tumultuous subjects , gives them considence that he may be conquered . 11 A King having a soul invincible , is sure , through Gods grace , to become conqueror , when constant to fear him more than man. 12. They will oppose by force , who have not reason to convince . 13. They confess their own weakness , as to truth and justice , who chuse rather to contend by Armies , then by Arguments . 14 A King may be made glorious , if no other way , by his sufferings . 15 It is a hard and disputable choice for a King that loves his people and desires their love , either to kill his own Subjects , or to be killed by them . 16 The hazards and miseries of civil War , are but sad fruits for a King to reap after a long , just , peaceable , plenteous and religious reign . 17 The hazards of War are equal , nor doth the cannon know any respect of persons . 18 A Kings person is in vaine excepted , by a parenthesis of words , when many hands are armed against him with swords . 19. Unnatural motions are often the productions of a surfeit of peace , wantonness of minds , or private discontents . 20. Ambition and Faction easily find , or make , causes of quarrell . 21. What seems just to one man ▪ may not seem so to another . 22. There is an instinct in all creatures to preserve themselves . 23. It hath been esteem'd delinquency in some prudent men not to be over-aw'd with Tumu'ts and their Patrons , nor compell'd to ab●● by their suffrages or presence the designs of those men who agitate innovations and ruine both in Church and State. 24 The least hath more evil in it then the greatest affliction . 25. What is Religious & Apostolical , & so very sacred & Divine , is not to be dispensed with , or destroyed , when what is only of Civil favour and priviledg of honor , granted to men of holy Order , may , with their consent who are concerned in it , be annulled . 26 The noise and shew of piety , and heat for Reformation and Religion , may easily so fil men with prejudice , that all equality and clearnesse of judgement may be obstructed . 27 A Kings innocency and unpreparedness to assert his rights and honours , makes him the more guilty in the esteem of disloyal subjects . 28 Prayers and tears , the chiefest armies of the ancient Christians , may setve a good mans turn , if not to conquer , as a Souldier , yet to suffer as a Martyr . 29 He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias Caterers , may also make Rebells surprisall of outward force and defence , an opportunity to shew their King the speciall support of his power and protection . 30 What a pious King wants in the hands of force and power , he hath in the wings of faith and prayer . 31 The surfeit of too much power , which some men greedily seize on , may make a Commonwealth sick both of it and them , when they cannot well digest it . 32 Soveraigne power in subjects seldom agrees with the stomachs of fellow-subjects . 33 A King having the sole actual disposing of the Militia , can not protect his people further then they protect him and themselves . 34 The use of the Militia is mutuall betweene King and People . 35. Such is the violence and fraud of some men , that being conscious to their own evill merits and designes , they will needs perswade the World , that none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the Shepheard and his flock . 36. It can be secure neither for King nor Subject , if both be not in such a way as the law hath entrusted the publick safety and wellfare . 37. All Law is at last resolved to the just and necessary rights of the Crown in point of Power , while thereby it is best protected . 38. The honour and justice due to a Kings successours forbid him to yeild to an alienation of power from them . 39. Although a King may be content to eclipse his own beames , to satisfie their feares , who think they must needs be scorched or blinded if he should shine in the full lustre of Kingly power : yet he ought never to consent to put out the Sun of Soveraignty to all posterity and succeeding Kings . 40. The many-headed Hydra of Government , as it makes a shew to the people to have more eyes to foresee , so they will find it hath more mouths too , which must be satisfied . 41. In a right Monarchy , counsell may be in many as the senses , but the supreme power can be but in one as the head . 42. Those men are guilty of enforced perjury , who compell their King to take a new and strange way of discharging his trust by seeming to desert it , of protecting his Subjects by exposing himselfe to danger or dishonour for their safety and quiet . 43. The Sword and Militia are but weake defenses against the stroakes of divine vengeance , which will overtake , or of mens own consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . 44. God is able by his being with a King abundantly to compensate to him , as he did to Job , what ever honour , power or liberty the Caldeans , the Sabeans , or the devil himselfe can deprive him of . 45 The hearts of Subjects are the greatest Treasure and best ammunition of a King. 46 Rebels that disarme their King , and study to rob him of his Subjects love , cannot deprive him of his innocence , or Gods mercy , nor obstruct his way to heaven . 47 A King cannot buy his own safety and his peoples peace at too deare a rate , unlesse by parting with Conscience and Honour . 48 A King , rather than part with his Conscience and Honour , ought to chuse to be as miserable and inglorious as his enemies can make or wish him . 49. Whatsoever Subjects propund unto their King , ought not to be obtruded with the point of the Sword , nor urged with the injuries of War. 50. When a King declares unto his Subjects , he cannot yield to them without violating his Conscience ; there may be some better method of Peace , than by making War upon his Soul. 51. When Subjects require any thing of their King , they ought to offer somewhat by way of gratefull exchange of honour or requital of those favours he hath , or may yet grant them . 52. It is more Princely and Divine to be on the giving part . 53. The Jewel of Conscience is incommunicable , whose loss nothing can repair or requite . 54. A Kings yielding too much , makes Subjects over-confident he will deny nothing . 55. The love of truth and inward tranquillity ought to have more influence upon a King , than the love he hath of his Peoples peace . 56. Inward quiet of Conscience ought to be dearer to a King , then his Kingdome . 57. Some things which a King might approve , yet in honour and policy are at some time to be denied , to some men , least he should seem not to da●e to deny any thing , and give too much encouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities . 58. For a King to bind himself to a general and implicite consent to whatever Subjects shall desire or propound , were a latitude of blind obedience never expected of any freeman , not fit to be required of any man , much less of a King. 59. A King may possibly exceed any of his own Subjects as much in wisdome , as he doth in place and power . 60. For a King to yield implicite consent to all , were as if Sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistines might with the more safety mock and abuse him . 61. To exclude all power of denial , seems an arrogancy ill-becoming them that pretend addresses by petition . 62. It were very foolish and absurd , to ask what , another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . 63. It can be no other then extreme injury , to confine a Kings reason to a necessity of granting all Subjects have a mind to ask ; whose minds may be different from the Soverain's , both in Reason and Honour ; as may be their aims , and are their qualities . 64. Subjects Propositions may soon prove violent Oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary Impositions upon the Regal Authority . 65. No man seeks to limit and confine his King in reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurpe upon him in Power and Dominion . 66. Nature , Law , Reason and Religion , bind a King ( in the first place ) to preserve himself , without which 't is impossible to preserve his people according to his place . 67. Factions in the State , and Schismes in the Church , get confidence by vulgar Clamours , and assistance to demand , not only Tolerations of themselves , but also abolition of the lawes against them , and a total extirpation of that Government whose Rights they made . 68. Some moderate Propositions are by cunning Demanders used like waste paper , wherein their unreasonable ones are wrapped up , to present them somewhat more handsomely . 69. There is nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for . 70. They abuse themselves , who believe all good which is guilded with shews of Zeal and Reformation . 71. Popular Clamours and Tumults serve to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who study with all diligence and policy , to improve present distractions to their innovating designs . 72. Armies of propositions , having little of Judgment , Reason , Justice and Religion , taking their rise from Tumult and Faction , must be backt and seconded with Armies of Souldiers . 73. A King is to weigh the reason and justice , not regard the number and power of contesting Subjects . 74. Tumults can be no other then the hounds that attend the cry and hollow of those men , who hunt after factions and private designs , to the ruine of the Church and State. 75. If the straitness of a Kings Conscience will not give him leave to swallow down such camels as others do of Sacriledg and Jnjustice both to God and man , they have no more cause to quarrel with him then for this , that his throat is not so wide as theirs . 76. Nothing of passion , or peevishness , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew a negative power , should have any byas upon the judgment of a King , to make him gratifie his will by denying any thing which his Reason and Conscience commands him not . 77. A King should not consent to more than Reason , Justice , Honour and Religion perswade him to be for Gods glory , the Church's good , his Peoples welfare , and his own peace . 78. Although many mens Loyalty and Prudence be terrified from giving their King that true and faithfull Councell which they are able and willing to impart , and he may want ; yet none can hinder him from craving the Councel of that mighty Councellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline his heart stedfastly to follow it . 79. It is no news for some Subjects to fight , not only without their Kings Commission , but against his Command and Person too , yet all the while to pretend they fight by his Authority , and for his safety . 80. Rebels do alwayes this honour to their King , to think moderate Injuries not proportionate to him , nor competent Tryals either of his Patience under them , or his Pardon of them . 81. Some with exquisite malice mix the gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt , with the Cup of their Kings affliction , charging him not only with untruths , but such as wherein he hath the greatest share of loss and dishonour by what is committed . 82. That King is a Cyclopick monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink , but the flesh and bloud of his own Subjects . 83. Some think they cannot do well but in evil times , nor so cunningly as in laying the Odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . 84. Preposterous rigour , and unreasonable severity , may be not the least incentive that kindles and blowes up into horrid slames the sparks of discontent , which want not predisposed fewel for Rebellion , where dispair being added to former discontents , and the fear of utter extirpation to wonted oppressions , it is easie to provoke to an open Rebellion a people prone to break out to all exorbitant violence , by some principles of their Religion , and the natural desires of liberty . 85. Some men of covetous zeal , and uncharitable fury , think it a great argument of the truth of their Religion , to endure no other but their own . 86. It is preposterous and unevangelical zeal , to chuse rather to use all extremities which may drive men to desperate obstinacy , than to apply moderate remedies . 87. Some kind of zeal counts all mercifull moderation , lukewarmness , and had rather be cruel , than counted cold ; and is not seldome more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin , than for any harm he hath done . 88. The confiscation of mens Estates pleaseth some better , as being more beneficial , than the charity of saving their lives , or reforming their errours . 89. Some men have better skill to let bloud , than to stanch it . 90. Men prepared to misconstrue the actions of their Soveraign , have more credulity to what is false and evill , than love or charity to what is true and good . 91. A King hath no judge but God above him . 92. God doth not therefore deny a Kings innocence , because he is pleased so farre to try his patience , as he did his servant Jobs . 93. Swarms of reproaches issue out of some mens mouths and hearts , as easily as smoke or sparks do out of a furnace . 94. Men conscious of their own depth of wickedness , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 95. It is kingly to do well , and hear ill . 96. A King ought to look upon the effusion of his Subjects bloud , as exhausted out of his own veins . 97. Royal bounty emboldens some men , to ask and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude . 98. A King should not let any mans ingratitude , or inconstancy , make him repent of what he granted for the Publick good . 99. Where violence is used for innovation in Religion , many feel the misery of the means , before they reap the benefit of the end . 100. It can not but seem either passion , or some self-seeking , more than true zeal , and pious discresion , for any forraign State or Church to prescribe such medicine only to others , which themselves have used rather successfully than commendably . The Third Century . 1 THe same Physick in different Constitutions , will have different opperations : That may kill one , which doth but cure another . 2. It is not so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword , as to polish them by fair and equal disputations among those that are most concern'd in the differences , whom not force but reason , ought to convince . 3. Mens Consciences can receive little satisfaction in those points , which are maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the field , than Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods . 4. In matters of Religion , those truths gain most on mens judgments and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence . 5. Secular violence weakens truth , which prejudices , and is unreasonable to be used , till such means of rational conviction hath been applied , as leaving no excuse for ignorance , condemns mens obstinacy to deserved penalties . 6. There is too much of Man , to have much of Christ , when his pretended institutions are caried on , or begun , with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition . 7. Wise and Learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of Schisme and Sectarisme than the Presbyterian way . 8. A King is not to repeal the Laws & constitutions of the Church till he sees more rational and Religious motives than Soldiers use to carry in their knapsacks . 9. A King ought to esteem the Church above the State , the glory of Christ above his own , and the salvation of mens Souls , above the preservation of their Bodies and Estates . 10. No men may , without sin and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under their Kings care and tuition into the moulds they have fancied and fashioned to their designs , till they have first gained his consent , and resolved both his and other mens consciences by the strength of their reasons . 11. Violent motions , which are neither Manly , Christian , nor Loyall , should neither ●●ake nor settle the Religion of King or Subject , who knowes what Religion means . 12. The proper engine of Faction is Force . 13. Force is the Arbitratour of Beasts , not of reasonable Men , much less of humble Christians and Loyal Subjects in matter of Religion . 14. Men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions , especially those that have some temptation of gain to recompence their losses and hazards . 15. Men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before God , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their work on , seem it never so plausible to the people . 16. What can not be justified in Law or Religion , had need be fortified with power . 17. Such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come into their assistance , others of them soon after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out . 18. Much of Gods Justice , and mans folly , will at length be discovered through all the filmes and pretensions of Religion , in which Politicians wrap up their designs . 19. In vain do men hope , to build their Piety on the ruins of Loyalty . 20. Neither those considerations nor disigns , can be durable , when Subjects make bankrupt of their Allegeance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion . 21. All Reason and Policy will teach , That the chief interest of Subjects consist's in their fidelity to the Crown , not in their serviceableness to any Party of the People , to the neglect and betraying of their Kings safety and honour , for their own advantages . 22. The less cause a King hath to trust men , the more should he apply himself to God. 23. It is hard for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or against those things , which are of no clear morall necessity , but very disputable . 24. In points disputable the application of oaths can hardly be made , and enjoined , with that judgment and certainty in one's self , or that charity and candour to others of different opinion , as Religion requires . 25. Religion never refuses fair and aequable deliberations , yea , and dissentions too , in matters only probable . 26. The enjoining of Oaths upon People must needs , in things doubtfull , be dangerous , as , in things unlawfull , damnable and no less superfluous , where former religious and legal Engagements bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties . ; 27. Ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes enough , to catch and hold the vulgar credulity . 28. By politick and seemingly pious stratagems of oaths , ambitious minds think to keep the populacy fast to their party under the terrour of perjury . 29. After-contracts devised , and imposed , by a few men , in a declared Party , without the Kings consent , without power or precedent from God's or man's Lawes , can never be thought by judicious men , sufficient either to absolve , or slacken , the moral and eternal bonds of duty , which lye upon all Subjects Consciences , both to God and their King. 30. Ambiguous , dangerous and authorized novelties , are not to be preferred before known and sworn duties , which are dispensable , both to God and King. 31. Later Vowes , Oaths , or Leagues , can never blot out the former gravings and characters , which by just and lawfull Oaths have been made upon the souls of men . 32. Considerations , by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenants , are the common roads used in all factious and powerfull perturbations of State or Church . 33. Formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied ond elaborate , than when Politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Lawes . 34. Religion and Lawes with the scrues of cunning Politicians , are wrested by secret steps , and less sensible degrees , from their known rule , and wonted practise , to comply with the humors of those men , who aim to subdue all to their own will and power , under the disguises of holy combinations . 35. The cords and wit hs of Solemn Leagues and Covenants , ( framed more out of Policy than Piety ) will hold mens consciences no longer than force attends and twists them . 36. Every man soon growes his own Pope , and easily absolves himself of those ties , which not the Commands of God's Word , or the Lawes of the Land , but only the subtilty and terrour of a Party casts upon him . 37. Illegall wayes of Covenanting , seldom or never intend the engaging men more to Duties , but to Parties . 38. It is not regarded how men keep Covenants in point of Piety pretended , provided they adhaere firmly to the Party and design intended . 39. Imposers of politick Covenants make them like Manna , agreable to every mans palate and rellish who will but swallow them . 40. Naboth's Vineyard made him the only Blasphemer of his City , and fit to dye . 41. While the breath of Religion fills the Sails , Profit is the Compass , by which factious men steer their course in all seditious commotions . 42. Church-Lands and Revenues , issuing chiefly from the Crown , are held of it , and legally can revert only to the Crown , with the Kings consent . 43. No necessity should drive a King to invade or sell the Priests Lands , which both Pharaohs Divinity , and Josephs true Piety abhorr'd to do . 44. It is unjust both in the eye of Reason and Religion , to deprive the most sacred employment of all due incouragements , and like hard-harted Phara●h , to withdraw the straw and increase the task . 45. Some pursue the oppressed Church to the red Sea of a Civil War , where nothing but a miracle can save it . 46. A Christian King ought to esteem it his greatest title to be call'd , and his chiefest glory to be The Defender of the Church , both in its true Faith , and its just fruitions , equally abhorring Sacriledge and Apostacy . 47. A King ought rather to live on the Churches almes , than violently to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths . 48. They are but golden Calves that must be serv'd , when Jeroboam consecrates the meanest of the people to be Priests . 49. A King can not so much as pray God to prevent the sad consequences which will inevitably follow the Parity and Poverty of Ministers both in Church and State. Because , 50. It is no less than a mo●●ing and tempting of God , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our own power . 51. There are wayes enough to repair the breaches of the State , without the ruins of the Church . 52. As a King should be a Restorer of the State , so not an Opressour of the Church , under the pretence of publick debts . 53. If a good King had not his own Innocency and God's Protection , it were hard for him to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the Truth , and by jealousies to supply the defect of real causes , which might seem to justifie unjust Engagements against him . 54. The worst effects or open hostility , come short of what is in disloyal close designs . 55. A King should more willingly lose his Crown , than his credit ; nor should his Kingdom be so dear to him , as his reputation and honour . 56. A good name is the embalming of Princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity . 57. Foul and false aspersions are secret engins employed against peoples love of their King ; that undermining their opinion and value of him , his enemies and theirs may at once blow up their affections , and batter down their Loyalty . 58. The detriment of a Kings honor ( by calumnies ) should not be so afflictive to him , as the sin and danger of his peoples souls . 59. Peoples eyes once blinded with mists of suspitions , are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of actions , wherein they do not only not consider their sin and danger , but glory in their zealous adventures . 60. Mislead people imagine they then fear God most , when they least honour their King , and are most ambitious to merit the name of his destroyers . 61. A King's pity ought to be above his anger . 62. A King's passions should never prevail against himself , as to exclude his most compassionate prayers for them whom devout errours , more than their own malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion . 63. It is a generous charity in a King , to interpret that his Subjects in armes fight against his supposed errours , not his person , intending to mend him , not to end him . 64. It is somewhat above humanity in a King , not more willingly to forgive the seductions in his Subjects , which occasioned their Loyal injuries , then to be ambitious , by all Princely merits , to redeem them from their just suspicions , and reward them for their good intentions . 65. A King should be too conscious to his own affections toward the generality of his People , to suspect theirs to him . 66. A King should never gratifie the spightfulness of a few with any sinister thoughts of their allegeance , whom pious frauds have seduced . 67. A King should never be perswaded to make so bad interpretatations of most of his Subjects actions , as to judge otherwise than that possibly they may be erroneous , but not haeretical , in point of Loyalty . 68. A King should have as sharp a sense of the injuries done to his Subjects , as those done to himself , their well fares being inseparable . 69. Seduced Subjects in this suffer more than their King , that they are animated to injure at once both themselves and him . 70. A King sometimes hath such enemies among his Subjects as to whose malice it is not enough that he is afflicted , unless by those whose prosperity he earnestly desires , and whose seduction he heartily deplores . 71. A King for restoring tranquility unto his people , might willingly be the Jonah , if he foresees not evidently that by the divided interest of theirs and his enemies , as by contrary winds the storm of their miseries would be rather increased than allayed . 72. A King should rather prevent his Peoples ruine , than rule over them . 73. A King should not be so ambitious of that Dominion , which is but his right , as of his peoples happiness , if it could but expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign . 74. A King should rather suffer all the miseries of life , and dye many deaths , than shamefully to desert , or dishonourably to betray , his own just Rights and Soveraignty , thereby to gratifie the ambition , or justifie the malice of his Enemies . 75. A King ought to put as great a difference between the malice of his enemies , and other mens mistakes , as between an ordinary Ague , and the Plague ; or the Itch of Novelty , and the Leprosie of Disloyalty . 76. As liars need have good memories , so malicious persons need good inventions , that their calumnies may fit every man's fancy ; and what their reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . 77. A King should have more patience to bear , and charity to forgive , than leisure to answer , the many false aspersions which men may cast upon him . 78. It gives mens malice too much pleasure , for a King to take notice or remember what they say , or object . 79. When a King confutes calumnies , it should be more for his Subjects satisfaction , than his own vindication . 80. Mens evil maners , and seared consciences , will soon enough confute , and revenge , the black and false scandals which they cast upon their King. 81. Rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction , which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and therein seek to cast and consume their King's name and honour . 82. They are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyal to their King , and truly religious toward God. 83. Some popular Preachers think it no sin to lye for God , and what they call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them . 84. Such men look so much at , and cry up the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of that mischief chiefly plotted , and intended . 85. The weakness of these mens judgments , must be made up by their clamours and activity . 86. It is a great part of some mens Religion , to scandalize their King and his , thinking theirs cannot be true , if they cry not down his as false . 87. A King fights not against his own Religion , who imployes Subjects of different perswasions to maintain it . 88. Differences of perswasion in matters of Religion , may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of Duty , Allegeance and Subjection . 79. When a King confutes calumnies , it should be more for his Subjects satisfaction , than his own vindication . 80. Mens evil maners , and seared consciences , will soon enough confute , and revenge , the black and false scandals which they cast upon their King. 81. Rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction , which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and therein seek to cast and consume their King's name and honour . 82. They are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyal to their King , and truly religious toward God. 83. Some popular Preachers think it no sin to lye for God , and what they call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them . 84. Such men look so much at , and cry up the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of that misch●ef chiefly plotted , and intended . 85. The weakness of these mens judgments , must be made up by their clamours and activity . 86. It is a great part of some mens Religion , to scandalize their King and his , thinking theirs cannot be true , if they cry not down his as false . 87. A King ights not against his own Religion , who imployes Subjects of different perswasions to maintain it . 88. Differences of perswasion in matters of Religion , may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of Duty , Allegeance and Subjection . 89. Different professions in point of Religion , cannot take away the community of Relations , either to Parents , or to Princes . 90. It is lawfull for a King in exigents to use the aid of any his Subjects , of what perswasion soever . 91. It were a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in a King , then to dispute the points of different beliefs in his Subjects , when he is disputed with by swords points and when he needs the help of his Subjects as men , no less than their prayers as Christians . ; 92. The noise of a Kings evil Counsellers is a usefull device for those , who are impatient any mens councels but their own should be followed in Church or State. 93. Bold Subjects give counsels more like a drench that must be forced down , than a draught which might be fairly and leisurely dran●● if their King liked it . 94. Moderate men are sorry to see their King prone to injure himself out of a zeal to relieve his Subjects . 95. Truly humble Christians will so highly prize the reward of persecutions , as rather not to be relieved , than be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that Crown of Christian patience , which attends humble and injur'd sufferers . 96. Men are not more prone to desire liberty , than unapt to bear it in the popular sence , which is , to do what every man liketh best . 97. The divinest liberty is , to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to Reason , Lawes and Religion . 98. Good men count the bounds of the Lawes their Ornament and Protection , others their Manacles ●● Oppression . 99. It is not just that any man should expect the reward and benefit of the law , who despiseth its rule and direction . 100. He that seeks an unreasonable liberty , justly loseth his safety . The Fourth Century . 1. THose men are the best preservers of their true liberty , who allow themselves the least licentiousness against , or beyond the Lawes . 2. It is impossible chose men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties , who have the hardiness to use their King with severe restraints . 3. A resolv'd King , restrain'd by Subjects , will rather perish , tha● complain to those , who want nothing to compleat their mirth and triumph , but such musick . 4. Conscientious tenderness attended with proud and arrogant activity , seeks to hatch every egge of different opinion to a faction or schisme . 5. Lawes and Scepters of Monarchs should not intrench on God's Soveraignty , which is the only King of mens Consciences . 6. God gives no men liberty to break the Law established , further than with meekness and patience they are content to suffer the penalties annexed , rather than perturb the publick peace . 7. some men , in the necessities of their fortunes , distrust Gods providence , as well as their own merits . 8. Never were any Princes more glorious than those whom God hath suffer'd to be tried in the fornace of afflictions by their injurious Subjects . 9. Some men speak against their King rather what they wish , than what they believe , or know . 10. Rude and scandalous Pamphlets , like fire in great conflagrations , fly up and down , to set all places on like flames . 11. It is no wonder if men , not fearing God , should not honour their King. 12. God hath graven such Characters of divine Authority , and sacred Power , upon Kings , as none may , without sin , seek to blot them out . 13. From God alone , are all traditions of true Glory and Majesty that is in Kings . 14. No news to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformations in Church and State. 15. The pride of those that study novelties , can hardly allow any share or degree of wisdom or godliness to former times . 16. For set and prescribed forms of publick prayer , there is no doubt but that wholsome words being known and fitted to mens understandings , are soonest received into their hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them , judicious and fervent affections . 17. Constant forms of Prayers are not more likely to slat and hinder the Spirit of Prayer and Devotion , than unpraemeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it . 18. Slight and easie Legerdemain will serve to delude the Vulgar . 19. No men are prone to be greater Tyrants , and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal novelties , than such whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawfull Constitutions , and whose licentious humours most pretended Conscientious liberties . 21. It is impossible for a Prince to preserve the State in quiet , unless he hath such an influence upon Churchmen , and they such a dependance on him , as may best restrain the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues , who with the keyes of Heaven , have so far the keyes of the Peoples hearts , as they prevail much by the Oratory to let in , or shut out both Peace and Loyalty . 21. The want of Government is that which the Church can no more dispence with in point of well-being , than the want of the Word and Sacrament in point of being . 22. Scripture is the best rule , and the Church's universal practise the best Commentary of Religion . 23. No frame of Church-government is more agreable both to Reason and Religion , than that which is Paternal not Magisterial . 24. Faction and Confusion , Emulations and Contempts , are prone to arise among equals in power and function . 25. Inconstancy is a great prejudice against Novelty . 26. The stream of times , and the prevalency of parties , overpowreth the judgements of some men . 27. Ministers may find as great a difference , in point of thriving , between the favour of the People , and of Princes , as Plants do between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberal dews of heaven . 28. The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see , what a poor carcass they are when parted from the influence of that Head , to whose Supremacy they have been sworn . 29. A little moderation may prevent great mischiefs . 30. Discretion , without Passion , might easily reform whatever the rust of times , or indulgence of lawes or corruption of manners may have brought upon the government of the Church . 31. It is a gross vulgar errour , to impute , or revenge upon , functions , the faults of times or persons . 32. Respect and observance , even in peacefull times , is hardly paid to any Governors by the measure of their vertues , so much as by that of their Estates . 33. Poverty and meanness expose men in Authority to the contempt of licentious minds and manners . 34. There is an innate principle of vicious oppression in all men , against those that seem to reprove , or restrain them . 34. No design or passion is to be gratified with the least perverting of truth . 36. Devout minds restore to God in giving to his Church and Prophets , through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water , as a libation to himself . 37. That oath may be with judgment broken , which erroneously was taken . 38. What a King thinks in his judgment best , he may not think so absolutely necessary for all places , and at all times . 39. It is far better to hold to Primitive and uniform Antiquity , than to comply with divided Novelty . 40. The way of Treaties is as a retiring from fighting like Beasts , to arguing like men , whose strength should be more in their understandings than in their limbs . 41. A King may have greater confidence of his Reason , than his Sword. 42. It is no diminution of a King to prevent [ arming ] Subjects with expresses of his desires , and importunities to Treat . 43. It is an office not only of Humanity , rather to use Reason than Force , but also of Christianity , to seek peace and ensue it . 44. The events of all War , by the Sword , are very dubious , and of a Civil War uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompensing , and late repairing , the mischief of the means . 45. A Monarch cannot part with his honour , as a King , nor with his Conscience , as a Christian . 46. Jealousies are not so easily allayed , as they are raised . 47. Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent engagements , than to engage . 48. What is wanting in equity , must be made up in pertinacy . 49. Such as have little to enjoy in peace , or to lose in war [ if ill-disposed ] study to render the very name of peace odious and suspected . 50. In Church affairs , a King having so many strict ties of Conscience upon him , hath least liberty of prudence . 51. It argues much softness and infirmity of mind in a King , rather to part with Gods Truth , than man's Peace and rather to lose the Church's honour , than cross some mens factious humours . ; 52. Some men have that height , as to interpret all fair condescendings as arguments of feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stifness , when they see others most supple , and inclinable to them . 53. It is a grand Maxime with some men , alwayes to ask their King something which in reason and honour must be denied , that they may have some colour to refuse all that is in other things granted , setting Peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of War. 54. Some men endeavour first to make their King destroy himself by dishonourable Concessions , that so they may have the less to do . 55. The highest tide of success should not set a King above a Treaty with his Subjects , nor the lowest ebbe below a fight . 56. It is no sign of true valour , to be prodigal of mens lives , rather than be drawn to produce our own Reasons , or subscribe to other mens . 57. What Kings cannot get by their Treaties , they may gain by their prayers . 58. The various successes of Civil War , should afford a King variety of good meditations . 59. A Kings sins sometimes prevail against the justice of his cause . 60. Rebels may be punished by the prosperity which hardens them to continue that injustice by open hostility , which was begun by riotous tumults . 61. Personal and private sins , may oftimes over-ballance the justice of publick engagements . 62. God accounts not every gallant man ( in the Worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of War , a righteous cause . 63. The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skil , valour and strength , the less doth God ordinarily work by them for his own glory . 64. Event of success , can never state the justice of any cause ▪ nor the peace of mens consciences , nor the eternal fate of their souls . 65. The ties of Subjects to God , the Church , and their King , lye upon their Souls , both for obedience to , and just assistance of their Soveraign . 66. They who lose their lives in a just cause , have the destruction of their bodies sanctified as a means to save their Souls . 67. Rebels are more afraid to encounter the many pregnant Reasons , which conflict with , and accuse them in , their own thoughts , than they oft are in a desperate bravery to fight against the forces given by God to their King. 68. It is far more honourable and comfortable , to suffer for good Lawes , than to prosper in their ruine and subversion . 69. The defects of piety may blast the endeavours of Loyalty , when men are not as faithfull to God and their own Souls , as to their King. 70. A good King , in a Civil War , should never have any victory on his Subjects , without his sorrow , nor , when he suffers a defeat , despair of Gods mercy and defence . 71. A King should never desire such victories , as may seem to conquer , but only restore , the Lawes and Liberties of his People . 72. A King should wish no greater advantages by a Civil War , than to bring his enemies to moderation , and his friends to peace . 73. A King should be afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest ; and never pray more for victory over his Subjects , than over himself . 74. The different events of a Civil War , are but the methods of divine justice , by contrary winds to winnow us : That by punishing our sins , he might purge them from us ; and by deferring peace , he might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . 75. A Kings conscience of his Innocence may forbid him to fear a War , but the love of his Kingdomes command him ( if possible ) to avoid it . 76. A King may commit an errour in giving advantages to some men , by confirming their power , which they know not to use with that modesty and gratitude as becomes their loyalty , and his confidence . 77. A King sometimes by yielding less may be opposed less , and by denying more , be more obeyed . 78. When we conquer Gods patience by our sins , we are condemn'd by mutual conquerings to destroy one another in a Civil War , where the most prosperous successes on either side impair the wellfare of the whole . 79. Those Victories are still miserable , that leave our sins nnsubdued , flushing our pride , and animating to continue injuries . 80. Peace it self is not desirable , til repentance have prepared us for it . 81. When we fight more against our selves , and less against God , we shall cease fighting against one another . 82. No glory is more to be envied , than that of due reforming either Church or State , when deformities are such , that the perturbation and novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of reforming . 83. The setling of Religion ought to be the first rule and standard of reforming . 84. It is a great miscariage , when popular clamours and fury are allowed the reputation of zeal and the publick sense . 85. Freedome , Moderation , and Impartiality , are the best tempers of reforming counsels and endeavours . 86. What is acted by Factions , cannot but offend more than please . 87. Where the Scripture is not clear and punctual in precepts , there the constant and universal practise of the Church , in things not contrary to Reason , Faith , or Maners , or any positive Command , is the best Rule that Christians can follow . 88. The Vulgar are taken with novelties as children with babies , very much , but not very long . 89. If there were as much of Christ's Spirit , for meekness , wisdome and charity in mens hearts , as there is of his Name used in the pretensions to reform all to Christs , it would certainly obtain more of Gods blessing , and produce more of Christs glory , the Churches good , the honour of Religion , and the unity of Christians . 90. Publick Reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to try on others . 91. Deformities within will soon betray the Pretenders of publick Reformations to such private designs , as must needs hinder the publick good . 92. The right methods of reforming the Church , cannot subsist with that of perturbing the civil State. 93. Religion cannot be justly advanced by depressing Loyalty , which is one of the chiefest ingredients and ornaments of true Religion : for , next to Fear God , is Honour the King. 94. Christ's Kingdom may be set up , without pulling down the Kings and men will not in impartial times appear good Christians , that approve not themselves good Subjects . ; 95. As good ends cannot justifie evil means , so , nor will evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions ; unless God by a miracle of mercy , create Light out of Darkness , Order out of Confusions , and Peace out of Passions . 96. The greatest experiments of Virtue and Nobleness are discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemy , and the greatest obligations are those which are put upon us by them , from whom we could least have expected them . 97. Bees will gather honey where the Spider sucks poyson . 98. Subjects can hardly be happy , if their King be miserable ; or enjoy their peace and liberties , while he is oppressed . 99. A King should not only with patience bear indignities , but with charity forgive them . 100. Subjects captivate their King , that allow him not the liberty of his own thoughts , and are unwilling he should follow the light of his own conscience . The Fifth Century . 1. IT is unreasonable for Subjects to expect the King should think their Couns●ls good for him , who maintain a War against him . 2. Prosperity gains the greatest esteem and applause among the Vulgar , as adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and disrespect . 3. Good Fortune is not alwayes the shadow of Vertue and Justice ; but oftner attends vitious and injurious actions as to this world . 4. No secular advantages seem sufficient to that Cause , which begun with Tumults , depends chiefly upon the reputation with the Vulgar . 5. Rebels think no Victories so effectual to their designs , as those that most rout and wast their Kings credit with his people . 6. The taking away a Kings credit , is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of his life and his kingdomes . 7. It is an exquisite method of Rebels cunning and cruel●y , To compel their King first to follow the funerals of his honour , and then destroy him . 8. Few mens Consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame and dishonour which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publick flattery and popular countenance . 9. Chams curse of being servant of servants , must needs be on them , who seek by dishonourable actions to please the vulgar ; and confirm by ignoble acts , their dependance upon the people . 10. What Providence denies to Force , it may grant to Prudence . 11. When necessity is a King's Counsellor , his confidence in a rebellious people may disarm and overcome them ; and the rendring his Person to them , engage their affections to him . 12. God must be a Kings chiefest Guard ; and his Conscience both his Counsellor , and his Comforter . 13. No necessities should compel a King to desert his ●●●●ur , or swerve from his judg●●●● . 14. An univ●●sal confidence put in dissembling Subjects , may make them ashamed not to be really such , as they ought and profess to be . 15. So various are all humane affairs , and so necessitous may the state of Princes be , that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safety ; and their safety in their suposed danger . 16. A King ought not in rebellious times , to be less solicitous for his friends safety , than his own ; and he may chuse to venture himself upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute loyalty to all extremity . 17. It is some skil in play , to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to give over , than to contest in vain . 18. A King that casts himself upon the kindness of Subjects that have fought against him , must study to reinforce his judgment , and fortifie his mind with Reason and Religion that he may not seem to offer up his souls liberty , or make his Conscience their Captive . ; 19. No success should darken or disguise truth to a King , who in the greatest necessity , should no less conform his words unto his inward dictates , than if they had been , as the words of a King ought to be among Loyal Subjects , full of power . 20. Reason is the divinest power : A King should never think himself weakned , while he may make full and free use of that . 21. No Eclipse of outward fortune should rob a King of the light of Reason . 22. What God denies of outward strength to a distressed King , his grace may supply with inward resolutions , not morosity to deny what is fit to be granted ; but not to grant any thing , which Reason and Religion bids him deny . 23. A King should never think himself less th●n himself , while he is able to preserve the integrity of his Conscience , when the only jewel left him worth keeping . 24. When Kings are deceiv'd in their confidence , it is but an essay which God will have them make of man's uncertainty , the more to fix them on himself , who never faileth them that trust in him . 25. Though the Reeds of Aegypt break under the hand of him that leans on them ; yet the Rock of Israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . 26. When a King retires to God , he most enjoyes himself , which he loseth while he lets out his hopes to others . 27. Solitude and Captivity gives a King leisure enough to study the Worlds vanity and inconstancy . 28. A King need not care much to be reckoned among the unfortunate , if he be not in the black List of irreligious and sacrilegious Princes . 29. No restraint should ensnare a Kings soul in sin , nor gain that of him which may make his Enemies more insolent , his friends ashamed , or his name accursed . 30. They have no great cause to triumph , that have got a King's person into their power , whose soul remains his own . 31. Should a King grant what unreasonable men desire , he should be such as they wish him , not more a King , and far less both man and Christian . 32. Restraint ought not to obtain that of a King , which Tumults and Armes could not , wherein though there be little safety , yet it hath not more of danger . 33. The fear of men should never be a Kings snare : nor should the love of any liberty entangle his Soul. 34. Better others betray a King , than himself : and that the price of his liberty should be his Conscience . 35. The greatest injuries a King's enemies seek to inflict upon him , cannot be without his own consent . 36. While a King can deny with Reason , he shall defeat the greatest impressions of Rebels malice , who neither know how to use worthily what is already granted , nor what to require more of him but this , That he would seem willing to help , then to destroy himself and his . 37. Although Rebels should destroy a King , yet let him give them no cause to despise him . 38. Neither Liberty nor Life are so dear to a King , as the peace of his Conscience , the honour of his Crownes , and the welfare of his People . 39. A King's word may more injure his People , than a War ; while he gratifies a few , to oppress all . 40. Lawes may by God's blessing , revive with the Loyalty of Subjects , if a distressed King bury them not by his consent , and cover them not in the grave of dishonour and injustice , which some mens violence may have digged for them . 41. If Captivity or Death must be the price of the Lawes redemption , a King should not grudge to pay it . 42. No condition can make a King miserable , which carieth not with it his Souls , his Peoples , and Posterities thraldom . 43. A Monarch should rather hazard the ruine of one King , than confirm many Tyrants over his people . 44 A distressed King may by the learning , piety and prayers of his Chaplains , be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments , or better sitted for the recovery and use of them in God's good time . 45. A King may reap , by the pious help of his Chaplains , a spiritual harvest of grace amidst the thornes , and after the plowings of temporal crosses . 46. When Rebels confine their King to solitude , they adde a Wilderness of Temptations , especialy if they obtrude company upon him more sad than solitude it self . 47. The evil policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurous usurpation . 48. Though the justice of the Law deprive Prisoners of worldly comforts , yet the mercy of Religion allowes them the benefit of their Clergy , as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies , and to damn their Souls . 49. To deny a King the Ghostly comfort of his Chaplains , seems a greater rigour and barbarity than is used to the meanest Prisoners , and greatest Malefactors . 50. A Kings agony may be relieved by the presence of one good Angel , such as is a learned , godly and discreet Divine . 51. Rebels , that envy the being a King , will encline to lothe his being a Christian , and while they seek to deprive him of all things else , will be afraid he should save his Soul. 52. Some remedies are worse than the disease , and some comforters more miserable than misery it self ; when like Jobs friends , they seek not to fortifie one's mind with patience , but perswade a man , by betraying his own Innocency , to despair of God's mercy ; and by justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands , and harden the hearts of insolent Enemies . 53. A King looking upon Clergy-men as Orphans , and under the sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious Reformers , ought in duty to appear as a Father , and a Patron of them and the Church . 54. It is better to seem undevout , and to hear no mens prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say Amen , without contradicting a man's own understanding , or belying his own Soul. 55. In publick devotions , a King should countenance neither prophane boldness , nor pious non-sense ; but such an humble and judicious gravity , as shewes the speaker to be at once consideate both of God's Majesty , the Church's honor , and his own vileness , both knowing what things God allowes him to ask , and in what maner it becomes a Sinner to supplicate the divine mercy for himself and others . 56. A King should equally be scandaliz'd with all prayers that sound either imperiously , or rudely and passionately ; as either wanting humility to God , or charity to men , or respect to the duty . 57. A King should better be pleased , as with studied and premeditated Sermons , so with such publick forms of Prayer as are fitted to the Church's and every Christian's daily and common necessities ; because he is better assured what he may joyn his heart unto , than he can be of any man's extemporary sufficiency . 58. Extemporary sufficiency , as it need not wholely be excluded from publick occasions , so is it to be allow'd its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements ; where neither the solemnity of the duty , nor the modest regard to others , do require so great exactness , as to the outward maner of performance . 59. The light of understanding , and the fervency of affection , are the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional , solitary and social devotions . 60. A great part of some mens piety , hangs upon the popular pin of railing against , and contemning the Liturgy of a Church . 61. A King should rather be condemned to the woe of Vae soli , than to that of Vae vobis Hypocritis , by seeming to pray what he does not approve . 62. It is infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to Gods Church by the Word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword. 63. The gifts and prayers of the Clergy , are to be look't upon as more praevalent than a King 's , or other men's , by how much they flow from minds more enlightned , and affections less distracted , than those which are encombred with secular affairs . 64. A greater blessing and acceptableness attends those duties which are rightly perform'd , as proper to , and within the limits of that calling , to which God and the Church have especially designed and consecrated some men . 65. Confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every man's turning Priest or Preacher , as it will in the State , where every man affects to rule as King. 66. A King may bear with more grief and impatience the want of his Chaplains , than of any other his servants , and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from his Wife and Children since from these , indeed more of humane and temporary affections ; but from those more of heavenly and eternal improvements may be expected . ; 67. In the inforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary means , God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his gifts and graces . 68. A King that in solitude , has Gods Spirit to teach him and help his infirmities in prayer , reading and meditation will need no other either Oratour or Instructer . 69. Some little practise wil serve that man , who only seeks to represent a part of honesty and honour . 70. A King cannot be so low , but He is considerable : adding weight to that Party where he appears . 71. When the excentrique and irregular motion of the Times cannot well be resisted , nor quieted ; Better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . 72. Impossible it is for lines to be drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other , so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . 73. Professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties , cannot be utterly against the Liberty of their King : what they demand for their own Conscience , they cannot in reason deny to his . 74. Novel Injunctions cannot well be stamped with the authority of Lawes , without the Kings consent . 75. Men are hardly content with one sin , but adde sin to sin , til the later punish the former . 76. Power is above all Rule , Order and Law ; where men look more to present Advantages , than their Consciences , and the unchangeable rules of Justice ; while they are Judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . 77. Vengeance oft pursues and overtakes them that thought to have escaped and fortified themselves most impregnably against it , both by their multitude and compliance . 78. Whom the Lawes cannot , God will punish , by their own crimes and hands . 79. Fatal blindness frequently attends and punisheth wilfullness , so that men shall not be able at least to prevent their sorrowes , who would not timely repent of their sins , nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the comforts , who securely neglect the counsels belonging to their peace . 80. Brethren in Iniquity , are not far from becoming insolent enemies , there being nothing harder than to keep ill men long in one mind . 81. It is not possible to gain a ●air period for those motions which go rather in a round and circle of fancy , than in a right line of reason tending to the Law , the only center of publick consistency . 82. Men are much more happy when subject to known Lawes , than to the various wills of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . 83. Vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant wayes , like violent motions in nature , soon growes weary of it self , and ends in a refractory fullenness . 84. Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . 85. A King may so far esteem the valour and gallantry some time shewed by an Army which hath fought against him , as to concur toward a just satisfying their demands of pay and indemnity ; and to wish he may never want such men to maintain himself , his Lawes and Kingdome in such a peace as wherein they may enjoy their share and proportion so much as any men . 86. It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of a Kings long restraint , when he finds his leisure and solitude have produced something worthy of himself , and usefull to his Successour . 87. In Civil Warres , a Kings cause is not to be measured by the success , nor his judgment of things by his misfortunes . 88. It is an advantage of wisdom to a young Prince , to have begun & spent some years of discretion in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience . 89. In troubles Piety and all Virtues , both Moral and Political are commonly better planted to a thriving ( as Trees set in winter ) than in the warmth and serenity of times . 90. The delights which usually attend Princes Courts in time of Peace and Plenty , are prone either to root up all Plants of true Virtue and Honor , or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them . 91. Princes should alwayes remember they are born , and by Providence designed to the publick good . 92. Flatteries are as unseparable from prosperous Princes , as Flies ate from fruit in Summer , whom adversity , like cold weather , drives away . 93. Charles le Bon , a more glorious name for a Prince , than le Grand Better for him and his people he be good , than great . ; 94. The early exercise of Gods graces and gifts bestowed upon Princes may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose them to such Princely endowments and imployments , which will most gain the love , and intend the welfare of those over whom God may place them . 95. A Prince ought to begin and end with God , who is King of Kings , the Soveraign disposer of the Kingdomes of the World. 96. The best Government , and highest Soveraignty a Prince can attain to is , to be subject to God , that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in his heart . 97. The true glory of Princes consists in advancing Gods Glory in the maintenance of true Religion , and the Church's good ; Also in the dispensation of civil Power , with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace . 98. Piety will make a Prince prosperous ; at least it will keep him from being miserable . 99. He is not much a loser , that loseth all , yet saveth his own soul at last . 100. A Kings affliction is Gods Physick , having that in healthfulness which it wants in pleasure . The Sixth Century . 1. A Prince at mature age , ought if satisfied in his own Judgment and Reason , seal to that sacred bond which education hath written , that it may be judiciously his own Religion , and not other mens custom , or tradition , which he professeth . 2. A Princes fixation in matters of Religion , is not more necessary for his souls , than his Kingdoms peace . 3. The Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation , and the old Serpent can pretent new lights . 4. When some mens Consciences accuse them for sedition and faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion , When Piety pleads for peace and patience , they cry out zeal . 5. Unless a King in point of Religion be well setled , he shall never want temptations to destroy him and his under pretensions of Reforming . 6. Reforming matters of Religion seems even to the worst men as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst desfgns . 7. Some Reformers of Religion hope to cover their irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious , by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . 8. A King ought to take heed of abetting any factions , or applying to any publick discriminations in matters of Religion , contrary to what is in his judgment , and the Church well setled . 9. A King 's partial adhering as head to any one side , gains him not so great advantages in some mens hearts ( who are prone to be of their Kings Religion ) as it loseth them in others , who think themselves and their profession first despised , than persecuted by him . 10. A King should take such a course , as may either with calmness and charity quite remove seeming differeces in Religion , and offenses by impartiality , or to order affairs in point of Power , that he shall not need to fear or flatter any Faction . 11. If a King stand in need of any Faction , he may have flatterrd ( that affects him not ) or must stand to their courtesie , he is undone ; The Serpent will devour the Dove . 12. A King may never expect less of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those who engage into Religious Rebellion . 13. Religious Rebels make their interest alwayes Gods. 14. Ambitious Policies march under the colours of Piety , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy . 15. A King may hear Jacobs voice from such religious Reformers , but he will feel they have Esau's hands . 16. As ill humors fall to the disaffected part , which causeth inflammations ; so all affectors of novelties adhere to that side , which hath the most remarkable and specious note of difference in point of Religion . 17. Nothing ought to seem little or despicable to a King in matters which concern Religion and the Church's peace , so as to neglect a speedy reformation , and effectual suppression . 18. Errors and Schismes which seem at first but as a hand-breadth , by seditious spirits , as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole heaven . 19. A King should never charge his head with such a Crown , as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole body , the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength , honour or safety to the head , but a necessary debilitation and ruine . 20. A Kings Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting rather than exacting the rigour of the Lawes ; there being nothing worse than legal Tyranny . 21. Tumults , Armies and Prisons , are not the best arguments to convince the testimony of a King's conscience . 22. It is not safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the perturbation of the Lawes , in which is wrap't up the publick Interest , and the good of the Community . 23. A King should never repose so much upon any mans single counsel , fidelity and discretion , in managing affairs of the first magnitude ( that is , matters of Religion and Justice ) as to create in himself or others , a difference of his own judgment , which is likely to be alwayes more constant and impartial to the interests of his Crown and Kingdom , than any mans . 24. A King should beware of exasperating any Factions by the crossness and ●●●●erity of some mens passions , humors , or private opinions , imployed by him , grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion . 25. A Charitable connivence and Christian toleration , often dissipates the strength of Factions , which rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the despised and opressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their Persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration , which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of Religion . 26. A King is not to connive at or tolerate any faction that amounts to an insolent opposition of Lawes and Government , or Religion established , as to the essentials of them , such ●●●tions and minings are intolerab●e . 27. A King must alwayes keep up solid Piety , and those fundamental Truths ( which mend both hearts and lives of men ) with impartial favour and justice . 28. A King must take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devour not all , or the best encouragements of Learning , industry and piety . 29. A King ought with an equal eye and impartial hand , to distribute favours and rewards to all men , as he finds them for their real goodness , both in abilities and fidelities worthy and capable of them . 30. A King by rewarding men of best deserts , shall be sure to gain himself the hearts of the best , and the most too , who though they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer wayes of vertue at any time sweetned by temporal rewards . 31. Combin●●●●actions have no sooner by force subdued what they counted their common enemy , and are secured from that fear , but they are divided to so high a rivalry , as sets them more at defiance against each other , than against their first Antagonists . 32. Time will dissipate all Factions , when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves , which were at first wrapt up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of Religion , Reformation and Liberty . 33. As the Wolfe is not less cruel , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appear no better than a Wolfe under Sheeps clothing . 34. To undeceive the seduced Vulgar , who in simplicity follow disguises , as a King needs no palliations , if he study really to exceed in true and const●●● demonstrations of goodness , piety , and virtue towards the People , even all those men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of Religion : so shall he neither fear any detection , as they do , who have but the face and mask of goodness ; nor shall he frustrate the just expectations of his people , who cannot in reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects novelties , as from the virtuous constancy of their King. 35. None are greater Oppressours of Vulgar Estates , Liberties , and Consciences , than those men that entitle themselves the Patrons and Vindicators of them , only to usurpe power over them . 36. No Passion should betray a Prince to any study of revenge upon those , whose own sin and folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . 37. So soon as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out , use all princely arts and clemency to heal the wounds ; that the smart of the cure , may not equal the anguish of the hurt . 38. Acts of Indempnity and Oblivion , when desired and accepted , are to be granted not only as Acts of State-policy and necessity , but of Christian charity and choise . 39. They that deprive a King of all , cannot of a power to forgive them ; and to have a heart to do it , is a greater argument of Gods love to him , than any prosperity can be . 40. None will be more loyal and faithfull to an injur'd King , than those Subjects , who , sensible of their errours and his sufferings , will feell in their own souls most vehement motives to repentance , and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . 41. As the quality of a King sets him beyond a Duel with any Subject ; so the Nobleness of his mind must raise him above the meditating any revenge , or executing his anger upon the many . 42. The more conscious a King shall be to his own merits upon his people , the more prone he will be to expect all love and loyalty from them , and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscariages . 43. An injur'd King will have more inward complacency in pardoning one , than in punishing a thousand . 44. We cannot merit of God , but by his own mercy . 45. Counterfeit and disorderly zeal ought not to abate a King's value and esteem of true piety : both of them are to be known by their fruits . 46. The sweetness of the Vine and Figtree is not to be despised , though the Brambles and Thornes should pretend to bear Figs and Grapes , thereby to rule over the Trees . 47. The publick interest consists in the mutual and common good both of Prince and People . 48. We must not sterve our selves , because some men have surfeited of wholsom food . 49. God sometimes punisheth Rebellious Subjects with continuance in their sin , and suffers them to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickedness . 53. Gods grace may teach and enable an injur'd King to want , as well as to wear a Crown , which is not worth taking up , or enjoying , upon sordid , dishonourable , and irreligious termes . 51. Let a King keep himself to true principles of piety , vertue , and honour ; He shall never want a Kingdom . 52. It is a principal point of honour in a yong King , to deferre all respect , love , and pretection to the Queen Dowager his mother , especially if with magnanimity and patience she hath sufferr'd for , and with , his Royal Father , and himself . 53. A Captive King , in the midst of Rebellious Subjects , may be wrapt up and fortified in his own innocency and God's grace . 54. The bloud of a King destroy'd by Rebels , will cry aloud for vengeance to Heaven , and they who shed it , will have inward horrour for their first Tormenter , and not escape exemplary judgments . 55. They that repent of any defects in their duty toward the Royal Father , may be found truly zealous to repay with interest , the loyalty and love which was due to him , unto their King his son . 56. The mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion , will not long serve to hide the men's deformities that use it . 57. Mislead Subjects may learn by their miseries , That Religion to their God , and Loyalty to their King , cannot be parted without both their sin and their infelicity . 58. God may honour a King , not only with the Scepter and government of Realms , but also with the suffering many indignities , and an untimely death for them , while he studies to preserve the rights of the Church , the power of his Lawes , the honour of his Crown , the priviledges of Parliaments , the liberties of his People , and his own Conscience , which is dearer to him than a thousand Kingdoms . 59. A Captive King hath as much cause as leisure to meditate upon , and prepare for his death ; there being but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes . 60. It is Gods indulgence which gives him the space , but mans cruelty , that gives him the sad occasions for those thoughts . 61. A King in the hands of Rebels , besides the common burthen of mortality , which lies upon him , as a man , bears the heavy load of other mens ambitions , fears , jealousies , and cruel passions , whose envy or enmity against him , makes their own lives seem deadly to them , while he enjoyes any part of his . 62. A Kings prosperity should not make him a stranger to the contemplations of mortality . 63. The thoughts of death are never unseasonable , since prosperity alwayes is uncertain . 64. Death is an Eclipse , which oft hapneth as well in clear as clowdy dayes . 65. A King by long and sharp adversity , may have so reconciled within himself those natural Antipathies between Life and Death , which are in all men , that the common terrours of the later may be dispelled , and the special horrour of it much allayed . 66. A King , to whom a violent death approaching is represented by the policy of cruel and implacable enemies , with all terrible aggravations may look upon those things as unpoysonous , though sharp , since his Redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given him the antidote of his death against them , which as to the immaturity , unjustice , shame , scorn and cruelty of it , exceeded whatever a threatned King can fear . 67. A pious King never finds so much the life of Religion , the feast of a good Conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious integrity and constancy , as when he comes to a close conflict with the thoughts of Death . 68. Though a King be not so old , as to be weary of life , it is happy for him , if he be not so bad as to be either afraid to dye , or asham'd to live . 69. It is the greatest glory of a Christians life to dye dayly , in conquering by a lively faith , and patient hope of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths , which kill by piece-meals , and make men over-live their own fates , while we are deprived of health , honour , liberty , power , credit , safety , or estate , and those other comforts of dearest relations , which are as the life of our lives . 70. A King lives in nothing temporal so much , as in the love and good will of his people . 71. A King should not think that life too long or tedious , wherein God gives him any opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such Christian patience and magnanimity in a good cause , as are the greatest honour of his life , and the best improvement of his death . 72. In point of true Christian valour , it argues pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life , and a want of that heroike greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian , in the patient and generous sustaining those afflictions , which as shadowes , necessarily attend us , while we are in this body , and which are less'ned or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity moves higher or lower , whose total absence is best recompensed with the Dew of Heaven . 73. The assaults of affliction may be terrible , like Sampson's Lyon , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare encounter and overcome them , who know how to over-live the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet converse with God. 74. The life of a pious King is the Object of the Devils and wicked mens malice , but yet under God's sole custody and disposal . 75. We must not by seeming prepared to dye , think to flatter God for longer life . 76. Triumphing Enemies who are solemnely cruel , adde ( as those did who crucified Christ ) the mockery of justice to the cruelty of malice . 77. That a King may be destroyed , as with greater pomp and artifice , so with less pity , it is but a necessary policy to make his death appear as an Act of Justice , done by Subjects upon their Soveraign , who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without him , much less against him ; and who being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before God and man , to endeavour his preservation , must pretend justice to cover their perjury . 78. It is a sad fate for any man , to have his enemies to be Accusers , Parties and Judges , but most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraign , wherein those who have had the chiefest hand , and are most guilty of contriving the publick Troubles , must by shedding his bloud , seem to wash their own hands of that innocent bloud , whereof they are most evidently guilty before God and Man , if not in their own Consciences too , while they carry on unreasonable demands , first by Tumults , after by Armies . 79. Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawfull Superiours , than the guilt of their unjust usurpation . 80. Specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents are applyed only to disguize at first the monstrousness of their designs , who despair of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard , till the heir , whose right it is , be cast out and slain . 81. It may be accounted by Rebels a Kings greatest fault , that he will not either destroy himself with the Church and State by his word ; or not suffer them to do in unresisted by the sword , whose covetous Ambition , no Concessions of his can either satisfie or abate . 82. Some men think that Kingdom of brambles which they seek to erect , not likely to thrive , till watered with the Royal bloud of those , whose right the Kingdom is . 83. A King's Innocency will find him both his Protector , and his Advocate , who is his only Judg. 84. The greatest Patrons of Law , Justice , Order , and Religion on earth , are exposed to as many dangers , as there be either Men or Devils which love confusion . 85. God will not suffer men long to prosper in their Babel , who build it with the bones , and cement it with the bloud of their Kings . 86. A King destin'd to death by Rebels , may be confident they will find avengers of it among themselves ; and that the injuries he hath sustained from them , shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much , as in opposing him . 87. The impatience of Rebels to bear the loud cry of their Kings bloud will make them think no way better to expiate it , than by shedding theirs , who with them most thirsted after his . 88. God will not suffer them to go unpunished , whose confoederacy in sin was their only security . 89. A King 's greatest conquest of Death , is from the power of the love of Christ , who hath swallowed up Death in the Victory of his Resurrection , and the Glory of his Ascension . 90. Royal Charity is the noblest revenge upon , and victory over a King's Destroyers . 91. The will of Rebels and Regicides seems to be their only rule , their power the measure , and their success the Exactor of what they please to call Justice , while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own safety , by the Kings danger , and the security of their lives-designs , by his death : forgetting , that the greatest temptations to sin , are wrapped up in seeming prosperities ; so the severest vengeances of God are then most accomplished , when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes . 92. When the will of God hath confined and concluded that of a devoted King , he shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired vengeance . 93. The glory attending the death of a King sacrificed to the will of his revolted Subjects , surpasseth all he could enjoy or conceive in life . 94. The sharp and necessary Tyrany of King-destroyers , sufficiently confute the calumnies of Tyranny against him . 95. Subjects ought to know how to excuse their Soveraign's failings as a man , and yet to retain and pay their duty to him as their King ; there being no religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errours of their Princes . 96. Rebels may often see the proportions of their evil dealings against their King in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and to●s , having under pretense of paring his nails , been so cruel as to cut off his chiefest strength . 97. The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate Rebels may be like Korah and his Complices ( at once mutining against both Prince and Priest ) in such a method of divine Justice , as is not ordinary ; the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them , and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten , and worse-used Authority ; upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designs against their King , the Church and State. 98. It is a fallacy in them who from worldly success ( rather like Sophisters than sound Christians ) draw those popular conclusions for Gods approbation of their actions , whose wise prudence oft permits many events , which his revealed Word , the only clear , safe and fixed rule of good actions and good conveniences , in no sort approves . 99. A good King may be confident that the justice of his Cause , and clearness of his Conscience , before God , and toward his people , will carry him as much above Rebels in Gods decision , as their successes may have lifted them above him in the Vulgar opinion . 100. Many times those undertakings of men , are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the World , whose rise is from Hell , as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design . The Seventh Century . 1. THe prosperous winds which oft fill the Sails of Pirates , doth not justifie their piracy and rapine . 2. The prayers and patience of a King's friends and loving Subjects , coutribute much to the sweetning of that bitter cup given him by them , whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against him . 3. As to the last event , a murther'd King may seem to owe more to his Enemies , than his Friends , while those put a period to the sins and sorrows attending this miserable life , wherewith these desire he might still contend . 4. If a good King suffer's a violent death with his Saviour , it is but Mortality crowned with Martyrdom , where the debt of death which he owes for sin to Nature , shall be raised as a gift of faith and patience offered to God. 5. The Trophees of a King's charity will be more glorious and durable over Rebels , than their ill-managed victories over him . 6. They whose sin is prosperous , had need be penitent , that they may be pardoned . 7. We are to look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest King , as farre less deprecable , than the eternal damnation of the meanest Subject . 8. It is very strange , that Mariners can find no other means to appease the storm themselves have raised , but by drowning their Pilate . 9. They who themselves seem , and teach others to despair of their King's Salvation , only discover this , that they do not much desire it . 10. Uncharitable and cruel Restraints of a King from spiritual assistance of Chaplains , may rather enlarge , than any way obstruct his access to the Throne of Heaven . 11. When large pretenses prove but the shadows of weak performances , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects . 12. When a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . 13. No grants give satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends , more than the welfare of a miserable Land. 14. It is an unutterable misery for him that hath ruled like a King , to be ruled like a Slave . 15. A King knowes not what to grant , when after his concessions to Subjects that have required all , they know not what to ask . 16. They who pretend zeal , when their thoughts are filled with bloud , are but Wolves in Sheeps clothing . 17. Rebels that endeavour to rule by the Sword , shall at last fall by it , for Faction is the Mother of Ruine . 18. They that are of such a Weather-cock-like disposition , love nothing but mutabilities . 19. Much variety doth confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . 20. Time is the best cure for Faction : for it will at length ( like a spreading leprosie ) infect the whole body of the Kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and like a fish , for love of the bait , be catch'd with the hook . 21. It is not expedient for an Army , to contradict the votes of a Kingdom , endeavou●ing by pretending for Lawes and Liberties , to subvert both . 22. The time will come , when the very Clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barrocado themselves against the proceedings of peace . 23. A resolute King in captivity is arm'd against the fury of Rebellious Subjects , having a breast to receive the arrowes of their envy , and a heart possest with patience to sustain them . 24. To God nothing is so great that it may resist ; nor so small , that it is contemned . 25. A King may rather desire his faults should be corrected by the hand of God , than that his ununjust enemies should be the Ministers of God's justice . 26. Let Calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of a Kings Virtue . 27. The permitting a wrong way of God's worship to be set up , to the injury of the right before establish'd and practis'd , will bring shame and grief to a King by his own confession , that he therein followed the perswasions of Worldly wisdom , forsaking the Dictates of a right informed Conscience . 28. They who have been false to their King , to those that gave them power , and in likelihood to their own souls , may be forgiven by him , but never trusted . 29. It is an humor becoming an impartial King , to be still partial for that side which he imagines suffer for the weakness of those that maintain it . 30. A King should suffer a Divine who would rectifie his supposed errour , no less than a Physician , to take his own way of cu●e . 31. As to the profession of Religion , the King is happy , who condemns not himself in that thing which he allowes . 32. He that changeth for the better , ought to be sure it be better , before he change . 33. Inconstancy in Religion , without cause and colour , is both sin and shame . 34. There is much difference between permission and approbation . 35. If the practise of the Primitive Church , and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing argument , when the interpretation of the Scripture is dou●●full , nothing is . 36. The Interpretation of private Spirits is the Mother of all sects , and will bring , where permitted , Kingdoms to confusion . 37. Another mans will is as weak a ground for a King to build his faith on , as his own education . 38. When a General Counce● cannot be had , several Kingdomes may reform themselves . 39. Rebels never wanted Wr●ters to maintain their unjust actions . 40. All popular Reformation is little better than Rebellion . 41. No Authority is lawfull , but that which is either directly given , or at least approved by God. 42. The Church having any Discipline not conformed to the Civil Policy , can neither flouris● , nor be happy . 43. Church-Ambition doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope , it being no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of Kings . 44. Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous , as in one . 45. Many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwayes are unlawfull . 46. In points not fit to be discussed , instances , as well as comparisons , are odious . 47. Reason epitomised , weighs as much with wise men , as at large . 48. One may lean on anothers arm , who leans more on his judgment . 49. The soundness of Religion is not to be tried by dint of Sword , nor must we judg of her Truths , by the prosperity of events . 50. When men sit down to discourse or argue , Reason should take her seat with them , and , though she be no Judg , have her place , if not above their Faith , in their arguments . 51. The envious mans seeds , are tares , although the husbandman knowes not when they were sown . 52. The child is not to be pour tractured greater than the Nurse , nor the Bishops power made to outreach the King 's , who is the Nursing Father of the Church . 53. Unity may consist in this ▪ when many sheaves lye in one mans field that belong to him , or be caried into his barn , though they be not bundled up in a rick with one cock-sheave above the rest . 54. A sum divided into several parcels is not broke , while the owner hath all in his possession . 55. Whilst Arguments do multiply , Time lessens . 56. The seed of the Word wherein is Gods holy Spirit , being sowen in the heart , inlivened by the heat of Faith , and watered with the tears of Repentance , soon fructifies without any further circumstance . 57. It is no strange thing to see Errour triumph in Antiquity , and flourish fair Ensigns in the face of Truth . 58. It will do no good to keep possession of the keyes , when the lock is changed . 59. Though the Catholick Church is the white in that Butt of earth at which we all must aim ; yet the Scripture is the heart , centre , or peg in the midst of that white that holds it up , from whence we must measure . 60. That which must determine Truth , must not be fallible . 61. When a King fears affairs of Councel will meet with s●me passion and prejudice in other men , it is best for him to resolve they shall find least of them in himself . 62. Mens well-meaning ●eal must be guided by such rules of moderation , as are best both to preserve and restore the health of States and Kingdoms . 63. A King should intend not only to oblige his friends , but his enemies also , exceeding even the desires of those that have been factiously discontented , if they do but pretend to any modest and sober sense . 64. The Odium and o●fences which some mens rigour or remissness in Church and State may have contracted upon a Kings Government , he should resolve to expiate by such Lawes and Regulations for the future , as may not only rectifie what was amiss in practise , but supply what was defective i● the constitution . 65. No man should have a greater zeal to see Religion setled and preserved in Truth , Unity and Order , than the King whom it most concerns both in piety and policy . 66. A King's confidence in others may betray himself and his Kingdomes to those advantages which some men seek for , who want nothing but power and occasion to do mischief . 67. When our sins ar● ripe , there is no preventing of God's Justice from reaping that glory in our Calamities , which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity . 68. Great abilities in a Minister of State , may be prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this is like enough to betray him to great errours , and many enemies . 69. Though a King cannot in his Judgment approve all a Minister of State hath done , driven ( it may be ) by the necessity of Times and the Temper of that People he is set over more than lead by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions ; yet he may not be convinced of any such criminousness in him , as willing to expose his life to the strokes of Justice , and malice of his enemies . 70. When a King bears the touch of Conscience , with great régret , for any act of so sinfull frailty , as discovers more a fear of Man than of God , as a sign of his repentance , he should often with sorrow confess the same both to God and Men. 71. No man is worthy to bear the name and place of God on earth , who will not avoid inconveniences of State by acts of so high injustice , as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate . 72. In all likelihood a King can never suffer with his People greater calamities ( yet with greater comfort ) by vindicating the Innocency of his Minister , at least by denying to sign any destructive Bill , according to that Justice which his Conscience suggesteth to him ; than he wil do after he shall have gratified some mens unthankfull importunities with so cruel a favour . 73. It may be observed by a King , that those who counsel him to sign a destructive Bill to an innocent Minister of State , are so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People , that no me● are harrassed and crushed more than they ; when he is least vexed by them , who counsels the King not to consent against the vote of his own Conscience . 74. A King fully conscious to his Soul , of permitting an Innocent Minister of State to be destroyed , may so much the more welcome those Judgments God hath pleased to send upon him , as he may hope them to be a means which his mercy hath sanctified so to him , as to repent of that unjust Act , and for the future not to do the like . 75. Nothing should more fortifie a King●s resolutions against al● violent importunities ▪ which seek to gain consent from him to Acts wherein his Conscience is unsatisfied , than the sharp touches he may have had for some such he before hath yeilded to . 76. When a King's enemies , of his own People , load his Act of Justice , because extraordinary in the method , with obloquies and exasperations , in touchy times it will fill indifferent men with great jealousies and fears ; yea , and many of his friends will resent it as a motion rising rather from Passion , than Reason ▪ and not guided with such discretion as the Times require ▪ 77. Though a King be furnish'd with just motives and pregnant grounds to proceed against any Subjects , so that there needs nothing to the evidence he can produce against those he chargeth , save a free and legal Tryal ; let that be all he desireth . 78. A King should not yield to any temptation of displeasure or revenge against the persons of his Subjects , further than he has discovered the unlawfull correspondencies they have used , and engagements they have made to embroyl his Kingdoms . 79. Probabilities may be sufficient to raise jealousies in any King's heart , who is not wholely stupid and neglective of the publick peace . 80. A fair and legal tryal of men called in question by their King , can amount to no worse effect , than either to do him and his Kingdom right in case they be guilty ; of else to clear their Innocency , and remove his suspitions . 81. When once People have learned to think hard thoughts again●t their King , they will afterward abundantly vent them by words and deeds . 82. Not any thing ( except our sins ) more ominously presageth al● the miseries incident to a Kingdom by Civil War , then Tumults in the Capital City of it , which , when at their height , are not like a storm at Sea , ( which yet wants not its terrour ) but like an Earthquake , shaking the ve●y foundations of all ; than which nothing in the World hath more of horrour . 83. In Popular Tumults , a short sit , or two , of shaking , as an ague , may pass away ; but when once they become a quotidian fever , allwayes increasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission , they threaten ruine . 84. An unsafe guard may too easily be entertain'd by such as scare themselves , and others , with unnecessary fears . 85. Such great Demagogues , and Patrons of Tumults , as send for them to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , God will in his due time let them see , that those are no fit means to be used for attaining his ends . 86. They are no wise Statesmen , who own people in Tumults to be their friends , commending their Courage , Zeal , and Industry ; which to sober men can seem no better than that of the Devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive and devour , 87. It is not alwayes an effect of Pusillanimity in a man , for popular terrours to deser● his publick station . 88. When Popular Tumults are become as the breaking in of a Sea ; for a King to resist at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gains him a sitter time to repair the breach . 89. A King , by all means to decline a Civil War , may in many particulars deny himself , especially haveing no Army to flie unto for protetection , or vindication . 90. A King should resolve to hear reason in all things , and to consent to it so far as he can comprehend it . 91. When unquiet people with unpassionate representations reflect upon any , not more Princely , than friendly contributions , which their King may have granted towards the perpetuating of their happiness , he need not despair of recovering their Love and Loyalty unto him . 92. The Loyal and cleared affections of mis-led People , will strive to return such retributions of Honour and Love to their injur'd King , or his Posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of his confidence in and his sufferings for them . 93. It is the injury of all injuries , wherewith some malicious people load their King , while they calumniate him as a wilfull and resolved occasioner , of his own and his Subjects miseries . 94. A King ought not to repine at an establishment of his own making ; nor endeavour by force and open hostility to undo what by his Royal assent he hath done . 95. A King may have a sense of injuries from his Subjects , yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a War. 96. A King is compelled ●● injure him●elf by his Subjects , not using favours with the same candor , wherewith they were conferred . 97. Tumults are prone to threaten to abuse all Acts of grace , and turn them into wantonness . 98. Their own fears , whose black arts raise up turbulent Spirit● ▪ may force them to conjure them down again . 99. Though a King have iustly resented any indignities put upon him , he may be in no capacity to take just revenge in a hostile and warlike way upon those , whom he knowes to be well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people . 100. A King should long for nothing more , than that himself and his Subjects may quietly enjoy the fru●ts of his own condescendings . The eighth Century . 1. A King that knowes well the sincerity and uprightness of his own heart , in passing from himself what may exceed the very thoughts of former times , although he seem less a Politician to men , yet may need no secret distinctions or evasions before God. 2. Though a King may be content , to recede much from his own interests and Personal rights , of which he conceives himself to be Master ; yet in what concerns Truth , Justice , the Rights of the Church , and his Crown , together with the general good of his Kindoms ( all which he is bound to preserve as much as morally lies in him ) here he ought to be fixt and resolute . 3. A King , by no necessity , should be brought to affirm that to men , which in his conscience he denied before God. 4. For Protestants to force their Queen , because of the Romane Religion , to withdraw for her safety , as it will be little to the ador●ing of their profession ; so it may occasion a further alienation of mind , and divorce of affections in her from it . 5. An Afflicted King can give no better instance of a steady affection unto his Queen , than by professing himself content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as she may be safe in Harbour . 6. The policy of Rebels finds it sometimes necessary to their designs , by scandalous articles , and all irreverent demeanour , to seek to drive their Queen out of the Kingdom , lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love , as a wife , and loyalty as a subject , she should convert to , or retein in their love and loyalty to their King , all those , whom they have a purpose to pervert . 7. Some acts there are of so rude disloyalty , that a King 's greatest enemies have scarce confidence enough to abet , or own . 8. Rebels that design the destruction of their King , will first make overt essayes , by possessing themselves of Towns , how patiently he can bear the loss of his Kingdoms . 9. A good King so injur'd , will be more affected with shame and sorrow for others ; then with anger for himself ; nor will the affront done to him , trouble him so much as their sin , which admits no colour or excuse . 10. They who have effrontery enough ro commit or countenance , will hardly contein themselves within the compass of one unworthy act , but the hand of that cloud will soon overspread the whole Kingdom , and cast all into disorder and darkness . 11. One act of publick Rebellion , may give a wise King to see clearly through all the pious disguises , and soft palliations of some men , whose words , though smoother than oyl , will prove very swords . 12. Against the Swords point is the defence of a good Conscience . 13. Were it not that the excess of our impotent passions , gave our enemies malice a full impression on our souls , it could not reach very far , nor do us much hurt . 14. It is observable how God sometimes so pleades and avengeth the cause of an injur'd King , in the eye of the world , that the most willfully blind , cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , and with some remorse and fear to own it , as a mutable stroke and prediction of divine vengeance . 15. It hath been known , that a leading Rebel , unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed , by any language or secret imprecation of the King , only blasted with the conscience of his own wickedness , and falling from one inconstancy to another , no● long after has paid his own and his eldest sons heads , as forfeitures of their disloyalty , to those men , from whom he might have expected another reward , than so to divide their heads from their bodies , whose hearts with them were divided from their King. 16. A solitary vengeance will no● alwayes serve the turn ; The cutting off one head in a family , is not enough to expiate the asfront done to the head of a Common weal. 17. The eldest son has been known to be involued in the punishment , as he was infected with the sin of the Father against the Father of his Country : Root and Branch God cuts off in one day . 18. A King ought not to rejoyce in the ruine of any eminent Rebel , ( though it were such as could give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught , as if executed by them , who first employed him against his Soveraign ) but rather pity him , especially if he thinks he acted against the light of his Conscience . 19. Signal Rebels are not allwayes suffer'd to accomplish their repentance , when they begin to have inclinations toward it , and a reparation of their duty , but fall unhap●ily sometimes into the hands of their Justice , who first imployed them , and not the Mercy of the King they have offended . 20. It is no fault in a King , to be as willing to forgive a Rebel , as he can ask favour of him . 21. That Gentleman is to be pitied ( even by the King he has offended ) that becomes a notable monument of unprosperous disloyalty , a sad and unfortunate spectacle to the World. 22. A King should love the inward peace of his Conscience , before any outward tranquillity . 23. Some miscariages in Government , may escape , rather through ill Counsel of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others envying the publick should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State , than any propensity of the King himself , either to injuriousness , or oppression . 24. Those Rebels must have more confidence in their Cannon , then in their Gause , whom their King can freely ask , whose innocent bloud during my Reign have I shed , to satisfie my lust , anger , or covetousness ? What Widows or Orphans tears can witness against me , the just cry of which must now be avenged with my own bloud ? 25. Some men are not willing to believe their King , lest they should condemn themselves . 26. To allay the insolency of tumults , it may conduce , if the King withdraw . 27. A King is hardly treated , when urged with an Army , and constrained either to hazard his own and his Kingdoms ruine by his defence , or prostrate his Conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do God and the Church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that Primitive , Apostolical , and anciently Universal Government of the Church by Bishops . 28. It is no just occasion taken , to persecute with the injuries of an Army , for not suffering tamely the injuries of Tumults . 29. It is no plausible design for importunate Subjects to raise an Army , either to stop their Kings mouth , or force his cconsent . 30. A King should think his Innocency no whit prejudiced , or darkened , in the midst of many unfortunate successes of a Civil War on his side . 31. How untruly a King is charged with the first raising an Army , and beginning a Civil War , the eyes that only pity him , and the Loyal hearts that dare only pray for him , may witness , especially when not so many are on his side , as the men in Armes listed against him . 32. A Kings unpreparedness for a Civil War , though it may well dishearten those that would help him , while it argues ( truly ) his unwillingness to fight ; yet it testifies for him , that he is set on the defensive part , having so little hopes or power to offend others , that he has none to defend himself , or to preserve what is his own for their proreption . 33. No man can doubt , but Rebbels prevent the King in their purposes , as well as their injuries , who are much aforehand in their preparations against him , and surprisals of his strength . 34. When men of Loyalty are over-awd by the numbers and terrours of the Rebellious ; such as are not for the Rebels , dare not be for the King. 35. When Rebels prevent their King by surprising his Castles , Forts , Armes and Navy , with the Militia , it is so far best for him , that it may drive him from putting his trust in the arm of flesh , and wholly to cast himself into the protection of the living God , who can save by few , or none , as well as by many . 36. It is height of Charity and generosity of spirit in a disarmed King , to reckon the want of the Militia not so much in reference to his own protection , as his Peoples . 37. The many and sore opressions of Loyal Subjects may grieve an afflicted King , when he is above his own . 38. It is a strange method the men must take , who will needs resolve their riddle of making a glorious King , by taking away Kingly Power . Even as if he should become a support to his Friends , and a terrour to his Enemies , by being unable to succour the one , or suppress the other . 39. It is a strange design some men have , who propose the new-modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , as without any reality of power , so without any necessity of subjection and obedience . 40. A King should be much willing to bury all Jealousies in his people of him , and to live above all Jealousies of them , as to himself . 41. No concession of the King 's , how vast and large soever will be satisfactory to those men who seem enemies not to him only , but to all Monarchy , being resolved to transmit to Posterity such jealousies of the Crown , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary rights , in point of Power . 42. Civility and Duty ( no less than Justice and Honour ) should forbid Subjests to ask of their King an alienation of power from himself and his Posterity . 43. A distressed King should by no Act of his prejudice or obstruct his Successours just recovery of their Rights from unjust usurpations and extorsions . 44. A King under restraint must not be prevail'd with to leave his Subjects in a condition wholly desperate for the future , so as by a Law to be ever subjected to many factious distractions . 45. When men have tryed the horrours and malignant in●luence which will certainly follow their King 's inforced darkness and Eclipse , they will at length more esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Suns light . 46. In the Conflicts of Civil War , and advantages of Power , the Peoples safety and quiet cannot be effected , but by some side yielding ; to which the greatest love of the Publick Peace , and the firmest assurance of God's Protection ( arising from a good Conscience ) may more invite a just and pious King , than can be expected from Rebellious mens fears , which arising from the injustice of their actions , ( though never so successfull ) yet dare not adventure their Authors upon any other way of safty , than that of the Sword and Militia . 47. A good King in civil afflictions is not to think that he can want any thing which providential necessity is pleased to take from him , in order to his Peoples tranquillity , and God's glory , whose protection is sufficient for him . 48. Such unreasonable Propositions as are inconsistent with being either a King , or a good Christian , while he has any mastery of his Reason , he cannot consent unto . 49. For a distressed King to oblige himself by a general and implicite consent , to what ever unreasonable Subjects shall desire , or propound , were as if Sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistians might with the more safety mock and abuse him , which they chose rather to do , than quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and ●it occasion for their sport and scorn . 50. They who pretend to make their addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning , by that sufficiently confess their own inferiority , which obligeth them to rest if not satisfied , yet quieted with such an answer , as the will and reason of their Superiour thinks sit to give . 51. A freedom and power to consent , or dissent , belongs to a Monarch in reason , as a Man , and in honour , as a Soveraign King. 52. For a King to trust to their moderation , who pretend to it , but have it not , and abandon his own discretion , would be to verifie what representations they may have made of him to the World. That he is fitter to be their Pupil , than their Prince . 53. A Prudent King should not be so confident of his own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the counsel of others ; nor yet so diffident of himself , as brutishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in his Soul , and the Majesty of his own Crown to any of his Subjects . 54. A King ought to have one septenary , or seven years experience of yong Statesmen , how well they can govern themselves , before he trusts them with any power to govern his people for him . 55. A King should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithfull in his trust , to put the reigns of both Reason and Government , wholly out of his own , into their hands , whose driving is too much like Jehu's , and whose forwardness to ascend the throne of Supremacy pretends more of Phaethon , than of Phoebus . 56. If Subjects will take the liberty of sending Propositions unto their Soveraign , they ought to be such as these . 1. That any good Lawes antiquated by the course of times , or overlay'd by the corruption of maners , may be restored to their vigour and due execution . 2. That any evil customes praeter-legal , and abuses personal , may be removed , 3. That if any injuries have been done by the King and others to the Commonweal , they may be repaired . 4. Such equable offertures should be tendred to him , wherein the advantages of his Crown being considered by them , he may fairly be induced to condescend to what tends to his Subjects good , without any great diminution of himself . 5. Such moderate desires of due Reformation , of what is indeed amiss in Church and State , as may still preserve the foundation and essentials of Government in both , not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the Lawes in force , the wisdom and piety of their Ancestors , the ancient and universal practice of Christian Churches , the rights and priviledges of particular men . 6. Some considerable thing should be offered in lieu or in the room of what they would have destroyed , which may at once reach the good end of the others institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reformits abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeal and special piety , but with pregnant and solid reasons both divine and humane , which may justifie the abruptness and necessity of vast alterations . 57. A King cannot be well counsell'd by his Parliament , if in the Members of it , there be not so much Learning , Reason , Religion , and just Moderation , as to know how to sever betweem the use and the abuse of things , the institution , and the corruption , the government , and the misgovernment , the Primitive Patterns and the alterations or blottings of after-Copies . 58. Though Armies of Souldiers may prevail against a King's Person , yet Armies of unreasonable Propositions which they would enforce , should never overcome him further than he sees cause , it behoving him not to look at their number and power , so much , as to weigh their reason and justic● . 59. It is hard at first either to discern the rise , or apply the remedy to a precipitant Rebellion . 60. In Civil Wars and Massacres , the Sea of bloud cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drown any man in ete●nal both infamy and misery , whom God finds the malicious Authour or Instigatour of its effusion . 61. It is a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against their King , that when they bave impudence enough to lay any thing to his charge , any bloudy opportunity should be offer'd them , with which he must be aspersed , although nothing can be more abhorred to him , than what is full of sin against God , disloyalty to himself , and destructive to his Subjects . 62. The blame of bloudy and Rebellious Protestants must needs he greater than that of Papists , by how much their Principles are more for obedience to Princes . 63. The goodness of mens intentions will not excuse the scandal and contagion of their Examples . 64. The King's interest ties as much in the common welfare of his Subjects , as some mens doth in their perturbations . 65. Although a King can with Truth wash his hands in Innocency as to any guilt in a Commotion objected to him , yet he should wash them in his Tears , at the sad apprehensions he ought to have , to see it spread so far , and make such waste . 66. Distractions and Jealousies at home , make most men who are better Politicians than Christians , rather intent to their own safety , or to the designs they are driving , than to the relief of their fellow Subjects abroad , though every day inhumanly butchered and massacred , whose tears and bloud might , if nothing else , quench , or at least for a time repress and smother any sparks of Civil dissensions and jealousies , which some men industriously scatter in the Kingdom where they are . 67. They who themselves have rebellious intentions or inclinations , are unwilling to part with their King upon any hazardous expedition , though to the suppressing that force which opposeth their interest , being either afraid he should have any one Kingdom quieted ; or being loth to shoot at any mark less than him ; or that any should have the glory of his destruction but themselves . 68. Next to the sin of those who begin a Rebellion , theirs must needs be who either hinder the speedy suppressing of it by Domestick dissentions , or divert the Aids , or exasperate the Rebbels to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all extremities not only to the known heads and chief Incendiaries , but even to the whole community of a Nation , Resolving to destroy root and branch , men , women , and children , without any regard to those usual pleas for mercy , which Conquerours not wholly barbarous are wont to hear from their own breasts , in behalf of those , whose opressive faces , rather than their malice engaged them ; or whose imbecillity for sex and age was such , as they could neither lift up a ●and against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left . 69. Preposterous and unevangelical was that zeal of the rebuked Disciples , who would go no lower in their revenge , than to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities , for the repulse or neglect of a few ; As was that of Jacobs sons , whom the Father both blamed and cursed for it . And so is theirs who are for utter extirpation of all , and more than all that have opposed them , that will extinguish a Nation for the misdemeanours and injuries of a provoked and incensed Party . 70. Even in the case of Rebellion , moderate remedies are rather to be applied than extreme severity , such as may punish some with exemplary justice , yet disarm others with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and the King's protection of them from furious and factious persons , though met in Parliament , who would soon drown them , if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . 71. A King hath enough to do to look to his own conscience , and the faithfull discharge of his Trust . He has no leisure to make prolix Apologies against injurious calumnies and reproaches . 72. A King that can hear with patience as bad as his worst enemies can falsly say , may hope still to do better than they deserve or desire he should . 73. By great effusions of Subjects bloud in Civil Wars , no man is so much weakened as their King. 74. Which King may hope , though mens unsatiable cruelty never will , yet the mercy of God will at length say to his justice , It is enough . 75. When God's mercifull justice intends not the utter confusion , but the cure ; the abatement of mens sins , not the desolating of Nations , he will command the Sword of Civil Wars to sheath it self . 76. A King of divers Nations , may incurre the the censure or misconstruction of one , while he gratifies the active spirits among them of the other , so far as that he seems to many , to prefer the desires of that party , before his own interest and honour . 77. Religion and Liberty are common and vulgar flourishes , to disguise an other errand of that Army , which invades their own Kings territories , to make him and his Church to write after them and theirs , though it were in bloudy characters . 78. Presbytery seeks to suppress and render odious , under the names of Sects , Schisms , or Heresies , several Parties , which if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may according to Presbyteries opinion and pattern set up their wayes by the like methods of violence , representing a wonderful necessity thereof to avoid the further miseries of War , which they may first begin , and engage themselves to continue , until they obtain their end . 79. When God hath first taken us off from the folly of our opinions , and fury of our passion , he hath many wayes to teach us those rules of true Reason , and peaceable Wisdome , which is from above , tending most to his glory , and his Church's good . 80. They that have any true touches of Conscience , will not endeavour to carry on the best designs , ( much less such as are , and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawfull means , under the title of a Covenant . 81. Ties by Leagues and Covenants are either superfluous and vain , when men were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the Imposers really ayming to dissolve or suspend their former just and necessary obligations . 82. Factious men , to whom it is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their Party , little romember , That God is not mocked . 83. Against the Church , the King , or the Publick Peace , no mans lawfull Calling can engage him . 84. The so●● and servile temper of some Divines , dispose them in alterations of Religion and Government to sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former judgments , profession and practise . 85. No man should be more forward than a King himself to carry on all due Reformation , with mature judgment , and a good Conscience in what things he shall ( after impartial advice ) be by God's Word and right reason , convinced to be amiss . 86. Crowns and Kingdoms have a period with the life of their King : but Reputation and Honour may survive to a glorious kind of Immortality , when he is dead and gone . 87. A King should never permit the malice of his enemies to deprive him of that comfort , which his confidence in the generality of his people gives him . 88. What a King may bear from foreign enemies , he cannot so well from his own Subjects , who next his children are dear unto him . 89. Nothing could give a King more cause to suspect and search his own Innocency , than when he observes many who made great professions of singular piety forward to engage against him . 90. When many Professours of singular Piety engage with persons that take arms against their King , it gives to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Him and his Cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to Him , and not with all part from God , to think or speak well of Him , and not to blaspheme God. 91. Truly Learned and Religious men will endeavour to be so well satisfied in the Cause of their injur'd King's sufferings , as that they may chose rather to suffer with Him , than forsake Him. 92. When Popular Preachers ( though but in hypocrisie and falshood ) urge Religious pretensions against their King , it is not strange that the same to many well-minded men should be a great temptation to oppose Him. 93. When a King useth the assistance of Subjects of a different profession from Him , they are most ready to interpret it a sighting against Religion , who least of all men care whom they imploy , or what they say and do , so they may prevail . 94. So eager are some men in giving their Soveraign better counsel , than what they pretend he hath before heark'ned to , that they will not give Him leave to take it with freedom , as a Man , nor honour , as a King. 95. No men should be more willing to complain , than the King be to redress what he sees in Reason to have been either done , or advis'd amiss . 96. They who of pretended Sufferers become zealous Actors in persecution , deprive themselves of the comfort and reward , whatsoever they before expected . 97. The noise and ostentation of Liberty , is the design and artifice some men use to withdraw the peoples affections from their King. 98. A good King should be so far from desiring to oppress , as not to envy his Subjects that liberty , which is all he ought desire to enjoy himself , viz. To will nothing , but according to Reason , Lawes and Religion . 99. Lords and Gentlemen which assist their King in a Civil War , would not be so prodigal of their Liberties , if they suspected he would infringe them , as with their Lives and Fortunes to help on the inslaving of themseves and their Posterities . 100. As to civil Importunities none but such as desire to drive on their ambitious and covetous design over the ruines of Church and State , Prince , Peers , and People , will ever desire greater Freedom than good Lawes allow . The ninth Century . 1. SUch men as thirst after Novelties , or despair to relieve the necessities of their fortunes , or satisfie their Ambition in peaceable times , become principal impulsives to popular Commotions . 2. Rebels will blast the best Government of the best King with all the odious reproaches which impotent malice can invent , and expose Him to all those contempts , which may most diminish the Majesty of a King , and encrease the ungratefull insolencies of his People . 3. A King who is well assured that his Innocency is clear before God , in point of any calumnies rebellious Subjects do object , may prophesie , That his reputation shall like the Sun ( after Owles and Bats have had their freedom in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of spendour , as those feral birds shall be grieved to behold , and unable to bear . 4. A King cannot so much suffer in point of honour by rude and scandalous pamphlets , as those men do , who having power , and pretending to so much piety , are so forgetfull of their duty to God and him , as not to vindicate the Majesty of their King against any of those , who contrary to the precept of God , and precedents of Angels , speak evil of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those who are honoured with the name of Gods. 5. They will easily contemn such shadows of God as Kings are , who reverence not that Supreme and adorable Majesty , in comparison of whom all the glory of Men and Angels is but obscurity . 6. They who seek to gain reputation with the vulgar for their extraordinary parts and piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . 7. I could never see any reason , why any Christian should abhor , or be forbidden to use the same forms of Prayer , since he prayes to the same God , believes in the same Saviour , professeth the same Truths , reads the same Scriptures , hath the same Duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants , for the most part both inward and outward , which are common to the whole Church . 8. A serious sense of that inconvenience in the Church which unavoidably followes every mans several maner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the wisdom and piety of the ancient Churches , to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of publick composure . 9. It was either the tumultuariness of People , or the factiousness and pride of Presbyters , or the covetousness of some States and Princes , that of late years gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models of Church-government , and proposed them under the specious titles of Christs Government , Scepter and Kingdom , the better to serve their turns to whom the change was beneficial . 10. As the full and constant Testimony of all Histories may sufficiently convince unbiased men , That the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate Successours , the first and best Bishops : so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed , that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their divine and holy pattern . 11. Since the first Age , for 1500 years , not one Example can be produced of any setled Church wherein were many Ministers and Congrations , which had not some Bishop above them , under whose jurisdiction and government they were . 12. Use is the great Arbitratour of words , and Master of language . 13. Not only in Religion , but also in right Reason , and the true nature of Governments , it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters , or Ministers , should be any more against Christianity , than it is in all secular and civil Governments , where Parity breeds Confusion and Faction . 14. I can no more believe that such order is inconsistent with true Religion , than good features are with beauty , or numbers with harmony . 15. It is not likely , that God who appointed several orders , and a Prelacy , in the Government of his Church , among the Jewish Priests , should abhor , or forbid them , among Christian Ministers , who have as much of the Principles of Schism and Division as other men . 16. I conceive it was not the favour of Princes , or ambition of Presbyters , but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles , that first setled Bishops in the Church ; which Authority they constantly used , and injoyed in those times which were purest for Religion , though sharpest for Persecution . 17. Tyranny becomes no Christians , least of all Churchmen . 18. The late Reformed Churches whose examples are obtruded for not retaining Bishops , the necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth , than commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity . 19. I could never see any reason , why Churches orderly reformed and governed by Bishops , should be forced to conform to those few , rather than to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches , which needed no Reformation . 20. It is no point of wisdom or charity , where Christians differ ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the Christian World ( except a handfull of some Protestants ) so great a scandal in point of Church-Government , as to change it ; whom though you may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their Reformation , they must necessarily desert , and wholly cast off , that Government , which they , and all before them , have ever owned as Catholick , Primitive , and Apostolical . 21. Never Schismaticks , nor Hereticks , ( except the Arians ) have strayed from the Unity and Conformity of the Church in point of Government , ever having Bishops above Presbyters . 22. Among those that have endeavoured or effected a change in the Government of the Church , such as have rendred themselves guilty of inconstancy , cause a great prejudice against their novelty in the opinion of their King , whose consent they would have . 23. Their facility and levity is never to be excused , whose learning or integrity cannot in charity be so far doubted , as if they understood not what before they did , or as if they conformed to Episcopal Government contrary to their consciences , and yet the same men , before ever the point had any free and impartial debate , contrary to their former Oaths and practice , against their obedience to their Lawes in force , and against their Kings consent , have not only quite cried down the Government by Bishops , but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping Bishops and other Churchmen of all their due Authority and revenues , the selling away , and utter alienation of those Church Lands from any Ecclesiastical uses . 24. The Desertors of Episcopacy will at last appear the greatest Enemies to , and betrayers of , their own interest , whose folly will become a punishment unto it self . for , 25. Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual , as when it is joyned to , and crowned with Episcopacy . 26. Those secular additamen●● and ornaments of Authority , Civil Honour and Estate , which Christian Princes in all Countryes have annexed to Bishops and Church men , are to be lookt upon but as just reward● of their learning and piety , who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government ; also enablements to works of Charity and Hospitality , meet strenthnings of their Authority in point of respect , and observance . 27. I would have such men Bishops , as are most worthy of those encouragements , and be ablest to use them . 28. A Kings good intention , whose judgment faild at any time , makes his errour venial . 29. It is neither just for Subjects , nor pious for Christians , by violents and indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force their King and Soveraign , against the well-laid gounds of his judgment , to consent to any their weak and divided novelties , touching the Government of the Church . 30. I could never see any probable shew in true Reason and in Scripture for the Government of the Church otherwise than by Bishops , the greatest Pretenders of a different sense , either contenting themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude , when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation , in a City or Countrey ; or else denying these most evident Truths : 1. That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained , as well as over the Churches they planted . 2. That Government being necessary for the Churches wellbeing , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others , after the example of that power and Superiority they had above others , which could not end with their persons , since the use and ends of such Government still continue . 31. Ignorance , Superstition , A●varice , Revenge , with other disorderly and disloyal Passions , have so blown up some mens minds against Episcopal Government in the Church , that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns , they supply with violence and oppression . 32. Some mens zeal for Bishops Lands , Houses , and Revenues , hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy . 33. A King solemnly obliged by an Oath , agreable to his judgment , to preserve Episcopal Government , and the Rights of the Church , hath a particular engagement , above other men , so to do . 34. The said King being daily by the best disquisition of Truth , more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which he is sworn , no man that wisheth not his damnation , can perswade Him at once to so notorious and combined sins , as those of Sacriledg and Perjury , in parting with Episcopacy . 35. Men of ambitious Covetousness and secrilegious Cruelty , will torture with their King , both Church and State , in Civil dissentions , till ( if he have not an invincible resolution ) he shall not be forced to consent and declare , that he does approve what ( God knowes ) he utterly dislikes , and in his Soul abhors . 36. Should a King , pressed by Imperious Subjects , shamefully and dishonouraly give his consent to any bold demand , against Reason , Justice , and Religion ; yet should he not by so doing , satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties ( if any such be among them ) which contend with each other , as well as both against Him. 37. The abuses of Episcopacy deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained . 38. A right Episcopacy doth at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops , humble Presbyters , and sober People ; so as Church-affairs should be managed neither with tyranny , parity , nor popularity ; neither Bishops ejected , nor Presbyters despised , nor People oppressed . 39. A King that can seldom get opportunities to Treat with Subjects in armes against Him , should yet never want either desire or disposition to it , having greater considence of his Reason than his Sword. 40. A King should very unwillingly be compelled to defend himself with Arms against his Subjects , and very willingly embrace any thing tending unto Peace . 41. No success should ever enhaunce with a King the price of Peace between him and his Subjects , which should be as earnestly desired by Him as any man , though He be like to pay dearer than any man for it , so He reserve his Honour and his Conscience . 42. A King should condescend to the desires of his Subjects as far as Reason , Honour and Conscience will give Him leave , having special regard to those differences that are essential to the security or prosperity of his People . To deny some other demands , may be the greatest justice to Himself , and favour to his Subjects . 43. A King willing to condescend to the setling of Church-affairs , so as he may give satisfaction to all men , must have a care not to comply with such whom faction , covetousness , or superstition , may have engaged more than any true zeal , charity , or love of reformation . 44. Although a King may be content to yield to all that may seem to advance true piety ; yet He must seek to continue what is necessary in point of Order , Maintenance , and Authority to the Church's Government , especially if He be perswaded that it is most agreable to the true principles of all Government raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the Primitive Apostolical pattern , and the practise of the Universal Church conform thereto . 45. The King is very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men , for the distance between Him and Subjects in Arms against Him , that in Treaties and Transactions , endeavoureth no less the restauration of peace to his People , than the preservation of his own Crowns to his posterity . 46. If such Treaties give occasion to any mans further restiveness , it is imputable to their own depraved tempers , not to any Concessions or Negations of their King , who has alwayes the content of what He offered , and they the regret and blame for what they refused . 47. A King may presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty with his Subjects , among whom he finds an unwillingness to treat , that implying some things to be gained by the Sword , whose unreasonableness they are loth to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by Soldiers , than by Counselors . 48. When God gives a King victory over his Subjects in Armes against him , it is to try Him , that He may know how with moderation and thanks , to own and use his power , who is the only true Lord of Hosts , able when he pleases , to repress the confidence of those who fight against him , though with great advantage for power and numbers . 49. A King , who for small beginnings on his part at length is attended on by an Army , wherewith ▪ He may encounter his rebellious Subjects , has this comfort , that He is not wholly forsaken by his Peoples love , or Gods Protection . 50. When God at any time permits the same King to be worsted by his Enemies , it is to exercise his patience , and teach Him not to trust in the arme of Flesh , but in the living God. 51. They who fight against their King , are forced to slie to the shifts of some pretended Fears , and wild fundamentals of State ( as they use to call them ) which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State. 52. The imaginary Reasons which Rebels alledg for self defence , are commonly most impertinent , and such as will fit any Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the present Lawes and Governours . 53. Lawes and Governours can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them . 54. They are Parasitick Preachers , that dare call those Martyrs , who died fighting against their King , the Lawes , their Oaths , and right Religion established . For , 55. Sober Christians know , than the glorious Title of Martyr can with truth be applied only to those who seriously prefer God's Truth and their duty , in all the foresaid particulars , before their lives , and all that is dear to them in this World. 56. The Wounds and temporal Ruines of those loyal Subjects who are slain in Civil Wars , serve as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness , while the evident approach of death , through God's grace , effectually disposeth their Hearts to such Humility , Faith and Repentance , which together with the Rectitude of their engagement fully prepares them for a better life than that which their enemies brutish and disloyal firceness can deprive them of , or without repentance hope to enjoy . 57. Those Rebels who may have often the better against their King's side in the Field , will never have so at the Bar of God's Tribunal , or their own Consciences . 58. The condition of loyal Subjects ( in a Civil War ) though conquered , and dying for their King , no question is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man ( that duly values his duty , his soul , and eternity , beyond the enjoyments of this present life ) than the most triumphant glory , wherein their and their Kings Enemies supervive , who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt , wherewith their suspicious , or convicted Consciences do pursue them . 59. In the safety and preservation of a King and good Lawes established all honest men , cannot but think the wellfare of their Country to consist . 60. Not any shews , or truth of piety on their side who take armes against their King , are sufficient to dispense with , or expiate , the defects of their Duty and Loyalty to Him , which have so pregnant convictions on mens Consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venter their lives for Him. 61. When Providence gives a good King , or denies Him Victory , his desire should be neither to boast of his power , nor to charge God foolishly ; but to believe that at last he will make all things to work together for his good . 62. A King 's often messages for Peace with his Subjects , will shew that he delighteth not in War ; as his gracious Concessions will sufficiently testifie , how willingly he would have prevented it ; and his total unpreparedness for it , how little he intended it . 63. When King and Subjects are once engaged in a Civil War , it may be too late to review the occasions thereof , but not to wish a happy conclusion of so unhapy beginnings ; nor to believe that the inevitable fate of their sins was such as would no longer suffer the divine justice to be quiet . 64. A King is not to desire that any man should be further subject to Him , than He and all his People may be subject to God. 65. The Passions and Opinions of men , are not to be gratified with partiality , and popular compliance to the detriment of the Publick , and scandal of Religion . 66. It is a sad spectacle for all sober men and their Soveraign , to behold the dissolutions of all Order and Government in a Church ; many novelties , and schisms , and corrupt opinions ; many undecencies and confusions in sacred administrations all sacrilegious invasions upon the Rights and Revenues of a Church ▪ much contempt and oppression of the Clergy ; many injurious diminutions and persecutings of the King , to follow ( as showers do warm gleams ) the talk of Reformation , which yet has been a known artifice to disguise some mens effecting all the fore-mentioned mischief , who have pretended authority , and been possessed of power to accomplish it . 67. The studies to please some parties , whose fury is accompted zeal , may injure all . 68. A King may offer to put all differences in Church-affairs and Religion to the free Consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen , the results of whose counsels as they will include the votes of all ; so it s like they may give most satisfaction to all . 69. An Assembly of Divines applied ( though by a Parliament ) in an unwonted way , to advise of Church-affairs , being not legally convened and chosen , not acting in the name of all the Clergy of a Kingdom ; not doing any thing with freedom and impartiality ; being limited , and confined , if not overaw'd , to do and declare what they do , is to be so far disliked , nor can it be accounted the Representative of a Church . 70. Many men cried up for learning and piety , met together in an Assembly , being not left to the liberty of their own suffrages , have been prevail'd upon by the influence of contrary factions , who made secret encroachments of hopes and fears , to comply with great and dangerous Innovations in the Church , without any regard to their own former judgment and practise , or to the common interest and honour of the Clergy , and in them of Order , Learning , and Religion , against examples of all Ancient Churches , the Lawes in force , and their Soveraign's consent . 71. A King's consent ought never to be gained in any point against a pregnant light that shines in his understanding . 72. A due Reformation will easily follow moderate Counsels , and give content even to many Divines who have been led on with much gravity and formality , to carry on other mens designs , which they may discover , though they dare not but smother their frustrations and discontents . 73. The specious and popular Titles of Christ's Government , Throne , Scepter and Kingdom , also the noise of a through Reformation , may as easily be fined on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured Figures . 74. Christ's Kingdom certainly is not divided nor hath two faces , as some Reforming parties have had at least . 75. The breaking of Church-windows , which Time had sufficiently defaced : 2. The putting down of Crosses , which were but Civil , not Religious marks : 3. The defacing of Monuments , and Inscriptions of the dead , which served but to put posterity in mind to thank God for that clearer light wherein they live : 4. The leaving of Ministers to their liberties , and private abilities in the publick service of God , where no Christian can tell to what he may say Amen , nor what adventure he may make of seeming , at least , to consent to the Errours , Blasphemies , and ridiculous Undecencies , which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their prayers , preaching , and other Offices : 5. The setting forth of old Catechisms , and Confessions of Faith new-drest , importing as much as if there had been no sound or clear doctrine of faith in the Church , before a long consultation had matured their thoughts touching the first Principles of Religion . All these , and the like , are the effects of poular , specious , and deceitfull Reformations . 76. It were to be wished , that some most pretending Reformers had made it their unanimous work , to do God's work , and not their own ; they had not ( as now they have ) left all things more deformed , than when they began , in point of Piety , Morality , Charity , and good Order . 77. They who think that the Government of a Church and State , fixed by many Lawes and long Customs , will not run into their new molds , endeavour to melt it first in the fire of a Civil War , by the advantages of which they resolve , if they prevail , to make their King and all his Subjects fall down and worship the Images they shall form and set up . 78. Christ's Government will confirm the King's , not overthrow it , if as He owns his from Christ , so He desires to rule for his glory , and his Churches good . 79. Had some men truly intended Christ's Government , or known what is meant in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words and actions , both against their King , and one another . 80. The freedom and secresie of a King 's private letters , especially unto his Queen , commands a civility from all men , nor is there any thing more inhumane , than to expose them ( if taken ) to publick view . 81. The King that studies to approve his heart to God's omniscience , may be content ( if Providence will have it so ) that even his private letters , if taken by his Subjects in arms against Him , should be discovered to the World , though without any those dresses , or popular captations which some of them use in their speeches and expressions . 82. Unquiet Subjects , many times take Armes against a just , prudent , and innocent King , into whose most retired thoughts , if they could by any means have a clear sight , they might discover how they are divided between the love and care He hath , not more to preserve his own Rights , than to procure their Peace and Happiness , and an extreme grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . 83. No man can blame a King that by all fair and just correspondencies endeavours to avoid the pressures of his Enemies , though his own Subjects . 84. Some mens design , like Absoloms , is by enormous actions to widen differences between a King and his Subjects , and exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all Reconciliation desperate . 85. A King under the misfortune of having his letters taken by Subjects in Armes against Him , hath much quiet and satisfaction within Himself , when the integrity of his intentions is not jealous of any injury his Expressions can do them ; For , 86. Although the confidence of privacy may admit of greater freedom in writing letters , which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet it is best for a King , when the Innocence of his chief purposes , cannot be so stained or misinterpreted by his Enemies , as not to let all men see , That He wisheth nothing more than a happy composure of differences with Justice and Honour , not more to his own than his Peoples content , who have any sparks of love , or loyalty , left in them . 87. It repaireth somewhat a King's misfortune , that his private letters being taken by his Subjects in armes against Him , cannot gratifie their malice , further than to let them see his constancy to his Wife , the Lawes , and right Religion he professeth ; as likewise to convince them , that He can both mind , and act his own and his Kingdoms affairs , so as becomes a Prince ; especially , if his Enemies have before been very loath it should be believed of Him ; as if He were wholly confined to the Dictates and Directions of others , whom they please to brand with the names of Evil Counsellours . 88. It is the policy of Rebels , to seek by all means to smother and extinguish all sparkes of Love , Respect and Loyalty of the People to their King , that they may never kindle again so as to recover His , the Lawes , and the Kingdoms Liberties , which they seek to overthrow . 89. God's unerring and impartial Justice can , and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designs of men . He is able , and will turn even the worst of an innocent King's Enemies thoughts , and actions to his good . 90. Civility and Humanity most become such as pretend to Religion , which they ought to pay to all men , beside that respect and honour they owe to their King. 91. They who do but remember how God blest the modest respect , and filial tenderness , which Noah's sons bare to their Father , can never expect the divine approbation of any their undecent actions toward their King. 92. Their malicious intentions can never be either excusable , or prosperous , who think by any unhandsome means to expose their King to the highest reproach and contempt of his People , forgetting that duty of modest concealment ; which they owe to the Father of their Countrey , in case they should discover any real uncomeliness . 93. They who by publishing their King 's private letters think to render Him as a vile Person , not fit to be trusted , or considered under any Notion of Majesty , will see themselves mistaken , when God makes him , as he did David , more respected in the hearts of many , who become better satisfied by knowing what He writ , than by learning what they maliciously interpret and report . 94. Although God gives Kingdoms , yet sometimes his Providence permits that the King hath not any place left in them , where he may with safety and honour rest his head : Shewing him , that Himself is the safest Refuge , and the strongest Tower of defence , in which he may put his Trust . 95. A King in extremities should look not to man so much as to God , who will have it so , that he may wholly cast himself and his distressed affairs upon God's mercy , who hath both hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . 96. Necessity may sometimes command a King to withdraw from his chiefest strength , and adventure upon their Loyalty , who first began his Troubles , whom God happily may make a means honourably to compose them 97. When Necessity constrains a King to cast Himself upon them , who though they besiege Him in his Garrison , and encounter Him in the field , yet profess , They fight not against Him , but for Him ; He puts Himself to resolve the riddle of their Loyalty , and gives them opportunity to let the World see , they mean not what they do , but what they say . 98. God sees it sometimes not enough to desert a King of all Military power to defend himself , but to put him upon using their power , who seem to fight against him , yet ought in duty to defend him . 99. When a King finds it necessary to leave those that have adhered to Him , He may hope such a method of Peace may be more prosperous than that of War , both to stop the effusion of blood , and the wounds that were made before . 100. A King should never trust any nation of his Subjects further than to men , that if they betray Him , He may justifie to all the World they have not deceiv'd Him : and if they sell Him at any dear rate , He should be only sorry that his price should be so much above his Saviours . The Tenth Century . 1. GOD sometimes sees t is fit to deprive a King of Wife , Children , Army , Friends , and Freedom , that He may be wholy his , who alone is all . 2. A King should never permit them who have got his person , to gain his consent against his conscience . 3. A King's denial of unjust demands made by Subjects in armes against Him , which they call obstinacy , He may know God acounts honest constancy , which Reason and Religion , as well a Honour , forbid Him to recede . 4. It is evident sometimes , that Subjects , who pretend to fight against evil Counsellours with their King , , fight indeed against a good Conscience within Him : And whatsoever they may say of course , intend not to bring Him to his Parliament , till they have brought his mind to their obedience . 5. After-times may see what the blindness of that Age will not , wherein is both practis'd and countenanced Subjects fighting against their Soveraign , whom , if they have a good King , God may at length shew , that he chuseth rather to suffer for them , than with them . 6. When Providence is pleased to deprive a King of all other civil comforts , and secular attendants , the absence of them all may best be supplied by the attendance of such his Chaplains , whom for their functions He reverenceth , and for their fidelity may have cause to love . 7. As a King never needs , so He should never desire more the service and assistance of Clergy-men judiciously pious , and soberly devout , than when by misfortune sequesterd from civil comforts , and secular attendants . 8. A distressed King cannot think some Divines , though He respects them for that worth and piety which may be in them , proper to be his present Comforters and Physicions , who have had a great influence in occasioning the publick calamities in his Kingdoms , and inflicting the wounds He hath upon Himself . 9. The spirits of those Divines , whose judgments stand at a distance from their King , or in jealousie of Him , or in opposition against Him , cannot so harmoniously accord with his , or his with theirs , either in Prayer , or other holy duties , as is meet and most comfortable , whose golden rule , and bond of perfection , consists in that of mutual Love and Charity . 10. The King , who is much a friend to all Church-men , that have any thing in them beseeming that sacred function , will , if there be cause , hazard his own interest upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights . 11. Such Clergy-men who so unhandsomely requite their King , as to desert Him in his calamity , when their Loyalty and Constancy is most required , may live to repent no less for his sufferings , than their own ungratefull errours , and that injurious contempt and meanness which they bring upon their calling and persons . 12. An afflicted King , though he pities all Clergy-men that desert Him , and despiseth none of a different opinion from his , yet sure He may take leave to make choise of some for his special Attendants , who are best approved in his judgment , and most sutable to his affection . 13. A King imprisoned by his Subjects , to whom they will not permit the attendance of his Chaplains , can make no more charitable construction of their denial , than that they esteem Him sufficient Himself to discharge his duty to God as a Priest , though not to Men as a Prince . 14. I think both Offices , Regal and Sacerdotal , might well become the same Person , as anciently they were under one name , and the united rights of primogeniture . 15. A King cannot follow better presidents , if He be able , than those two eminent David and Solemon , not more famous for their Scepter and Crowns , than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers ; the other for his divine Parables and Preaching ; whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet , the other a Preacher , Titles of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the Roman Emperours affected from the Nations they subdued . But , 16. Since the order of God's Wisdome and Providence , hath for the most part alwayes distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings and Priests ; of Princes and Preachers , both in the Jewish and Christian Churches , an imprisoned King may be sorry to find Himself reduced to the necessity of being both , or injoying neither . 17. As a Soveraign owes his Clergy the protection of a Christian King ; so He should desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers . 18. However , as the spiritual Government , by which the devout Soul is subject to Christ , and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to God , every private believer is a King and Priest , invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood , yet he is not thereby constituted Priest or Preacher , as to the outward polity of the Church . 19. A King's consciousness to his spiritual defects , may make him more prize and desire those pious assistances which , especially in any his exigencies , holy and good Ministers , either Bishops or Presbyters , may afford him . 20. The King is reduced to great extremities , to whom by God's pleasure and permission to his Subjects , nothing is left but his life for them to take from Him ; and nothing more to desire of them , which might little seem to provoke their jealousies and offence to deny Him , ( as some have done ) than this of having some means afforded Him , for his souls comfort and support . 21. When a King , reduced to extremity by his Subjects , makes choice of Chaplains to assist Him , that are men no way scandalous , and every way eminent for their learning and piety , no less than for their Loyalty , no exceptions imaginable can be made against them , but only this , That they may seem too able , and too well affected toward him and his service . 22. A King should count his misfortunes the greater by far , when they light also upon the young Prince his son , and any others whom he may have cause to love so well as Himself : and of whose unmerited sufferings He should have a greater sense than of his own . 23. The different education of Princes , hath different success when they come to exercise their Government : the evidence of which Holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam : The one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom ; The other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court , and so by flatteries corrupted to the great diminution both of Peace , Honour , and Kingdom . 24. A distressed King may trust , that God will graciously direct all the black lines of Affliction , which he pleaseth to draw on him to the Centre of true happiness , if by them he be drawn neerer of God. 25. When a yong Prince shall attain the Crown whereof his Father was injuriously devested ; He ought first to do justice to God , his own Soul , and his Church , in the profession and prosecution both of truth and unity in Religion ; the next main hinge on which his prosperity will depend and move being that of Civil Justice , He is to administer to his People . 26. When a good King is persecuted by his own Subjects for the preservation of a right Religion and just Lawes established , he may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of his Sufferings , as to the World's censure , into the honour of a kind of Martyrdome , as to the testimony of his own Conscience . 27. Since a distressed King knowes not how God will deal with Him , as to a removal of the pressures and indignities which his justice , even by the very unjust hands of some of his own Subjects may have been pleased to lay upon Him , He should not be much solicitous , what wrong He suffers from man , while He retains in his soul what He believes is right before God. 28. In civil dissentions between King and Subjects , though He offer all for Reformation and safely that in Reason , Honour and Conscience He can ; yet he must reserve whatsoever He cannot consent unto , without an irreparable injury to his own Soul , the Chruch , and his People , and the next undoubted Heir of his Kingdoms . 29. No difficulties are insuperable to divine Providence . 30. When a yong Prince , after his Fathers decease , comes to the government of Kingdoms , which Tumults and Civil Wars had put into disorder , He ought seriously to consider the former real or objected miscariages which might occasion his troubles , that so he may avoid his own . 31. By the Sun-shine of God's mercy , and the splendour of a Princes virtues , whole mountains of congealed factions may be thawed and dissipated . 32. Acts of Indempnity and Oblivion should by an indulgent King be offered to so great a latitude , as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Lawes , and which may serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities . 33. If God see fit to restore an injur'd King to the enjoyment of his Kingdoms , He ought then to let the Prince his son fully understand the things that belong to God's glory , his own honour , and the Kingdoms peace . 34. A charitable King , though injur'd by his Subjects , for the future peace of his Kingdoms , should encourage the Prince his Successour to be as confident as Himself , That the most part of all sides , who have done amiss , have done so not out of malice , but misinformation or misapprehension of things . 35. Whatsoever good the Royal Father intended to Church , or State , in times uncapable of it , should be performed by the Prince his Son , when possessed of his Kingdom and Power . 36. It is a prayer and benediction worthy of an afflicted King That God would after his decease so bless the Prince his Son and Successour , as to establish his Kingdoms in Righteousness , his Soul in true Religion , and his Honour in the love of God and his People . 37. Though God permit Disloyalty to be perfected by the destruction of a King ; yet He may make his memory and name live ever in his Son , as of his Father that lov'd Him , and a King under whom his Kingdoms flourished for a time . 38. A King in affliction should believe God's power , and have hope of his will to restore Him to his Rights , despairing neither of his mercy , nor of his peoples love and pity . 39. Although a King 's domestick Enemies use all the the poyson of falsity , and violence of hostility to destroy first the love and Loyalty which is in his Subjects ; and then all that content of life in him , which from these He chiefly enjoyed ; yet they may fail of their end , and after the many deaths the King suffers for the good will of his People , He may not be wholly dead , till their further malice and cruelty take that little of life too , the husk and shell ( as it were ) which they had only left Him. 40. Although that a King must die as a man , is certain ; That He may die a King by the hands of his own Subjects , a violent , sodain , barbarous death , in the strength of his years , in the midst of his Kingdoms , his friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectatours ; his Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over Him , living , dying , and dead ; may sometimes be probable in humane reason , nought else being to be hoped for , as to mans cruelty ; yet He is not to despair of God's infinite mercy . 41. It is not easie for a depressed King to contend with those many horrours of Death , wherewith God may suffer Him to be tempted ; which may be equally horrid , either in the suddenness of a barbarous Assasination , or in the solemn cruelty of an unjust sentence , and publick execution . 42. A King under such a sad apprehension , must humbly desire to depend upon God , and to submit to his will both in life and death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to him . 43. All Soveraigns are obliged to own God as King of Kings , not only for the eminency of his power and Majesty above them , but also for that singular care and protection which he hath over them , in the many dangers they are expos'd unto . 44. God many times so pleads the cause of that King which he permits to be in the power of disloyal and bloudy-minded Subjects , that he shewes him the sad confusions following his destruction presaged and confirmed to Him , by those he lives to see in his troubles ; and God gives his Enemies cause to fear , that he will both further divide , and by mutual vengeance afterward destroy them . 45. It may be the King's comfort who is wronged , and dethroned by his Subjects , that God gives him not only the honour to imitate Christ's example in suffering for Righteousness sake , though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice , but the charity both to forgive them , and pray for them , that God would not impute his bloud to them , further than to convince them what need they have of Christ's bloud to wash their souls from the guilt of shedding his . 46. The unfortunate King that sees himself destin'd to be murther'd by his cruel Subjects , may bless God , if he has the heart to pray , not so much that the bitter cup of a violent death may pass from Him , as that of his wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting him are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to his death are embrued with his bloud . 47. Rebellious Subjects cannot deprive a King of more than He may be content to lose , when God sees fit by their hands , to take it from Him , whose mercy he is to believe , will more than iufinitely recompence what ever by mans injustice , He is pleased to deprive him of . 48. A miserable King shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world , when God hath mercifully Crowned and Consummated his graces with Glory , and exchanged the shadowes of his earthly Kingdoms among men for the substance of that Heavenly Kingdom with himself . 49. A good King overpower'd by Rebbels , may notwithstanding be perswaded within himself , that he is happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of his Subjects , who may not only pity and pray for him , but may be content even to dy with him , or for him . 50. No Subjects that pretend to punish , can reasonably therein exceed the errours of their Princes , especially where more than sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publick , the enjoyment of which private ambitions may have frustrated . 51. An injur'd King's chiefest comfort in death consists in his peace made with God ; before whose exact Tribunal he need not fear to appear , as to any cause long-disputed by the Sword between Him and his causeless Enemies . 52. A good King may look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in his enforced contestation for , and vindication of the just Lawes of his Land , the freedom and honour of his Parliaments , the rights of his Crown , the just liberty of his Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrines , Government , and due encouragements , than if He had with the greatest advantages of success evercome them all . 53. The King that suffers for Christ , as he is the Authour of Truth , Order , and Peace , being forced to contend against Errour , Faction and Confusion , shall through Christ enabling Him , be more than Conquerour in the end . 54. Although any violent death of an unfortunate King be the wages of his own sin , as from God , and the effect of others sins , as men , both against God and Him ; yet , as He may hope his own sins are so remitted , that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of his death ; so should He desire God to pardon their sins who are most guilty of his destruction ; or that his temporal death unjustly inflicted by them , may not be reveng'd by God●s just inflicting eternal death upon them . 55. An unfortunate King , though us'd like Jonas , should wish no other , than the safe-bringing of the ship to shore , when they have cast Him over-board . 56. The cruelty of a devoted King's Enemies cannot prevent his preparation , whose malice , by God's mercy , He may in this defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed his Soul with his body . 57. Conversation is the chief joy , or vexation , of a King's life . 58. The conversation a King has in his troubles can be no way satisfactory or usefull , when some about Him are too wise , others too foolish ; some too busie , others too reserved , many fantastick . 59. A King much delighted with the conversation of his vertuous Queen , is hard to be pleased by any else about Him , when forced to part from her , but not less to be pitied by her , who is the only cure for that disease . 60. A vertuous Queen's kindness is as necessary to comfort the heart of her King who is separated from her by his troubles or misfortunes , as her assistance is for his affairs . 61. A King full fraught with expectation , need pray God to send him a good unlading , especially when some blow of importance is to be given between his and the Rebels Army in the field . 62. Although a King cannot brag of store of mony in his Wars ; yet a sharp sword alwayes hinders starving at least . 63. In Civil Wars , the King may make as good a shift with an empty purse as the Rebels . 64. A generous Queen whose affection to her King is truly grounded , will be in as much ( if not more ) trouble to find his Reputation , as his Life in danger . 65. When distractions in Religion arise amongst Rebels , and General is set against General in point of command , a Treaty with their King may be most desireable , and not to be refused by Him , when all means used to procure it , shall be consistent with his Royal Honour and safety , and all else unquestionably councelable considered . 66. When Rebels , confident of their power , or obstinate in their purpose , become somewhat difficult to be brought into a Treaty , the sound of their King 's coming to them may have some force of popular Rhetorick to obtain it ; of , if refused , it may bring much prejudice to them , and be advantageous to their King. 67. When foolish or malicious Peope shall interpret their King's desire , to treat with Rebels to proceed from fear or folly ; He is to joyn such conditions with the Proposition of it , as may be found to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe Peace . 68. A King may prudently yield to a Treaty with Rebels in their quarters , so that the conditions save any aspersion of dishonour , if factious Spirits about Him are likely to infuse their malignity in his own . 69. When a King in some apprehension , expresseth his inclination to treat with Rebels , from whence false malicious rumours may give trouble to his absent Queen ; although He judge Himself secure in her thoughts from suspecting Him guilty of any baseness ; yet He may hold it necessary to send her some account , to the end she may make others know as well as her self this , which ought to be a certain truth , That no danger of death or misery ( which He may think much worse ) should make Him do any thing unworthy of her love . 70. In times of Rebellion , when diverse men propose several recompences to themselves for their pains and hazard with their King , the recovery of the company of a loyal and vertuous Queen , may be the only reward the said King will expect and wish for Himself . 71. A King in no extremity , should make a peace with Rebels by abandoning his friends , or such a one as will not stand with his honour and safety . 72. Although a King cannot part with the patrimony of the Church , yet whatsoever shall be offered for rectifying abuses , if any hath crept in , or yet for the ease of tender Consciences ( so that it endammage not the foundation ) He may be content to hear , and should be ready to give a gracious answer thereunto . 73. As it is the King's duty to protect the Church , so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of his just authority . 74. A King should be alwayes carefull to keep the dependency of his Clergy entirely upon his Crown , without which it will scarcely sit fast upon his head . 75. After Conscience , the Militia is certainly the fittest Subject for a King's Quarrel , the Kingly power without it being but as a shadow , and therefore upon no means in any Treaty to be quitted . 76. In the time of Civil War , news at home may be too good to be told in the Court of a foreign Prince , though a friend to the King attacqued by his Rebellious Subjects : there being certainly as much dexterity in publishing of newes , as in matters which at first sight may seem of greater difficulty ; For , as the engaged King would not have his friends think that all assistance bestowed upon Him were in vain●● so would He not have them believe that He needed no help , least they should under hand assist any Rebels , to keep the ballance of dissention amongst them equal . 77. The good of ignorance of a friends danger by a storm is not known , before certain assurance of his [ or her ] escape . 78. It is not the least of a King's misfortunes , that his vertuous Queen should run much hazard for his sake . 79. Although a Queen have expressed so much love to her distressed King as he may think impossible to be repay'd by any thing He can do , much less by words : yet his Royal heart being full of affection for her , admiration of her , and impatient passion of gratitude unto her , He ought to say something , leaving the rest to be read by her , out of her own noble heart . 80. When Rebels have once found means to build credit on the peoples opinion , they can proceed under pretence of Reformation of Religion to dissolve the Government of a Church . 81. Politick Rebels under pretence of ill Ministers and Councellours of Estate , know how to invade the Majesty of their Soveraign in the Prerogatives of his Crown , and by pretending to remove them , to invest in themselves the Domination of all Ministries of Estate , withdraw their King's revenues into their own hands , and confirm themselves in an absolute power of disposing all . 82. A King by his Declarations , setting forth the sinister proceedings of any faction against Him , discovering their designs of innovating the Government , and falsifying the scandals they had imputed to Him , hath the advantage generally to undeceive his people , and to draw to Him the Nobility and Gentry of his Kingdom . 83. When a great sedition is raised in one Kingdom , the King may not imprudently resolve [ at adventure ] to put Himself freely and cleerly , on the love and affections of his Subjects in any other , the honour and safety whereof lies nearly at the Stake . 84. In Rebellious or Seditious times , the King may justly expect support from the Loyal part of his Subjects , till the common safety be secured . 85. When People of one Kingdom invade their King in his other , two things are chiefly considerable by his Great Councel for the safety and security thereof . 1. The chasing out the Rebels . 2. His satisfying the just grievances of those that adhere unto Him , wherein He should promise to concur heartily and clearly with them , that all the World may see his intentions have ever been , and will be , to make that a glorious and flourishing Kingdom . 86. The dishonour and mischief must needs be great , if for want of mony , a King's Army be disbanded before the Rebels be put out of his Kingdom they invaded . 87. Some men , more moliciously than ignorantly will put no difference between Reformation , and alteration of Government . 88. What part soever of a King's Revenue is found illegal , or heavy to the Subjects , a King should be willing to lay down , trusting in their affections . 89. It is not fit for a King to argue the business of High Treason which toucheth his principal Minister of State , though his Parliament countenance it , if in his Conscience He cannot condemn him : Nor is a Parliament to expect , that a positive Doctrine should best become the mouth of a Prince . 90. If a King cannot condemn ( as a Parliament would have Him ) his Minister of State of High Treason , yet cannot say , He can clear Him of misdemeanours , the said Parliament may find out a way to satisfie Justice , and their own fears , and not press his Conscience . 91. Although a King to satisfie the People , would do great matters , yet in that of Conscience , so tender a thing is it , neither fear , nor any other respect whatsoever , should ever make Him go against it . 92. A King should omit no occasion , whereby he may shew that affection to his people , which He desires his people would shew to Him. 93. It is but the mark of a King's confidence , to put himself wholly upon the love and affection of his People , for his subsistence . 94. A King should never have other design , but to win the affections of his People by his justice in his government . 95. A good King can do nothing with more cheerfullness , than to give his people a general satisfaction , not offering to endeer himself unto them by word ( which should not be his way ) but by Acts of setling their Religion and just Liberties , before he proceeds to any other . 96. It is no prejudice for a King a little to misreckon in time , if not deceived in his end to settle an unquiet Nation of his Subjects . 97. A King ought to seek his Peoples happiness , their flourishing being his greatest glory , and their affections his greatest strength . 98. A Soveraign ought to take that care of his Son , which shall justifie Him to God as a Father , and to his Dominions as a King. 99. A King ought to assure upon his honour , that He has no thought but Peace and Justice to his People , which He should by all fair means seek to preserve and maintain , relying upon the goodness and providence of God for the preservation of Himself and Rights . 100. In ambiguous Times , a Kings fears should be greater for the Religion He professeth , his People , and Lawes , than for his own Rights and safety . The Eleventh Century . 1. IT is a high thing to tax a King with breach of promise . 2. A Parliament may have worse informations , than the King Counsels , against which they except . 3. The King of whom the Militia is demanded by his Parliament , is not to part with it for an hour● Nor should that be demanded of a King , wherewith his wife and children are not to be trusted . 4. A King is not to punish or discourage his People for petitioning to Him in an humble way , though the Subject do not agree with his sense . 5. A King sometimes cannot satisfie his People in a debt due to the Country , when all the Water goes not to the right Mill. 6. When Lawes are altered by any other Authority , than that by which they were made , the foundations of the Peoples happiness are destroyed . 7. When the King is oppressed , and his just Kights taken from Him , it is impossible for the Subjects Liberties and properties to be preserved . 8. Errours and mistakes among Loyal Subjects proceeding from misinformation , are removed with more satisfaction and ease to them , than they were received . 9. A King should hold it a piece of his duty , to take the utmost pains He can , fully to inform and undeceive his People ; and rather to prevent crimes , than to punish them . 10. Persons of ill dispositions take as great pains to do mischief , and to bring confusion , as good men should for peace and happiness in a Kingdom . 11. When a good King sends such Propositions of Peace and Accommodation to his Parliament that contested with Him , as to which He may expect they should with alacrity submit , if the unexcusable enemies of Peace be not strong enough to prevail , He may reasonably hope to have no other use of his Loyal Peoples affections , but in their prayers , not needing their assistance , when He requireth nothing that with more justice can be denied Him , than his Crown or Life be taken from Him. 12. When the Religion , Liberty-Lawes , which are good Subjects priviledg and protection , become the quarrel between a King and any his People in Rebellion , the taking his Towns , Ships , Armies and money from Him , should not dishearten Him ; the concurrence and affection of his people with God's blessing will supply and recover all . 13. In time of Rebellion , when any Country or Province have shewed much forwardness , and made great expressions of their affections to the King , He should never be satisfied with Himself , till He have found some way to fix a mark of favour and estimation upon the same , which may tell Posterity how good Subjects , and how much Gentlemen they have been . 14. The memory of any signal Loyalty shewed by Persons or Provinces to the Royal Father , should grow up in a just acknowledgment with his Sons . 15. In times of distraction , unquiet Spirits will be abroad , and every day throw in new accidents to disturb and confound the publick Peace . 16. Rebellion that at first but fortifies it self in a Town , will at length rise to that insolence , as not to be any longer confined within the Walls , but make sallies out to exercise murder , cruelty and rapine upon the persons and possessions of good Subjects . 17. The sad effects of counterfeit Fears and Jealousies in a Parliament are such , as no men can tell the least good they do , nor the least evill they prevent . 18. The King against whom all advantages will be taken by persons disaffected to Him , should take heed where He comes , that no eminent disorder or damage befall any Man by any person of his Train , or under his protection . 19. Where a Party of People have shewed themselves eminently loyal to their King , the fullest testimony of his affection to them , and to the peace of their County may be this , to pass over the considerations of Honour and Reproach , and not permit a provocation to provoke Him to make that place be the seat of his War. 20. No honest man can imagine that his King will ever sit down under a bold and unexcusable Treason . 21. A King wholly cast upon the affections of his People , having no hope but in the blessing and assistance of God , the justness of his Cause , and the love of his Subjects , to recover what is taken from Him and Them , may expect a good issue , the rather in that they are equal losers with Him. 22. When a King desires nothing of his People , but what is necessary to be done for the preservation of God's true Religion , the Lawes of the Land , the Liberty of the Subject , and the very being of his Kingdom , He has reason to look for a speedy and effectual compliance with his demands . 23. A King has no reason to suspect the Courage and Resolution of those his Subjects , whose Conscience and Loyalty have brought them to Him , to fight for their Religion , their King , and the Lawes of their Land , especially when they are to meet with no Enemies but Traytors , Schismaticks , and Atheïsts , such as desire to destroy both Church and State , and who have before condemned them to ruine for being loyal to their King. 24. It gives courage to the Soldier , when his King satisfies Him that the cause is just , wherein He means to make use of his valour . 25. If the time of War , and the great necessity and straits a King is driven to , beget any violation of those Lawes to which He hath consented , He may hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authors of the War , and not to Him , if so He hath earnestly laboured for the preservation of the Peace of his Kingdom . 26. The Residence of an Army is not usually pleasant to any place , and that of a distressed King caries more fear with it , who , it may be thought , must only live upon the aid and relief of his people . 27. It is not prudence in loyal Subjects , to suffer a good Cause to be lost , for want of supplying their King with that which will be taken from them by those who pursue Him with violence . 28. Whilst ill men sacrifice their Money , Plate , and utmost Industry to destroy the Commonwealth , good men should be no less liberal to preserve it . 29. When it hath pleased God to bless a King with success in a War , He should remember the Assistance every particular man gave Him , to his advantage . 30. However a King succeeds in his Wars , it will be honour and comfort to his loyal Subjects , that with some charge and trouble to themselves , they did their part to support their King , and preserve the Kingdom . 31. The People that have been awed by a Rebellious Army , will be more prone to express their affections to their King , with that courage which becomes them , when his Residence shall be so near , that his Power shall have an influence upon the Country for their protection . 32. No man should have more power to fright People from their Loyalty , than their King have to restore them to it . 33. Loyal Subjects , in assisting their King , defend themselves , who may be sure the Sword which is drawn against Him , will destroy them , if He defend them not . 34. It will be a shame for People to venture nothing for their King , who ventures his life for them . 35. In a Civil War , whatsoever good People shall be willing freely to contribute , their King should take kindly from them : and whatsoever they lend Him , he should , having passed the word of a King , see justly repayed to them . 36. A King should take especial notice , of such who are backward to contribute in a time of visible necessity . 37. When a King considers the publick interests and concernments of his Parliament in the happiness and honour of the Nation , and their particular sufferings in a Rebellion for their affection and Loyalty unto Him , He must look upon them as the most competent Considerers , and Counsellours , how to manage and improve the condition all are in , his and their condition being so equall that the same violence hath oppress'd them all . 38. It will be in vain for them who have informed the World by divers set Battels against their King ▪ to boast how tender they have been for the safety of his Person . 39. It will be hard for a King , who is to struggle with many defects and necessities , to keep a strict discipline among his Soldiers . 40. Guilt and Despair make Rebels sometimes more wicked than they at first intended to be . 41. A King should have no greater sadness for those who are his ill Subjects , than He hath joy and comfort in their affections and fidelities , who are his good . 42. License and Disorder in an Army , will discredit , and may destroy the best cause . 43. Subjects ought to remember , That moneys are the nerves of War , and accordingly expedite supplies to their King , when He needs them . 44. There is no profession a King hath made for the defence and maintenance of right Religion , Lawes and Liberties , which He should not inviolably observe . 45. A King's Opinion , wherein He differs from his Subjects in Parliament , should not be like the Lawes of the Medes and Persians , unalterable , being not infallible . 46. Nothing should so much afflict a King , as the sense-and feeling He has of the sufferings of his Subjects , and the miseries that hang over his Kingdoms , when drawn upon them by those , who ( upon pretenses of good ) violently pursue their own interests and ends . 47. Such men may be supposed most apt and likely to maintain their power by blood and rapine , who have only got it by Oppression and Injustice . 48. Civil Dissentions that are desperate , may encourage and invite a foreign Enemy to make a prey of the whole Nation where they are . 49. Plague , Pestilence and Famine , will be the inevitable attendants of unnatural Contentions between a King and his People . 50. A Kingdom being infested with Civil War , so general a habit of uncharitableness and cruelty is contracted throughout , that even Peace it self will not restore the Peace to their old temper and security . 51. In the time of a Civil War , the King should be so deeply sensible of the miseries and calamities of his Kingdom , and the grievous sufferings of his Subjects , as most earnestly to desire that some expedient may be found out , which by the blessing of God , may prevent the further effusion of blood , and restore the Nation to Peace , from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no discouragement given Him on the contrary part should make Him cease , so no success on his own should ever divert Him. 52. All men , who pretend to goodness , must desire peace : and all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it . 53. A King can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just power , which by the Lawes of God , and the Land , He is born unto . 54. As a King should make no other demands but such as He believes confidently to be just , and much conducing to the tranquillity of the People : so should He be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and happiness . 55. Except a King and People have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . 56. A King should never dissemble , nor hide his Conscience , when his consent is desired to the alteration of Religion , wherewith He is unsatisfied . 57. In times of Distraction and Division between King and People , if the King be so unfortunate as to sall into their hands , it is ●it for Him to be attended by some of his Chaplains , whose opinions as Clergy-men , he ought to esteem and reverence , not only for the exercise of his Conscience , but also for clearing of his judgment concerning the emergent differences in Religion . 58. A restrained King , cannot , as He ought , take in consideration the alterations in Religion , that may be offered Him , without the help of his Chaplains or Divines , because He can never judge rightly of , or be altered in any thing of his opinion , so long as any ordinary way of finding out the Truth is denied Him ; but when that is granted Him , He should not strive for victory in Argument , but seek and submit to Truth ( according to that judgment which God hath given Him ) alwayes holding it his best and greatest conquest , to give contentment to his People in all things which He conceives not to be against his Conscience or Honour . 59. A King under such restraint as he is not master of those ordinary actions , which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man , is not in case fit to make Concessions , for give Answers to his revolted Subjects . 60. A King under what restraint soever , should not give his consent to any Propositions made to Him by his revolted Subjects , that require the disclaiming that reason which God hath given Him to judge by , for the good of Him and his People , and the putting a great violence upon his Conscience . 61. It were easie for a distressed King , who intended to wind Himself out of Troubles by indirect means , readily to consent to whatsoever is proposed to Him , and afterward choose his time to break all , alledging that forced concessions are not to be kept : for which He would not incur a hard censure from indifferent men . 62. Maximes of fallacy are not to be the guides of a King's Actions in extremity . 63. It is held by some unlawfull for any man , and most base in a King , to recede from his promises , for having been obtained by force , or he under restraint . Note ] According as the promises may be ; which if unjust and injurious , are not to be adher'd to . 64. A general Act of Oblivion is the best bond of peace . 65. The Wisdom of several Kingdoms , hath usually and happily in all ages granted general Pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many persons and families otherwise exposed to ruine , might not become fuel to new disorders , or seeds to future troubles 66. Perpetual dishonour must cleve to that King , who to obtain liberty or other advantage to Himself , shall abandon those persons of Condition and Fortune , that out of a sense of duty have engaged themselves with and for Him in his Civil Wars . 67. Liberty being that which in all times hath been the common theme , and desire of all men , common Reason shewes , That Kings less than any should endure Captivity . 68. A King may with patience endure a tedious restraint , so long as He has any hope , that that sort of his suffering may conduce to the peace of his Kingdoms , or the hindering of more effusion of blood . 69. A King under restraint , finding by too certain proofs , that his continued patience would not only turn to his personal ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publick good , is bound , as well by natural ; as political obligations , to seek his safety , by retiring Himself ( if He can ) for some time from the publick view both of his Friends and Enemies . 70. No indifferent man can judg but a King has just cause to free Himself from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of his Nobility , and with whom the Levellers doctrine is rather countenanced than punished . 71. No reasonable man can think , that God will bless those , who refuse to hear their own King when they have him under restraint . 72. Although a King may withdraw Himself from the ill usage of such his Subjects as keep Him under restraint , and are deaf to the importunities of his reasonable desires : yet when He may be heard with Freedom , Honour , and Safety , He should instantly break forth through the cloud of his retirement , and shew Himself really to be Pater Patriae . 73. When a King is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others , there is no reason why He alone , and those of his judgment , should be pressed to a violation of theirs . 74. It is the definition , not names of things , which make them rightly known . 75. Without means to perform , no Propsition can take effect . 76. A King , to whom Honour , Freedom , and Safety is not allowed , can no more treat with his Subjects that have usurped his power , than a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race , who hath both his feet tied together . 77. A King of two different Nations should yield to none in either Kingdom , for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both , and his resolution should be never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . 78. Mercy is as inherent and inseparable to a King as Justice . 79. A King should never abuse the love of his loyal Subjects , by any power wherewith God shall enable Him , to the least violation of the least of their liberties , or the diminution of those immunities which He before had granted them , though they be beyond the Acts of his Predecessours . 80. In time of Civil War , whosoever behaves not Himself like a good Subject to his King in his Kingdom , should not ( if the King can help it ) receive the benefit , and advantage of being his Subject in any other ; but all foreign Princes should know , that as such a person hath parted with his loyalty to his King , so he must not hope for any security by Him , that some example may be made , how easie it is for a King to punish their disloyalty abroad , who for a time may avoid their own King's justice at home . 81. In time of Civil War , such who have by weakness and misunderstanding , or through fear and apprehension of danger been so far transported , as to contribute and consent to horrid intestine dissentions , should , by their free and liberal assistance of their King , express , That their former errours proceeded from weakness , not from malice . 82. The experience Subjects have of their King's Religion , Justice , and Love of his People , should not suffer them to believe any horrid scandals laid upon Him : And their Affection , Loyalty , and Jealousie of his Honour , should disdain to be made instruments to oppress their Native Soveraign , by assisting an odious Rebellion . 83. A King's obligation is both in Conscience and Honour , neither to abandon God's Cause , injure his Successours , nor forsake his Friends . 84. A King so distressed in Civil Wars , as He cannot flatter Himself with expectation of good success , may rest satisfied in this , to end his dayes with Honour and a good Conscience , which obligeth Him to continue his endeavours , in not despairing that God may in due time avenge his own Cause . 85. A King in extremity , is not to be deserted by his friends , though He that stayes with Him , must expect and resolve , either to dye for a good cause , or ( which is worse ) to live as miserable in maintaining it , as the violence of insulting Rebels can make him . 86. As the best foundation of Loyalty is Christianity ; so true Christianity teaches perfect Loyalty : for , without this reciprocation , neither is truly what they pretend to be . 87. A King should chuse such Commissioners for any Treaty with Rebels , as will neither be threatned nor disputed from the grounds He hath given them . 88. Wherein Rebels strain to justifie their breaking off Treaties with their King , bare asseverations , without proofs , cannot , I am sure , satisfie any judicious Reader . 89. The Penners of seditious Pamphlets , to justifie the cause of Rebels , seek more to take the ears of the ignorant multitude with big words , and bold Assertions , than to satisfie rational men with real proofs or true arguments . 90. Bare Asseverations which bold Rebels often make even against what they see , will not get credit with any , but such who abandon their judgments to an implicit Faith. 91. The determinations of all the Parliaments in the World , cannot make a thing just or necessary , if it be not so of it self . 92. When the reasons upon which the laying by of a King's authority is grounded , are not particularly mentioned for the Worlds satisfaction ( if possible ) but involved in general big words , it seems that it is their force of armes , who do it , more than that of Reason which they trust to , for procuring of obedience to their determinations , or belief to what they say . 93. It is evident , that the demands of bold Rebels have alwayes increased with their good fortune . 94. A King must in no extremity , howsoever pressed to it by Rebels , resolve to live in quiet , without honour , and to give his people peace without safety , by abandoning them to an arbitrary unlimited power . 95. Reason will hardly maintain those who are afraid of her . 96. Indifferent men may often judge of a King's innocency by their way of accusation , who rebel against Him ; For those who lay such high crimes to his charge , as the breach of Oathes , Vowes , Protestations , and Imprecations , would not spare to bring their proofs if they had any . 97. It is a wrong to a King's Innocency , to seek to clear Him of such slanders , for which there are no proofs alledged : for Malice being once detected , is best answered with neglect and silence . 98. Although Affection should not so blind one , as to say that his King never erred ; yet , as when a just debt is paid , Bonds ought to be cancelled : so Grievances , be they never so just , being once redressed , ought no more to be objected as Errours : And it is no Paradox to affirm , That Truths , this way told , are no better than slanders . 99. It is most certain by experience , That they who make no conscience of Rebelling , will make less of Lying , when it is for their advantage . 100. It is the artifice of Rebels , not only to endeavour to make Fables pass for currant coin , but likewise to seek to blind mens judgements with false inferences upon some truths . The Twelfth Century . 1. IT cannot be warranted by Justice , that any man should be slandred , yet denyed the sight thereof , and so far from being permitted to answer , that if he have erred , there should be no way left him to acknowledg , or mend it . 2. It cannot be made appear , that our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church Government at their pleasure . 3. Mens conjectures can breed but a humane faith . 4. The Post-scripts of St. Paul's Epistles though we lay no great weight upon them , yet they are to be held of great antiquity , and therefore such as in question of fact , where there appears no strong evidence to weaken their belief , ought not to be lightly rejected . 5. Although Faith , as it is an assent unto Truth supernatural , or of Divine Revelation , reacheth no further than the Scriptures yet in matters of fact , humane testimonies may beget a Faith , though humane , yet certain and infallible . ; 6. It is not to be conceived , that the accessions , or additions , granted by the favour of Princes , for the enlarging of the power , or priviledges of Bishops , have made , or indeed can make , the Government really and substantially to differ from what formerly it was , no more than the addition of Armes or Ornaments can make a body really , and substantially , to differ from it self naked or divested of the same : nor can it be thought either necessary , or yet expedient , that the elections of the Bishops , and some other circumstantials touching their Persons or Office , should be in all respects the same under Christian Princes , as it was when Christians lived among Pagans , and under persecution . 7. It is well worthy the studies and endeavours of Divines of both opinions , laying aside emulation and private interests , to reduce Episcopacy , and Presbytery , into such a well proportioned form of superiority and subordination , as may best resemble the Apostolical and Primitive times , so far forth as the different condition of the times , and the exigents of all considerable circumstances will admit , so as the power of Church-Government , in the particular of Ordination , which is meerly spiritual , may remain authoritative in the Bishop , but that power not to be exercised without the concurrence , or assistance , of the Presbytery . 8. Other powers of Government , which belong to jurisdiction , though they are in the Bishops , yet the outward exercise of them may be ordered and disposed , or limited by the Soveraign power , to which by the lawes of the place , and the acknowledgment of the Clergy , they are subordinate . 9. The Succession of Bishops is the best clue , the most certain and ready way by which to find out their Original . 10. It hath been often sound , that mutual returns of long answers and replies , have rather multiplied disputes by starting new questions , than informed the Conscience , by removing former scruples . 11. In former times , under Pagan Princes , the Church was a distinct Body of it self , divided from the Common-wealth , and so was to be governed by its own rules and Rulers . The Bishops therefore of those times , though they had no outward coercive power over mens persons or estates , yet in as much as every Christian man , when he became a Member of the Church , did ipso facto , and by that his own voluntary act , put himself under their government , they exercised a very large power of jurisdiction● in spiritualibus , in making Ecclesiastical Canons , receiving accusations , conventing the accused , examining of witnesses , judging of crimes , excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the Lord's Supper , enjoyning penances upon them , casting them out of the Church , receiving them again upon their repentance , &c. And all this they exercised as well over Presbyters , as others : but after that the Church , under Christian Princes , began to be incorporated into the Common-wealth , whereupon there must of necessity follow a complication of the Civil and Ecclesiastical powers , the jurisdiction of Bishops ( in the outward exercise of it ) was subordinate unto , and limited by the Supreme Civil power . 12. Although there be no cause to dislike their opinion , who derive the Episcopal power originally from Christ himself , without whose warrant the Apostles would not either have exercised it themselvs , or derived it to others ; yet for that the practise in them is so clear and evident , and the warrant from him expressed but in general terms , ( As my Father sent me , so send I you , and the like ) we may chuse rather to fix the claim of the power upon that practise as the more evidential way , than upon the warrant , which by reason of the generality of expression would bear more dispute . 13. Arguments drawn from Names , and Words , and conjectural Expositions of Scripture , are subject to such frailties , as in debate will give little satisfaction to his judgment and conscience , that requites it . 14. The testimonies of so many writers , ancient , and modern , as have been produced for the Scripture-Original of Bishops , may be conceived of so great importance in a question of this nature , that we are bound both in charity and reason to believe , That so many men , of such quality , would not have asserted the same with so much confidence , but upon very good ground . 15. One witness for the affirmative ought to be of more value , than ten for the negative ; and the testimony of one person that is not interessed , than of an hundred that are . 16. A Prince to shew the greatness of his mind , is rather to conquer his enemies by pardoning , than by punishing . 17. A King may expect not to be ceusur'd for having parted with too much of his right , when the price and commodity is so great , such as security to Himself , and peace to his People . 18. A prudent Parliament ought to remember how usefull a King's power is to a Peoples liberty . 19. A Prince is never to affect more greatness or prerogative , than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of his Subjects , not satisfaction of Favourites . 20. A Prince that so useth his Prerogative , will never want means to be a Father to all , and a bountifull Prince to any he would be extraordinarily gracious unto . 21. All men trust their treasure where it returns them interest . 22. If Princes like the Sea , receive , and repay , all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with , they will not grudge , but pride themselves , to make them up an Ocean . 23. Subjects , who have learnt , that Victories over their Princes , are but triumphs over themselves , will be more unwilling to hearken to changes afterward . 24. A distressed King may best learn to own Himself , by retiring into Himself , and therefore can the better digest what befalls Him , not doubting but God can restrain his Enemies malice , and turn their fierceness unto his praise . 25. If God give an injur'd King success against Rebels , He ought to use it humbly , and far from revenge ▪ 26. If God restore an exil'd King to his right upon hard conditions , whatsoever He promiseth , He ought to keep . 27. Those men who have forced Lawes , which they were bound to observe , will find their triumphs full of troubles . 28. A Prince is not to think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means . 29. No Earthly power can justly call a King in question as a Delinquent . 30. A good King will not without shewing a reason seek to impose a belief upon his Subjects . 31. There is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by God's Lawes , or the municipal Lawes of the Country where he lives . 32. The true Liberty of Subjects consists not in the power of Government , but in living under such Lawes , such a Government , as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives , and propriety of their goods . 33. The King who has a Trust committed to Him by God , by old and lawfull descent , must not betray it , to answer to a new unlawfull Authority . 34. It is a great sin for Subjects , to withstand lawfull Authority , as it is to submit to an Authority Tyrannical , or any other wayes unlawfull . 35. A hasty sentence once past , may be sooner repented , than recalled ▪ 36. It is in vain , for a King to be a Sceptick , by denying the power Rebels have , when greater than He can resist . 37. A hasty Judgment , passed upon the Life of a King , may bring on that trouble and perpetual inconveniency to a Kingdom , that the child which is then unborn may repent it . 38. God many times does pay Justice by an unjust Sentence . 39. Conquest is never just , except there be a good just cause , either for matter of wrong of just Title , and then they that go beyond it , the first quarrel that they have to it , is it that makes unjust at the end what was just at first . 40. Sole matter of Conquest is a great Robbery . 41. Those Magistrates or Officers will never be right , nor will God ever prosper them , who give not God his due , their King his due , and the People their due . 42. The regulating a Church rightly , according to Holy Scripture , is , To give God his due , A National Synod , freely called , freely debating among themselves , must settle the Church , if out of order , when that every Opinion is freely , and clearly heard . 43. A Subject and a Soveraign are clean different things ; and a share in Government is nothing pertaining to the People . FINIS . To the Reader . Friend , THis Century may be complete , and others added , when more of His Sacred Majesty's Writings shall be Published . Which advertisement I pray take with you , as you proceed to the other Titles , under which you may apprehend the like defect at the end . Icon Animae Basilicae : THE POURTRAITURE OF A ROYAL SOUL , Drawn from The Transcendent MEDITATIONS OF King CHARLES I. By RICHARD WATSON . Habebat perfectum animum ad summam sui adductus , supra quam nihil est nis● mens Dei , ex qua pars & in hoc pectus mortale de fluxit , quod nunquam magis divinum est , quàm ubi mortalitatem suam cogitat , & scit in hoc natum hominem , ut vitâ defungeretur . Senec. Epist . 120. London , Printed for Robert Horn , 1661. To the Reader . Friend , PHilo the Jew tels us , That Tharra among the Hebrews , and Socrates among the Greeks , were men so noted for meditation and retirement within themselves , that whosoever in aftertime , by such a reflex knowledge , could give an exact Character of his Soul , had that name as a title of hon●r in each Nation . If you do right to this Piece , apart presented unto your view , you must needs acknowledg that not any of our Britannike Kings ha's done a Design , by which he merited to have his name transmitted to posterity with that advantage , as Charles the First ; who in a time of such distraction , when most of his Subjects acted by a very uncertain light ; some of them mistook themselves , and others took great pains to disguise and lay counterfeit colours upon their Conscience , drew so exquisite a Pourtraicture of a pious and prudent Prince , as it appears most evident , He then took not first the pencil in hand to practise , but began to exercise , in the very dawn of his Reason , what skill He perfected in the glory and luster of his Reign , though He copied it not for his Royal Successours , and Religious Subjects , until the approaching twilight , or setting of his Sun in bloud . The Picture is not here exposed , to be onely lookt upon by a curious eye , to have the hand commended , and then the curtain drawn ; What more is mean't , will best be known by such as seriously intend to imitate , and have a devout ambition , by a like looking into their Souls , and meditating on their duties , in their several capacities , to deserve the honour of that great name , which ought to be held venerable among us in all succeeding ages . Of which number I wish you one , and my self likewise , Your humble servant , RICHARD WATSON . Cent. 1 beginneth Pag. 217 Cent. 2 beginneth Pag. 241 Cent. 3 beginneth Pag. 265 Cent. 4 beginneth Pag. 294 ERRATA . The Reader is desired to mend the following Escapes , and whomsoever he censures , to impute neither mistake nor negligence to the Collectour . Title page read Basilicae . Epistle Dedicatory . Page 1 r. recognize . p. 24 r. i● after some few years revolution , &c. Effata Regalia . Century 1. num . 2. r. allay . n 6 r the grounds . n 30 r stupidity . n 73 r conscious . n 77 r Saviour . n 79 r merits . n 82 r though they should be satiated . n 86 r soul of a Queen . Century 2. n ● r praie●● . n 28 r ●ay serve n 49 r propound . n 75 r streightness . n 90 r false & evil . Century 3 n 5 r with prejud●ces . n 20 r considerations , nor designs n 81 r oblequie . Cent. 4 n 31 r upon functions . n 89 r to Christs rule . Cent. 5 n 22 r not ●orosely . Cent. 6 n 10 r differences in Religion , and offences , by &c. n 23 r a di●●●dence o● his own judgment n 66 r aggravations , n 91 r that as the greatest temptations , &c. Cent. 7 n 8 r their Pilot. n 71 r who will avoid . Cent. 8. n 32 r from their pr●reption . n 49 r Philistims . n 55 r portends . Cent. 9 n 11 r congregations . n 35 r he shall be forced to consent , &c. n 73 r fixed on new models . Cent. 10 n 3 r from which reason &c. Cent. 11 , n 7 r Rights n 50 r will not restore the people , &c. Icon Auimae Basilicae . Century 2. num . 64 ● shall be . n 88 r to a happy , &c n 93 ● inclined . n 97 ● We ●ad need , &c Cent. 3 n 54 r the handful of ●eal . Cent. 4 n 18 ● findeth . Monita , &c Britannica . Cent. 1. n 13 r of differing , &c. n 35 r unto the King. n 48 r he may suspect . n 81 r spirit of prayer . n 91 r lest being n 941 of sound . Cent. 2 n 22 r the draught . Icon Animae Basilicae . THE POUR TRAICTURE OF A ROYAL SOUL . The First Century . 1. REsolutions of future Reforming , do not alwayes satisfie Gods Justice , nor prevent his Vengeance for former miscariages . 2. When out Sins have overlai'd our Hopes , we are taught to depend on Gods mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . 3. God often vindicates his glory by his judgments , and shews us how unsafe it is to offend him , upon presumptions afterwards to please him . 4. For want of timely repentance of our sins , God gives us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply . 5. When God gives us the benefit of our afflictions and his chastisements , we may dare account them the strokes not of an Enemy , but a Father , whose rod , as well as his staf , may comfort us . 6. Gods grace is infinitely better with our sufferings , than our peace could be with our sins . 7. When God that over-rules our Counsels , over-rules also our hearts , the worse things we suffer by his Justice , the better we may be by his Mercy . 8. Sin may turn our Antidotes into Poyson ; and Grace return our Poyson into Antidotes . 9. An act of sinful compliance , hath greater aggravations in a King , than any man ; especially when without the least temptation of envy or malice , he consents to the destruction of a Peer , or meaner Subject , whom by his place he ought to have preserved . 10. God sees the contradiction between a King's heart and his hand , against whom the sin is more immediate , when he signs any man's death , unsatisfied that he hath deserved it . 11. A King may learn Righteousness by God's Judgments , and see his own frailty in God's justice . 12. A King ought to prefer Justice , which is the will of God , before all contrary clamours , which do but discover the injurious will of man. 13. It is once too much , that a King has once been overcome , to please his Subjects by displeasing of God. 14. A King by divine permission , going against his Reason of Conscience , for any Reason of State , highly sins against the God of Reason , and Judg of Consciences . 15. God's free Spirit supports the Will of a King , and subjects it to none but the divine light of Reason , Justice and Religion , which shine in his Soul. 16. God desireth Truth in the inward parts of Kings , and Integrity in their outward expressions . 17. When God hears the voyce of our Saviour's bloud before the cry of others undeservedly shed , he speaks to King and People , in the voice of Joy and Gladness , which makes the bones he had broken rejoyce in his Salvation 18. A King purposing violence or oppression against the Innocent , may expect the Enemy to persecute his Soul , to tread his life to the ground , and to lay his honour in the dust . 19. God that sees not as man sees , lookes beyond all popular appearances , searches the heart , and tryes the reins , and brings to light things hidden in the dark . 20. A Kings afflictions cannot be esteemed by wise and godly men any argument of his sin , in shedding bloud he would have saved , more than their impunity among good men is any sure token of their innocency that forc't him to it . 21. A King may expect God's Protection from the privy conspiracies , and open violence of bloudy and unreasonable men , according to the uprightness of his heart , and the innocency of his hands in the matter of bloud , or destruction of his Subjects . 22. In time of civil dissensions , a King may most safely flie to God as his refuge and defence , who rules the raging of the Sea , and the madness of the People . 23. A King should look upon his own sins , and the sins of his People ( which are the tumults of their Souls against God ) as the just cause of popular inundations , permitted by God to over-bear all the banks of Loyalty , Modesty , Lawes , Justice and Religion . 24. God can rebuke the rebellious beasts of the People , and deliver his King from the rudeness and strivings of the multitude . 25. It becomes King and People , as Men and Christians , unpassionately to see the light of Reason and Religion ; and with all due order and gravity to follow it . 26. A Charitable King will wish his rebellious People a timely sense and sorrow , that shame here , and not suffering hereafter , may be the punishment of their Sin. 27. When God shall set bounds to our Passions by Reason , to our Errours by Truth , to our Seditions by Lawes duly executed , and to our Schismes by Charity , then we may be as Jerusalem , a City at unity in it self . 28. A King in distress , should still appeal to his God , whose all-discerning Justice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitfull darknesses of their hearts . 29. A King to whom God gave a heart to grant much to his Subjects , may need a heart fitted to suffer much from them . 30. Gods Grace may teach a King , wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings as the fullfillings of his best hopes , and most specious desires . 31. A King sometimes , while he thinks to allay others fears , may raise his own ; and by setling them , unsettle himself . 32. Evil for good is a bad requital ; and hatred for the good will of a King to his People . 33. A King needs God for his Pilot in such a dark and dangerous storm , as neither admits his return to the Port whence he set out , nor his making any other with that safety and honour which he designed . 34. It is easie for God , to keep a King safe in the love and confidence of his people . 35. A King needs God for his Guardian amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of them whom he suffers so far to prevail , as to pervert and abuse his acts of greatest Indulgence to , and assurance of them . 36. A penitent King ought to know no favours of his can make others more guilty than himself may be in abusing those many and great ones which God had conferred upon him . 37. A King in time of publick calamity by civil dissensions , should ask of God such Repentance for himself and his people as he will accept , and such Grace as they may not abuse . 38. The King is happy , who can make a right use of others abuses , and by their failings of him , reflect with a reforming displeasure , upon his own offemces against God. 39. Although a King for his own sins , be by other mens sins deprived of temporal blessings , yet he may be happy to enjoy the comfort of God's mercies , which often raise the greatest sufferers , to be the most glorious Saints . 40. It is God's will a King should preserve a Native , Rational , and Religious freedom . 41. God requires of Kings , to submit their understandings and wills unto his , whose wisdom and goodness can neither erre , nor misguide them . 42. God requires of Kings , so far to deny their carnal reason , in order to his sacred Mysteries and Commands , that they should believe and obey , rather than dispute them . 43. God expects from Kings only such a reasonable service of him , as not to do any thing for him against their Consciences . 44. As to the desires of men , God enjoins Kings to try all things by the touch-stone of Reason and Lawes , which are the rules of civil Justice , and to declare their consents to that only which their judgments approve . 45. Kings should be very unwilling to desert that place in which God hath set them , and whereto the affairs of their Kingdoms do call them . 46. A King may be content , for his Peoples good , to deny himself , in what God hath subjected to his disposal . 47. The unthankfull importunities , and tumultuary violence of some mens immoderate demands , should never betray a King to that dangerous and unmanly slavery , as to make him strengthen them by his consent in those things , which he thinks in his Conscience to be against God's glory , the good of his Subjects , and the discharge of his own duty to Reason and Justice . 48. A King should be willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries Rebellious people press upon him , rather than commit the least sin against his Conscience . 49. The just liberties of People may well be preserved in fair and equal wayes , without the slavery of their King's Soul. 50. He whom God hath invested by his favours in the power of a Christian King , should not subject his Reason to other mens Passions and Designs , which seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligious unto him . 51. The way of Truth and Justice , will bring a distressed King at last to peace and happiness with God , though for them he hath much trouble among men . 52. A King and Queen scattered on earth by their despightfull and deadly enemies , may be prepared by their sufferings for God's presence . 53. Though a King's difference from his Queen in some things , as to Religion , may be his greatest temporal infelicity ; yet the sincerity of their affections , which desire to seek , find , and to embrace every Truth , given by God , may be acceptable unto him . 54. It is happy for King and Queen different in Religion , when either ignorance of what is necessary to be known , or unbelief , or disobedience to what they know , becomes their misery , or their wilfull default . 55. The great scandal of Subjects professing the same true Religion with their King , may be an hinderance to the dissenting Queen , in the love of some Truth God would have her to learn ; or may harden her in some errour he would have cleared to her . 56. A King 's own and his Parties constancy , is the best antidote against the poyson of their example that gave such scandal . 57. The Truth of that Religion the King propfesseth represented with all the beauties of Humility , Loyalty , Charity and Peaceableness , as the proper fruits and ornaments thereof , may prevail much upon the judgment of his dissenting Queen ; as the odious disguises of Levity , Schism , Heresie , Novelty , Cruelty and Disloyalty , which any men's practises put upon it , may intend her aversion from it . 58. God's sacred and saving Truths , cleared from all rust and dross of humane mixtures , gain belief , love , and obedience to them , as his . 59. God beheld in the glass of his Truth , in those mercies which he hath offered unto us in his only Son and our Saviour , inviteth us to serve him in all those holy duties , which most agree with his holy doctrine , and most imitable example . 60. The experience a King and Queen separated by Rebels , have of the vanity and uncertainty of all humane glory and greatness , in their scatterings and Eclipses , should make them both so much the more ambitious to be invested in those durable honours and perfections , which are only to be found in God , and obtained through Christ . 61. A King ought not to gratifie his passion by any secret pleasure in his death or destruction , who hath thereby satisfied the injury he did him , lest he make divine vengeance his , and consider the affront against himself more than the sin against God. 62. God often pleads the cause of Kings before the sons of men , by making without their desire and endeavours , the mischief of Rebels return on their own heads , and their violent dealing come down on their own pates . 63. An injur'd King in charity should pray that God's justice prevent not the objects and opportunities of his mercy , but that they who have most offended him may live and be forgiven by him , in that their offenses bear a proportion with his trespasses , for which he hopes forgiveness from God. 64. A King should pray for his Rebellious Subjects , that God lay not their sins to their charge for condemnation , but to their Conscience for amendment . 65. God's exemplary vengeance shew'd in the destruction of any eminent Rebel , is as the lighting of a thunderbolt , which by so severe a punishment of one , should be a terrour to all . 66. It may be wish'd , that they who know not they have done amiss , might have their sin discover'd to them ; and that they who sin of malicious wickedness , might be scared . 67. They who prevent Gods judgments by their true repentance , shall escape the strokes of his eternal vengeance . 68. Mercy and Truth met together , are the best supporters of a Royal Throne : as Righteousness and Peace kissing each other the chief Ornaments of a flo●rishing Crown . 69. God sees clearly through all the cloudings of humane affairs , and judges without prejudice , his unerrable judgment having eternally his omniscience for its guide . 70. It is time for a King to call upon God , when the proud rise against him , and the Assemblies of violent men seek after his Soul , who have not set God before their eyes . 71. A King should have no passion , nor design , to embroyl his Kingdome in a Civil War , to which he has the least temptation , as knowing he must adventure more than any , and gain least of any by it . 72. A King ought to deplore and study to divert the necessity of a Civil War , unless he will be thought so prodigally thirsty of his Subjects bloud , as to venture his own life , which were better spent to save , than to destroy his People . 73. A King in time of Rebellion , needs much of Gods grace with patience to bear the afflictions , but much more to sustain the reproaches of men , especially if they make the War his , which they have raised themselves . 74. The confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make a King almost suspect his own Innocence . 75. A King whose innocency is known unto God , may be content ( at least by his silence ) to take upon him the imputed guilt before men , if by that he can allay the malice of his Enemies , and redeem his people from the miseries of War. 76. God will find out bloudy and deceitfull men , many of whom live not half their dayes , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels . 77. God will save a King that 's his servant , and in due time scatter the people that delight in War. 78. It is time for God to arise and lift up himself , when the King's enemies rage and increase , conceiving mischief , travailing with iniquity , and bringing forth falshood . 79. The design of a Civil War is either to destroy the King's person , or force his judgment , and to make him renege his Conscience , and Gods Truth . 80. A King may be driven to cross David's choice , and desire rather to fall into the hands of Men , by denying them ( though their mercies be cruel ) than into the hands of God , by sinning against his Conscience , and in that against him who is a consuming fire : It being better they destroy him , than God damn him . 81. If nothing but a King's bloud will satisfie his Enemies , or quench the flames of his Kingdom , or God's temporal Justice , he should be content , if it be Gods Will , that it be shed by the hands of his Subjects . 82. When the bloud of a King , though a sinner , is wash'd with the bloud of his innocent and peace-maing Redeemer , Gods justice will therein find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternal plenary satisfaction , both for the King's sins , and his Peoples . 83. A King that hath God on his side , has more with him than can be against him . 84. None in Heaven or Earth is desireable by a King in comparison of God , who in the loss of all , may be more than all to him . 85. When people are encouraged to fight against their King under the pretense of sighting for him , he may cast his eyes up to Heaven , he has no other power to oppose them . 86. God needs no help , nor the King , having his , if not to conquer , at least to suffer , 87. If God delights not in a King's safety and prosperity , he ought to render himself up to be reduced to what God will have him , whose judgments oft begin with his own Children . 88. A King should be content to be nothing , that God may be all . 89. God , who teacheth , That no King can be saved by the multitude of an Host , can yet save him by the multitude of his mercies , being Lord of Hosts , and the Father of Mercies . 90. A King distressed on every side , having God on his side , need not fear what man can do unto him . 91. A King ought to give God's Justice the glory of his distress 92. Gods mercy must have the glory of a King's deliverance from them that persecute his Soul. 93. Any King that hath fought against God ( whose Subject he is ) by his sins , and robbed him of his glory , God may justly strip of his strength by his own Subjects , and eclipse his glory likewise . 94. The King whose hope and only refuge fails him , shall to his grief , hear his Enemies soon say , There is no help for him in his God. 95. The King's footsteps will slip , whose goings God holds not up in his paths . 96. A King favoured by God , is kept as the apple of his eye , and hid under the shadow of his wings . 97. God has marveilous loving kindness to shew , and a right hand by which to save a King that puts his trust in him , from those that rise up against him ; from the wicked that oppress him ; from his deadly enemies that compass him about . 98. The path of life leads to God's presence , where is fullness of joy , and at his right hand are pleasures for evermore . 99. God is the first and eternal Reason , whose wisdom is fortified with omnipotency . 100. God's method of Grace to a King his servant is , first to furnish him with clear discoveries of Truth , Reason , and Justice in his Understanding , then so to confirm his will and resolution to adhere to them , that no terrours , injuries , or oppressions of his Enemies , may ever inforce him against those rules which God by them hath planted in his Conscience . The Second Century . 1. GOd never made a King that should be less than a Man and not dare to say Yea , or Nay , as he sees cause ; which freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of reason , and liberty of speech . 2. That cannot be blameable in a King , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others . 3. It is open partiality and injustice , for seditious Subjects to deny that freedom to their King , which God hath given to all men , and which themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves . 4. God can guide a distressed King by an unerring rule , through the perplexed Lubyrinths of his own thoughts and other mens proposals , which he may have some cause to suspect , are purposely cast as snares , that by his granting or denying them , he might be more entangled in those difficulties , wherewith they lye in wait to afflict him . 5. A Kings own sinfull passions may cloud or divert Gods sacred suggestions . 6. A King should propund to himself Gods Glory for his end , Gods Word for his rule , and then resign himself to Gods Will. 7. A King can hardly please all , he need not care to please some men ; If he may be happy to please God , he need not fear whom he displeaseth . 8. God maketh the wisdom of the World foolishness , and taketh in their own devises , such as are wise in their own conceits . 9. A King made wise by God's Truth , for God's honour , his Kingdoms general good , and his own Souls salvation , need not much regard the Worlds opinion , or diminution of him . 10. The less wisdom ill-affected Subjects are willing to impute to their King , the more they shall be convinced of God's wisdom directing him , while he denies nothing sit to be granted , out of crossness , or humor ; nor grants any thing which is to be denied out of any fear or flattery of men . 11. A King ought to take care he become not guilty , or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens designs which are injurious to the publick good , while he confirms them by his consent ; Nor must he be any occasion to hinder or defraud the publick of what is best , by any morose or perverse dissentings . 12. A King ought to be so humbly charitable , as to follow their advice , when it appears to be for the publick good , of whose affections to him he may have but few evidences to assure him . 13. God can as well bless honest errours , as blast fraudulent counsels . 14. Since Kings themselves must give an account of every evil and idle word in private , at God's Tribunal ; they ought to be much more caresull of those solemn Declarations of their mind , which are like to have the greatest influence upon the Publick , either for woe , or weal. 15. The less unreasonable Subjects consider what they ask , the more solicitous should a King be what he answers . 16. In time of Civil War , though a King 's own and his People's pressures are grievous , and peace would be very pleasing ; yet should he not avoid the one , nor purchase the other with the least expence or wast of his Conscience , whereof God alone is deservedly more Master than himself . 17. So much cruelty among Christians is acted under the colour of Religion , as if we could not be Christians , unless we crucifie one another . 18. If a King and his People love not God's Truth as they ought , and practise it in charity , God may justly suffer a Spirit of errour and bitterness , of mutual and mortal hatred to rise among them . 19. God who forgives wherein we sin , may sanctifie what we suffer . 20. Repentance must be our recovery ( by God's mercy ) when our great sins have been our ruine . 21. The miseries a King and his Kingdom have suffered being great , they may desire God so to account them , but withal , that their sins may appear to then Consciences , as they are represented in the glass of God's judgments ; for God never punisheth small failings with severe afflictions . 22. They should farther desire , that their sins may be ever more grievous to them than God's judgments ; and be more willing to repent , than to be relieved : first asking of God the peace of penitent Consciences , and then the tranquillity of united Kingdoms . 23. God can drown the sins of a King and People at Civil Wars in the Sea of our Saviours bloud , and through the Red Sea of their own bloud bring them at last to a State of Piety , Peace , and Plenty . 24. A King 's publick relations to all , make him share in all his Subjects sufferings ; of which he ought to have such a pious sense , as becomes a Christian King , and a loving Father of his People . 25. God can make the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon a good King be as a breath , more to kindle his compassion , and give him grace to heap charitable coles of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose malice or cruel zeal hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those flames , which may have much wasted his Kingdomes . 26. Ignorance or Errour may sill men with rebellious and destructive Principles , which they act under an opinion , That they do God good service . For these a King ought to pray God to lead them in the wayes of his saving Truths . 27. A King may pray for the hand of God's justice to be against those , who maliciously and despightfully have raised , or fomented , cruel and desperate Wars against him . 28. God is far from destroying the innocent with the guilty , and erronious with the malicious . 29. God that had pity on Nineveh for the many children that were therein , will not easily give over the whole stock of a populous and seduced Nation , to the wrath of those whose covetousness makes them cruel ; nor to their anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . 30. God many times is pleased , in the midst of the furnace of his severe justice , to preserve a Posterity , which may praise him for his mercy . 31. God will not deal with his King , according to man's unjust reproaches , but according to the iunocency of his hands in his sight . 32. If a King have desired or delighted in the wofull day of his Kingdomes calamities ; If he have not earnestly studied , and faithfully endeavoured , the preventing and composing of the bloudy distractions in his Kingdome , It is just that God's hand be against him and his fathers house . 33. A King that hath enemies enough of men , if his Conscience do witness his integrity , may conditionally dare to imprecate God's curse upon him and his , to gain the World's opinion of his innocency , which God himself knowes right well ; provided that he trust not to his own merit , but Gods mercies . 34. When the troubles of a King's Soul are enlarged , it is the Lord that must bring him out of his distress . 35. Pious simpliciy is the best policy in a King. 36. They who have too much of the Serpents subtilty , forget the Doves innocency . 37. Though hand joyn in hand , a King ( by Gods assistance ) should never let them prevail against his Soul , to the betraying of his Conscience and Honour . 38. God having turn'd the hearts of the men of Judah and Israel , they restored David with as much loyal zeal , as they did with inconstancy , and eargerness , pursue him . 39. A depressed King , in whom God preserves the love of his truth and uprightness , need not despair of his Subjects affections returning towards him . 40. God can soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe , and retire back again to the bounds which he has appointed for them . 41. He can as soon make them ashamed who trangress without a cause , and turn them back that persecute the Soul of their King. 42. Integrity and uprightness will preserve a King in distress , that waits upon the Lord. 43. From just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which God's Word in the Lawes of a Kingdom , have laid upon the Consciences of men , no pretensions of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or engage them to any contrary practises . 44. Nothing violent and injurious , can be religious . 45. God allowes no mans committing Sacriledg , under the zeal of abhorring Idols . 46. Sacrilegious designs have sometimes the countenance of religious ties . 47. The wisest of Kings hath taught all his Successours , That it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after vowes to make enquiry . 48. A King ought never to consent to perjurious and sacriligious rapines , which set upon him the brand and curse to all posterity , of robbing God and his Church of what his divine bounty had given , and his clemency had accepted , wherewith to encourage Learning and Religion . 49. Though a King's Treasures be exhausted , his Revenues diminished , and his debts increased ; yet should he never be tempted to use prophane Reparations , least a coal from God's Altar set such a fire on his Throne and Conscience , as will be hardly quenched , 50. Though the State recover by God's blessing of peace , yet the Church is not likely in times where the Charity of most men is grown cold , and their Religion illiberal . 51. When God continues to those that serve him and his Church all those incouragements , which by the will of pious Donors , and the justice of the Lawes are due unto them , they ought to deserve and use them aright to God's glory and the relief of the poor ; That his Priests may be cloathed with righteousness , and the poor may be satisfied with bread . 52. Rather than holy things should be given to Swine , or the Church's bread to Dogs Let them go about the City , grin like a Dog , and grudg that they are not satisfied . ; 53. Let those sacred morsels , which some men have by violence devoured , neither digest with them , nor theirs : Let them be as Naboth's Vineyard to Ahab , gall in their mouths , rottenness to their names , a moth to their Families , and a sting to their Consciences . 54. Break in sunder , ô Lord , all violent and sacrilegious Confederations to do wickedly and injuriously . 55. Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the Church and State , that the folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no farther . 56. A King whose righteous dealing is favoured by God , in the mercies of the most High never shall miscary . 57. A King who is made the object of popular reproach , has his soul among Lions , among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men , whose teeth are spears and arrowes , and their tongue a sharp sword . 58. Those sons of men , that turn their Kings glory into shame , love vanity , and seek after lies . 59. When wicked men on every side are set to reproach their King , if God hold his peace , the Kings Enemies will prevail against him , and lay his honour in the dust . 60. God shall destroy them that speak lies against their King ; and will abhor both the bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men . 61. God can make the Kings righteousness appear as the light ; and his innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noon-day . 62. A good King should pray , that God would not suffer his silence to betray his innocence , nor his displeasure his patience ; but that after his Saviour's example , being reviled , he may not revile again ; and being cursed by his enemies , he may bless them . 63. God would not suffer Shemei's tongue to go unpunished , whose judgments on David might seem to justifie his disdainfull reproaches . 64. Hot burning coals of eternal fire should be the reward of false , and lying tongues against their King. 65. A King's prayer and patience should be as water to cool and quench their tongues , who are set on fire with the fire of Hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . 66. The King is happy that can refute and put to silence mens evil speaking , by well-doing ; praying that they may not enjoy the fruit of their lips , but of his prayer , for their repentance , and God's pardon . 67. A King ought to learn David's patience and Hezekia's devotion , that he may look to God's mercy through mens malice , and see his justice in their sin . 68. Even Sheba's seditious speeches , Rabshekah's railing , and Shemei's cursing , may provoke as a King 's humble prayer to God , so God's renewed blessing toward him . 69. Though men curse , God may bless , and the afflicted King shall be blessed , and made a blessing to his people : and so the stone which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . 70. If God look not down from heaven and save , the reproach of some men would swallow up their King. 71. God can hide the King in the secret of his Presence from the pride of men , and keep him from the strife of tongues . 72. God's mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy . 73. God denieth us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despiseth renewed affections joined to constant expressions . 74. The matters of our prayers ought to be agreeable to God's Will , which is alwayes the same ; and the fervency of our spirits , to the motions of his holy Spirit in us . 75. God's Spiritual perfections are such , as he is neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them both . 76. A pious moderation of mens judgments is most commendable in matters of Religion , that their ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities . 77. The advantage of Errour consists in novelty and variety ; as of Truth , in unity and constancy . 78. The Church is sometimes pest'red with errours , and deformed with undecencies in God's service , nnder the pretense of variety and novelty ; as deprived of truth , unity , and order , under this fallacy , That Constancy is the cause of formality . 79. If God keep us from formal Hypocrisie in our hearts , we know that praying to him , or praising of him ( with David and other holy men ) in the same formes , cannot hurt us . 80. If God gives us wisdom to amend what is amiss within us there will be less to amend without us . 81. The effects of blind zeal , and over-bold devotion , are such as God evermore defend , and deliver his Church from them . 82. Such should be the uprightness and tenderness of a King , whom God hath set to be a Defender of the Faith , and a Protector of his Church , as by no violence to be overborn against his Conscience . 83. The Deformation of the Church , as to that Government which derived from the Apostles , had been retained in purest and primitive times , began when the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular envy , which still seeks to rob it of the incouragements of Learning and Religion . 84. A Christian King should be as the good Samaritan , compassionate and helpfull to God's afflicted Church , which when some men have wounded and robbed , others pass by without regard either to pity , or relieve . 85. As the Kings power is from God , so should he use it for God. 86. Though a Soveraign be not suffered to be Master of his other rights as a King , yet should he preserve that liberty of Reason , love of Religion , and the Churches welfare , which are fixed in his Conscience as a Christian . 87. Sacriledg invades those temporal blessings which God's Providence hath bestowed on his Church for his glory . 88. Some mens sins and errours deserve God's just permission to let in the wild Boar , and the subtile Foxes , to wast and deform his Vineyard , which his right hand hath planted , and the dew of heaven so long watered a happy and flourishing estate . 89. His memory is cursed who bears the infamous brand to all Posterity of being the first Christian King in his Kingdom who consented to the oppression of God's Church , and the Fathers of it ; whose errours he should rather , like Constantine , cover with silence , and reform with meekness , than expose their persons and sacred functions to vulgar contempt . 90. Their Counsels bring forth and continue violent Confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of the Churches Peace , who mean to let in all manner of errours , schismes and disorders . 91. The God of Order and of Truth , doth in his own good time abate the malice , asswage the rage , and confound all the mischievous devices of his , the King 's , and his Churches enemies . 92. The God of Reason , and of Peace , disdains not to treat with sinners , preventing them with offers of atonement , and beseeching them to be reconciled with himself ; abounding in mercy to save them , whom he wants not power or justice to destroy . 93. When God softens our hearts by the bloud of our Redeemer , and perswades us to accept of peace with him ; then , as Men and Christians , are we enclied to procure and preserve peace among our selves . 94. A King should be content to be overcome , when God will have it so . 95. The noblest victory is over a man's self and his enemies by Patience ; which was Christ's conquest , and may well become a Christian King. 96. God between both his Hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting , fashioneth us to that frame of Piety he liketh best . 97. Whe had need ask God forgiveness for the Pride that attends our prosperous , and the repinings which follow our disastrous events . 98. When we go forth in our own strength , God withdraws his , and goes not forth with our Armies . 99. Let God be all , when we are something , and when we are nothing , that he may have the glory when we are in a victorious or inglorious condition . 100. It is hard measure , for a King to suffer evil from his Subjects to whom he intends nothing but good ; and he cannot but suffer in those evils which they compel him to inflict upon them , punishing himself in their punishments . The Third Century . 1. A King , against whom his Subjects take up armes , both in conquering , and being conquered , is still a sufferer ; in which case he needs a double portion of God's Spirit , which only can be sufficient for him . 2. A King , in time of Civil War , as he is most afflicted , so ought he to be most reformed , that he may be not only happy to see an end of the civil distractions , but a chief instrument to restore and establish a firm and blessed Peace to his Kingdoms . 3. The pious ambitions of all divided Parties , should be , to overcome each other with reason , moderation , and such self denial , as becomes those , who consider that their mutual divisions are their common distractions , and the Union of all is every good mans chiefest interest . 4. God for the sins of our peace , brings upon us the miseries of Civil War , and for the sins of War , sometimes thinks fit to deny us the blessing of peace , so keeping us in a circulation of miseries ; yet even then he gives the King , if his servant , and all Loyal , though afflicted Subjects , to enjoy that peace , which the World can neither give to them , nor take from them . 5. God will not impute to a good King the bloud of his own Subjects , which with infinite unwillingness and grief may have been shed by him , in his just and necessary defence , but will wash him in that pretious bloud which hath been shed for him by his great Peace-maker , Jesus Christ , who will redeem him out of all his troubles . For , 6. The triumphing of the Wicked is but short , and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a moment . 7. God who alone can give us beauty for ashes , and Truth for Hypocrisie , will not suffer us to be miserably deluded with Pharisaical washings , instead of Christian reformings . 8. Our great deformities being within , we ought to be the severest Censurers , and first Reformers of our own Souls . 9. Rash and cruel Reformers bring deformities upon Church and State. 10. Factions kindle fires under the pretense of Reforming . 11. God shewes the World by some mens divisions and confusions , what is the pravity of their intentions , and weakeness of their judgments . 12. They whom God's Providence shall entrust with so great , good , and necessary a work , as is a Christian and Charitable Reformation , ought to use such methods as wherein nothing of ambition , revenge , covetousness , or sacriledg , may have any influence upon their Counsels . 13. Inward Piety may best teach King and people how to use the blessing of outward Peace . 14. God whose wise and all-disposing Providence ordereth the greatest contingencies of humane affairs , may make a King see the constancy of his mercies to him , in the greatest advantages God seems to ▪ give the malice of a King's enemies against him . 15. As God did blast the Counsel of Achitophel , turning it to David's good and his own ruine ; so can he defeat their design who intend by publishing ought they intercept of their King 's , nothing else but to render him more odious and contemptible to his people . 16. God can make the evil men imagine , and displeasure they intend against their King , so to return on their own heads , that they may be ashamed and covered with their own confusion , as with a cloak . 17. When the King's enemies use all means to cloud his honour , to pervert his purposes , and to slander the footsteps of God's Anointed , God can give the King an heart content to be dishonoured for his sake , and his Church's good . 18. When a King hath a fixed purpose to honour God , then God will honour him , either by restoring to him the enjoyment of that power and Majesty which he had suffered some men to seek to deprive him of ; or by bestowing on him that Crown of Christian Patience , which knowes how to serve him in honour , or dishonour ; in good report , or evil . 19. If God , who is the fountain of goodness and honour , cloathed with excellent Majesty , make the King to partake of his Excellency for Wisdome , Justice and Mercy ; he shall not want that degree of Honour and Majesty which becomes the Place , in which God hath set him , who is the lifter up of his head , and his salvation . 20. When a King knowes not what to do , his eyes must be toward God , who is the Soveraign of our Souls , and the only Commander of our Consciences ; to the protection of whose mercy , he must still commend himself . 21. God who hath preserved a King in the day of Battel , can afterward shew his strength in his weakness . 22. God will be to a good King in his darkest night , a pillar of fire to enlighten and direct him ; in the day of his hottest affliction a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect him ; he will be to him both a Sun and a Shield . 23. A King must not by any perversness of will , but through just perswasions of Honour , Reason and Religion , hazard his Person , Peace and Safety , against those that by force seek to wrest them from him . 24. A King's resolutions should not abate with his outward Forces , having a good Conscience to accompany him in his solitude and desertions . 25. A King must not betray the powers of Reason , and that fortress of his Soul , which he is intrusted to keep for God. 26. The King whom God leads in the paths of his righteousness , he will shew his salvation . 27. Wh●n a Kings wayes please God , God will make his enemies to be at peace with him . 28. When God who is infinitely good and great , is with the King , his presence is better than life ; and his service is perfect freedom . 29. The Soveraign whom God ownes for his servant , shall never have cause to complain for want of that liberty which becometh a Man , a Christian , and a King. 30. A Soveraign should desire to be blessed by God with Reason , as a Man ; with Religion , as a Christian ; and with constancy in justice , as a King. 31. Though God suffer a King to be stript of all outward ornaments , yet he may preserve him ever in those enjoyments , wherein he may enjoy himself , and which cannot be taken from him against his will. 32. No fire of affliction should boyl over a King's passion to any impatience , or sordid fears . 33. Though many say of an afflicted King , There is no help for him ; yet if God lift up the light of his Countenance upon him , he shall neither want safety , liberty , nor Majesty . 34. When a King's strength is scattered , his expectation from men defeated , his person restrained : if God be not far from him , his enemies shall not prevail too much against him . 35. When a King is become a wonder , and a scorn to many , God may be his Helper and Defender . 36. When God shewes any token upon an injur'd King for good , then they that hate him are ashamed , because the Lord hath holpen and comforted him . 37. When God establisheth a King with his free Spirit , he may do and suffer God's Will , as he would have him . 38. God will be mercifull to that King , whose Soul trusteth in him , and who makes his refuge in the shadow of God's wings , until all calamities be overpast . 39. A good King , though God kill him , will trust in his mercy , and his Saviours merits . 40. So long as an afflicted King knoweth that his Redeemer liveth , though God lead him through the vail and shadow of death , yet shall he fear no ill . 41. When a Captive King is restrained to solitary prayers , what he wants of his Chaplains help , God can supply with the more immediate assistances of his Spirit , which alone will both enlighten his darkness , and quicken his dulness . 42. God who is the Sun of Righteousness , the sacred fountain of heavenly light and heat , can at once clear and warm the King's heart , both by instructing of him , and interceding for him . 43. God is all fullness ; From God is all-sufficiency ; By God is all acceptance ; God is company enough , and comfort enough ; God is King of the King ; God can be also his Prophet , and his Priest ; Rule him ; teach him , pray in him , for him , and be ever with him . 44. The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with God in that sacred Duel , when he had none to second him but God himself ; who did assist Jacob with power to overcome him , and by a welcome violence to wrest a blessing from him . The same assistance and success can God give , as he pleaseth , to the solitary prayers and devout contentions of a Captive King. 45. The joint and sociated Devotions of others , is a blessing unto a King , their fervency inflaming the coldness of his affections towards God , when they go up to , or meet in God's House with the voice of joy and gladness , worshiping God in the Unity of Spirits , and with the Bond of Peace . 46. A King ought to ask God forgiveness if guilty of neglect , and not improving the happy opportunities he had to meet Priest and People in God's Church . 47. A King sequester'd from the opportunities of publick worship , and private ass●stance of his Chaplains , is as a Pelican in the Wilderness , a Sparrow on the House top , and as a coal scattered from all those pious glowings , and devout reflections , which might best kindle , preserve and encrease the holy fire of divine graces , on the Altar of his heart , whence the sacrifice of prayers , and incense of prayses might be duly offered up to God. 48. God that breaketh not the bruised Reed , nor qu●ncheth the smoking Flax , will not despise the weakness of a King's prayers , nor the smotherings of his Soul in an uncomfortable loneness , to which he is constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps , which he may much want , and no less desire . 49. The hardness of Rebels hearts should occasion the softnings of a Captive King 's to God , and for them ; Their hatred should kindle his love ; Their unreasonable denials of his Religious desires , should the more excite his prayers unto God ; Their inexorable deafness may encline God's ear to him , who is a God easie to be entreated . 50. God's ear is not heavy , that it cannot , nor his heart hard , that it will not hear ; nor his hand shortned that it cannot help a King , his Suppliant in a desolate condition . 51. Though God permit men to deprive a King of those outward means which he hath appointed in his Church ; yet they cannot debar him from the communion of that inward grace which God alone breaths into humble hearts . 52. When God hath once made a King humble , he will teach him , he will hear him , he will help him ; for , The broken and contrite heart , God will not despise . 53. God can make a King in solitude , at once , his Temple , his Priest , his Sacrifice , and his Altar ; while from an humble heart he ( alone ) daily offers up , in holy meditations , fervent prayers , and unfeigned tears to God , who prepareth him for himself , dwelleth in him , and accepteth of him . 54. God who did cause by secret supplies , and miraculous infusions , that the handfull of meat in the vessel should not spend , nor the little oyle in the cruise fail the Widow , during the time of drought and dearth , will look on a good King's Soul , when as a Widow , it is desolate and forsaken , will not permit those saving Truths he had formerly learned , then to fail his memory ; nor the sweet effusions of his Spirit , which he had sometime felt , then to be wanting to his heart , in the famine of ordinary and wholsome food , for the refreshing of his Soul. 55. A Captive King in solitude , may rather chuse to want the memory of the saving Truths he had learned , or the sense of Spiritual comforts he had formerly felt , than to feed from those hands , who mingle his bread with ashes , and his wine with gall , rather tormenting , than teaching him , whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of him , then to hearty prayers for him . 56. They who wrest the holy Scriptures to their Kings destruction , ( which are clear for their Subjection , and his preservation ) hazard their Souls damnation . 57. Some men ( under the colour of long prayers ) have sought to devour the houses of their Brethren , their King , and their God. 58. A distressed King may pray against their wickedness , whose very balms break his head , and their cordials oppress his heart , That he may be delivered from the poyson under their tongues , from the snares of their lips ; from the fire and the swords of their words ; and all those Loyal and Religious hearts , who desire and delight in the prosperity of his Soul , and who seek by their prayers to relieve the sadness and solitude of their King. 59. Though a distressed King may chance to say in his hast , That he is cast out of the sight of God's eyes ; nevertheless God may hear the voice of his supplication , when he cries unto him . 60. If the Lord would be extreme to mark what is done amiss , who could abide it ? But there is mercy with him , that he may be feared , and therefore it is that sinners flie unto him . 61. A King , in the acknowledgment of his sins before God , should reflect upon the aggravation of his condition , the eminency of his place adding weight to his offences . 62. A King ought to beseech God to forgive as his Personal , so his Peoples sins , which are so far his , as he hath not improved the power that God gave him to his glory , and his Subjects good . 63. God may justly , as to his over-ruling hand , bring a Soveraign , who in many things has rebelled against him , from the glory and freedom of a King , to be a Prisoner to his own Subjects . 64. Though God may permit a King's Person to be restrained , yet he may enlarge his heart to himself , and his grace toward him . 65. God may give the comforts and the sure mercies of David to the King , who comes far short of David's piety , yet equals David in afflictions . 66. God may make the penitent sense a King has of his sins , become an evidence to him , that he hath pardoned them . 67. The evils which at any time a King and his Kingdom hath suffered , should not seem little to him , though God punisheth them not according to their sins . 68. When the sorrowes of a King's heart are enlarged , in the importunity of his prayers , if God bring him not out of his troubles , he may expostulate with him , as having forgotten to be gracious , and to have shut up his loving kindness in displeasure . 69. An Afflicted King may utterly faint , if he believe not to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living . 70. The sins of our prosperity many times deprive us of the benefit of our afflictions . 71. It is happy for us , if the fiery tryal of affliction consume the dross which in long peace , and plenty , we have contracted . 72. Though God continue our miseries , yet if he withdraw not his grace , what is wanting of prosperity , may be made up in patience and repentance . 73. An afflicted King , from whom God's anger is not yet to be turn'd away , but his hand of justice must be stretched out still , in the exuberance of charity , and self-condemnation , will beseech God , it may be against him , and his fathers house , pleading the innocence of his People , and asking , What those sheep have done . 74. Though the sufferings of a King satiate not the malice of his and the Church's enemies , yet should their cruelty never exceed the measure of his charity . 75. An injur'd King should ask grace to banish all thoughts of revenge , that he may not lose the reward , nor God the glory of his patience . 76. A King to whom God hath given a heart to forgive such as have rebelled against him , should beseech God to forgive them what they have done against both God and King. 77. An afflicted King , whom God in mercy remembers , and his Kingdomes , 1. In continuing the light of his Gospel , and setling his true Religion among them . 2. In restoring to them the benefit of the Lawes , and the due execution of justice . 3. In suppressing the many Schismes in Church , and Factions in State. 4. In restoring him and his to the Ancient Rights , and glory of his Predecessours . 5. In turning the hearts of the People to God in Piety , to the King in loyalty , and to one another in charity . 6. In quenching the flames , and withdrawing the fewel of Civil Wars . 7. In blessing King and People with the freedom of Publick Councels , and delivering the Honour of Parliament from the insolency of the vulgar . 8. In keeping the King from the great offence of exacting any thing against his Conscience , and especially from consenting to sacrilegious rapines , and spoilings of God's Church . 9. In restoring him to a capacity to glorifie God in doing good both to the Church and State. 10. In bringing him again with peace , safety , and honour , to his chiefest City and Parliament , if chased from them . 11. In putting again the sword of Justice into his hand , to punish and protect . 1. The Soul of the said King ought to praise God , and magnifie his name before his People . 2. To hold God's glory dearer to him than his Crowns . 3. To make the advancement of true Religion both in purity and power to be his chiefest care . 4. To rule his People with justice , and his Kingdoms with equity . 5. To own ever to God's more immediate hand , as the rightfull succession , so the mercifull restauration of his Kingdoms , and the glory of them . 6. To make all the World see this , and his very Enemies enjoy the benefit hereof . 78. A restored King , as he should freely pardon , for Christ's sake , those that have offended him in any kind : so his hand should never be against any man to revenge what is past in regard of any particular injury done to him . 79. When a King and People have been mutually punished in their unnatural divisions , the King should , for God's sake , and for the love of his Redeemer , purpose this in his heart ; That he will use all means in the wayes of amnesty and indempnity , which may most fully remove all fears , and bury all jealousies in forgetfullness . 80. As a King's resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward his People : so may he expect God's mercies to be toward him and his . 81. God will hear the King's prayer , which goeth not out of feigned lips . 82. If a King commit the way of his Soul to the Lord , and trust in him , he shall bring his desire to pass . 83. A King ought not to charge God foolishly , who will not restore him and his ; but to bless his Name , who hath given and taken away ; praying to God that his People and the Church may be happy , if not by him , yet without him . 84. God , who is perfect Unity in a Sacred Trinity , will in mercy behold King and People , whom his Justice may have divided . 85. They who at any time have agreed to fight against their King , may as much need his prayers and pity , as he deliverance from their strivings , when ready to fight against one another to the continuance of the distractions of his Kingdoms . 86. The wayes of Peace consist not in the divided wills of Parties , but in the point and due observation of the Lawes . 87. A King should be willing to go whither God will lead him by his Providence , desiring God to be ever with him , that he may see God's constancy in the Worlds variety and changes . 88. The King whom God makes such as he would have him , may at last enjoy the safety and tranquillity which God alone can give him . 89. God's heavy wrath hangs justly over those populous Cities , whose plenty addes fewel to their luxury ; whose wealth makes them wanton ; whose multitudes tempt them to security ; and their security exposeth them to unexpected miseries . 90. To whom God gives not eyes to see , hearts to consider , nor wills to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to his glory and the publick Peace ; their calamity comes upon them as an armed man. 91. Rebellious Cities and P●●●● cannot want enemies who ab●●●● in sin ; nor shall they be long undisarmed and undestroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against God , and the clear convictions of their own Consciences , fight more against themselves , than ever they did against thier King ; their sins exposing them to Gods Justice , their riches to others injuries , their number to Tumults , and their Tumults to Confusion . 92. A depressed King should have so much charity as to pray , That his fall be not their ruine who have with much forwardness helped to destroy him . 93. An injur'd King should not so much consider either what Rebellious People have done , or he hath suffered , as to forget to imitate his crucified Redeemer ; to plead their ignorance for their pardon , and , in his dying extremities , to pray to God his father to forgive them who know not what they did . 94. They who have denied tears to their King in his saddest condition , may need his prayers for God's grace to bestow them upon themselves , who the less they weep for him , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . 95. A King should pray that his bloud may not be upon them and their children , whom the fraud and faction of some , not the malice of all , have excited to crucifie him . 96. God can , and will , both exalt , and perfect , a good King by his sufferings , which have more in them of God's mercy , than of man's cruelty , or God's own justice . 97. God that is King of Kings , who filleth Heaven and Earth , who is the fountain of eternal life , in whom is no shadow of death , is both the just afflicter of death upon us , and the mercifull Saviour of us in it , and from it . 98. It is better for us to be dead to our selves , and live in God , than by living in our selves , to be deprived of God. 99. God can make the many bitter aggravations of a Soveraign's violent death , as a Man , and a King , the opportunities and advantages of his special graces and comforts in his Soul , as a Christian . 100. If God will be with the King , he shall neither fear , nor feel , any evil , though he walk through the valley of the shadow of death . The Fourth Century . 1. TO contend with Death , is the work of a weak and mortal man , to overcome it , is the grace of him alone who is the Almighty and immortal God. 2. Our Saviour , who knowes what it is to dye with a King , as a Man , can make the King to know what it is to pass through death to life with him his God. 3. Let a distressed King say , Though I dye , yet I know that thou my Redeemer livest for ever : though thou slayest me , yet thou hast encouraged me to trust in thee for eternal life . 4. God's favour is better to a distressed King than life . 5. As God's Omniscience discovers , so his Omnipotence can defeat the designs of those , who have , or shall conspire the destruction of their King. 6. God can shew an injur'd King the goodness of his will through the wickedness of theirs that would destroy him . 7. God gives a distr●ssed King leave , as a man , to pray , that the cup [ of death ] may pass from him ; but he has taught him , as a Christian , by the example of Christ , to adde , Not my will , but thine be done . 8. God , by resolving the King's will into his own , can make them both become one . 9. The desire of life should not be so great in a distressed King , as that of doing or suffering God's Will in either life , or death . 10. God can make a King content to leave the Worlds nothing , that he may come really to enjoy all in him , who hath made Christ unto him , in life gain , and in death advantage . 11. Though the Destroyers of their King forget their duty to God and him , yet he ought to beseech God not to forget to be mercifull to them . 12. There is no profit in a King's bloud , nor in gaining his Kingdoms from him , if they lose their own souls that do it . 13. An injur'd King ought to pray for such as have not only resisted his just power , but wholely usurped and turned it against ●im , That though they may have d●served , yet that they may not rece●ve , damnation to themselves . 14. God that made his Son a Saviour to many that crucifi●d him , while at once he suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them , will at the instance of a devoted King , hear the voyce of Christ's bloud call louder for Regicides , than the cry of the King's bloud against them . 15. Let a King pray for his murtherers , That God would prepare them for his mercy by due convictions of their sin , and not let them at once deceive and damn their own Souls by fallacious p●etensions of Justice in destroying him , while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of their King's power chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against him . 16. The mercies of Regicides are very false , and so very cruel unto their King , who , while they pretend to preserve him , meditate nothing but his ruine . 17. God can deal with bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men otherwise than they deserve , by overcoming their cruelty with his compassion , and the charity of their devoted King. 18. When God maketh inquisition for Royal bloud , the Souls which he sindeth penitent , though polluted , he can sprinkle with the bloud of his Son , and then the destroying Angel shall pass over them . 19. Though Regicides in design think any Kingdom on earth too little to entertain at once both themselves and their King ; yet he ought to pray that the capacious Kingdom of God's infinite Mercy may at last receive them both . 20. When King and People be reconciled in the bloud of the same Redeemer , they shall come at last to live far above the ambitious desires which begat mortal enmities between them . 21. When the hands of Regicides shall be heaviest and cruellest upon their King , if he fall into the armes of God's tender and eternal mercies , he shall be safe . 22. What is cut off of a King's life in the miserable moment of a violent death , may be repayed in God's ever-blessed eternity . 23. The King , whose eyes have seen Gods salvation , shall depart in peace . FINIS . CAROLI I mi Monita & Observata Britannica . The Prudential ADVICE AND OBSERVATIONS OF King CHARLES I. Relating To the POLICIE OF HIS Britannike Kingdoms . Collected and Published BY RICHARD WATSON . Homer Odys : ● . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — . London , Printed for Robert Horn , 1661. To the Reader . Friend , ALthough the Aphorismes , in the two former divisions , are made generall , to serve the good purpose of any Prince , and his People , to whom the like calamities are incident , as were the sad experiments of our own , which prompted the Spirit of Wisdome to their production ; yet the guilt of our sinnes , and remembrance of our sufferings , will make us easily sensible of their more peculiar reflexion upon our selves . This Century , with the Surplusage , points so directly upon our Kingdome , as we have no way to avoid the seasonable importunity of the Counsel and Instruction ; and , knowing what it cost His Majesty that left it , are inexcusably miserable , if we put not the best value upon it by our observance . We hear much of Book-Cases , and precedents , in contests and pleadings for mens personal propriety ; I know no reason , why such rules , and instances , as these , should not be alike positive , and prevalent for Publick Interest , the Prerogative of the King , and Priviledges of the Church . One calls the Sword , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Souldier should ever have ready and at hand ; I could wish this might be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the King-and Parliament-mans Manuall , not so much to reproach him with the unworthiness of some of his factious predecessours , as to instruct him , by the fatality of such examples , to a future sobriety in his votes , and moderation in his publick desires , or demands . If you and I cannot help the extravagant deviations , that may yet hereafter willfully be made from the assured steadiness of this Royal Canon ; we may at least be satisfied in our own aversion from the Ordinances of men , that imagine mischief for Law , and betray their trust , to the second ruine of their Country , à Dieu . Your servant , RICHARD WATSON . C. I. Monita , &c. Britannica . The First Century . 1. THe Kings of England should call their Parliaments , not more by others advice , and the necessity of their affairs , than by their own choice and inclination . 2. The right way of Parliaments is most safe for the Crown , and best pleasing to the People . 3. When some mens distempers study to kindle sparks in Parliaments , the King may hope to extinguish them by forbearing to convene for some years . 4. The King resolving with himself to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick grievances in Church and State , may hope by his freedom , and the Members moderation , to prevent all misunderstandings , and miscariages in the Parliament he calls . 5. Elections of Parliament men , are many times carried in many places with partiality and popular heat . 6. The King knowing best the largeness of his own heart toward his Peoples good and just contentment , may please himself in the hopes of a good and firm understanding , which by a Parliament may grow between him and them . 7. The King should resolve to reform what by free and full advice in Parliament he is convinced to be amiss ; and to grant what ever his Reason and Conscience tells him is sit to be desired . 8. Though the King resolve not to imploy in his affairs a questiond Minister of State against the advice of his Parliament ; yet he should not have any hand in his death , of whose guiltlesness he is better assured , than any man living can be . 9. The Peoples clamours for Justice in exorbitance of fury is not to be regarded , when they mean thereby the King and Two Houses of Parliament should Vote as they would have them . 10. A Tumultuous Parliaments after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent for future imitation [ in case of bloud ] sufficiently tells the World , that some remorse toucheth them that are most implacable against the person , as if knowing he had hard measure , and such as they would be very loth should be repeted to themselves . 11. The tenderness and regret the King may find in his soul , for having had any hand though very unwillingly ) in shedding one man's bloud unjustly ( though under the colour and formalities of Justice , and pretenses of avoyding publick mischief ) may be hop'd to be some evidence before God and Man to all Posterity ; that he is far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all the bloud shed in an unhappy Civil War , as his Rebels charge upon him . To overawe the freedom of the Houses of Parliament , or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them , is a design unworthy of the King , who shall not need so rough assistance , if he have Justice and Reason on his side . 13. Popular Tumults are not the best removers of obstructions in Parliaments , which rather infringe all freedome or differing in Votes , and debating matters with reason and candor . 14. When the obstinacy of Men in Parliament , resolved to discharge their Consciences , must be subdued by Tumults , it may be feared , that by the same all factious , seditious , and scismatical proposals against Government Ecclesiastical , or Civil , will be backed and abetted till they prevail . 15. The riot and impatience of popular Tumults is such , that they will not stay the ripening and season of Counsels , or fair production of Acts , in the order , gravity , and deliberateness , besitting a Parliament ; but will rip up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive Votes , such as their Inviters , and Incouragers most fancy . 16. When Tumults are become so insolent , that there is no securing of the King's freedom in Parliament , nor of his very person in the streets , he is not bound by his presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts . 17. When , and only when , Parliaments , in their first Election , and Constitution , sit full and free , as in all reason , honour , and Religion , they ought to be , things may be so carried , as will give no less content to all good men , than they wish or expect . 18. It may prove unhappy to convene a Parliament , where the Place affords the greatest Confluence of various and vitious humours . 19. The King , when he calls a Parliament , should purpose to contribute what in Justice , Reason , Honour , and Conscience , he can , to the happy success of it ; nor should it have any other design in him , but the General good of his Kingdoms . 20. Triennial Parliaments , in a Kingdom , as gentle and seasonable Physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting head , or prevailing , especially if the remedy prove not a disease beyond all remedy . 21. Some men , when they meet in Parliament , occasion more work than they find to do , by undoing so much as they find well done to their hands . 22. The perpetuating a Parliament is an Act of highest confidence , whereby a King hopes to shut out and lock the dore , upon all present jealousies , and future mistakes , but intends not thereby to exclude himself , as some may requite him . 23. Those Subjects are unworthy of an indulgent King , who deceive his extreme confidence by ill using any Act of Grace wherein he declares so much to trust them , as to deny himself in a high point of his Prerogative . 24. A continual Parliament by preserving Lawes in their due execution and vigour ( but no otherwise ) may be thought , until Experiment shew a fallacy , the best means to keep the Commonweal in tune . 25. The agreeing Votes of the major part in both Houses of Parliament are not , by any Law , or Reason , conclusive to the judgment of their King ; nor do they carry with them his consent , whom they in no kind represent . 26. The King is not further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses , then he sees them agree with the will of God , with his just Rights , as a King , and the general good of his People . 27. The Members of Parliament , as many men , are seldom of one mind ; and it is oft seen , that the major part of them are not the right . 28. The Majesty of the Crown of England is not bound by any Coronation Oath to consent to whatever its ▪ Subjects in Parliament shall require . 29. The Coronation Oath is discharged by the King 's governing by such Lawes as his People with the House of Peers have chosen , and himself hath consented unto . 30. The King should give no ear to the importunity of his Parliament , when , instead of Reason and Publick concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties , and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions . 31. Every Subject is bound to stand to the sentence of Parliament according to Law. 32. Where an orderly guard is granted unto the Parliament , no account in reason can be given for the not suppressing Tumults , but only to oppress both the King 's and the Two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience . 33. The King should not by power protect any against the Justice of Parliament . 34. It is justifiable for men in Parliament to withdraw , who fear the partiality of their trial ( warned by any sad president ) while the Vulgar threaten to be their Oppressours , and Judgers of their Judges . 35. When Factious Tumults overbear not the Freedom and Honour of the two Houses ; but they assert their Justice against them , and make the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences , no man should be so dear unto their King , as whom he should have the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their summons . 36. Though the King may approve ( in some cases ) mens generous constancy and cautiousness ; yet further than that he should never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses , to whom he ought to wish nothing more than Safety , Fullness , and Freedom . 37. Those men that despair in fair and Parliamentary wayes by free deliberations , and Votes , to gain the concurrence of the Major part of Lords and Commons , betake themselves ( when they have interest ) by the desperate activity of factious Tumults , to sift and terrifie away all those Members , whom they see to be of contrary minds to their purposes . 28. Bishops ought to enjoy their Ancient places , and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers . 39. Bills in Parliament are not to be brought on by tumultuary clamours and schismatical Terrours , and passed when both Houses are sufficiently thinned and over-awed . 40. The King , beside the grounds he may have in his own judgment , has also a most strickt and indispensable Oath upon his Conscience , to preserve the Order of Bishops , and the Rights of the Church to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury , most unbeseeming a Christian King , should he ever , by giving his Consent , be betrayed , he might account it infinitely greater misery , than any had , or could befall him ; 41. The King puts much to the adventure , who by satisfying the fears and importunities of unquiet Subjects , both to secure his friends , and overcome his Enemies , to gain the peace of all , deprives himself of a sole power to help or hurt any , yielding the Militia to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think sit . 42. The Militia is the King 's undoubted right , no less than the Crown . 43. The King should not desire to be safer than he wisheth the Parliament and his People . 44. The new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , makes the Majesty of the Kings of England hang like Mahomet's Tomb , by a magnetique Charme , between the power and priviledges of the two Houses , in an ayery imagination of Regality . 45. The Body of Parliament , as the Moon from the Sun , receiveth its chiefest light from the King. 46. Parliament-men may remember that they sit there as their Kings Subjects , not Superiours , called to be his Counsellors not Dictatours : Their summons extends to recommend their advice , not to command his duty . 47. When the two Houses have once been in the Wardship of Tumults , their Propositions are not to be hearkned to , until they shall have sued out their livery , and effectually redeem'd themselves . 48. When the King's judgment tells him , that any propositions sent to him are the results of the Major part of their votes , who exercise their freedom , as well as they have right to sit in Parliament , ( and not before ) he may expect his own judgment for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . 49. The King cannot allow the Wisdom of his Parliament such a completeness and inerrability as to exclude himself . 50. A Parliament , without the concurrent reason of the King , cannot beget , or bring forth , any one complete and authoritative Act of publick Wisdom which makes the Lawes . 51. A King may satisfie his Parliament and his People ; but for fear or flattery to gratifie any Faction , how potent soever , were to nourish the disease , and oppress the body . 52. The end of calling a Parliament , being to use their advice that sit , the King ought to have charity enough to think there are wise men among them , and humility enough to think it fit he should in some things hearken to them , whose counsel he may want . 53. The Suns influence is not more necessary in all Natures productions , then the King's concurrence in all Lawes . 54. We are to take heed of , and beware the old leaven of Innovations masked under the name of Reformation , which heaved at , and sometime threatned , both Prince and Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's and King James's dayes . 55. Reason , Honour , and Safety , both of Church and State , command the King to chew such morsels as a factious Parliament may present him with , before he lets them down . 56. The King hath not any ground of credulity to induce him fully to submit to all the desires of those men , who will not admit , or do refuse , and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in Parliament . 57. I know not any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the English Church , which gentler Applications , than those of an Army , raised by their Scotch fellow Subjects , might not easily remove . 58. If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only Institution of Jesus Christ yet were it hard to prove , that Christ had given Subjects commission by the Sword to set it up in any Kingdom , without the Soveraigns consent . ; 59. If Presbytery in the Supremacy of Subjects be an Institution of Christ , it is the first and onely point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with Christian bloud . 60. The many learned and pious Churchmen in England , who have been alwayes bred up in , and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practise , only because a Party of the Scots will needs by force assist a like Party of English , either to drive all Ministers as sheep into the common fold of ●resbytery , or destroy them , at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their flock . 61. What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles payd to the chief Governours of States , where they lived , is very clear in the Gospel but that He or they ever commanded to set such a parity of Presbyters , and in such a way as some Scots endeavour , is not very disputable . ; 62. The Effusions of blood shed for the advancement of Scotch Presbitery runs in a stream contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy , which was with patient sheding of their own bloud , not violent drawing other mens . 63. Wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more markes of Schism and Sectarism than the Presbyterian way . 64. The Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in have pawned their Souls to them , by a Solemn League and Covenant ; 65. Some pretenders , of late , to Reformation , have intended mainly the abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery , and the robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues . 66. The Bishops and Church-men , as the fattest Deer , must be destroyed , when the other Rascal-herd of Schisms , Heresies , &c. being lean may ( by these men ) enjoy the benefit of Toleration . 67. If the poverty of Scotland might , yet the plenty of England cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues . 68. There is not any exception to which the best Kings may be so liable in the opinion of them who are resolved to oppose them , as too great a fixedness in that Religion , whose judicious and solid grounds , both from Scripture and Antiquity , will not give his Conscience leave to approve , or consent to , those many dangerous and divided Innovations which their bold Ignorance would needs obtrude upon Him and His People . 69. There is not such an Oglio or medley of various Religions in the World again , as those men entertain in their service , who find most fault with the King that adheres to the establishment of the Church without any scruple as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions 70. It hath been a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants , to inforce their Lord and King , a declared Protestant , to a necessary use of Papists or any other , who did but their duty to help Him to defend Himself . 71. The Papists have had a greater sense of their Allegeance than many Protestant Professours who seem to have learned , and to practise , the worst principles of the worst Papists . ; 72. The King is not to justifie beyond humane errours and frailties Himself , or his Councellours , who may have been subject to some miscarriages , yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormous extravagances , wherewith some men have wildred and almost quite lost both Church and State. 73. The event of things may make evident to the People , That should the King follow the worst Counsels that his worst Counsellours might have the boldness to offer Him , or Himself any inclination to use , He could not bring both Church and State in three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of confusions , & Hell of miseries , as some have done , who most clamour against his Counsels , out of which they can not , or will not , in the midst of their many great advantages , redeem either Him or his Subjects . 74. Some mens unsatiable desires of revenge upon the King , his Court , and his Clergy may wholely beguile both Church and State of the benefit of any either Retractations or Concessions He may have made . 75. Some men being conscious to their own formality in the use of our Publick Liturgy , have thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , and a total rejection of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts . 76. I do not see any reason , why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy ( as I hold ours to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the Constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefullness . 77. Sure , we may as well before hand know what we pray , as to whom we pray , and in what words , as to what sense when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same words . ; 78. I ever thought , that the proud oftentations of mens abilities for invention , and the vain affectations of ●ariety for expression● in publick prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin , than that which they call coldness and barrenness : nor are men in those novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant forms , where not the words , but mens hearts , are to blame . 79. I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety , and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions . Nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy . 80. I am not against a grave , modest , discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts , even in publick , the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions . 81. I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joint abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men , such as the Composers of the Service-book were , who may in all reason be thought to have more gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such Forms of prayers , as may best fit the Churches common wants , inform the Hearers understanding , and stir up that siduciciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soul of prayer , and that so much pretended spirits of prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have . 82. What such mens solitary abilities are many times ( even there where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations ▪ emptiness , impertinency , ●udeness , confusions , flatness , levity , obscurity , vaine and ridulous repetitions , the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions , all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do fufficiently convince all men , but those who glory in that Pharisaïcal way . 83. Men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before God and the Church , after so ridiculous and indeed prophane a manner . 84. In Sacramental administrations , Ministers own forms , to be used constantly , are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty , as forms of publick composure . 85. In Sacramental administrations and the like , every time to affect new expressions , when the subject is the same , can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiences not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatness , order , and gravity , becoming those duties , which by the mean , are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities , indispositions , errours , disorders , and defects , both for judgment and expression . 86. The want of a constant Liturgy of publick composure this Church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in a multitude of errours , schismes , disorders , and uncharitable distractions in Religion . 87. The Innovations which Law , Reason , and Religion forbids , must not be brought in and abetted , much less so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgy of the Church . 88. The severity of those men is partial and inexcusable , who cried out of the rigour of Lawes and Bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of Conscience , which they deny others , having the power in their hands . 89. They who suddenly changed the Liturgy into a Directory , seem to have thought that the Spirit needed help for invention , though not for expressions . 90. Matter prescribed doth as much stint and obstruct the Spirit , as if it were clothed in and confined to fit words . 91. This matter of the publick Liturgy is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates , least being convinced by the evidence of Reason , as well as Lawes , they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledg , by taking it away , or to displease some faction of the people , by continuing the use of it . 92. They that use such severity as not to suffer , without penalty , any to use the Common-prayer-book publickly , although their Consciences bind them to it , as a duty of piety to God , and obedience to the Lawes , I believe have offended more considerable men ▪ not only for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious piety , than those are , whose weakness or giddiness they sought to gratifie by taking it away . 93. One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common prayer book , I believe was this , That it taught them to pray so oft for their King to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen , nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches , and even Cursings of Him in their own Forms , instead of praying for Him. ; 94. I wish their R●pentance may be their only punishment , that seeing the mischiess which the disuse of publ●ck Liturgies hath produced , they may restore that credit , use , and reverence to them , which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms if sound and wholesome words . 95. To such as have any jealousie , that the King is earnest and resolute to maintain the Church-Government by Bishops , not so much out of piety as policy and reason of State , this may be said , That He being ( as King ) intrusted by God and the Lawes with the good both of Church and State , there is no reason He should give up , or weaken , by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason He ought to have over both . 96. As the King is not to incline to Bishops for any use to be made of their Votes in State-affairs so neither should He think any Bishops worthy to sit in the House of Peers , who would not vote according to his Conscience . ; 97. The King must in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its right constitution , as a matter of Religion , wherein his judgment is fully satisfied , that it has of all other both the fullest Scripture-grounds , and , until the last Century , the constant practise of all Christian Churches . 98. The King that has no temptation to invite Him to alter the Government of Bishops ( that He may have a title to their Estates ) will not easily believe their pretended grounds to any new wayes , who desire a change . 99. Some there are , who by popular heaps of weak light , and unlearned Teachers , seek to overlay and smother the pregnancy and authority of that power of Episcopal Government , which beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth , both by Scripture , and all after-Histories of the Church . 100. The King should have fair grounds both from Scripture , Canons and Ecclesiastical examples , whereon to state his judgment for Episcopal Government , and not permit any policy of State , or obstinacy of Will , or partiality of Affection either to the Men , or their Function , to fix Him. The Second Century . 1. ALL the Churches in the Christian World , which Presbyterians , or Independants , can pretend to , are by so much fewer than others governed by Bishops , as those in my three Kingdoms will equalize ( I think ) if not exceed . 2. Oppression will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity , which makes all Ministers equal ; and the Independant inferiority , which sets their Pastors below the People . 3. The Britannike Bishops are as legally invested in their Estates , as any who seek to deprive them : and they having by no Law been convicted of those crimes which might forfeit their Estates and Livelihoods , the King , without many personal injustices to many worthy men , can give up neither their Order , nor Revenue . 4. Those Subjects in vain pretend to tenderness of Conscience and Reformation , who can at once tell the King , That his Coronation-Oath binds Him to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Him , though contrary to all the Rational and Religious freedom which every man ought to preserve ; and at the same time perswade Him , That He must , and ought to dispense with , and roundly break , that part of his oath which binds Him ● agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion He hath ) to maintain the Government and Legal Rights of the Church . 5. It were strange , the King's oath should be valid in that part which both Himself and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable , as being against the very natural and essential liberty of their Souls , yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause , wherein He thinks Himself justly obliged both to God and Man. 6. I cannot find that in any Reformed Churches ( whose patterns are so cryed up and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominions ) that either Learning or Religion , works of Piety or Charity , have so flourished , beyond what they have done in my Kingdoms , by God's blessing , which might make Me believe either Presbytery , or Independancy , have a more benign influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives , than Episcopacy in its right constitution . 7. They who take part with the King in a Civil War , have clearly , and undoubtedly , for their Justification , the Word of God , and the Lawes of the Land , together with their own Oathes ; all requiring obedience to his just Commands ; but to none other under Heaven without Him , or against Him , in the point of raising Armes . 8. The King should be well pleased with his Parliaments intentions , to reform what the Indulgence of Times and corruption of Manners may have depraved . 9. The King may be willing to grant , or restore to Presbytery what with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to in a conjuncture with Episcopacy : but , for that wholly to invade the power , and by the Sword to arrogate , and quite abrogate the Authority of Episcopacy , is neither just , as to that ancient Order , nor safe for Presbytery , nor yet any way convenient for this Church or State. 10. The contentions between the Presbyterians and Independants in the Britannike Churches , have been the struglings of those twins which one womb enclosed , the yonger striving to prevail against the elder What the Presbyterians hunted after , the Independants sought , and caught for themselves . ; 11. That the Builders of Babel should from division fall to confusion , is no wonder : but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill Omen , and sounds too like the fury of those Zelots , whose intestine bitterness and divisions , were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that City . 12. The Independants in this seemd more ingenuous than the Presbyterian rigour , who sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to lawes became the greatest exactors of other mens submission to their novel injunctions . 13. The King should alwayes wish so well to Parliament and City , that He should be sorry to see them do , or suffer , any thing unworthy such great and considerable bodies in this Kingdom . 14. When such Bodies become restive and refractory against Soveraignty , the King may be glad to see them scared and humbled , by Tumults or otherwise , but not broken by that shaking ; of whom He should never have so ill a thought , as to despair of their Loyalty to Him , which mistakes may eclipse , but He should never believe Malice can quite put out . 15. When Parliament or City are not only divided , and separated from the King , but brought to intestine confusion within themselves , He should look upon them as Christ did sometime over Jerusalem , as objects of his prayers , and tears , with compassionate grief , as foreseeing those severer scatterings which will certainly befal such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their duty . 16. The best profession of Religion I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England , as coming nearest to Gods Word for Doctrine , and to the Primitive examples for Government , with some little amendment , which I have often offered , though in vain . 17. All the lesser Factions at first were officious servants to Presbytery , their great Master : till time , and military success , discovering to each their peculiar advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniform Religion , pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of profits and preferments , to the breaking and undoing , not only of the Church and State , but even of Presbytery it self , which seemed , and hoped , at first , to have ingrossed all . 18. In the administration of Justice , the settled Lawes of the Britannike Kingdoms are the most excellent rules the King can govern by , which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects industry , liberty and happiness ▪ and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King , who owns his People as Subjects , not as Slaves ; whose subjection , as it preserves their property , peace and safety , so it will never diminish his Rights , nor their ingenuous Liberties , which consist in the injoyment of the fruits of their industry , and the benefit of those Lawes , to which themselves have consented . 19. No Subjects can , without an high degree of guilt , and sin , devest the King of those enjoyments , which the Lawes have assigned to Him. 20. The King , in uncertain times , is to require and entreat the Prince his Son , as his Father , and his King , that He never suffer his heart to receive the least check against , or disaffection from , the true Religion established in the Church of England . 21. After trial , much search , and many disputes , I conclude the Religion of the Church of England to be the best in the World , not only in the Community , as Christian , but also in the special notion , as Reformed , keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious Tyranny , and the meanness of fantastick Anarchy . 22. The drought being excellent , as to the main , both for Doctrine , and Government in the Church of England , some lines ( as in very good figures ) may happily need some sweetning , or polishing , which might have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand , if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude alterations , as would have quite destroyed all the beauty , and proportions of the whole . 23. The King is not to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments , which in their right constitution with Freedom , and Honour , will never injure , or diminish , his greatness , but will rather be as interchangings of love , loyalty , and confidence between a Prince , and his People . 24. The sad effects that have issued from the insolencies of popular dictates , and tumultuary impressions , should make Parliaments more cautious to preserve that Freedom and Honour , which belong to such Assemblies . 25. Nothing can be more happy for all , than in fair , grave , and honourable wayes , to contribute their Councels in Common , enacting all things by publick consent , without Tyranny , or Tumults . 26. After the storm of Civil dissension and War , wherein the folly and wickedness of some men have so far ruined , as to leave nothing intire in Church or State , to the Crown , the Nobility , the Clergy , or the Commons , either as to Lawes , Liberties , Estates , Order , Honour , Conscience or Lives , the yong Prince that succeeds , should be an Anchor , or Harbour rather to the tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms , a Repairer of the ruines by his wisdom , justice , piety , and valour . 27. The King cannot ( in what extremity soever ) suffer any diminution of the Churches patrimony , or alienation of it , it being without paradventure Sacriledg ▪ and likewise contrary to his Coronation-Oath . 28. The Government of the Church , according to its constitution in England , is a chief column , and support , to the Monarchy and Crown . 29. The greatest means to make a Parliament happy is , That the King on his part , and the Members thereof on theirs , lay aside all suspicion one of another . 30. The Navy , and Forts , are the walls and defence of this Kingdom , which if out of Order , all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies , and what disheartning to our Friends . 31. The King can no way consent that the voyces of Bishops in Parliament should be taken away , which they have enjoy'd since , and before , the Conquest , and is one of the fundamental constitutions of this Kingdom . 32. Often Parliaments is the fittest mean to keep correspondency between the King and his People . 33. Neither Queen Elizabeth , nor [ my Father ] King James did ever avow , that any Priest , in their time , was executed meerly for Religion : the inconveniences that by this severity may fall to the King's Subjects , and other Protestants abroad , ought to be considered by any Parliament that presses it . 34. The Parliament that takes the Government all in pieces , must do like a skillfull Watchmaker , to make clean his Watch , who takes it asunder , puts it again together , but leaves not out one pin , if he means to have it go better . 35. The Parliament ought not to wish more , than they can shew the King the way how conveniently it may be done . 36. It is the great expression of Trust the King has in the affections of his Parliament unto Him , when before they do any thing for Him , He puts a confidence in them by his gracious concessions . 37. If any person durst be so impudent as to move the King to alter the Lawes , He ought to put such a mark upon him , as from which all posterity might know his intention was ever to govern by the Law , and no otherwise . 38. That Parliament is not to alledg against the King his deceiving their expectation in the time of his return ( having departed with their consent ) who as much , and more , have deceived Him in the condition , for proceeding in his affairs . 39. When the King sends a Serjeant at Armes to His Parliament ; He may expect obedience , not a message . 40. In cases of Treason , no person hath a priviledg by being a Member of the Parliament . 41. The King should alwayes be as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion , protect , and preserve , the Lawes of the Land , and defend the just priviledg and freedom of Parliaments , as of his Life , or his Crown . 42. When the King calls his Parliament together to be witnesses of his Actions , and privy to his Intentions , it may be certainly believed , He has not the least thought , disagreeing with the happiness , and security of his Kingdom . 43. A loyal Parliaments concurrence with the King , it may be hoped , will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of the whole Kingdom ( who must look upon the Members , as persons naturally , and originally , trusted by and for them ) that it will be above the reach and malice of those , who sometimes have too great an influence upon the People , to discredit the King 's most intire Actions , and sincere Promises , the Members being the best witnesses for the one , and security for the other . 44. When the King , and his Parliament , have both the same ends , there will be no other differences in the way , than what upon debate , and right understanding , will be easily adjusted . 45. Let right Religion ( in which all are most nearly concerned , and , without care of which , they must not look for God's blessing ) be vindicated and preserved ; Let the King's honour , and Rights ( which have an inseparable relation with the Subjects interests ) be vindicated , and if ravish'd from Him , restored ; Let the Subjects Liberties , Properties , Priviledges , ( without which a good man should not desire to be a King ) be secured , and confirmed , and there is nothing the Parliament can advise the King to , wherein He should not meet them , that together they may inform Posterity , how much their trust and confidence in each other , is a better expedient for the Peace and Preservation of the Kingdom , than Fears and Jealousies . 46. During any Session of Parliament , the King may expect ( as most proper for the duty of Subjects ) that Propositions for the remedies of evils ought rather to come to Him , than from Him ; yet such should be his Fatherly care of his People , that He should rather lay by any particular respect of his own dignity , than that any time should be lost for the preventing of those threatning evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament . 47. That the Subjects cannot be obliged to obey an Act , Order , or Injunction of Parliament , to which the King hath not given consent , is the King 's known and unquestionable Priviledg , and , being so , is a Priviledg of the Kingdoms . 48. The Kings power is invested in Him by the Law , and by that only He should desire to maintain it . 49. The King that gives away the Militia , parts with the power of the Sword , entrusted to Him by God , and the Lawes of the Land , for the protection and government of his People , thereby at once devesting Himself , and dis-inheriting his Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown , which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office , and so weakens Monarchy in his Kingdom , that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain . 50. For the abolishing Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. a Britannike Soveraign cannot give his consent , as He is a Christian , and a King. 51. The Britannike Kings have so inseparably woven the right of the Church into the liberties of the rest of the Subjects , as the Government by Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , cannot be abolished . 52. The King cannot consent to the alienation of Church-Lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledg as also , that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors , who have laid a heavy curse upon all such prophane violations . Beside which matter of Conscience , it will be a prejudice to the publick good , many of the Subjects having the benefit of renuing Leases at much easier Rates , than if those possessions were in the hands of private men : Nor is it to be omitted , the discouragement which it will be to all learning and industry , when such eminent rewards shall be taken away , which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons . ; 53. The exercise of mercy should be no more pleasing to the King , than to see both Houses of Parliament consent for his sake , that He should moderate the severity of the Law , in an important case . 54. No Free-born Subject of England can call Life , or any thing he possesseth his own , if Power , without Right , dayly make new , and abrogate the old fundamental Law of the Land. 55. I am confident no learned Lawyer will afirm , that an impeachment can lye against the King , all the Lawes going in his Name , and one of their Maximes being , that The King can do no wrong . 56. The Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A78780-e330 Vid. H. Grot. ad cap. 1. Proverb . Notes for div A78780-e3070 1. Lips . Excerpt ex Comoed. & Tragoed . Graec.