A11701	----	Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as in our Parliament holden at Edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of June, 1633 ... have made one voluntarie and free offer of one taxation ... thirtie shillings ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1633 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11701 STC 21990 ESTC S2321 23272172 ocm 23272172 26483 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11701) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26483) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:23) Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as in our Parliament holden at Edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of June, 1633 ... have made one voluntarie and free offer of one taxation ... thirtie shillings ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. R. Young, [Edinburgh : 1633] Second pt. of title from text. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Given under our signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June, and of our reigne the ninth year, 1633." Reproduction of original in the Town House (Aberdeen, Scotland). Charter Room. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Taxation -- Scotland. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Scotland -- Proclamations. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CHARLES by the Grace of God , King of great Britaine , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To 〈…〉 Messengers , our Sheriffs , in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . Forsomuch as in our Parliament holden at Edinburgh upon the Twentie eighth day of June , 1633. the three Estates of our Kingdome of Scotland being assembled , having taken to their consideration the many blessings which this nation doth enjoy under our most wise , happie , and peaceable government , whereof each Estate is most sensible , our Royall zeale for propagating the Gospel of Jesus Christ , our care for providing sufficient maintenance for the Clergie , our extraordinarie pains taken for uniting the dis-jointed members of this common-wealth , and extirping of all roots of discords , relieving the oppressed , and with so even and fatherly a hand curing the wounds of this common-wealth , as the wisest eye can finde no blemish in the temper of all our royall actions ; and lastly , the great comfort they have by enjoying of our presence , pains taken , and expences disburst by Us in this our journey , Have made one voluntarie and free offer of one taxation to be imposed , collected , and payed to Us in manner and at the six termes following , That is to say , For the Barons and Free-holders partes of the same taxation Thirtie shillings money to be uplifted of everie pound land of old extent within this our kingdome pertaining to Dukes , Marquesses , Earles , Vicounts , Lords , Barons , Free-holders and Fewars of our proper lands , holden by them immediately of Us ▪ and to be payed by them at everie one of the six severall termes following , videlicet , The sowme of thirtie shillings money 〈…〉 feast and terme of Martinmasse in the year of God , 1634. years . The sowme of other thirtie shillings money at the feast and 〈…〉 ●●●●inmasse in the year of God , 1635. The sowme of other thirtie shillings mony at the feast and terme of Martinmasse in th● 〈…〉 1636. The sowme of other thirtie shillings mony at the feast and terme of Martinmasse in the year of God , 1637. The sow●●●● other thirtie shillings mony at the feast and terme of Martinmasse in the year of God , 1638. And the sowme of other thirtie shillings money at the feast and terme of Martinmasse in the year of God , 1639. And for the spirituall men and burrows , partes of the same taxation , that there shall be uplifted of everie Archbishoprick , Bishoprick , Abbacie , Priorie , and other inferiour benefice , and of everie free burgh within this our said Kingdome at everie one of the said six severall termes payment , The just taxation thereof as they have been accustomed to be taxed unto in all time by-gone whensoever the temporall Lands within this our said Kingdome were stented to thirtie shillings the pound land of old extent . And the same taxation to be payed at everie one of the six severall termes above-written . And for inbringing of the 〈…〉 termes payment of our burrowes , parts of the same taxation , Our other letters are direct , charging the provest and bayliffs of each burgh to make payment of the taxt and stent thereof To 〈…〉 Our Co●●●or generall appointed by Us for receiving of the same taxation , or to his deputes and officers in his name , having his power 〈◊〉 the same , at the feast and terme of Martinmasse , in the year of God One thousand six hundred thirtie 〈…〉 years , 〈…〉 of rebellion , and putting of them to our horn . For whose relief 〈…〉 OUR WILL IS , and we charge you straitly and command , That incontinent these our letters seene , ye passe , and in Our name and authoritie command and charge the Councell of that our burgh of 〈…〉 To conveene with you the said Provest and Bayliffs , and elect certain persons to stent their neighbours , And the same election being made , that ye charge the persons elected to accept the charge upon them in setting of the said stent upon the inhabitants of that our said burgh , and to conveene and set the same , and to make a stent roll thereupon as effeiris , within twentie foure houres next after they be charged by you thereto , under the pain of rebellion and putting of them to our horne . And if they failyie therein the said twenty foure houres being by-past , that ye incontinent ▪ thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebels , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . And likewise the said stent roll being made and set down as said is , That ye in our name and authoritie command and charge the burgesses , indwellers and inhabitants within that our burgh , To make payment of their said stent to you our said Provest and Bayliffs conform to the taxt roll to be made and given out thereupon within three daies next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion , and putting of them to our horne . And if they failyie the said three daies being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebells , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . And if need be , that ye our said Provest and Bayliffs poynd and distreinyie therefore , as ye shall think most expedient , according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . The which to doe we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power , By these our letters delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed again to the Bearer . Given under our signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June , and of our Reigne the ninth year , 1633. Per actum Parliamenti . 
A11702	----	Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as in our Parliament holden at Edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of June, 1633 ... have made a free and willing offer of one yearly extraordinarie taxation of the sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1633 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11702 STC 21991 ESTC S2322 23273161 ocm 23273161 26485 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11702) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26485) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:24) Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as in our Parliament holden at Edinburgh upon the twentie eighth day of June, 1633 ... have made a free and willing offer of one yearly extraordinarie taxation of the sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. R. Young, [Edinburgh : 1633] Second pt. of title from text. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Given under our signet at Edinburgh the twentie eighth day of June, and of our reigne the ninth year, 1633." Reproduction of original in the Town House (Aberdeen, Scotland). Charter Room. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Taxation -- Scotland. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Scotland -- Proclamations. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CHARLES by the Grace of God , King of great Britaine , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To 〈…〉 Messengers , our Sheriffs , in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . Forsomuch as in our Parliament holden at Edinburgh upon the Twentie eighth day of June , 1633. the three Estates of our Kingdome of Scotland being assembled , having taken to their consideration the many blessings which this nation doth enjoy under our most wise , happie , and peaceable government , whereof each Estate is most sensible , our Royall zeale for propagating the Gospel of Jesus Christ , our care for providing sufficient maintenance for the Clergie , our extraordinarie pains taken for uniting the dis-jointed members of this common-wealth , and extirping of all roots of discords , relieving the oppressed , and with so even and fatherly a hand curing the wounds of this common-wealth , as the wisest eye can finde no blemish in the temper of all our royall actions ; and lastly , the great comfort they have by enjoying of our presence , pains taken , and expences disburst by Us in this our journey , Have made a free and willing offer of one yearly extraordinarie taxation of the sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents which any person or persons within this our said Kingdome have freely due and payable to them yearly or termly ( their owne annuall rents wherein they are adebted to others being first deduced ) The first termes payment whereof is to be and begin at the feast and terme of Martinmasse in the year of God , 1634. and so forth yearly and termly at Martinmasse and Whitsunday for the space of six years , untill the said six years and twelve termes payment thereof be full and completely out-run . And whereas We and Our Estates have by act of the said Parliament authorised all and sundrie heretable sheriffs , stewards , bayliffs , and bayliffs of regalities , and their deputes , and the Provests and bayliffs of free burrows within the bounds of their jurisdictions , as likewise the clerks within the jurisdictions where these offices are not heretable ( which Clerks have their offices ad vitam ) To collect the said extraordinarie taxation , and to make payment thereof to the Collector generall to be appointed by Us for receiving of the same . Therefore , and for inbringing of the 〈…〉 termes payment of the said extraordinarie taxation , Our other letters are direct , charging all and sundrie heretable sheriffs , stewards , bayliffs , and bayliffs of regalities , their deputes and clerks , and the Provests and bayliffs of free burrows and their clerkes , As likewise the clerkes within the jurisdictions where these offices are not heretable , That they and everie one of them dwelling by North the river of Dee within the space of fifteene daies after the said terme of 〈…〉 in the year of God 163● years , And that they and everie one of them dwelling be south the river of Dee within the space of ten daies after the said terme , deliver to 〈…〉 Our collector generall appointed by Us for receiving the said extraordinarie taxation , A true and justaccompt and inventar of the whole sowmes of money due to be payed by any person within the bound of their jurisdictions for his part of the said extraordinarie taxation , and that they give up the same compt and inventar upon their oathes solemnely sworne that the same are just and true , And that they make payment to our said collector generall , or to his deputes in his name , having his power to receive the same of the whole moneys due to be payed to Us , conforme to the said accompt and inventar for the said 〈…〉 termes payment of the said extraordinarie taxation , within twentie daies after the terme of 〈…〉 in the year of God , One thousand six hundred thirtie 〈…〉 years , under the pain of rebellion and putting of them to our horne . For whose reliefe 〈◊〉 OUR WILL IS , and we charge you straitly and command , That incontinent these our letters seene , ye passe , and in Our name and authoritie command and charge all and sundrie the said annuall-rentars dwelling within that our 〈…〉 To make payment to you our said 〈…〉 and your deputes of the said sixteenth pennie of all annuall rents freely due and payable to them as for the said 〈…〉 termes payment of the said extraordinarie taxation , within twentie daies next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion and putting of them to our horne . And if they failyie the said twentie daies being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebels , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . And if need be , That ye our said 〈…〉 poynd and distrenyie therefore , as ye shall thinke most expedient . According to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . The which to doe we commit to you conjunctly and severally our full power , By these our letters delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the Bearer . Given under our signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June , and of our Reigne the ninth year , 1633. Per actum Parliamenti ▪ 
A11704	----	Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as we and the Estates of our Parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the Colledge of Justice ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1633 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11704 STC 21994 ESTC S2323 23273282 ocm 23273282 26486 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11704) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26486) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:25) Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as we and the Estates of our Parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the Colledge of Justice ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. R. Young, [Edinburgh : 1633] Second pt. of title from text. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Given under our signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June, and of our reigne the ninth year. 1633." Reproduction of original in the Town House (Aberdeen, Scotland). Charter Room. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Taxation -- Scotland. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Scotland -- Proclamations. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms CHARLES by the Grace of God , King of great Britaine , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To our Messengers , our Sheriffs , in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . Forsomuch as we and the Estates of our Parliament presently conveened , remembring that at the first institution of the Colledge of Justice , and divers times thereafter in Parliaments ratifying the same ; Our royall Ancestors and Estates of our Realme then assembled , found the erection of that honourable consistorie , which is a biding monument of the glorie of their reignes , not onlie to be usefull for royall service , but also necessarie and profitable for the peace of this our Kingdome , and to the seene good and comfort of all our Subjects ; And considering that the provision allowed of before to the Lords of Session was no wayes sufficient for defraying of their charges ; And that through their continuall attendance , their private affaires are neglected , and great losses thereby sustained by them : Therefore , and to the effect , the said Senators and Lords of our Session , present and to come , may be more encouaged to go on , and to persist as they do , in their zeale , and affections to our service , and in faithfull ministration of Justice , to the generall weale of this our Realme and our Lieges ; The said Estates , with our speciall approbation , and gracious good-liking , have most freelie condescended , statute , and enacted , that a taxation be presently imposed upon their lands and means , which with our consent foresaid , they ordaine to be collected and payed to the effect , in maner , and at the termes following : That is to say , The Duke , Marquesses , Earles , Vicounts , Lords , and Commissioners of Shires for the temporall Estate , have granted that there shall be vplifted of everie pound land of old extent within this our Kingdome pertaining to Dukes , Marquesses , Earles , Vicounts , Lords , Barons , Freeholders , and Fewers of our proper lands , the summe of ten shillings money at every one of the four tearms following , viz. The summe of ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of Martinmasse next to come in this instant year of God , 1633. The summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of Martinmasse , in anno 1634. The summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of Martinmasse , 1635. And the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearme of Martinmasse , 1636. And for the spirituall men and burrowes parts of the same taxation , that there shall be uplifted of all Archbishoprickes , Bishoprickes , Abbacies , Pryories , and other inferiour benefices , and of every free burgh within this our Kingdome , at every one of the foure tearms abouespecified ; the just taxation thereof , as they have been accustomed to be taxed in all time by-gone , whensoever the temporall Lands of this our Kingdome were stented to tenne shillings the pound land of old extent . And for inbringing the tearms payment of our burrowes parts of the same taxation , Our other letters are direct , charging the Provest , and Bayliffs of each burgh to make payment of the taxt and stent thereof to Collector generall , appointed for receiving of the same taxation , or to his Deputs & Officers in his name , having his power to receive the same , at the feast & tearm of Martinmas , in the year of God one thousand six hundred thirtie years , under the pain of rebellion & putting of them to our horn : For whose reliefe , OUR WILL IS , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our Letters seene , yee passe , and in our name and authoritie command and charge the Councell of that our burgh of to conveene with you the said Provest and Bayliffs , and elect certaine persons to stent their neighbours ; And the same election being made , that ye charge the persons elected to accept the charge upon them , in setting of the said stent upon the inhabitants of that our said burgh : And to conveene and set the same , and to make a stent roll thereupon as effeiris , within twentie foure hours next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion , and putting of them to our horn . And if they failye , the said twentie foure hours being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebels , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use for their contemption . And likewise the said stent roll being made and set downe as said is , That ye in our name and authoritie command and charge the Burgesses , Indwellers , and Inhabitants within that our burgh , to make payment of their said stent to you our said Provest and Bayliffs , Conforme to the taxt roll to be made and given out thereupon , within three dayes next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion , and putting of them to our horne . And if they failye therein , the said three dayes being by-past , that yee incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebells , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use , for their contemption . And if need be , that ye Our said Provest and Bayliffs poynd and distrenyie therefore , as ye shall thinke most expedient , according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . The which to doe , Wee commit to you conjunctly and severally , Our full power , by these Our Letters , delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the Bearer . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June , and of Our reigne the ninth year . 1633. Per actum Parliamenti . 
A11705	----	Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as we and the Estates of our Parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the Colledge of Justice ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1633 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11705 STC 21995 ESTC S2324 23273444 ocm 23273444 26487 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11705) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26487) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:26) Charles by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine ... forsomuch as we and the Estates of our Parliament presently conveened, remembring that at the first institution of the Colledge of Justice ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. R. Young, [Edinburgh : 1633] Second pt. of title from text. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Given under our signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June, and of our reigne the ninth year. 1633." Reproduction of original in the Town House (Aberdeen, Scotland). Charter Room. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Taxation -- Scotland. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Scotland -- Proclamations. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms CHARLES by the Grace of God , King of great Britaine , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To our Messengers , our Sheriffs , in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . Forsomuch as we and the Estates of our Parliament presently conveened , remembring that at the first institution of the Colledge of Justice , and divers times thereafter in Parliaments ratifying the same ; Our royall Ancestors and Estates of our Realme then assembled , found the erection of that honourable consistorie , which is a biding monument of the glorie of their reignes , not onlie to be usefull for royall service , but also necessarie and profitable for the peace of this our Kingdome , and to the seene good and comfort of all our Subjects ; And considering that the provision allowed of before to the Lords of Session was no wayes sufficient for defraying of their charges ; And that through their continuall attendance , their private affaires are neglected , and great losses thereby sustained by them : Therefore , and to the effect , the said Senators and Lords of our Session , present and to come , may be more encouraged to go on , and to persist as they do , in their zeale , and affections to our service , and in faithfull ministration of Justice , to the generall weale of this our Realme and our Lieges ; The said Estates , with our speciall approbation , and gracious good-liking , have most freelie condescended , statute , and enacted , that a taxation be presently imposed upon their lands and means , which with our consent foresaid , they ordaine to be collected and payed to the effect , in maner , and at the termes following : That is to say , The Duke , Marquesses , Earles , Vicounts , Lords , and Commissioners of Shires for the temporall Estate , have granted that there shall be vplifted of everie pound land of old extent within this our Kingdome pertaining to Dukes , Marquesses , Earles , Vicounts , Lords , Barons , Freeholders , and Fewers of our proper lands , the summe of ten shillings mony at every one of the four tearms following , viz. The summe of ten shillings mony at the feast and tearm of Martinmasse next to come in this instant year of God , 1633. The summe of other ten shillings mony at the feast and tearm of Martinmasse , in anno 1634. The summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearm of Martinmasse , 1635. And the summe of other ten shillings money at the feast and tearme of Martinmasse , 1636. And for the spirituall men and burrowes parts of the same taxation , that there shall be uplifted of all Archbishoprickes , Bishoprickes , Abbacies , Pryories , and other inferiour benefices , and of every free burgh within this our Kingdome , at every one of the foure tearms abouespecified ; the just taxation thereof , as they have been accustomed to be taxed in all time by-gone , whensoever the temporall Lands of this our Kingdome were stented to tenne shillings the pound land of old extent . And for inbringing the tearms payment of the taxation of our proper lands , our other letters are direct , charging all and sundry Our Stewards , Bayliffs , Chamberlanes , and Receivers of our proper lands , and their Deputs and Clerks , that they and every one of them , within the bounds of their Offices , raise and uplift the said sum of ten shillings money of every pound land of old extent within the bounds of their jurisdictions , for the sayd tearms payment of the same taxation , And inbring and deliver the same to Collector generall , appointed for receiving of the same taxation , or to his Deputs & Officers in his name , having his power to receive the same , at the said feast & tearm of Martinmas , in the yeare of God one thousand six hundred thirtie years , under the pain of rebellion & putting of them to our horn : For whose reliefe , OUR WILL IS , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these our Letters seene , yee passe , and in our name and authoritie command and charge all and sundry Fewers and Rentallers of that our of personally , or at their dwelling places , and by open proclamation at the Market-crosse of the head burgh of that our if they bee within our said Kingdome ; And if they be without the same , by open proclamation at the Market-crosse of Edinburgh , Peir , and shore of Leith , upon threescore dayes warning , To make payment to you our said your Deputes and Clerkes each one of them for their own parts respective , of the said summe of ten shillings money for everie pound land of old extent pertaining to them , lying within that our said As for their parts of the said termes payment of the same taxation within twentie dayes next after they be charged by you thereto , under the paine of rebellion and putting them to our horne : And if they fayle therein , the said twentie dayes being by-past , that ye incontinent thereafter denounce the disobeyers our rebells , and put them to our horne , and escheat and inbring all their moveable goods to our use , for their contemption . And if need be , that ye Our said your Deputes and Clerks pound and distrinyie the readiest goods and geir being upon their said lands therefore , as ye shall think most expedient , according to justice , as ye will answer to us thereupon . The which to doe , Wee commit to you conjunctly and severally , Our full power by these Our Letters , delivering them by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the Bearer . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh the twentie eight day of June , and of Our reigne the ninth year . 1633. Per actum Parliamenti . 
A11706	----	Charles, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. To our lovits [blank] heraulds messengers, our sheriffs in that part, conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting. Forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders ... Proclamations. 1638-06-28 Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1638 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11706 STC 21996 ESTC S122280 99857432 99857432 23170 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11706) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 23170) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1610:3) Charles, by the grace of God, King of Scotland, England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. To our lovits [blank] heraulds messengers, our sheriffs in that part, conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting. Forsameikle as wee are not ignorant of the great disorders ... Proclamations. 1638-06-28 Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Robert Young, [Edinburgh : 1638] Concerning canons, the service book, etc. Dated at end: Greenwich the twenty eighth day of June .. 1638. Imprint from STC. Arms 221; Steele notation: the so twenty. Reproduction of the original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church and state -- Scotland -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms CHARLES by the grace of God , King of Scotland , England , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith. To our Lovits Heraulds Messengers , our Sheriffs in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . Forsameikle as Wee are not ignorant of the great disorders , which have happened of late within this our ancient Kingdome of Scotland , occasioned , as is pretended , upon the introduction of the Service book , book of Canons , and High Commission , thereby fearing innovation of Religion and Laws . For satisfaction of which fears , we well hoped , that the two proclamations of the eleventh of December , and nineteenth of Februarie , had been abundantly sufficient : Neverthelesse , finding that disorders have daily so increased , that a powerfull rather then perswasive way , might have been justly expected from Us : Yet We out of Our innative indulgence to our people , grieving to see them run themselves so headlong into ruine , are graciously pleased to try , if by a faire way We can reclaime them from their faults , rather then to let them perish in the same . And therefore once for all We have thought fit to declare , and hereby to assure all our good people , that We neither were , are , nor by the Grace of God ever shall be stained with Popish superstition : But by the contrarie , are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Christian Religion already profest within this our ancient Kingdome . And for farther clearing of scruples , We do hereby assure all men , that We will neither now nor hereafter presse the practice of the foresaid Canons and Service book , nor any thing of that nature , but in such a fair and legall way , as shall satisfie all our loving subjects , that We neither intend innovation in Religion or Laws . And to this effect have given order to discharge all Acts of Counsell made thereanent . And for the high Commission , We shall so rectifie it with the help of advice of Our privie Counsell , that it shall never impugne the Laws , nor be a just grievance to Our loyall Subjects . And what is farder fitting to be agitat in generall Assemblies and Parliament , for the good and peace of the Kirk , and peaceable government of the same , in establishing of the Religion presently profest , shall likewaies be taken into Our Royall consideration , in a free Assembly and Parliament , which shall be indicted and called with Our best conveniencie . And We hereby take God to witnesse , that Our true meaning and intention is , not to admit of any innovations either in Religion or Laws , but carefully to maintain the puritie of Religion already profest and established , and no wayes to suffer our Laws to be infringed . And although We cannot be ignorant , that there may be some dis-affected persons who will strive to possesse the hearts of Our good subjects , that this Our gracious declaration is not to be regarded : Yet We do expect that the behaviour of all Our good and loyall subjects will be such , as may give testimonie of their obedience , and how sensible they are of Our grace and favour , that thus passeth over their misdemeanors , and by their future carriage make appeare , that it was only fear of innovation , that hath caused the disorders which have happened of late within this Our ancient Kingdome . And are confident , that they will not suffer themselves to be seduced and mis-led , to misconstrue Us or Our actions , but rest heartily satisfied with Our pious and reall intentions , for maintenance of the true Religion and Laws of this Kingdome . VVherefore We require and heartily wish all Our good people carefully to advert to these dangerous suggestions , and not to permit themselves , blindely under pretext of Religion , to be led in disobedience , and draw on infinitely to Our grief their own ruine , which We have , and still shall strive to save them from , so long as VVe see not royall Authoritie shaken off . And most unwillingly shall make use of that power which God hath endued Us with , for reclaiming of disobedient people . OUR VVILL is herefore , and VVe charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these Our Letters seen , you passe to the market crosse of Our Burgh of Edinburgh , and all other places needfull , and there by open proclamation make publication hereof to all and sundry Our good subjects , where through none pretend ignorance of the same . The which to do , VVe commit to you conjunctly and severally Our full power , by these Our Letters , delivering the same by you duely execute and indorsed again to the Bearer . Given at Our Court of Greenwich the twenty eighth day of June , and of Our Reigne the thirteenth year . 1638. Per Regem . 
A11707	----	Charls by the grace of God, King of Scotland ... for-sa-meikle as we are not ignorant of the great disorders which haue happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of Scotland, occasioned, as is pretended, vpon the introduction of the service booke, booke of canons, and high commission, thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1638 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11707 STC 21997 ESTC S2325 23273560 ocm 23273560 26489 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11707) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26489) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:27) Charls by the grace of God, King of Scotland ... for-sa-meikle as we are not ignorant of the great disorders which haue happened of late within this our ancient kingdome of Scotland, occasioned, as is pretended, vpon the introduction of the service booke, booke of canons, and high commission, thereby fearing innovation of religion and laws ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. E. Raban, [Aberdeen : 1638] Second pt. of title from text. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Given at our court of Greenwich, the twentie eyght day of June, and of our reygne the thirteenth yeare. 1638." Reproduction of original in the Town House (Aberdeen, Scotland). Charter Room. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Scotland -- Church history -- 17th century. Scotland -- Proclamations. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion crown CHARLS , By the Grace of GOD , King of SCOTLAND , ENGLAND , FRANCE , and IRELAND , DEFENDER OF THE FAYTH , To Our Lovits , Heraulds , Messengers , Our Shyreffs , in that part , conjunctlie and severallie , speciallie constitute Greeting . FOR-SA-MEIKLE as We are not ignorant of the Great Disorders , which haue happened of late within this Our ancient Kingdome of SCOTLAND , occasioned , as is pretended , vpon the introduction of the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and High Commission , thereby fearing innovation of Religion and Laws . For satisfaction of which feares , We well hoped , that the two proclamations of the eleventh of December , and nineteenth of Februarie , had beene aboundantlie fufficient : Neverthelesse , finding that disorders haue daylie so increased , that a powerfull rather than perswasiue way , might haue beene justlie expected from Us : Yet Wee out of Our innatiue indulgence to Our People , grieving to see them run themselues so headlong into ruine , are graciouslie pleased to trye , if by a fayre way Wee can reclayme them from their faults , rather than to let them perish in the same . And therefore , once for all , Wee haue thought fit to declare , and hereby to assure all our good people , that We neyther were , are , nor by the Grace of GOD ever shall bee stained with Popish superstition : But by the contrarie , are resolved to maintaine the true Protestant Christian Religion alreadie profest within this Our ancient Kingdome . And for farther clearing of scruples , Wee doe heereby assure all men , that Wee will neither now nor heereafter presse the practice of the foresayde Canons and Service Booke , nor anie thing of that nature , but in such a faire and legall way , as shall satisfie all Our loving subjects , that wee neyther intende innovation in Religion or Laws . And to this effect haue given order , to discharge all Acts of Counsell made thereanent . And for the high Commission , We shall so rectifie it with the helpe of advice of our privie Counsell , that it shall never impugne the Lawes , nor bee a just grievance to Our loyall Subjects . And what is farder fitting to be agitate in generall Assemblies and Parliament , for the good and peace of the Kirke , and peaceable government of the same , in establishing of the Religion presently profest , shall likewise be taken into Our Royal consideration , in a free assemblie & Parliament , which shall be indicted & called with Our best conveniencie . And We hereby take GOD to witnesse , that Our true meaning and intention is , not to admit of anie innovations eyther in Religion or Lawes , but carefullie to mayntayne the puritie of Religion alreadie profest and established , and nowayes to suffer Our Lawes to be infrindged . And although We cannot bee ignorant , that there may be some disaffected persons , who will stryue to possesse the hearts of Our good Subjects , that this Our Gracious Declaration is not to be regarded : Yet We doe expect , that the behaviour of all our good and loyall Subjects will be such , as may giue testimonie of their obedience , and how sensible they are of Our Grace and Favour , that thus passeth over their misdemeanors ; and , by their future carriage , make appeare , That it was onlie feare of INNOVATION , that hath caused the disorders which haue happened of late within this Our ancient Kingdome : And are confident , That they will not suffer themselues to bee seduced , and missled , to misconstrue Us , or OUr Actions ; but rest heartilie satisfied with Our pious and reall Intentions , for mayntenance of the TRVE RELIGION , and LAWES of this KINGDOME . WHEREFORE , Wee requyre , and heartilie wish all Our good People , carefullie to advert to these dangerous Suggestions ; and not to permit themselues , blindlie , vnder pretext of Religion , to be led in disobedience , and draw on , infinitelie to Our griefe , their owne ruine ; which Wee haue , and still shall stryue , to saue them from , so long as We see not Royall Authoritie shaken off : And most vnwillinglie shall make vse of that Power which GOD hath endewed Us with , for reclayming of disobedient People . OUR WILL is herefore , and We charge you straytlie , and command , That incontinent these Our Letters seene , you passe to the Market-crosse of Our Burgh of EDINBVRGH , and all other places needfull ; And there , by open Proclamation , make publication hereof , to all and sundrie Our good Subjects , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . The which to doe , Wee commit to you conjunctlie and severallie , Our full Power , by these Our Letters ; delivering the same , by you duelie executed and indorced , agayne to the bearer . Given at Our Court of GREENWICH , the twentie eyght day of June , and of Our Reygne the thirteenth yeare . 1638. Per Regem . 
A11710	----	Charles by the grace of God, King of Scotland ... forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which we have had of the good and peace of this our ancient and native kingdome ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1638 Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A11710 STC 21999 ESTC S123150 23273816 ocm 23273816 26490 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A11710) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26490) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1803:28) Charles by the grace of God, King of Scotland ... forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which we have had of the good and peace of this our ancient and native kingdome ... Scotland. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Robert Young ..., Imprinted at Edinburgh : [1638] Second pt. of title from text. Date of imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Cum priuilegio." "Given under our signet at Glasgow the 29 of November, and of our reigne the fourteenth year. 1638." Dissolves the General Assembly. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Scotland -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. Scotland -- Proclamations. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Royal coat of arms CHARLES by the grace of God , King of Scotland , England , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith. To our Lovits Heraulds , pursevants , our sheriffs in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . Forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which we have had of the good and peace of this our ancient and native kingdome , having taken to our serious consideration all such things as might have given contentment to our good and loyall subjects : and to this end had discharged by our proclamation the service book , book of canons , and high commission , freed and liberate all men from the practising of the five articles , made all our subjects both ecclesiasticall and civill lyable to the censure of Parliament , generall Assembly , or any other judicatorie competent , according to the nature and qualitie of the offence : and for the free entrie of ministers , that no other oath be administrate unto them then that which is contained in the act of parliament : had declared all by-gone disorders absolutely forgotten and forgiven : and for the more full and cleare extirpating all ground and occasion of fears of innovation of religion , we had commanded the confession of faith , and band for maintenance thereof , and of authoritie in defence of the same , subscribed by our deare Father , and his houshold , in anno 1580. to be renued and subscribed again by our subjects here : Like as for settling of a perfect peace in the church and common-wealth of this kingdome , we caused indict a free generall assembly to be holden at Glasgow the xxi . of this instant , and thereafter a parliament in May , 1639. By which clement dealing , we looked assuredly to have reduced our subjects to their former quiet behaviour and dutifull carriage , whereto they are bound by the word of God , and laws both nationall and municipall , to us their native and soveraigne prince . And albeit the wished effects did not follow , but by the contrary , by our so gracious procedure they were rather emboldened , not only to continue in their stubborne and unlawfull wayes , but also daily adde to their former procedures acts of neglect , and contempt of authoritie , as evidently appeared by open opposing of our just and religious pleasure and command , exprest in our last proclamation anent the discharge of the service book , book of canons , high commission , &c. protesting against the same , and striving by many indirect meanes to withdraw the hearts of our good people , not only from a hearty acknowledgement of our gracious dealing with them , but also from the due obedience to those our just and religious commands , notwithstanding we had been formerly so oft petitioned by themselves for the same . By their daily and hourely guarding and watching about our Castle of Edinburgh , suffering nothing to be imported therein , but at their discretion , And openly stopping and impeding any importation of ammunition , or other necessaries whatsoever to any other of our houses within that kingdome : Denying to us their soveraigne Lord that libertie and freedome , which the meanest of them assume to themselves ( an act without precedent or example in the Christian world ) By making of convocations and councell tables of Nobilitie , Gentrie , Burrows and Ministers within the city of Edinburgh , where not regarding the lawes of the kingdome , they without warrant of authoritie conveene , assemble , and treat upon matters , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , send their injunctions and directions throughout the countrey to their subordinate tables , and other under ministers appointed by them for that effect . And under colour and pretext of religion exercing an unwarranted and unbounded libertie , require obedience to their illegall and unlawfull procedures and directions , to the great and seen prejudice of authoritie , and lawfull monarchicall government . And notwithstanding it was evidently manifest by the illegall and unformall course taken in the election of their commissioners for the assembly , whereof some are under the censure of this church , some under the censure of the church of Ireland , and some long since banished for open and avowed teaching against monarchie , others of them suspended , and some admitted to the ministerie contrary to the forme prescribed by the lawes of this kingdome , others of them a long time since denounced rebels , and put to the horne , who by all law and unviolable custome and practique of this kingdome , are , and ever have been incapable , either to pursue , or defend before any judicatorie , far lesse to be judges themselves ; some of them confined , and all of them by oath and subscription bound to the overthrow of episcopacie . And by this and other their under-hand working , and private informations and perswasions , have given just ground of suspicion of their partialitie herein , and so made themselves unfit judges of what concerneth episcopacie . And al 's it was sufficiently cleared by the peremptorie and illegall procedures of the presbyteries , who at their own hand by order of law , and without due forme of processe , thrust out the moderators lawfully established , and placed others , whom they found most inclinable to their turbulent humors , associate to themselves for the choosing of the said commissioners for the assembly , a laick elder out of each paroch , who being in most places equall , if not moe in number then the ministerie , made choice both of the ministers , who should be commissioners from the presbyteries , as also of a ruling elder , being directed more therein by the warrants from the foresaid pretended tables , then by their own judgements , as appears by the severall private instructions sent from them , far contrary to the lawes of the countrey , and lowable custome of the church : by which doings it is too manifest , that no calme nor peaceable procedure or course could have been expected from this assembly , for settling of the present disorders and distractions . Yet we were pleased herein in some sort to blinde-fold our own judgement , and over-look the saids disorders , and patiently to attend the meeting of the said assembly , still hoping that when they were met together , by our Commissioner his presence , and assistance of such other well disposed subjects who were to be there , and by their own seeing the reall performance of all that was promised by our last proclamation , they should have been induced to return to their due obedience of subjects : But perceiving that their seditious disposition still increases , by their repairing to the said assembly with great bands and troupes of men , all boddin in fear of warre , with guns and pistolets , contrary to the lawes of this kingdome , custome observed in all assemblies , and in high contempt of our last proclamation at Edinburgh the xvi . of this instant : as also by their peremptory refusing of our assessors , authorized by us ( although fewer in number then our dearest father was in use to have at divers assemblies ) the power of voting in this assembly , as formerly they have done in other assemblies ; and by their partiall , unjust and unchristian refusing , and not suffering to be read the reasons and arguments given in by the Bishops , and their adherents to our Commissioner , why the assembly ought not to proceed to the election of a moderator without them , neither yet to the admitting of any of the commissioners of the saids commissioners from presbyteries , before they were heard object against the same , though earnestly required by our Commissioner in our name . And notwithstanding that our Commissioner under his hand , by warrant from us , gave in a sufficient declaration of all that was contained in our late proclamation and declaration , the same bearing likewise our pleasure of the registration of the same in the books of assembly for the full assurance of the true religion to all our good subjects ; And yet not resting satisfied therewith , lest the continuance of their meeting together might produce other the like dangerous acts , derogatorie to royall authoritie , we have thought good , for preveening thereof , and for the whole causes and reasons above-mentioned , and divers others importing the true monarchicall government of this estate , to dissolve and break up the said assembly . And therefore OUR WILL is , and we do discharge and inhibit all and whatsoever pretended commissioners , and other members of the said pretended assembly , of all further meeting and conveening , treating and concluding any thing belonging to the said assembly , under the pain of treason , declaring all and whatsoever that they shall happen to do in any pretended meeting thereafter , to be null , of no strength , force nor effect , with all that may follow thereupon : Prohibiting and discharging all our lieges to give obedience thereto , and declaring them , and every one of them , free and exempt from the same , and of all hazzard that may ensue for not obeying thereof . And for this effect we command and charge all the foresaids pretended commissioners , and other members of the said assembly , to depart forth of this city of Glasgow within the space of xxiiii ▪ houres after the publication hereof , and to repair home to their own houses , or that they go about their own private affaires in a quiet manner . With speciall provision alwaies , that the foresaid declaration , given in under our Commissioners hand , with all therein contained , shall notwithstanding hereof stand full , firme and sure to all our good subjects in all time coming , for the full assurance to them of the true religion . And our will is , and we command and charge , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye passe , and make publication hereof by open proclamation at the market crosse of Glasgow , and other places needfull , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . Given under our signet at Glasgow the 29. of November , and of our reigne the fourteenth year . 1638. Sic subscribitur HAMMILTOVN , Traquaire , Roxburgh Murray , Linlithgow , Perth , Kingorne , Tullibardin , Hadintoun , Galloway , Annandaill , Lauderdaill , Kinnoull , Dumfreis , Southesk , Belheaven , Angus , Dalyell , J. Hay , W. Elphinstoun , Ja. Carmichael , J. Hammiltoun . Imprinted at Edinburgh by ROBERT YOUNG , printer to the Kings most excellent MAJESTIE . CVM PRIVILEGIO . 
A21080	----	By the King, a declaration of orders made by the gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading to the East Indies concerning priuate trade, to, in, or from the said Indies, ratified and allowed by the King, and by His Maiesties consent may bee printed for the better publication thereof. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1628 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A21080 STC 7446.5 ESTC S359 22303673 ocm 22303673 25370 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A21080) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 25370) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1751:15) By the King, a declaration of orders made by the gouernour and Company of Merchants of London, trading to the East Indies concerning priuate trade, to, in, or from the said Indies, ratified and allowed by the King, and by His Maiesties consent may bee printed for the better publication thereof. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Bonham Norton, and Iohn Bill ..., Imprinted at London : [1628] "Dated the 20th of March, 1627, in the East India house, London." Date of publication suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Restricts private trade by company employees. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng East India Company. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2007-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-08 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT . royal coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Declaration of Orders made by the Gouernour and Company of Merchants of London , trading to the East Indies , concerning priuate trade , to , in , or from the said Indies , ratified and allowed by the King ; And by His Maiesties consent may bee Printed for the better publication thereof . WHereas vpon the humble complaint of the Gouernour , and Company of Merchants of London , trading to the East Indies , It hath pleased His Maiestie by His Royall Proclamation , straitly to prohibite all priuate , or vnderhand Trading , either to , in , or from the said Indies , otherwise then shall be allowed and licensed by the said Company , for the important causes and reasons therein at large expressed , and vnto which in all occasions , relation must and may be had . The said Gouernour and Company , for the better encouragement of all such persons as now are , or hereafter shall be employed by them in their Ships and Voyages , as Commanders , Factors , Captaines , Masters , Officers , Mariners , or Souldiers , and notwithstanding the extraordinary great Wages , which they are accustomed to pay in their imployments , the sayd Company is also content , and doth hereby declare , and giue licence vnto all , and euery person or persons aforesaid , to aduenture and trade for their proper and priuate Accompts , either to , in , or from the said Indies , vpon Shippe or Shippes , wherein they or any of them are , or shall be personally imployed in such Wares and Merchandize onely , as here vnder are expressed , both for the quantitie and quality of the same . ¶ And first the Wares or Merchandize which are ( as aforesaid ) to be exported in the Companies Ships , to the East Indies , are as followeth . 1 Perpetuanoes , drapery . 2 Pewter . 3 Saffron . 4 Woollen Stockins . 5 Worsted Stockins . 6 Silke Stockins . 7 Silke garters , and Ribband Roses edged with gold lace . 8 Beaues Hats , with gold and siluer Bands . 9 Felt Hats . 10 Aquauitae , and all other sorts of strong waters . 11 Kniues of all sorts . 12 Spanish leather shoes . 13 Iron . 14 Looking-glasses . ¶ The Wares which are licenced as aforesaid , to be brought into England , in the Companies Shippes from the East Indies , are as followeth . 1 Long Pepper . 2 White Pepper . 3 White powdred Sugar . 4 Preserued Nutmegs . 5 Preserued Ginger . 6 Preserued Mirabilons . 7 Beezer stones . 8 Cotton yarne . 9 Drugs of all sorts . 10 Aggat beades . 11 Blood ▪ stones . 12 Muske . 13 Alloes Soccatrina . 14 Ambergreece . 15 Rich Carpets of Persia and Cambaia . 16 Quilts of Satten , and of Taffaty , and of painted Callicoes . 17 Beniamin . 18 Damaskes of China . 19 Sattens of China . 20 Taffaties of China . 21 Quilts of China imbrodered with gold . 22 Quilts of Petania imbrodered with silke . 23 Galls . 24 Wormeseeds . 25 Sugar Candie . 26 China dishes , or Purslaines of all sorts . But for Cloth , Kersies , Lead , Tinne , and all other Wares whatsoeuer , not mentioned , as aboue written , either Natiue or Forreigne , seruing for the Voyages , into the sayd Indies , or for the relading of the sayd Shippes from thence into Europe , they are wholly reserued to the onely vse , accompt , and aduenture of the said Company . And it is further declared , that each particular man imployed in the Voyage , as afore written , may lade and aduenture , for his owne priuate and proper accompt , in the Wares and Merchandize afore written , and not otherwise , so much onely as can be packed in one Chest of foure foote long , one foote and a halfe broad , and one foote and a halfe deepe , and to the Commanders , Factors , Captaines , Masters , Pursers , and Masters Mates of euery Shippe , is granted a double proportion , that is to say , two Chests of the said length , depth , and breadth , vpon such conditions , for the lading and vnlading of all the said Goods in the places appointed , as are contained in the said Proclamation . And the said Companie doe further promise , that they will not demand , or take any Freight for the Merchandize which shall be laden or reladen in their Shippes , as afore written , but will freely giue and bestow the same , to each particular man in their proportions , although it will amount to a great summe of Money in euery Voyage of this nature , where the Freight cannot be valued lesse then forty pounds sterling for euery Tonne . Lastly , the said Company doe in like manner grant and licence the sayd proportion of priuate Trading , and no more , to each particular man , as aforesayd , from Port to Port in the East Indies , in whatsoeuer kinde of Merchandize , excepting onely those sorts of Commodities , which at any time hereafter shall be laden for the Accompt of the sayd Company in the same Shippes , where any such priuate Trade shall bee permitted , after Warrant first obtained vnder hand writing , from the Presidents , or other chiefe Factors , which mannage the Affaires of the sayd Company , in the respectiue places of the East Indies , that so all may bee done and performed according to the tenor and true meaning of these Orders , declared and published in the House of the said Company here in London , and in other conuenient places , and sent likewise vnto all their Factories in the East Indies , together with His Maiesties sayd Proclamation to preuent ignorance in any person or persons to whom it may or shall appertaine . Dated the 20 th of March , 1627. in the East India house , London . ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton , and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . 
A22349	----	By the King a proclamation signifying His Maiesties pleasure, that all men being in office of government, at the decease of his most deare, and most royall father, King Iames, shall so continue, till His Maiesties further direction. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22349 STC 8761 ESTC S3507 33150361 ocm 33150361 28566 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22349) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28566) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:24) By the King a proclamation signifying His Maiesties pleasure, that all men being in office of government, at the decease of his most deare, and most royall father, King Iames, shall so continue, till His Maiesties further direction. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M. DC. XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Sheet 2, line 1 of text ends "in". "Giuen His Maiesties Court at S. Iames, the eight and twentieth day of March, in the first yeere of His Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- Officials and employees. Great Britain -- Court and courtiers. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2003-06 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. ¶ A Proclamation signifying his Maiesties pleasure , That all men being in Office of gouernment , at the decease of his most deare , and most royall Father King Iames , shall so continue , till his Maiesties further direction . FOrasmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God , lately to call vnto his infinite mercy , the most High and Mighty Prince , King Iames , of most blessed memory , the Kings maiesties most deare and entirely beloued Father , by whose decease , the authority and power of the most part of the offices and places of Iurisdiction , and gouernment within this Realme , and in the Realme of Ireland , did cease and faile , the Soueraigne person failing , from whom the same were deriued ; And thereupon , through doubtfulnesse , or want of authority , in such persons , as were inuested in the said offices and places , the setled and ordinary course of Iustice , and of the affaires of State , ( if remedy bee not prouided ) might receiue disturbance , and preiudice , by discontinuance , and interruption ; The Kings most excellent Maiestie , in his Princely wisedome , and care of the State , ( reseruing to his owne iudgement heareafter , the reformation and redresse of any abuses in misgouernment , vpon due knowledge and examination thereof , ) is pleased , and hath so expresly signified , that all persons that at the time of the decease of the late King , his dearely beloued Father , were duely and lawfully possessed of , or inuested in any office , or place of authority , or gouernement , either Ciuell , or Martiall , within this Realme of England , or in the Realme of Ireland , or in any other his Maiesties Dominions belonging thereunto ; And namely , all Presidents , Lieuetenants , Uicepresidents , Iudges , Iustices , Sheriffes , deputy Lieuetenants , Commissioners of Musters , Iustices of peace , and all others in place of gouernment , either meaner , or superior , as aforesaid ; And all other officers and ministers , whose interests and estates in their offices are determined , or ceased by the meanes afore mentioned , shall be , and shall hold themselues continued in the said places and offices , as formerly they held and enioyed the same , vntill his Maiesties pleasure be further knowen . And that in the meane while , for the preseruation of the peace , and necessary proceedings in matters of iustice , and for the safety and seruice of the State , all the said persons , of whatsoeuer degree or condition , may not faile , euery one seuerally , according to his place , office , or charge , to proceede in the performance and execution of all duties thereunto belonging , as formerly appertained vnto them , and euery of them , while the late Kings Maiestie was liuing . And further , His Maiestie doth hereby will and command all and singuler His Highnesse Subiects , of what estate , dignitie or degree , they , or any of them be , to be ayding , helping , assisting , and at the commandement of the said officers and ministers , in the performance , and execution of the said offices and places , as they , and euery of them , tender his Maiesties pleasure , and will answere for the contrary , at their vttermost perils . And further , His Maiesties will , and pleasure , and expresse commandement is , That all orders and directions made , or giuen by the Lords of the Priuie Counsell of the late King , in his life time , shall be obeyed ; and performed by all , and euery person and persons , and all , and euery thing , and things to be done thereupon , shall proceede as fully and amply , as the same should haue beene obeyed or done , in the life of the said late King , His Maiesties most deare and entirely beloued Father . Giuen at His Maiesties Court at S. Iames , the eight and twentieth day of March , in the first yeere of His Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXV . 
A22350	----	By the King a proclamation for better furnishing the nauy, and shipping of the realme, with able and skilfull mariners. England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) 1625 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-07 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22350 STC 8762 ESTC S122658 33149971 ocm 33149971 28509 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22350) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28509) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:25) By the King a proclamation for better furnishing the nauy, and shipping of the realme, with able and skilfull mariners. England and Wales. Sovereign (1603-1625 : James I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Sheet 1 line 1 of text ends "Iames"; sheet 2, line 7 ends "entertaine". "Giuen at Our Court at Saint Iames, the one and thirtieth day of March, in the first yeere Our Reigne of Great Britain, France, and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Royal Navy. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1603-1625. Great Britain -- History -- James I, 1603-1625. 2003-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for better furnishing the Nauy , and Shipping of the Realme , with able and skilfull Mariners . WHereas the most Excellent , High and Mighty Prince , King Iames , of most noble and blessed memorie , Our most deare and royall Father , out of his princely and prouident care of the safety and honour of His Kingdomes and people , and for the continuance and maintaining of the Nauigation of this Realme , and to the intent that skilfull Mariners , and Sea-faring men might be alwaies in readinesse , to furnish , as well His owne Royall Nauie , as the shipping of His louing subiects , did by Proclamation , dated the sixth day of August , in the twentieth yeere of His Raigne , straitly inhibite and forbid , That no Mariner , or Sea faring man , Ship-wright , or Ship-carpenter whatsoeuer , beeing His subiect , should , without expresse licence of Himselfe , or His Admirall of England , enter or attempt , or goe about to enter into the seruice of any forraine Prince , or State , or be employed out of this Realme , in any seruice whatsoeuer , vnlesse it were in the seruice of the said late King , Our most deare Father , or of some of His liege subiects : And did afterwards by a later Proclamation , dated the seuen and twentieth day of February then following , further straitly charge and command . That no Mariner , or Sea faring man should absent , hide , or withdraw himselfe from His late Maiesties seruice or prests , and that all such persons hauing prest-money giuen , or tendered vnto them , should duetifully , and reuerently receiue the same , and repaire aboard the ships appointed , and continue in that seruice , as to the duty of good subiects appertained , and not withdraw themselues , or depart there-from , without speciall licence : And did lately by another Proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of this instant moneth of March , likewise straitly inhibite and forbid . That no Owner or Master of any ship or vessell , nor any other , setting foorth any vessels of Trade , fishing , or otherwise , should hire , or entertaine any Mariner , or Sea-faring man , knowing him to haue offended against either of the said Proclamations : and if such Owner , or other person not knowing of the said offences , should hire or entertaine any such offender or offenders , did will and command , That foorthwith , vpon notice of any the sayd offences , they should deliuer such offenders ouer vnto the next Iustice of Peace , Maior , Bailiffe , Constable , or other Officer , to be imprisoned , vntill the sayd offenders should giue sufficient bond and caution , for their foorth-comming and appearance , in such Court , or place of Iustice , vnto which it might appertaine , to haue them proceeded against and punished , according to their demerits , and withall , that the sayd Masters , Owners , and other persons , should forbeare to pay to the sayd offenders any wages . And did further thereby straitly charge and command all Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Bayliffes , Constables , Customers , Comptrollers , searchers , and officers , aswell of the Admiralty , as of the Ports , and also all and euery person and persons , to whom any Commission , Deputation , or Letters of Assistance should be directed , for the presting of Mariners , and Seafaring men for publique seruice , that they should from time to time vse all possible diligence , and indeauour , to apprehend , and cause to bee apprehended , aswell all such Mariners and Sea-faring men , offending , as aforesaid , as also all such Owners , Masters , and others , as should entertaine or hire them , or pay them any wages , or otherwise helpe them to escape the hands of Iustice ; and such as they should apprehend , they should , with Certificate of their names and offences , binde ouer to appeare before the Commissioners of His Maiesties Nauie , in London , to be by them committed , and deliuered ouer to the ordinary course of Iustice , either in the Court of Starre-chamber , or of the Admiralty , or otherwise , as the quality of the offence should require , with speciall charge and commandement to all Prest masters , and their Assistants , that they should publish the names of all such , as should bee prested by them in the Ports where they should be taken , as also deliuer a note of their names to the officers of the Ports , and others who were fittest to discouer them , if they should faile in the performance of their duties , As in and by the said seuerall Proclamations more at large appeareth . Now we , hauing taken the premisses into Our Princely consideration , and aduised seriously thereof with Our Priuy Councell , finding how necessary it is , both for the safety and honour of this Our Kingdome and State , That all the seuerall Proclamations before mentioned should bee put in due execution , for preuenting and suppressing the manifold abuses , contempts , and neglects heretofore committed in seruices of so weighty consequence ▪ Doe hereby straitly charge and command , that all the said Proclamations , and euery branch and article therein conteined , bee continued at all times hereafter , and be from time to time hereafter carefully obserued , and put in exact execution , as fully , and effectually , as the same should , or might haue bene in the life time of Our said deare Father , vpon the paines and penalties specified in the said Proclamations , and such further punishments , as by Our Lawes or Prerogatiue Royall may be inflicted vpon the offenders : Letting all Our louing Subiects hereby know , That , as Our said most deare and Royal Father , in the publishing of the last of the said Proclamations , had a gracious eye vnto the special seruice then intended , and to be now shortly performed ; So we rest assured , that none of Our said Subiects in the aduancement thereof ( so much concerning the safety of Our Kingdomes and Our Imperiall Crowne and Dignity ) wil be wanting to doe their vttermost in making Us such a supply , as may giue testimony of their extraordinary care , faithfulnes , and dutifull affection towards Us , who had much rather haue cause to expresse Our gracious acceptance thereof at their hands , then be enforced to any other course , which the necessity and importance of Our seruice will otherwise require . Giuen at Our Court at Saint Iames , the one and thirtieth day of March , in the first yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXV . 
A18907	----	Tvvo royall entertainments, lately giuen to the most illustrious Prince Charles, Prince of Great Britaine, by the high and mighty Philip the fourth King of Spaine, &c. At the feasts of Easter and Pentecost. Translated out of the Spanish originals printed at Madrid. A doña Vitoria Colona. English Almansa y Mendoza, Andres, 17th cent. 1623 Approx. 44 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 22 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A18907 STC 533 ESTC S104392 99840130 99840130 4602 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A18907) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 4602) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 819:01) Tvvo royall entertainments, lately giuen to the most illustrious Prince Charles, Prince of Great Britaine, by the high and mighty Philip the fourth King of Spaine, &c. At the feasts of Easter and Pentecost. Translated out of the Spanish originals printed at Madrid. A doña Vitoria Colona. English Almansa y Mendoza, Andres, 17th cent. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Almansa y Mendoza, Andres, 17th cent. A la villa de Madrid cabeza del mundo. English. aut [2], 26, 23-37, [1] p. Printed [by John Haviland] for Nathaniel Butter, and are to be sold at the Pide Bull neere Saint Austins Gate, London : 1623. Dedication signed: Andres de Mendoza. A translation of "A doña Vitoria Colona" and "A la villa de Madrid cabeza del mundo". Printer's name from STC. Reproduction of the original in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Bullfights -- Spain -- Madrid -- Early works to 1800. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO ROYALL Entertainments , LATELY GIVEN TO THE MOST ILLVSTRIOVS PRINCE CHARLES , Prince of Great Britaine , by the High and Mighty PHILIP the fourth King of Spaine , &c. At the Feasts of Easter and Pentecost . Translated out of the Spanish originals Printed at MADRID . LONDON , Printed for Nathaniel Butter , and are to be sold at the Pide Bull neere Saint Austins Gate , 1623. TO THE LADIE VICTORIA COLONNA , DVCHESSE OF MEDINA RIOSECO , my Honourable Lady , whom God preserue . THe retired life which your Excellency obserues , beseeming your Widow-hood , the Mirror and President of this Court , permitted you not to view the Maske of my Lord Admirall : the solemnity thereof will not suffer me to passe it ouer in obliuion , nor the many fauours I haue receiued from your Excellency , allow mee , to forbeare the offering of it in writing vnto you by way of description . Your Seruant , Andres de Mendoza . INtellect , or vnderstanding participating so neerely with the Deitie , it cannot be shut vp vnder locke and key , especially in capacious mindes and Iudgements , for as a fit obiect occurs , men beat against that iron with the flint , and then of necessitie it must needs sparkle , and yeeld fire . I haue alwaies beene of this opinion , that the reputation of a wise man , ties him to more demerit , than an other ordinary man of repute , for the better satisfaction herein of generall expectation . And so in like manner one that writeth of all actions in generall , hee hath neede of the greater sufficiency , to obtaine applause and liking ; because as men are different in their apprehensions , so are they in their humors and approbations , as also besides , it is somewhat too curious to present them euery day with new inuentions . There is now both a conueniency and necessity to present to publique the Maske , with which the Lord Admirall of Castile and Leon honoured their Maiesties , in celebrating the arriuall of the most renowned Prince of England in these kingdomes , whom their Maiesties , for as many principall causes , as most important reasons , doe honour and festiuate . A royall festiuity no doubt , both to them to whom it was dedicated , and to those who celebrated the same , hee being more deepely tied and bound vnto this , than if other Lords should festiuate and entertaine their owne Prince , because they are extracted of his bloud ( being the Basis and foundation of all Nobility ) in that both the same reason concurs with the Admirall , besides the greatest confluence in this , of all the principall States and Princes of Europe , a reason that may some waies excuse my rude penne , in that the Admirall hath made good in reall action , the meere fictions of Turpine , and Ariosto ; if it be vnderualued for the breuity , it may be exalted in the acceptance , because as the Prince of Philosophers affirmed , Historie is the true touchstone of men , and forgetfulnesse of a benefit is the last and black censure of ingratefull men . The many benefits wherein ( besides my naturall affection ) I stand bound to this great Prince , may excuse me , let all rare spirits admit of this so good a reason , raised from such an heroicall foundation . On Sunday being Easter day , a solemne day in all respects , which the Admirall made very good choise of , because as much time must be allowed for sacred , as for prophane exercises : The Queenes Maiesty , clothed in white , a colour of exhilaration and gladnesse , which the Church obserueth for the Annuali remembrance of the resurrection of her deare Spouse , set out with rare iewels , and precious stones , ( whereof she hath store , and the present occasion , gaue her cause to make shew of them ) dined in publike . The Gallants of the Court tooke their place with the Ladies , and the dinner drew out somewhat late , because their Maiesties went before to the Chappell to solemnize the Feast . For neither their festiuities , nor their yeeres apt to take delight in them , can draw them to omit their religious zeale ; it being the principall respect of this Monarchy , as it also hath beene of all other ages ; for the zeale of Numa wrought greater effects in the Roman Monarchy , than the valour of Romulus . The Prince in like manner dined in publique , attended with the assistance and care of the Conde de Puebla , as Master of the feast , a valiant vnderstanding Gentleman , and Mayor domo , or Lord Steward of the Court. The Gentlemen tasters attended , and the Earle of Bristow ministred vnto him the towell . The King came out to euening prayer , and then there went for his Highnesse , the resplendent and noble troupe of all the honourable of these kingdomes , and other strange Nobility , which are now heere in great number : then followed the Mayor domos , with their Officiall staues , and all the Grandes , the traine finishing in the Duke of Infantado : whose hoarie haires , when the Sunne of his youth had passed the Zenith of his more flourishing age , entred into the siluer Spheare of Cynthia , to illustrate the world with his countenance . The King was placed , and the Prince on his right hand , his Maiesty clothed in Ashe colour : with a great golden fleece , and a chaine baudrick wise , which might haue bard in the Colossian Port of Rhodes , ( I tooke this chaine to bee of many Crownes linked , by foure in a knot , cemented together with greene and blacke Emerald ) and if the French say true in this , that euery action of a King is Royall , these foure Crownes linked together , and hanging at his Maiesties breast , shall be so many kingdomes . In his hat , his girdle , and for other Iewels of Diamonds , he diminished the glory of Phoebus beames ; wearing in his hat a large wauing and aiery Plume . The Prince was in blacke , richly garded after the Spanish fashion , with the George about his necke , hanging by a watchet riban . The enameld garter , exceeded that colour in brightnesse , and his Maiesty might as clearely be discernd , as a Sunne a midst the Stars , this not being the meanest action and remonstrance of his prudence , that being a trauelling guest who came by Post , not being able at the instant , to shine with equall lustre , he came to participate of the Spanish Sunne . Immediatly after came the English Admirall , and Oliuares , both Masters of the horse , The Counsell of Estate , the Embassadors of Princes , and the Chamber of the Citie , great in number , but greater in bloud and discent . Being come to the Queenes quarter , which was all hung with Tapistrie of Tunys , and Petrarckes triumphs , set forth in embroyderie , well knowne both for riches , and varietie of inuention : The Prince vrged by all meanes , that his Maiestie would be pleased first to enter , but at last he yeelded to the Kings pleasure . The Queene accompanied with the Infanta , who was then in her Quarter , to wish her an happy Easter , went out to receiue them , apparrelled in blacke , and gold , of wonderfull rich and stately , whether with naturall , or supernaturall beauty , for a modest passion , is a vertue supernaturall . After many complements past , they went to sit downe vnder a cloth of Estate , which was of cloth of Gold , three seuerall degrees in height , of Mylan Carnation , and chaires of the same . The Prince tooke place on the right hand of the Queene , and the King on the right hand of the Infanta , they two remaining in the midst . The English Ambassador in ordinary , dischargd the office of Interpreter , by whose relation he saluted the Queene with a good Easter ; he was answered with the like ceremony : and hauing performed these courtesies and complements before the Queene , hee came to discharge them to the Infanta , who entertained him with that modesty and grauity , as might haue befitted greater yeares and more experience of time . Their Maiesties manifested their alacrity , by smiling twice , or thrice , and there arose such beautifull blushes in the Sunne of the Lady Infantaes countenance , which beheld without naturall affection , could cause no lesse than admiration and wonder . They returnd to sit downe , and while the ladies , who were courting it among the gallants , spent the time in expressing their seuerall conceits ; their Maiesties departed , and returned in the same manner and forme as they came , and then shewed themselues at the windowes of the south Gallery Cierzo , accompanied by the Highnesses , of the Illustrious Infants , to view the tryall of armes , wherein the youth of this great Court , shewed both dexterity , and valour . In the meane while Apollo fearing two Sunnes retired his light , and gaue way to a Maske , which was in this manner : There were diuers races for Careers made , rayld in with bord , and timber worke brest high , within the Courtes of the Pallace , that of Descalzas , and the great Court. The trembling and watrish beames of Diana , would fame haue supplied the defect of Apolloes Rayes , and one might perceiue that no borrowed light ( though in the absence , and obscurity of the principall ) can be comparable to light naturall , though indeed those artificiall did much eclipse it , wherewith all the whole place , and the corners did shine , the progenie and effect , of the especiall care of Iuan de Castilia Corrigidor , executed in the seruice and honour of his Princes , except it proceeded from the beames of that Spanish beauty , which expected to behold the Festiuitie , who did imitate herein the celestial Spheares , the Queene and the Infanta stood in the great gallery , and the Prince , and the Infant Cardinall , on the left hand , accompanied with the English and Spanish Nobility , that had no part in the Maske , and were appointed their places . There attended on the Queene , and the Infanta , besides the chiefe Ladies of the Chamber , the Countesse of Oliuares , who can giue a life to all actions of greatnesse , and courtship , as one who ( besides her own noble disposition and nature ) hath for her Instructor the Count , and the Honourable Ladie of the house of Mendoza my good Lady , and the Lady of Infantado , whose venerable gray haires gaue great respect , if the hereditary splendor of her glorious progenitors had failed , with many other Ladies of these Kingdomes . There stood hard by her Maiesty , as her chiefe Mayor domo , or Lord Steward , the glory of the Illustrious Family Pimentell , the true heire of his Fathers house , as also of his vertues and perfections . The rest of the out ietties , or galleries , were set with stars more relucent , ( though lesse erring , the glorious emulation of those in the firmament ) in the other Ladies , and Menimas , or noble youth of the Court , whose rich ornaments darted forth beames , sent forth from their beauties , dissembling both frosts and flames , the iust reuenge of some haughty soules . The quantity of fire which was exhal'd , contending to reach to their proper spheare , dissolued the clouds of the middle region of the aire , which powred downe in showers vpon the earth , ( the Admirals happy fortune ) as it seemed she commanded them at such a time , when she most desird to receiue them : Which being sprinckled vpon the ground like deawes , as from the hand of a gardner , the Show began from his house , by the royall Hospitall of Misericordia , the street of the Streual , that of S. Philip , and the great street , euen to the Pallace , with fiftie drums , trumpets , and flutes , clothd in liueries of Orange colour and white , the colours of the Lady Maria Courtino , who deriues her glory and discent from the familie of Marialua , the supreamest honour of the Lusitanian Spaine , after whom followed Diego Lopes de Zuniga , Generall of the coast of Granada , as Marshall of the field , with a staffe of siluer in his hand , and after him a good number of Pages and lack queies with axes , in the liuery of the Admirall , formerly seene and set downe in our relation of the Prince his entry , and Don Carlos de Zaualza Page to his Excellency , in a liuery of cloth of Orange colour and siluer , laid with lace , and set with blacke glasses or bugles all armed , and Don Ieronimo de Esquiuel Page to the Marquesse de Alcanizas , apparelled in blacke , plated with siluer , and in like manner armed , mounted vpon excellent horses , armed sadles , and furniture embroidered with gold , with bucklers steele-plated , who brought along with them the cartels of chalenge , which were set vpon the gates of the Pallace , by the defendants , Admirall & the Marquesse , the form or tenor wherof ensues . Don Iuan Alfonso Eurigues , Admiral of Castile , in the honour of the Ladie Maria Curtinio , will within the Court of this great Palace maintaine , That loue hath no need of the nourishment of hopes , for by them it is rather defamed than encouraged , being the reward of it selfe , and to loue againe the only end of its glory . And for a demonstration , that the noblenes of her affection will auouch it , if any doubt thereof be made , he will maintaine a course at the Ring , from this day forward for threescore daies , before or after as his Maiesty shall appoint . And the Conditions shall be these . With three Launces according to the law of Armes , of sufficient proofe and triall , any neglect wherein loseth prize . As also , he that shall loose a peece , or fasten it together againe with any binding , incurreth the same penalty . He that takes off the Ring , it shall answer for two Launces , that had not the like fortune . He that hits the Ring shall enioy the same benefit . The same lawes shall take place at the Combat , Barriers , or Tilt , for him that breakes vpon the Visier , the Gorget , or the Target . Whose prizes shall not be lower than thirty Crowns , nor aboue an hundred . Leauing the prize of greatest worth , and best valew to the election of the Ladies . The best Launce of the man of Armes , the best inuention , and the best Launce at Tilt , to be referd to the censure of the Iudges . Who shall be , The Duke of Buckingham Admirall of England . Don Gaspar de Gusman , Conde de Oliuares , chiefe Cupbearer to the Kings Maiesties person , great Master of his horse , and one of his Counsell of Estate . Don Iuan Hurtado de Mendoza , Duke of Infantado , high Steward of his Maiesties house , and of his Counsell of Estate . Don Pedro de Toledo Osorio , Marquesse of Villa Franca , of the Counsell of Estate vnto his Maiesty . Don Augustine Mexia , a Gentleman of his Maiesties Chamber , and of his Counsell of Estate . Don Fernando Giron , of the Counsell of Estate to his Maiesty . Another Cartell . THe Knight of the Forrests who is tied by the order of his Knighthood , to trauell ouer mountaines , and trace wild beasts , seruing the great Prince of both the Spaines to make knowne , that in the rusticity of the Country , there is found the Courtly vrbanity of Loue ; he affirmes , that they who make profession of his exercises and Knighthood , are the Gallants that attaine to highest perfection in louing , because not knowing what hopes or delayes are , they ratifie their fidelity by a silence taught them by the woods and mountaines : and this he will maintaine and defend being no wayes borne out by Magicke spels , but out of true valour and courage of minde , which he meanes to approue and make good in the market place of Mantua Carpentana , at the day appointed by the Caesar of both Spaines , where they shall find him within the Lists , from the stolne beames of Dianaes light , while the sight of true resplendency , her brother the god of Delos , combating any such as shall deny this verity : with three pushes at the Pike , fiue fendants , or right downe blowes with the sword , the great Prince of Selua Calidonia being present at this combat , of whom wise men spake by way of figure and shadow , in the famous actions of Amadis de Gaule , and Lisuare of great Britany : and referring their triall to the arbitrement of the Iudges , which shall be the Admirall of England , Don Pedro de Toledo , Marquesse of Villafranca , and Don Ferdinando Giron , presupposing alwayes the conditions ensuing : That hee who yeelds a foot backe shall lose his prize , fighting with the sword : That he who giues one blow more or lesse then ordained , shall lose prize : That whosoeuers sword doth break he shall returne no more to the tournament , but the prize shall be giuen him who thitherto hath best deserued it . Whosoeuer breakes , or giues a push with his Pike , or a blow with his sword beneath the girdle , hee shall lose prize : Whosoeuer encounters with the sword , or the Pike , at the halfe length , he shall lose prize : Whosoeuer lets his sword fall out of his hand , or lifts vp the visier of his helme , or lets any piece of his armes fall , he shall lose prize . To the most forward and gallant , to the most skilfull , to the best effects with the sword , to the pike of shocke , to the sword pell mell , to the best inuention , and to the Ladies Pike , be the honor giuen . The whole Maske made their round , accompanying the troupe while they stayed , whose liuery cost the Admirall a great number of crownes , who cloathed them all in nippons , and hoods of Orange tawny , and stryxt siluer cloath , set with flowers , and Romane deuices of blacke cloath , edged about with siluer in purles , with Talbants of Marroco of the same , and white plumes ; onely Monterrey and Veragnas wore blacke . The Marquesse of Alcanizes wore one different from these two extreames . The beautie of horses , and the riches of borders and furniture , shewed euidently the affection of those that made this Festiuity . They ran two careirs in the Palace , besides their round , and so went out in Maskes : and I willset them downe ioyntly to excuse more worthy and famous Elegies then my shallow braines can inuent . The names of the MASKERS . THE Admirall . Conde de Monterrey . Duke de Tursi . Conde de Portalegre . Conde de Annouer . Don Juan Claros de Guzman . Conde de Villa franqueza . Conde de Villamor . Conde del Risco . Conde de Ricla . Don Fernando de la Cerda . Don Francisco de Eraso . Marques de Fromista . Duke de Hijar . Duke de Cea . Coude de Villalua . Don Manuel Manrrique . Don Gaspar Bonifaz . Conde de la Puebla del Maestre . Marques de Castelrodrigo . Don Diego Sarmiento . Marques de Velada . Marques de Xaualquinto . Don Luys de Cordoua Zuheros . Conde de Saluatierra . Morques de Almacan . Don Lorenzo de Castro . Marques de Alcan̄icas . Duke de Veraguas . Marques de Camarasa . Don Rodrigo Enrriquez . Don Fernando de Guzman . Conde de Cantillana . Conde de Corun̄a . Don Luys de Guzman . Don Antonio de Toledo Horcajada . Don Fernando de Toledo Higares . Don Pompeo de Tarsis . Don Juan de Vera. Don Iuan de Eraso . Conde de Tendilla . Don Luys de Haro . Conde de Pun̄oenrostro . Marques de Valle . Don Christoual de Gauiria . Conde de Villafior . Marques de Belmonte . Don Gaspar de Teues . Marques de Toral . Conde de Fuensalida . Don Bernardo de Benauides . Marques de Orani . Don Antonio de Moscoso . Conde de Mejorada . FOure Maskes , their Lacqueyes apparelled after the Turkish fashion in masking sutes , and if my presumption herein should not bee too arrogant , I would attempt to discouer the Sunne , amidst the darknesse of the Maske : The Andaluz cals that same doubtfull light , by reason of the interposition of darknesse ; Calinas , and the Poet Zelajes : the vulgar opinion will needs haue it to be the King ; for the radiant beames of his haire , and the statelinesse of his running , did make him knowne : Let it vanish away in vulgar report , if his Maiesty like not to be discouered , it was enough to make so great a guest as the Prince to reioyce , to see him in this , honor so great a Subiect , as the Admirall . There accompanied him his brother , the illustrious Infant , Don Carlos , who ranne with the Marques of Carpio , and with the King the Conde de Oliuares , by office chiefe Master of his horse , his most trusty and confident , and his most eminent seruant . And although their running caused much ioy , yet feare , which euer accompanieth true loue , made vs in the night say in our hearts , God preserue the King ( who euer loues them that serue him ) as the firme and inuiolable foundation of his Church , and whose attempts are the proper offspring of the heroycall vertue of his Progenitors , out of the generall wishes and desires of his subiects . The Marquesse of Rentyn , Captaine of the Almaine guard ( a gallant and louely Gentleman ) who conducted it , was himselfe guarded by Fernand Verdugo Lieutenant of the Spanish , one as discreet and circumspect , as honored and well beloued . From the Palace they went to the Descalzas , followed by more then foure hundred persons on horse backe , a triumphant and goodly company , because euen in these trials of meere solemnity , for martiall exercises , the Nobility of this Kingdome haue euer beene affected to chiualry , as may bee testified by multiplied experience . To festiuate his Maiesty , there repaired to those sacred wals , for many speciall reasons , and as it was the house of the Admiral , Master of this festiuitie , where they were to participate of it , the greatest number of the Ladies , of that same great Court : And by the streets of the Arenall , the Carreras and the market place of Atocha , which waies they made their returne , they did the like to the Palace , whither they returned to accompany and dismide the maskes , the rest conducted the Admirall home to his house : And now the Sunne beginning to reflect vpon the Mountaine tops , which being masked , did desire to see the end of this festiuity , and enuying the Admirals glorie , hee prosecuted the same in causing it to raine the greatest part of it . This is such a narration as my ignorance could decypher in so rude a stile ; I hope your Excellency will pardon it , seeing good will is a sufficient supply of any defect in this behalfe , for so many important reasons , I wholly remaine yours , April ●9 . stylo nouo , 1623. Andres de Mendoqa . DElius had scarce shaken off the mantell of the Night , nor had Taurus of the 〈◊〉 fourth Spheare , who feedes on Lillies , scarce guilded his hayre with the moderate hea●e of the Spanish Hemispheare , with greater commodity to participate of the Festiuity , his beames not hauing fully bea●en off the Deaw of Diana , which watered that place , Eolus blowing vpon it , when , not on the Scaffolds of the East , but in the golden concurrence of so many Sunnes , which disperced their beames in the Spanish beauties : the morning sprouted forth , and the Nobilitie of the Court in numerous Assemblies being in the euening to come forth to the Citie Solemnities , for the enioying of the rurall Delights of the morning , with long staues in their hands , cloathed after the Pastorall manner , in armors of haughty minde and hot courage , more properly indeede her Children then those swift Horses which flowry Betis feedes on her sweet bankes , who possessed the Fields encompassing the Buls , more fierce then that Celestiall , being more capable of rare impressions , wherein passed noble attempts of Valour and Chivalry , being proper effects of the Spanish courage , obserued and seene in so many reiterated Experiences and tryals . The Corrigidor very carefully preuented , that none besides the selected Gentlemen might come forth to this Enclosure , with long Rods or Staues in their hands , that they might not assaile the Buls . They were enclosed , & the first Bull was set vpon by the Gentlemen : and the second by those of an inferior rancke , and so the morning was ioyful and triumphant , though Don Diego de Ramirez , & Don Pedro de Toledo fell , and the Horses bare them downe , this man through incircumspection , and the other by vnmeasurable courage and forwardnesse . Their fals were not of any dangerous consequence . The Marques of Velada succoured them , hewing the Bull in peeces with their swords , and the place was disposed of in this manner and forme : The Panaderia , or Bullengerie , hath in the midst of the office of Saddles , or Furniture , Within the twelue Arches of vnpolisht stone , a guilded Scaffold , more eminent then the rest , in that on the left hand of this , was another of equall proportion built , on which were spread on the lower part , Clothes of Gold and Silver , in three degrees one higher then another , Crimosin and Gold , which were made for the comming of the Duke de Maine , to the affiance of the Nuptials of the most Christian Queene . I observed out of this , that having hitherto beene put to no vse for the service of their Maiesties , it might happily be hand selled to their honour , in the Festivitie we expect , from the Espowsalls of her Sister . There were divided from it in the midst , with a partition of Crimosin Damaske , spotted all over with Gold , two other partitions on the out-partes of the same , and that on the left hand , with a portaile or gate , to goe out at to the mayne Scaffold , traversed with another partition , which seru'd for those vses , which shall herevnder appeare . On the two sides , were hung vp , those hangings of Needle-worke , wrought with wyer of Gold , so many times formerly seene , and on the top two Canopyes of cloth of Florence , of carnation colour , raysed in the weaving two severall higthes of gold , with a most rich Cover over head , and curtaines on both sides , with the former part of plaine cloth of Gold , of Mylan , Crimosin , spanne new , with Chayres of cloth of Gold , and Tissue , Stooles , and Cushions of the same , with Turkie peeces , hangings of most rich Tapistrie ; and the places of the Counsell appointed , in manner and forme , so often heretofore seene . The Windowes were replenished with the Nobilitie of this Court : the standings and flore , with those of inferiour Fortunes , and bloud . The most Illustrious Nuncio , to whom the first standing was allotted , and next to the Royall seate , betweene his Maiestie and the Queene , had for his Associates , the most excellent Embassadors , of the Emperour , of France , Poland , and Venice , starrs of great and rare Magnitude , the rest were dispersed all over the breadth of the place , the Queene was placed next vnto them , and of the right side in Royall partitions , the Ladyes , Dames , and noble Pages of the Court : While you come to the Counsell of Royall Excellencie ; for the Corrigidor and his Lieutenants being entred , with their vsuall Trayne of Officers ; he went out to enterteine them , that high Senate entring with such a wonderfull Maiestie , that it may onely be an example , and president to it selfe . The Corrigidor gaue a glorious Liverie to eight Pages , and foure Laqueyes , of plaine blacke Velvet , furniture , and skirts embroydered with Snayles , and Gandurados , Cloakes of cloth , with bases of feet , and Doublets of blacke Satten , garded with blacke Lace , and Feathers of a colour , which all the place admired , and wondered at . The other Counsells and Lordes being placed in their severall roomes , the Maiesty of the Queene , and of the Infanta made entrie in their Carroches , clothed in a dark kind of gray , wrought with embroydery , and Lentills of Gold , with Iewells , and Plumes , ( a thing very needlesse to relate ) seeing all Rhetoricall colors of the tongue , cannot expresse the truth of their incomparable value , and estimation . Their Highnesses , Don Carlos , and Ferdinando , one in Purple , and the other in Blacke , contended in Beautie , and yet prevented one another in affection . The Coches of the Ladies , and Minnies of the Court , the very Envie of Phoebus rayes , were Retraytes of the Moneth , which then raygned for Beautie , and varietie of collours , solemnized with the greatest concourse of Nobilitie , that ever the Empire of glory , and gallantrie beheld . And then first lighting on foot , the Marquesse of Reutine of Almaine made entrie for their Maiesties , betweene the Gardes , conducted by their Captaine ; excellently set forth himselfe , wearing a Plume , Preparations , and a braue Liverie of a darke yellow , and yellow furniture , and Don Ferdinando Verdugo , Lieutenant of Hispaniola , in white , and blacke , in a Liverie of darke greene , white furniture , both contesting one with another , for greatest riches and pompe . The whole Troope being conducted by the Alcaldes on Horsebacke , and by a great number of English , and Spanish Knights , Officers , and Grandes . The Prince of Wales was relucent , in white and blacke Plumes , mounted on a mingle-colloured Horse , and the King apparelled in a darke colour'd Sute , with a Plume of the same , mounted on a dapple Gray ; in their legeritie , implying the effects of the Stormie Boreas , and in their faire and quiet managing , shewing themselues almost reasonable , as if they had knowne the burdens , that they bare : And in that their mouthes were curbed with no Bitts , in this they signified , that in an high Degree , they layd downe , all their naturall , and brutish fiercenesse . Behinde came the Admirall of England , and the Conde de Oliuares , the Masters of the Horse , Embassadours , and English Gentrie , with the Counsells of Estate , and Chamber of Spaine , enclosing Within the Guard of Archers , the Burgundian Nobilitie , having procured admiration and loue , not with feare , or tyrannie , but with sweet , and affable government , which in mens hearts purchaseth loue , and good will. They light on foot , and having forsaken their Stooles and Chayres , the Queene our Ladie , and the Ladie Infanta remain'd in the Scaffold on the right hand , the Infant Charles , and the Prince being divided by one partition , and the King , and the Infant Ferdinando by the other , and in that which remayned ensuing , the Conde de Oliuares , the English Embassadors , the Counsells of Estate , the Chamber of Spaine and England , the other Knights and Gentlemen of this Nation , on Scaffolds erected vp into the ayre , in a corner of the street of the Amargura , and they made entrie for these Lords . Fiftie Laqueyes in high Dutch habite , of thynne cloth of Silver , white , and tawney , with tawney-doubletts , caps of wrought Silver , and Swords Silvered in every part , accompanied the Duke of Cea , who entred in , mounted on a large dapple Gray , with blacke habite , edged round about with silver of Goldsmiths-worke , with as great gallantry as wisedome , and as much wisedome , as reason to winne mens hearts after him , two valiant Combatants at the Bull , with Cassockes and Hose of tawney cloth , layd along with Silver lace , and great tawney Plumes , mingled Turquye and White . He had scarcely gone his round about the place , presented himselfe to their Maiesties , and beene received of the Prince , with the honor of discovering himselfe to him , when there entred into the place ( being clearly voyded , so as their entries were more easie and apparent ) an hundred Lacqueyes clothed in darke coloured Serge , garded all over with Lace , with Belts shining like Silver , Doubletts and Hose , Lynings and Caps of Tawney colour , like furniture to their Swords , and white Garters : And after them came in Don Iuan de Ozeta , Don Ieronimo de Medinilla , Don Euan de Menesses , Don Antonio Guino , Don Iasepe de Samano , Don Iuan Ieldre , the Conde de Cantillana , Don Diego de Zarate , Don Antonio de Moscoso , Don Pedro de Motezuma , the Conde de Tendilla , accompanyed with the Duke of Maqueda , whose entrie , both in respect of his qualitie , as also for the Valour and aspect of his person , might well haue stirr'd vp envie in the Romaine Triumphes , for the Duke lookt like one of the Caesars , or rather in deed , he might more properly haue beene their patterne , and example . They went along their Round , and the Prince himselfe did him honour , when by different gates , these herevnder specified , made their entire : The Marquesse of Vela , in whom valour , dexteritie , and gallantrie contended for superioritie , accompanyed with foure and twentie Lacqueyes , in white cloth , all laced downe , with blacke Caps , Plumes , and other furniture for their Swords of white . He drew vpon himselfe the eyes of the whole multitude , for indeed he drew generally vnto him all their affections ; the Prince did him honour , as he likewise did the other two Lords Grandes : When he had seene their Maiesties , he went to offer himselfe vnto the Ladies , from thence to the Counsell Royall , and so in his going about , to all the rest of the Company , and all of them desired , and affected him . Presently entred fiftie Lacqueyes in white Printed Sattin , guarded with a brancht Stuffe of Azur'd Silke , and Gold , and Breeches of the same , set out with tuffes of gold , and silver lace , with furniture and Plumes of white , that accompanied the Conde de Villamor , mounted on a darke Chestnut-colourd Horse , with his mayne , and tayle , drawne out with silver twist , disgracing those Horses of Phoebus Chariot , which seem'd to come out of them , as the some or sweat of their bodies , eiecting that which was not naturall in them , retayning naturally the valour of their Master , communicated to them , and when I saw so many Feathers in the place , and such a flittering and waving of them , I tooke them to be a moovible garden , or an Armie of Indians ; as also the Conde his generous Grandfather , who also manifested amongst them , the valour , and lustre , incident to his race and blood : And because the report is festivall , it is but like to that which was to be seene with the eye . You would haue said as much , if you had but seene them fight with those furious Beasts , shewing themselues the more valiant , in that they were vndaunted , and resolved Spanyards . There entred presently Don Cristoual de Gauiria , and Don Gasper Bonifaz , whom they tearme kill Bulls , I know not which of them may envie the other , seeing they are the best Combatants knowne in all Spaine for this place , and fight ; and both of them so well beloued , that their attempts being high and great , yet they are alwayes wished to be greater , and we thinke them worthy of greater , and higher Fortunes . Bonifaz clad six Lacqueyes in excellent cloth in grane , exceeding that of Tyre , garded , with other furniture , and white Feathers , what they were , might be seene all the place over : and Gauiria had eyght , and two little Lacqueyes in darke greene Sutes , cutt , embroydered with Snailes of silver , and lyned with Tawney , and white furniture otherwise , it being a sightly and braue Livery . There entred Don Ferrando de Yuiciedo , otherwise , the Cavallier de la Morzilla , who during these Tryalls , was that same Master Burquillos of the Combates , of Lope de Vega , who came in to try his Fortunes , with Lawnce and Target . Though the Marshalling of the place belong'd to the Conde de Oliuares , as to the grand Master of the Horse ; His Maiestie yeelding precedencie to the Prince , the Admirall of England Marshal'd it , standing behind the Lord Infant Carlos , that he might be neare to the Conde de Oliuares , who was to him both an Interpretor , and Informer , for this great Lord , and circumspect Courtier , hath omitted no rightes of complement , wherein he might expresse , either vnto the Prince , or Admirall , the loue , proceeding from his owne Noble disposition and nature , and conformable to the honour , done him by the King of great Brittaine , in his Letters full of wisedome and gravitie . The Combat beganne with the Bulls , when the Lacqueyes by Proclamation leauing their Lords , they resembled Harvest in Iune , crowned with blew and redd flowers , which Zephirus waues , and flitters vp and downe . The first encounter belong'd to the Conde de Villamor , as the envie of all the rest , which they revenged with such a number of Darts , as the poore Bulles remayn'd like Quivers , or like the Thorne-bushes , in the woods of Helvetia . To speake more properly , seeing to the poore Beasts wonderfull paine , they tooke them out with as great velocitie , as perill and danger . De Maqueda made many braue a tempts : de Tendilla , as many , but de Cea made excellent assaults , and Cantillana too , one of which might be the proper envie , of chivalrous attempts , and in the other he killed a Bull. Bonifaz , and Cauiria layd on so thicke vpon the Bull , that we could not number the assaults for their quantitie , and Don Christovall with a Lawnce , overthrew one . De Velada shewed how agile , and nymble he was in this Art , for he overthrew two or three Bulls , with dynt of Sword , and gore of Lawnce , and one he wounded on his foretopp , betweene the hornes , while he turned his head , he stroke his horne into a supporting bord at his backe , a wound that strooke more feare into the Assembly , then it brought danger to the Marquesse , for this backe bord , was splinted all to shivers in the place : And his Maiestie would not suffer him to enter the second time within the Lists : And Don Antonio de Moscoso , gaue such a number , and so deepe Cuchilladaes , that he might be rather sayd to revenge , then provoke or incite with his assaults , Cea turnd one round with a Cuchillada , and so most of the Beasts were slaine , being hewen into mammockes by the hands of all men . Motezuna shewed , what belongd to his royall blood , and to the valour of his arme , for he put a Bull to flight , being afrayd of him , and reacht him such a cleauing blow with his sword , that he left him in the place for dead . Guino , Zarate , Ozeta , and Idchel , tooke revenge of the last Bulls liuing , because the first had made them turne face . Don Gieronimo de Medinilla had good Fortune , both with his Lawnce , and Sword. This Cavallier being herein so meritorious , as the most copious Elegies would come short of his due commendation , and praise . The Duke of Maqueda , made such a thrust , that the Beast being batterd , and sore goared with it , he reveng'd himselfe in such a strange fashion vpon his Horse , that he ranne him quite through , from one side to the other , and the Duke beheld the Assault given on the one side of his Horse , and the horne of the Bull , as it came out at the other , and the poore brute Beast gaue so many twitches and wrenches , enforced with paine , and griefe , that the Duke was fayne to vse all valour , and dexteritie to prevent his owne falling , whereat we were all much afraid . Don Antonio Guino , second to the Duke of Cea , made one of the bravest Assaults , that ever the place beheld , vpon a most violent and furicus Bull , whose liuely force , and that of his valiant arme , ranne him in quite through the shoulders , leauing halfe his Lawnce within him , and his Horse remaining with as much stilnes and lenitie , as his Master with valour and magnanimitie : and so the Bull fell downe hard by him . He received wonderfull applause , and generall grace , and so went out of the place , and though the Bulls overthrew many , yet there fell out no great danger at all . When this Festivitie was ended , the Prince , the King , and their Highnesses , returned to the Court in Carroches ; and it rayn'd very strangely . After that went the Queene , the Infanta , and the Coaches of Ladies , where amongst the Clouds of water , there fell one of the Pages of Armes , these Clouds by day light innudating the dominion and accesse of the shaddows of the night , and banishing them for a great while . Thus a great part of the night being spent , they went to repose themselues , after the repast and pleasure of this Festivitie , and so my Penne shall doe no lesse , till further and fitter occasion be offered . &c. FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A18907-e200 A place so called because it belongs to the bare legd Fryers . 
A22358	----	By the King, a proclamation for the maintenance and encrease of the mines of saltpeter, and the true making of gunpowder, and reforming abuses concerning the same England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22358 STC 8770.5 ESTC S2604 24357753 ocm 24357753 27571 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22358) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27571) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1850:43) By the King, a proclamation for the maintenance and encrease of the mines of saltpeter, and the true making of gunpowder, and reforming abuses concerning the same England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [3] p. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill ..., Printed at London : M. DC. XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at the Court at White-Hall, the thirteenth day of April, in the first yeere of his Maiesties reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland"--P. 3. Reproduction of original in the Queen's College (University of Oxford). Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Gunpowder industry -- England. Saltpeter industry -- England. Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for the maintenance and encrease of the Mines of Saltpeter , and the true making of Gunpowder , and reforming abuses concerning the same . THe King our Souereigne Lord , taking into serious and prouident consideration , the most necessary and important vse of Gunpowder , as well for supply of his owne Royall Nauy , and the shipping of His louing Subiects , as otherwise for the strength , safety , and defence of His people and Kingdomes , and how great a blessing it is of Almighty God to this Realme , That it naturally yeeldeth sufficient Mynes of Saltpeter for making of Gunpowder , for defence of it selfe , without any necessitie to depend vpon the dangerous , chargeable , and casuall supply thereof from forreigne parts ; Hath , ( with the aduice of His Priuie Councell ) concluded and set downe certaine Orders and Constitutions , to be from henceforth inuiolably kept and obserued , for the better maintaining of the breed and increase of Saltpeter , and the true making of Gunpowder , and for reforming and suppressing all abuses concerning the same , in these Articles following . 1. FIrst , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , within this Kingdome of England , or Dominion of Wales , doe from hencefoorth paue with Stone or Bricke , or floore with Board any Douehouse , or Douecoat , or lay the same with Lime , Sand , Grauell , or other thing , whereby the growth and increase of the Myne of Saltpeter may bee hindred or impaired , But shall suffer the floore or ground thereof to lie open , with good and mellow earth , apt to breede increase of the said Myne and Saltpeter , and so continue and keepe the same . 2. That no Inne-keepers , or others , that keepe Stables for trauellers and passengers , doe vse any deceitfull meanes or deuices , whereby to destroy or hinder the growth of Saltpeter in those Stables ; And that no Stables at all be pitched ▪ paued or grauelled , where the Horse feet vse to stand , but planked onely , Nor be paued , pitched or grauelled , before the plankes next the mangers , but that both places be kept and maintained with good and mellow earth , fit and apt to breede and increase the Myne of Saltpeter , and layd with nothing which may hurt the same . 3. That all and euery such person and persons , as hauing heretofore had any Douehouse , Douecoat or Stable , ( which were then good nurceries for the breed of Myne of Saltpeter ) haue sithence caried out the good mould from thence , and filled the place againe with Lime , grauell , sand , rubbish , or other like stuffe , or paued or floored the same , whereby the growth of Saltpeter Myne there , hath been decayed or destroyed ; shall , and doe within three moneths next comming , take vp the sayd pauements and boards againe , and cary out the sayd Grauell , Lime and offensiue stuffe from thence , and fill the place againe with good and mellow earth , fit for the increase of Saltpeter , three foote deepe at the least , and so continue and keepe the same for the breed of Saltpeter Myne . 4. That no person or persons , of what degree or estate soeuer , shall hinder or denie any Saltpeter-man , lawfully deputed thereunto , in the digging , taking , or working of any ground or earth which by Commission may be taken and wrought for Saltpeter ; Nor any Constable , or other Officer doe , or shall forbeare or neglect to furnish any such Saltpeter-man , with conuenient cariages necessary for his worke ; And that all and euery Iustice , and Iustices of the Peace of any County , Citie , or Corporation , to whom the sayd Saltpeter-man shall addresse himselfe for assistance , doe not faile , at his and their perils , to take present course therein , That his Maiesties Seruice suffer not by his or their default . 5. That no person or persons , shall directly or indirectly , giue or offer to any Saltpeter-maker , deputy Saltpeter-man , or others , imployed about the getting or making of Saltpeter , any gratuity , benefit , hire or reward ; Nor any such Workeman ▪ imployed about Saltpeter , shall take or receiue any such gratuity , benefit , hire , or reward , for the sparing or forbearing of any ground or place , which should or may bee digged or wrought for Saltpeter , or of any cariages thereunto belonging , or for concealing , or not discouering of any offence or offences , committed against the true meaning of this Proclamation , or otherwise to the hinderance of this Seruice . 6. That no Saltpeter-man , who shall hereafter vse and take the earth or floore of any Douehouse or Douecoat , for their making of Saltpeter , shall digge or cary the same earth , but in such conuenient time of the day , and worke it in such maner , as may giue least disturbance and hurt to the Pigeons , and encrease of their breed ; and in the chiefe times of breeding , that it be not done aboue two houres in any one day , and that about the midst of the day , when the Pigeons vse to be abroad ; And shall in like seasonable time , cary in the said earth after it shall be wrought , and spread it there , and make flat the floore of the same Douehouse and Douecoat , and leaue it well and orderly , according to the Direction and Instructions giuen by His Maiesties Commission , and the Deputation thereupon made vnto him . 7. That all Saltpeter-men and workers in Saltpeter , after they haue broken any other sorts of ground , and wrought ouer the earth taken from thence , doe , and shall afterwards within conuenient time , before the remooue of their worke from thence , fill vp the place againe , and leaue it in such good and orderly case as they found the same , according to their Instructions aforesayd ; And that no owner or possessour of any Douehouse , or Grounds , shall hinder or disturbe any Workemen from doing what is prescribed in this , and the next precedent Article . 8. That no person or persons whatsoeuer , doe at any time hereafter make , or cause to be made for Seruice against any enemie , or for Sale , any Gunpowder of any Saltpeter , made , or to be made within the Realme of England , or Dominion of Wales , but of such Saltpeter onely , as is , or shall bee made by Warrant of his Maiesties Commission , granted or to be granted in that behalfe . 9. That no Saltpeter man , or maker of Saltpeter , doe at any time hereafter transport , or cause to be transported into the parts beyond the Seas , or sell , giue , vtter , or put to sale , or cause to be sold vttered , or put to sale within the sayd Realme or Dominion , any Saltpeter , made within the said Realme of England , but onely to His Maiesties Storehouse , to His Maiesties Powder-maker there : And that no person presume to buy any Saltpeter , made by vertue of his Maiesties Commission , but his Maiesties Powder-maker onely , to whom it shall not be lawfull to receiue for any Powder to be sold by him to his Maiesties Subiects , aboue ten pence the pound . 10. That no Powder whatsoeuer , either made within the Realme , or imported from forreigne parts , bee hereafter sold or vttered within this Realme , or Dominions aforesaid , by any person or persons , before the same be first tried , prooued , and allowed by the sworne Proofe master , already appointed or to bee appointed , and by him marked , as hath beene heretofore vsed , whereby his Maiesties louing Subiects may take notice of the sorts of the said Gunpowder , and the goodnesse thereof , and the vses to which it may most aptly be applied . 11. That no person presume or attempt to counterfeit the marke or markes , vsed , or to be vsed by the said Proofe-master , to the purpose aforesaid , Or doe worke or put in practise any fraud , deceipt , or sleight , by mixing or mingling any Gunpowder , or otherwise , whereby his Maiesties meaning , before expressed , may be altered , diuerted , or abused . 12. That the Proofe-master , appointed and to be appointed , doe diligently attend to doe his duety faithfully and truely , in making proofe of the said Gunpowder , and to marke none but that which shal be good and sufficient , and answerable to the markes ; And that he take not aboue sixe pence Fee , for any Barrell of Powder of one hundred weight , which shall by him be tried , prooued , and marked as aforesayd ; and so proportionably not aboue that rate , for greater or lesser quantities . ALl which Articles , and euery of them , His Maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command all manner of persons , of what quality soeuer they be , duely to obserue and fulfill ; And all Officers and persons in Authoritie , whom it may concerne , duely , carefully and diligently to see , and cause the same to be obserued , fulfilled , and put in execution , as they , and euery of them , will auoyde His Maiesties heauy displeasure , and the censure of being holden contemners of His Maiesties Royal Commandement , in a matter of high consequence , for the publique seruice , and safety of the State , and vpon such further penalties and punishments , as , for example of terrour to others , their contempts and want of duety shall demerit , and by his Maiesties Prerogatiue Royall , or otherwise shall be found fit in Honour and Iustice to be inflicted vpon them . And for the better and more speedy performance of this Seruice , His Maiesties will and pleasure is , That the Commissioners for the Nauie , shall from time to time take notice of all such complaints , as shall be brought vnto them , touching any offence that shall be committed , contrary to this Proclamation , either in the neglecting , hindering , or disturbing this his Maiesties Seruice , or in abusing the Subiect : And that the said Commissioners shall certifie the same to His Maiesties right trustie , and right welbeloued Cousin and Counsellor , George Duke of Buckingham , Lord high Admirall of England and to His right trustie and welbeloued Councellor , George , Lord Carew , Master of the Ordenance , to whose speciall trust and care , his Maiestie hath committed the Gouernment of the sayd Businesse , by Commission vnder the great Seale of England : And that they , or either of them , shall from time to time send for all offenders complained of , and cause them to bee examined by the sayd Commissioners of the Nauie ; And vpon their report , take such further order therein , by referring the offenders to bee prosecuted in the high Court of Starre Chamber , or otherwise , as to their Wisedomes shall seeme meete ; Commaunding and authorizing His Maiesties Attourney Generall , for the time being , vpon such Reference from the sayd Duke of Buckingham , or Lord Carew , or other information giuen vnto him , of any misdemeanour committed , contrary to the true meaning of any the Articles aforesayd , to prosecute and proceed against the sayd offenders , in the said high Court of Starre Chamber ; It being His Maiesties expresse pleasure , That seuere punishment shall be executed vpon all the said offenders whatsoeuer . Giuen at the Court at White-Hall , the thirteenth day of April , in the first yeere of his Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Printed at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXV . 
A22362	----	Charles by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to our right trusty and welbeloued cousin, William Earle of Northampton ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22362 STC 8773 ESTC S3766 33150933 ocm 33150933 28825 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22362) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28825) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:35) Charles by the grace of God king of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. to our right trusty and welbeloued cousin, William Earle of Northampton ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By B. Norton and J. Bill, [London : 1625] Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). "Witnes Our selfe at Westminster, the ninth day of May, in the first yeere Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Northampton, William Compton, -- Earl of, d. 1630. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Wales -- Politics and government -- 17th century. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Aaron McCollough Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Aaron McCollough Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CHARLES , By the Grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. TO Our right trusty and right welbeloued Cousin , William Earle of Northampton , President of Our Councell within the Dominion , Principality , and Marches of Walles , greeting . KNOW ye , that for the great and singuler trust and confidence , that We haue in your approued fidelitie , wisedome and circumspection , We haue assigned , made , constituted , and ordeined , and by these presents doe assigne , make , constitute , and ordeine you to bee our Lieutenant within the Principality and Dominions of South-Wales and North-wales , ( Our Counties of Glamorgan and Monmouth only excepted ) the Marches thereunto adioyning , and the seuerall Counties of Worcester , Hereford , and Salop , and in all corporate and priuiledged places within the Limits or Precincts of the Principalitie , Dominions , Marches , and Counties aforesaid , or any of them , as well within Liberties as without : And by these presents doe giue full power and authoritie vnto you , That you , from time to time may leuie , gather , and call together , all and singuler Our Subiects , of what estate , degree or dignitie , they or any of them bee , dwelling or inhabiting within the Principalitie , Dominions , Marches and Counties aforesaid , aswel within Liberties as without , meet and apt for the Warres , and them from time to time to trie , array , and put in readinesse ; And them also , and euery of them after their abilities , degrees and faculties , well and sufficiently from time to time , to cause to be armed and weaponed ; And to take the Musters of them from time to time , in places most meet for that purpose , after your discretion : And also the same Our Subiects so arrayed , tried , and armed , aswell Horsemen , Archers , and Footmen as other men of Armes , of all kindes and degrees , meet and apt for the Warres , to leade , and conduct , aswel against all and singuler Our enemies , as also against all and singuler Rebels , Traytors , and other offenders and their adherents against Vs , Our Crowne and dignity , within the said Principalitie and Dominions of North-Wales and South-Wales , the Marches of the same , and Counties and places aforesayd , and euery of them from time to time , as often as need shall require by your discretion : And with the said enemies , Traitors and Rebels from time to time , to fight , and them to inuade , resist , suppresse , subdue , slay , kill , and put to execution of death by all wayes and meanes , from time to time by your discretion : And to doe , fulfill and execute from time to time , all and singuler other things , which shall be requisite for the leuying and gouernement of Our said Subiects , for the conseruation of Our person and peace , so by you in forme aforesaid to be leuied , and to be ledde : And further to doe , execute , and vse against the said enemies , Traytors Rebels , and such other like offenders and their adherents afore mentioned from time to time , as necessitie shall require by your discretion , the Law called the Martiall-Law , according to the Law-martial : And of such offenders apprehended , or being brought in subiection , to saue whom you shall thinke good to be saued , and to slay , destroy , and put to execution of death , such , and as many of them as you shall thinke meet , by your good discretion , to be put to death . AND further , Our will and pleasure is , and by these presents We doe giue full power and authority vnto you , that in case any Inuasion of Enemies , Insurrection , Rebellion , Ryots , Routs , or vnlawfull assemblies , or any like offences , shall happen to be mooued in any place of this Our Realme , out of the limits of this Our Commission , that then , and as often as need shal require , by your good discretion , or as you shall be directed from Vs by any speciall commandement , you , with such power to be leuied within the limits of your Lieutenancie , as you shall thinke requisite , or as shall be directed from Vs , as is aforesaid , shall repaire to the place , where any such Inuasion , Rebellion , vnlawfull assembly , or Insurrection shall happen to be made , to subdue , represse and reforme the same , aswell by battell , or other kind of force , as otherwise by the Lawes of Our Realme , and the Law-Martiall , according to your discretion . AND further , We giue vnto you full power and authoritie for the execution of this Our Commission , to appoint and assigne within the Principalitie and Dominions of South-Wales and North-Wales , the Marches thereunto adioyning , and the Counties aforesayd , from time to time Muster-masters , and Prouost-Martials , as you in your discretion shall thinke conuenient , to vse and exercise that Office , in such cases as you shall thinke requisite to vse the said Law-Martiall . WHEREFORE Wee will and command you Our sayd Lieutenant , that with all diligence ye doe execute the premisses with effect . AND forasmuch as it may be , that there shall be iust cause for you to bee attendant vpon Our person , or to be otherwise employed in Our seruice , whereby this Our seruice of Lieutenancie committed to your fidelity , cannot be by you in person executed , in such sort as We haue appointed the same ; THEREFORE Wee giue vnto you , for your better ayde and assistance , and for the better performance and execution of this same Our seruice , full power and authority to appoint , assigne and constitute by your writing , vnder your hand and Seale , within euery seuerall Shire and County of the said Principality and Dominions of South-wales and North-wales , and the other Counties aforesaid respectiuely ( except before excepted ) from time to time , so many persons of quality , as to you Our said Lieutenant shall seeme meet and conuenient to be and the other Counties aforesaid respectiuely ( except before excepted ) from time to time , so many persons of quality , as to you Our said Lieutenant shall seeme meet and conuenient to be your Deputies in the said Shires and Counties , and all Corporate and Priuiledged places within the same . AND by this Our present Commission , Wee giue vnto euery two or more of your said Deputies , so being by you appointed and assigned as aforesayd , full power and authority in your absence , to doe and execute , in euery County , where they are deputed and assigned to be your Deputies , as aforesayd , and in all corporate and priuiledged places , within the Limits or Precincts of the same County , aswell within Liberties as without , all and such , and so much of euery thing and things , before by this Our present Commission , assigned and appointed by you to bee done and executed , and so farre forth as by you in your said writings of deputation , shall be to them prescribed and appointed to be done and executed . AND Our further pleasure and commandement is , That your said Deputies shall immediatly after your writings of deputation to them made , as aforesayd , take charge and care to see euery such point and thing of this Our Commission , fully and perfectly executed in your absence , as by you in your said writings of deputation shall be to them prescribed and appointed to be done and executed . AND the better to enable them so to doe , yee shall deliuer to euery two of your said Deputies , so appointed and deputed for the sayd seuerall Counties as aforesayd , a true transcript of this Our Commission , subscribed with your hand : And whatsoeuer you alone being present , shall doe by vertue of this Our Commission , or in your absence your sayd Deputies , or any two or more of them , shall doe according to the tenor and effect of your said writings of deputation to be made , as is aforesayd , the same shall be by these presents discharged against Vs. Our Heires and Successors . AND further , Wee will and command all and singuler Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Shiriffes , Bailiffes , Constables , Headboroughs , and all other Our Officers , Ministers , and Subiects , meet and apt for the Warres , within euery of the said Shires and Counties , and all corporate and priuiledged places , within the Limits or Precincts of the said Shires and Counties , and euery of them aswell within Liberties as without , to whom it shall appertaine , That they , and euery of them with their power and seruants , from time to time shall be attendant , aiding , and assisting , counselling , helping , and at the commandement of you , and of your said Deputies , or any two or more of them respectiuely , as aforesaid , in the Shires and Counties aforesaid , and for the execution hereof in all points , as appertaineth , as they and euery of them tender Our pleasure , and will answere for the contrary at their vttermost perils . PROVIDED alwayes , that this Our present Commission , or any thing therein contained , shall not in any wise extend to the County of Gloucester , the Citie of Gloucester , or County of the same City , or to any of them , or to the County Palantine of Chester , or to the Citie of Chester , or to any part thereof , or to the Counties of Glamorgan , or Monmouth , or to any of them , or to any part of them , or any of them . IN WITNES whereof , We haue caused these Our Letters to be made Patents . WITNES Our selfe at Westminster , the ninth day of May , in the first yeere of Our Reigne . Per Dominum Custodem magni Sigilli Angliae , virtute Warr. Reg. EDMONDS . 
A22363	----	By the King a proclamation for setling the plantation of Virginia. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22363 STC 8774 ESTC S122663 33150299 ocm 33150299 28545 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22363) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28545) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:36) By the King a proclamation for setling the plantation of Virginia. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Printed at London : M.DC.XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Arms with "C R" at top; imprint begins "Printed". "Giuen at Our Court at White-Hall, the thirteenth day of May, in the first yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry -- Early works to 1800. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Virginia -- History -- Colonial period, ca. 1600-1775. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT . ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation for setling the Plantation of Virginia . WHereas the Colonie of Virginia , Planted by the hands of Our most deare Father of blessed memory , for the propagation of Christian Religion the increase of Trade , and the enlarging of his Royall Empire , hath not hitherto prospered so happily , as was hoped and desired , A great occasion whereof his late Maiesty conceiued to be , for that the gouernment of that Colony was committed to the Company of Virginia , encorporated of a multitude of persons of seuerall dispositions , amongst whom the affaires of greatest moment were , and must be ruled by the greater number of Uotes and Uoyces ; And therefore his late Maiestie , out of His great Wisedome , and depth of Iudgement , did desire to resume that popular gouernment , and accordingly the Letters Patents of that Incorporation , were by his Highnesse direction in a Legall course questioned , and thereupon iudicially repealed , and adiudged to bee voyde ; wherein his Maiesties ayme was onely , to reduce that gouernment into such a right course , as might best agree with that forme which was held in the rest of his Royall Monarchy , and was not intended by him , to take away , or impeach the particular Interest of any priuate Plantor , or Aduenturer , nor to alter the same , otherwise then should be of necessity for the good of the publique : And wheras We continue the like care of those Colonies and Plantations , as Our late deare Father did , and vpon deliberate aduice and consideration , are of the same Iudgement that Our said Father was of , for the gouernment of that Colony of Virginia ; Now lest the apprehension of former personall differences , which haue heretofore happened ( the reuiuing and continuing whereof Wee vtterly disallow , and strictly forbid ) might distract the mindes of the Plantors and Aduenturers , or the opinion , that We would neglect those Plantations , might discourage men to goe or send thither , & so hinder the perfecting of that worke , wherin We hold the honor of Our deare Father deceased , and Our owne honour to be deeply engaged ; We haue thought fit to declare , and by Our Royal Proclamation to publish Our owne Iudgement , and resolution in these things , which by Gods assistance Wee purpose constantly to pursue . And therefore Wee doe by these presents publish and declare to all Our louing Subiects , and to the whole world , that Wee hold those Territories of Virginia and the Sommer-Ilands , as also that of New England , where Our Colonies are already planted , & within the limits & bounds wherof , Our late deare Father , by His Letters Patents , vnder His great Seale of England , remaining of Record , hath giuen leaue and liberty to His Subiects to plant and inhabite , to be a part of Our Royall Empire , descended , vpon Us and vndoubtedly belonging and appertaining vnto Us ; And that We hold Our selfe , aswell bound by Our Regal office , to protect , maintaine , and support the same , and are so resolued to doe , as any other part of Our Dominions : And that Our full resolution is , to the end that there may be one vniforme course of Gouernment , in , and through all Our whole Monarchie , That the Gouernment of the Colonie of Virginia shall immediatly depend vpon Our Selfe , and not be committed to any Company or Corporation , to whom it may be proper to trust matters of Trade and Commerce , but cannot bee fit or safe to communicate the ordering of State-affaires , be they of neuer so meane consequence : And that therefore Wee haue determined , That Our Commissioners for those Affaires , shall proceed according to the tenor of Our Commission directed vnto them , vntill Wee shall declare Our further pleasure therein . Neuerthelesse We doe herby declare , That Wee are resolued , with as much conuenient expedition , as Our Affaires of greater importance will giue leaue , to establish a Councell , consisting of a few persons of vnderstanding and qualitie , to whom We will giue trust for the immediate care of the Affaires of that Colony , and who shall be answerable to Us for their proceedings , and in matters of greater moment , shall be subordinate and attendant vnto Our Priuie Councell heere ; And that We will also establish another Councell to be resident in Virginia , who shall be subordinate to Our Councell here for that Colonie ; and that at Our owne charge We will maintaine those publique Officers and Ministers , and that strength of Men , Munition , and Fortification , as shall be fit and necessary for the defence of that Plantation , and will by any course that shall be desired of Us , settle and assure the particular rights and interests of euery Planter and Aduenturer , in any of those Territories , which shall desire the same , to giue them full satisfaction for their quiet and assured enioying thereof . And lastly , whereas it is agreed on all sides , that the Tobacco of those plantations of Virginia and the Sommer Islands ( which is the onely present meanes for their subsisting ) cannot be managed for the good of the Plantations , vnlesse it be brought into one hand , whereby the forreigne Tobacco may be carefully kept out , and the Tobacco of those Plantations may yeeld a certaine and ready price to the owners thereof ; Wee doe hereby declare , That to auoid all differences and contrariety of opinions , which will hardly be reconciled amongst the Planters and Aduenturers themselues , We are resolued to take the same into Our owne hands , and by Our seruants or Agents for Us , to giue such prices to the Planters and Aduenturers for the same , as may giue them reasonable satisfaction and encouragement ; but of the maner thereof , Wee will determine hereafter at better leisure : And when We shall haue concluded the same , We shall expect , that all Our louing Subiects will readily conforme themselues thereunto . And in the meane time , because the importation and vse of forreigne Tobacco , which is not of the growth of those Plantations , or one of them , will visibly & assuredly vndermine and destroy those Plantations , by taking away the meanes of their subsistence , We doe hereby strictly charge and command , That Our late Proclamation , bearing date the ninth day of April last , intituled , ( A Proclamation touching Tobacco ) shall in all points and parts thereof , be duely and strictly obserued , vpon paine of Our high displeasure , and such further penalties and punishments , as by the sayd Proclamation are to be inflicted vpon the offenders . And We doe hereby aduise all Our louing Subiects , and all others whom it may concerne , not to aduenture the breach of our Royall Commandement in any of the premisses , We being fully resolued , vpon no importunitie or intercession whatsoeuer , to release or remit the deserued punishment of such , as shall dare to offend against the same , seeing We holde not Our Selfe onely , but Our people interessed therein . Giuen at Our Court at White-Hall , the thirteenth day of May , in the first yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Printed at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXV . 
A22365	----	By the King a proclamation for the prices of victuals within the verge of the court. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22365 STC 8776 ESTC S3510 33150383 ocm 33150383 28577 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22365) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28577) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:38) By the King a proclamation for the prices of victuals within the verge of the court. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. M.DC.XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Arms without "C R" at top. "Giuen at Our Court of Whitehall, the fourteenth day of May in the first yeere of Our reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Food prices -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Court and courtiers -- Food -- Early works to 1800. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation for the Prices of Victuals within the Verge of the Court. WHereas Wee vnderstand by the Records of Our Counting-house , that Our most Noble Progenitors & Predecessors , Kings and Queenes of this Realm , haue alwaies had an especiall care to restraine the excessiue Rates and Prices of Uictuals , Horse-meate , and Lodging ; And that , notwithstanding the extraordinary care thereof , taken by Our most deare and Royall Father , King IAMES of blessed memory , yet there were within the Uerge of the Court , alwayes some , who out of their greedy desire of vnlawfull gaine , would neuer bee kept within any bounds of equall and reasonable Prices , but , by the accesse of the Court , and the increase of the concourse of people thither , would take an occasion to enhaunce their Rates , and exact vnconscionable extreame Prices , at their owne willes and pleasures : Wee , taking the same into Our Princely consideration , and being desirous that all Our louing Subiects in generall , should in all places of their trauaile bee well vsed , and especially within the Uerge of Our Court , where Our Nobility , Seruants & Traine , dayly attending vpon Our Person , are lodged & placed by Our Harbingers , & other Suitors haue dayly occasion to resort , Haue giuen order to the Clerke of the Market of Our Houshold , within the Uerge of Our Court , foorthwith to cause a Rate and Ualuation to bee set by indifferent Iurors , of all Corne , Uictuals , Lodgings , Horse-meate , and other necessaries of that kinde , according to the reasonable and equall Rates and Prices of the Market , and to renewe such Rates and Ualuations from time to time , as occasion shall require , by Oath and Presentments of Iurors ; And haue commanded , that Schedules of the Inquisitions and Presentments of the Iuries , to bee thereupon taken , shall , not onely be certified by Our sayd Clerke of the Market , or his Deputie , into Our Counting-house , to remaine there with the Officers of Our Houshold ; But shall also be fixed , and set vpon the Gates of Our Court , and other places within the Uerge , aswell within Liberties as without , whereby publique notice may bee taken of the same ; Our will and pleasure being , and We do by this Our Proclamation straitly charge & command , That no Baker , Brewer , Inholder , Butcher , or other Uictualler , or any other person or persons , of what estate or degree soeuer hee or they be , doe in any wise demand , aske , or receiue more for Corne , Uictuals , Horsemeate , Lodging , or any other thing to bee specified in the sayd Schedule or Inquisition , then according to the Rates and Prices therein mentioned , vpon paine of imprisonment , and such further punishment , as by the Lawes of this Realme , or by Our Prerogatiue Royall , may bee inflicted vpon them , as opressors of the Common-wealth , and contemners of this Our Royall Commandement . And moreouer , Wee doe straitly charge and command , That no manner of person or persons , now vsing , or which shall hereafter vse , to serue any Citie , Borough , Towne , or other place , in , or neere the place of Our residence or abode , or elsewhere within the Uerge of Our Court , either within Liberties or without , of , or with any kinde of Corne or Uictuals , or other necessaries , either vpon the Market dayes , or at any other time , shall be any thing the more remisse , or slacke , for making of prouision for the same , then they or any of them heretofore haue been , nor shall vse any colour of craft , to deceiue the buyers of , or in the said prouisions , or to withdraw , conceale , hide , or lay aside their Corne , Uictuals , Horse-meate , or other necessaries , to lessen or diminish the Market , whereby Our Traine , or attendants of Our Court , within any Citie , Borough , or Towne within the Uerge , or the Inhabitants of the same , or any other Our louing Subiects thereunto resorting , shall not be as well , and as plenteously furnished in euery respect , as the Markets were before , in defrauding of this Our Ordinance . And furthermore , We straitly charge , and expresly command , aswell all Our Officers of Our Greenecloth , and Our Clerke of the Market , and his Deputie or Deputies , as also all Maiors , Bayliffes , Sheriffes , Constables , and all other Our Officers and Ministers of all and euery the Cities , Boroughs , Townes , Hundreds , and other places within the Uerge of Our Court , aswel within Liberties as without , That they and euery of them from time to time , when , and as often as any complaint shall bee made vnto them by any partie or parties , iustly grieued or wronged , contrary to the tenour of this Our Proclamation , within their authorities respectiuely , forthwith to endeauour themselues to see speedy reformation thereof and due punishment of the person or persons that shall offend therein , according to the seuerest Iustice of Our Lawes in that behalfe . Giuen at Our Court at White-Hall , the fourteenth day of May , in the first yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton , and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANNO DOM. M. DC . XXV . 
A22367	----	By the King a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for His Maiesties seruice. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22367 STC 8778 ESTC S122665 33150342 ocm 33150342 28557 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22367) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28557) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:40) By the King a proclamation for restraint of disorders in souldiers, prested [sic] for His Maiesties seruice. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. M.DC.XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at the Court at White-Hall, the fifteenth day of May, in the first yeere of the Reigne of our most gracious Souereigne Lord King Charles, of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Army. Military discipline -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE = royal blazon ¶ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for restraint of disorders in Souldiers , prested for his Maiesties Seruice . THe Kings most Excellent Maiestie , beeing informed of the great Spoyles , Dammages , and Losses that his louing Subiects lately suffered by the Uiolences and Disorders committed by Souldiers , when they last passed through the seuerall Counties of this Realme to the Port of Douer ; And His Maiestie hauing a tender care to secure His louing Subiects , both in their Persons and Goods , against all such offences or feares , Hath therefore thought fit , with the aduice of His Priuie Councell , for repressing and preuenting the like Attempts , Actes , or Iniuries , by this Proclamation , to giue solemne warning , and publish His Royall Commandement concerning the same ; wherein , to the end all pretence of Disorder shall bee taken from the Souldiers , His Maiestie in the first place doth giue strict charge and Command , to all Captaines , Lieutenants , Corporals , Conductors , and all other Officers , who haue , or shall haue any charge or command of Conducting any of the seuerall Companies , appointed out of the seuerall Counties of this Realme , to Plymmouth , That they doe , not onely see the Souldiers of their seuerall Bands and Charges respectiuely , duely payd their Conduct-Monies , and prouided for of fit necessaries in their passage , but doe also carefully Leade and Conduct them from place to place , whither they are to goe , keeping alwayes with their Companies , and suffering none of them vpon any pretence to wander or straggle from the rest . Secondly , That no person or persons whatsoeuer , after hee or they hath , haue , or shall receiue his or their Prest-money , doe presume to absent or hide himselfe when hee shall be called to goe with the Companies , nor being in company , shall wander or straggle from his or their colours , or from the Captaine , Lieutenant , Corporall , Conductor , or other Officer , to whom the conducting of them shal be assigned ; but that they all behaue themselues quietly and orderly , as becomes good Subiects , without offering iniury or violence in their passage to any others , either in their persons , families , goods or cattell , or fall into any outrage or disorder amongst themselues . And if any of the sayd Souldiers shall , notwithstanding this publique Warning , and their Captaines or Conductors care and restraint , breake out and commit any outrage , take or spoile any mans house or goods in the Townes or fields as they passe , straggle from their Companies , or otherwise outragiously behaue themselues , That then euery such Souldier so offending , be by vertue of this His Maiesties Proclamation , foorthwith committed to the Constable of the place next adioyning , and by him in safe and sure maner conducted to the Gaole of the Countie , there to remaine without Baile or Maineprise , vntill hee shall be proceeded against by the strictest course of Law which his fact shall deserue , for an example to others to auoid the like offences . And for the better execution of this His Maiesties honourable , iust , and necessary Commandement , His Maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth all Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Bayliffes , Headboroughs , and other Officers , and all other His Maiesties good and louing Subiects , to take care to preuent and represse all such disorders , as aforesaid , and to be ayding and assisting to the said Captaine and Captaines , or other Conductor or Conductors of Souldiers respectiuely , and to such Constable and Constables , as shall haue the charge of conducting any such disorderly Souldiers to the Gaole respectiuely , in the due execution of this His Maiesties commandement concerning the premisses , as they tender their duety and allegiance to His Maiesty , and the peace and good of their Countrey , and will answere for the contrary at their vttermost perils . Giuen at the Court at White-Hall , the fifteenth day of May , in the first yeere of the Reigne of our most gracious Souereigne Lord King CHARLES , of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton , and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANNO DOM. M.DC.XXV . 
A22368	----	By the King a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22368 STC 8779 ESTC S3446 33149941 ocm 33149941 28505 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22368) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28505) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:41) By the King a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Printed at London : M.DC.XXV [1625] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Arms without "C R" at top. "Giuen at the Court at White-Hall, the seuenteenth day of May, in the first yeere of his Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- Prevention. Courts and courtiers -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the Court. THe Kings most Excellent Maiesty , hauing taken into His Princely consideration , the many inconueniences which may fall out by the vnlimited concourse of people of all sorts to His Court , or the Townes or Parishes neere the same , especially at this time , and in this season of the yeere , which growes euery day more dangerous for increasing the infection , already begun in the Citie of London , and Confines of the same ; And being graciously and prouidently carefull to take away and preuent all occasions tending thereunto , hath thought fit by aduice of His Priuie Councell , by this Proclamation to publish and declare his Royall pleasure and commandement concerning the same , That although his Maiestie cannot but conceiue great ioy and contentment , when His louing Subiects , out of their loyall and dutifull affections towards him , shall desire to see the Persons of Himselfe , or of his deare Consort the Queene , who is ( by Gods blessing ) shortly to come ouer into England ; yet , in his Princely care of His people , Hee is contented to dispence with those publike shewes of their zeale , chearefulnes , and alacritie at this time ▪ lest the present occasions of ioy and reioycing , should produce a contrary effect , by dispersing the Infection into other parts of the Realme , where his Maiestie shall keepe his Royall Court and residence . And therefore his Maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , That aswell in the Iourney , which Himselfe shortly intendeth to Douer in Kent , for the reception of his deare Consort , the Queene , at Her arriuall , as also in His , and Her Maiesties returne from thence , and in all other Iourneys and Progresses , which they or either of them shall make this Summer now ensuing , till they shall returne to a standing house in Winter , No person or persons whatsoeuer , not being thereunto called or appointed , or not hauing speciall cause of personall attendance at the Court for his Maiesties seruice , or for some necessary occasion of extremity concerning their owne estate , doe presume to follow , or resort to the Court with Petitions , or vpon other pretence , or vnto any Citie , Towne , Uillage , or priuate house within twelue miles of the same , as they tender his Maiesties displeasure , and will answere for the same , as contemners of this his Maiesties iust and Royall commandement . And whereas many of his Maiesties louing Subiects haue been heretofore wont to pester the Court , vnder colour of repairing thither for healing the disease called The Kings Euill , His Maiestie doth hereby publish and declare his pleasure , That vntill Michaelmas next , and after His Coronation shall be solemnized ▪ He wil not admit any person or persons to come to the Court for healing ; And doth straitly charge and forbid , That no person or persons doe in the meane time presume to importune his Maiestie in that behalfe : And for auoyding many , and great abuses in that behalfe , his Maiesty doth straitly charge and command , That no person or persons doe at any time hereafter resort to his Maiestie , or His Court for healing of that disease , without bringing a Certificate from the Minister , and Churchwardens of the Parish wherein they inhabite , or some other neighbours of more eminent quality , expressing the time they haue been troubled with that infirmity , and that they haue not at any time before been healed by his Maiestie , or the late King : And to auoid the great disorder of poore people , who are vsed to come flocking into the high wayes , and streetes , where his Maiestie is to trauell , vnder colour of reliefe from the Almoner , His Maiestie hath taken order , that in all the Townes and Parishes , through which Hee shall passe , his Maiesties sayd Almoner shall deliuer his Maiesties Almes to the Ouerseers of the Poore , to be distributed amongst them , for their better & more equall reliefe , then they should receiue by comming abroad in that dishonourable & vndecent maner ; which therfore his Maiesty straitly chargeth and commandeth them to forbeare , and all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Constables , and other Officers , to take due care of accordingly . And for other wandering poore , Uagabonds , Rogues , and such like base and vnruly people , which pester the high way , and make it their Trade or profession to liue by begging , pilfering , or other vnlawfull shifting , His Maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , aswell the Knight Marshall of His houshold and his deputies , as all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Constables , and other his Maiesties Officers and louing Subiects , to cause such as bee Impotent , to bee foorthwith returned into their owne Countreys , and such as be able to labour , to bee sent to the houses of Correction , or otherwise ordered according to the Lawes : To which end also , his Maiestie likewise chargeth and commandeth the sayd Sheriffes , Iustices , and other Officers , to cause diligent Watch by night ▪ and Ward by day to be kept by honest and substantiall housholders , in euery Citie , Towne , Uillage , and Parish , through which his Maiesty shall passe , and within twelue miles compasse of his Maiesties passage or Court , aswell to be ready vpon all occasions to suppresse disorders and breaches of the Peace , as to make speciall search for all such persons , as shall pretend themselues to bee his Maiesties Seruants , or followers of the Court , and craue Lodging without hauing Billets for the same , and to apprehend all such as they shall finde so lodged or entertained , & not billeted , and to bring them before the Knight Marshal , or his deputy , and in all other things to be assisting to him and them concerning the premisses , for all occasions of his Maiesties seruice . And because his Maiestie findeth much disorder in some of his owne seruants , in vnnecessary pestering of the Court , when there is no cause for their attendance or imployment , His Maiesty straitly forbiddeth , That any of his seruants do either in this Iourney of his Maiesties intended to Douer , or elsewhere in His Summers Progresse , or vntil his Maiestie shal come to keepe a standing house in Winter , resort to the Court , except such onely of his Maiesties seruants , as are , or shall be set downe in the Liste , or shall be allowed for seruice within doores , and aboue staires , by the Lord Chamberlaine of his Maiesties honourable houshold , or below staires , by the Treasurer and Comptroller of the houshold , or for seruice without doores by the Knight Marshall , vpon paine of his Maiesties displeasure , and incurring the Censure of a high contempt . And to the end his Maiesties Royall pleasure herein before declared , may bee in all points obserued , his Maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth His Knight Marshall , and all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Constables , Headboroughs , Bayliffes , and other his Maiesties Officers whatsoeuer , to see all things concerning the premisses , carefully performed , and put in due execution , according to the dueties of their seuerall places , as they and euery of them will answere for any their neglects herein , at their vttermost perils . Giuen at the Court at White-Hall , the seuenteenth day of May , in the first yeere of his Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Printed at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXV . 
A22370	----	By the King, a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-11 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22370 STC 8780 ESTC S122666 23959483 ocm 23959483 27023 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22370) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27023) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1813:37) By the King, a proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the court England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] p. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill ..., Printed at London : M.DC.XXV. [1625] Caption title. Imprint taken from colophon. "Giuen at the court at White-Hall, the seuenteenth day of May, in the first yeere of His Maiesties reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland."--P. [2]. Contains plague precautions for meeting the Queen at summer progresses to Dover and elsewhere.--Cf. STC (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England. Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for restraint of disorderly and vnnecessary resort to the Court. THe Kings most Excellent Maiesty , hauing taken into His Princely consideration , the many inconueniences which may fall out by the vnlimited concourse of people of all sorts to His Court , or the Townes or Parishes neere the same , especially at this time , and in this season of the yeere , which growes euery day more dangerous for increasing the infection , already begun in the Citie of London , and Confines of the same ; And being graciously and prouidently carefull to take away and preuent all occasions tending thereunto , hath thought fit by aduice of His Priuie Councell , by this Proclamation to publish and declare his Royall pleasure and commandement concerning the same , That although his Maiestie cannot but conceiue great ioy and contentment , when His louing Subiects , out of their loyall and dutifull affections towards him , shall desire to see the Persons of Himselfe , or of his deare Consort the Queene , who is ( by Gods blessing ) shortly to come ouer into England ; yet , in his Princely care of His people , Hee is contented to dispence with those publike shewes of their zeale , chearefulnes , and alacritie at this time ▪ lest the present occasions of ioy and reioycing , should produce a contrary effect , by dispersing the Infection into other parts of the Realme , where his Maiestie shall keepe his Royall Court and residence . And therefore his Maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , That aswell in the Iourney , which Himselfe shortly intendeth to Douer in Kent , for the reception of his deare Consort , the Queene , at Her arriuall , as also in His , and Her Maiesties returne from thence , and in all other Iourneys and Progresses , which they or either of them shall make this Summer now ensuing , till they shall returne to a standing house in Winter , No person or persons whatsoeuer , not being thereunto called or appointed , or not hauing speciall cause of personall attendance at the Court for his Maiesties seruice , or for some necessary occasion of extremity concerning their owne estate , doe presume to follow , or resort to the Court with Petitions , or vpon other pretence , or vnto any Citie , Towne , Uillage , or priuate house within twelue miles of the same , as they tender his Maiesties displeasure , and will answere for the same , as contemners of this his Maiesties iust and Royall commandement . And whereas many of his Maiesties louing Subiects haue been heretofore wont to pester the Court , vnder colour of repairing thither for healing the disease called The Kings Euill , His Maiestie doth hereby publish and declare his pleasure , That vntill Michaelmas next , and after His Coronation shall be solemnized , He wil not admit any person or persons to come to the Court for healing ; And doth straitly charge and forbid , That no person or persons doe in the meane time presume to importune his Maiestie in that behalfe : And for auoyding many , and great abuses in that behalfe , his Maiesty doth straitly charge and command , That no person or persons doe at any time hereafter resort to his Maiestie , or His Court for healing of that disease , without bringing a Certificate from the Minister , and Churchwardens of the Parish wherein they inhabite , or some other neighbours of more eminent quality , expressing the time they haue been troubled with that infirmity , and that they haue not at any time before been healed by his Maiestie , or the late King : And to auoid the great disorder of poore people , who are vsed to come flocking into the high wayes , and streetes , where his Maiestie is to trauell , vnder colour of reliefe from the Almoner , his Maiestie hath taken order , that in all the Townes and Parishes , through which Hee shall passe , his Maiesties sayd Almoner shall deliuer his Maiesties Almes to the Ouerseers of the Poore , to be distributed amongst them , for their better & more equall reliefe , then they should receiue by comming abroad in that dishonourable & vndecent maner ; which therfore his Maiesty straitly chargeth and commandeth them to forbeare , and all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Constables , and other Officers , to take due care of accordingly . And for other wandering poore , Uagabonds , Rogues , and such like base and vnruly people , which pester the high way , and make it their Trade or profession to liue by begging , pilfering , or other vnlawfull shifting , His Maiestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , aswell the Knight Marshall of His houshold and his deputies , as all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Constables , and other his Maiesties Officers and louing Subiects , to cause such as bee Impotent , to bee foorthwith returned into their owne Countreys , and such as be able to labour , to bee sent to the houses of Correction , or otherwise ordered according to the Lawes : To which end also , his Maiestie likewise chargeth and commandeth the sayd Sheriffes , Iustices , and other Officers , to cause diligent Watch by night , and Ward by day to be kept by honest and substantiall housholders , in euery Citie , Towne , Uillage , and Parish , through which his Maiesty shall passe , and within twelue miles compasse of his Maiesties passage or Court , aswell to be ready vpon all occasions to suppresse disorders and breaches of the Peace , as to make speciall search for all such persons , as shall pretend themselues to bee his Maiesties Seruants , or followers of the Court , and craue Lodging without hauing Billets for the same , and to apprehend all such as they shall finde so lodged or entertained , & not billeted , and to bring them before the Knight Marshal , or his deputy , and in all other things to be assisting to him and them concerning the premisses , for all occasions of his Maiesties seruice . And because his Maiestie findeth much disorder in some of his owne seruants , in vnnecessary pestering of the Court , when there is no cause for their attendance or imployment , His Maiesty straitly forbiddeth , That any of his seruants do either in this Iourney of his Maiesties intended to Douer , or elsewhere in His Summers Progresse , or vntil his Maiestie shal come to keepe a standing house in Winter , resort to the Court , execpt such onely of his Maiesties seruants , as are , or shall be set downe in the Liste , or shall be allowed for seruice within doores , and aboue staires , by the Lord Chamberlaine of his Maiesties honourable houshold , or below staires , by the Treasurer and Comptroller of the houshold , or for seruice without doores by the Knight Marshall , vpon paine of his Maiesties displeasure , and incurring the Censure of a high contempt . And to the end his Maiesties Royall pleasure herein before declared , may bee in all points obserued , his Maiestie straitly chargeth and commandeth His Knight Marshall , and all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Constables , Headboroughs , Bayliffes , and other his Maiesties Officers whatsoeuer , to see all things concerning the premisses , carefully performed , and put in due execution , according to the dueties of their seuerall places , as they and euery of them will answere for any their neglects herein , at their vttermost perils . Giuen at the Court at White-Hall , the seuenteenth day of May , in the first yeere of his Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Printed at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXV . 
A22376	----	By the King a proclamation for a publike, generall, and solemne fast. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22376 STC 8787 ESTC S122671 33150389 ocm 33150389 28580 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22376) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28580) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:47) By the King a proclamation for a publike, generall, and solemne fast. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Printed at London : Anno Dom. M. DC. XXV [1625] Arms with "C R" at top. "Giuen at the Court at White-Hall, the third day of Iuly, in the first yeere of his Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fasts and feasts -- Church of England. Fasts and feasts -- Great Britain. Plague -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for a publike , generall , and solemne Fast. THe Kings most Excellent Maiestie , vpon the humble Petition of the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , and Commons in the present Parliament assembled , taking into his Princely consideration the many important causes , and extraordinary occasions calling vpon him , and his people for a ioynt and generall humiliation of all Estates of His Kingdome , before Almighty God in Prayer and Fasting , aswell for auerting this heauy Uisitation of Plague and Pestilence , already begun , and dangerously dispersed in many parts of this Kingdome , as also for drawing downe his Blessing vpon his Maiesty and His people , and Armies both by Sea and Land , hath therefore ( according to the Royall and laudable example of other godly Kings ) by the aduice and assistance of His Prelates and Bishops , caused an Order or Direction for publique Prayer and Fasting , to be conceiued and published in Print , in a Booke for this speciall purpose , to be generally obserued and solemnized , in humble hope and confidence , that when both Prince and People together through the whole Land , shal ioyne in one common , & solemne Deuotion , of sending vp their faithfull and repentant Prayers to Almighty God at one instant of time , the same shall bee more auaileable to obtaine that mercie , helpe and comfort from him , which in the present important occasions this Church and Common-wealth doe stand in neede of . His Maiestie doeth therefore by this present Proclamation straitly charge and command , That a generall , publike , and solemne Fast be kept and holden , as well by abstinence from food , as by publike Prayers , Preaching , and hearing of the Word of God , and other sacred duties , according to the direction of the said Booke , in all collegiate and parish-Churches and Chappels within this Kingdome of England , and Dominion of Wales , vpon Wednesday , the twentieth day of this instant moneth of Iuly , and from thencefoorth continued vpon the Wednesday of euery weeke following , by the reuerend , religious , and deuout Assembly of the whole Congregation of such of the Inhabitants in each seuerall place , as are free and safe from danger of Infection , and may in euery Family be conueniently spared ; Willing and requiring , aswell all Archbishops , and Bishops , in their seuerall Prouinces , and Diocesses , and all Parsons , Uicars and Curats , within their seuerall Parishes and Charges , as also all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , and other Officers in their seuerall places , limits , and iurisdictions , respectiuely to take especiall care , that this His Maiesties Royall commandement be duly executed and obserued : And that they themselues be lights of good example to the rest ; And that all others in manner aforesaid , doe diligently and deuoutlyfollow and performe the same , as they tender their duties to Almighty God , and to their Prince and Countrey , and will answere for their prophane , or contemptuous neglect hereof at their vttermost perils . Giuen at the Court at White-Hall , the third day of Iuly , in the first yeere of his Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Printed at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M. DC . XXV . 
A22377	----	By the King a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22377 STC 8788 ESTC S122672 33149925 ocm 33149925 28503 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22377) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28503) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:48) By the King a proclamation concerning the adiournement of the Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Bonham Norton, and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. M.DC.XXV [1625] Arms with "C R" at top of sheet; text has historiated initial. "Giuen at Our Court at Oatlands, the twelfthth day of Iuly, in the first yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Plague -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation concerning the adiournement of the Parliament . THe Kings most excellent Maiesty , hauing taken into his Princely consideration , that the infection of the Plague is at this present so generally dispersed and spread abroad , in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , as that the Parliament , late assembled at Westminster , could not without manifest perill to the Lords Spirituall , and Temporall and Commons there assembled , be continued there , so long as the necessitie of the vrgent and important affaires of his Maiestie and the whole Realme did require ; Hath therefore caused the same to bee adiourned from the Citie of Westminster , to be holden at the Citie of Oxford , the first day of August next ▪ And hath thought fit hereby to publish and declare the same to all such , whom it may in any wise concerne ; Straitly charging and commanding hereby , as well all the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , as also all and euery the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses , of all and euery the Shires , Cities , and Boroughs within this Realme of England , and all others whom it may concerne , That they and euery of them doe personally appeare at the said Citie of Oxford , the said first day of August now next ensuing , then and there to proceed in those waighty and vrgent affaires which shall bee there handled , as shall be most expedient for the generall good of his Maiestie and his Realmes . Giuen at Our Court at Oatlands , the twelfth day of Iuly , in the first yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton , and Iohn Bill . Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANNO DOM. M.DC.XXV . 
A22378	----	By the King a proclamation for remouing the receipt of His Maiesties exchequer from Westminster to Richmond. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22378 STC 8789 ESTC S123752 33150353 ocm 33150353 28562 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22378) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28562) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:49) By the King a proclamation for remouing the receipt of His Maiesties exchequer from Westminster to Richmond. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By I.L. and W.T. for Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Printed at Oxford : 1625. line 1 of text ends "conside-". "Giuen at the Court at Ricot the one and thirtieth day of Iulie, in the first yeare of his Maiesties Raigne of great Brittaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Exchequer. Plague -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . A Proclamation for remouing the Receipt of his Maiesties Exchequer from Westminster to Richmond . THE Kings most Excellent Maiestie taking into his Princely consideration the great and dangerous increase of the Plague in and about the Citty of Westminster , where his Maiesties Receit of Exchequer hath beene hitherto kept , and willing as much as is possible to prevent the further danger , which might ensue as well to his owne Officers , which are necessarily to attend the same Receit , as to other his louing Subiects who shall haue occasion either for receit , or payment of monies to repaire thither : hath therefore taken order for the present remoue of the receit of his said Exchequer from thence to his Maiesties house at Richmond in the Countie of Surrey : and hath thought fit by this his Proclamation to publish the same , to the ende , that all persons whom the same may concerne , may take notice whither to repaire vpon all occasions concerning the bringing in , or issuing of his Maiesties Treasure at the receit of his Exchequer . Willing and requiring all Sheriffes , Bailiffes , Collectors , and all other officers , Accomptants , and persons whatsoeuer , who are to pay in any monies into the said receit of his Maiesties Exchequer , or otherwise to attend the same , to keepe their daies and times at Richmond aforesaid , and there to doe , pay , and performe in all things as they should , or ought to haue done at Westminster , if the said receit of Exchequer had continued there . And this to bee done and obserued vntill his Maiestie shall publish and declare his further pleasure to the contrary . Given at the Court at Ricot the one and thirtieth day of Iulie in the first yeare of his Maiesties Raigne of great Brittaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. Printed at Oxford by I. L. and W.T. for Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . 1625. 
A22385	----	By the King, a proclamation for the adjournement of part of Michaelmas terme England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22385 STC 8800.3 ESTC S4625 23669668 ocm 23669668 26787 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22385) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 26787) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1832:3) By the King, a proclamation for the adjournement of part of Michaelmas terme England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By I.L. and W.T. for Bonham Norton, and Iohn Bill ..., Printed at Oxford : M.DC.XXV [1625] "Giuen at the Court at Tichfeld the fourth day of September, and in the first yeere of His Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Formerly STC 8799--Cf. STC (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in the Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the adjournement of part of Michaelmas Terme . THE King our Soueraigne Lord considering the great and generall infection of the Plague which at this present is in the Cities of London and Westminster , and other places neere adioyning , and how perilous it might bee to His louing Subiects , if they should bee enforced to repaire thither for their suites and causes before such time as it shall please Almighty God of his goodnesse and mercy to remooue or ease that heauy visitation . His Maiestie therefore of His especiall grace and fauour to His people : and for their better safety and preseruation , is pleased to adiourne part of the Tearme of Saint Michael now next comming : That is to say , from the Vtas thereof vnto the fourth Returne of the same Tearme called Mense Michaelis , which His Maiestie signifieth to all and singular His louing Subiects of this His Realme , to the intent that they and euery of them which hath cause or Commandement to appeare in any of His Highnesse Courts at Westminster , in , or at any day or time , from and after the said Vtas of Saint Michael , may tarry at their dwellings , or where their businesse otherwise shall lye , without resorting to any of the said Courts for that cause , before the said Mense Michaelis next comming , and that without danger of forfeiture , penalty , or contempt to incurre towards His Highnesse in that behalfe . And neuerthelesse His Maiesties pleasure is , that two of His Iustices , That is to say , of either Bench one , shall the first day of Michaelmas Tearme next , called Octabis Michaelis , according to the ancient order of the Lawes , keepe the Essoines of the said Octabis Michaelis , at which Vtas of Saint Michael , Writs of adiournament ( which His Maiestie hereby Commandeth the Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England to make foorth , shall bee directed to the said Iustices , giuing them authority to adiourne the said Tearme of Saint Michael , ( That is to say ) from the Vtas thereof , vntill the fourth Returne , as before is said : And the said adiournament shall bee made in the first day of the said Vtas , commonly called the day of Essoines . And further His Maiesties pleasure is , That all Matters , Causes , and Suites depending in any of His other Courts betweene party and party , as in his Highnesse Courts of Chauncery , Star-chamber , and Exchequer , Courts of Wardes and Liueries , Dutchie of Lancaster , and Court of Requests shall haue continuance , and the parties shall haue day from the da●e of these presents , vntill the said fourth Returne as before is said . Prouided alwayes , and His Maiesties pleasure and Commandement is ▪ That all Collectours , Receiuers , Sheriffes , and other Accomptants , and all other persons that should , or ought to accompt , or pay any summe , or summes of money in any of His Maiesties Courts of Exchequer , Courts of Wardes and Liueries , and of His Dutchie of Lancaster , or in any of them , or to ●nter into any accompt in any of the said Courts , shall repaire vnto His Maiesties House of Richmond , where His Highnesse hath appointed such Officers and Ministers , as for that purpose His Maiestie hath thought expedient , and there to pay and doe in euery behalfe , as though no such Proclamation of adiournement had beene had or made . And His Maiesties further pleasure and Commandement is , that all Sheriffes shall returne their Writs and Proces against all such Accomptants and Debtors , at the dayes therein appointed . And if any person , or persons , who ought to accompt , or pay any summe , or summes of money to His Maiestie in any of the Courts and places afore-said doe make default therein , that then His Highnesse Writs and Proces shall bee awarded and sent foorth against euery such person and persons , and the same to bee duly and orderly serued , and returned by the Sheriffes and Officers thereunto appointed in such like manner and forme as the same should haue beene if this present Proclamantion had not beene made . And if any Sheriffe or other Officer shall make default , or bee negligent in seruing , executing , or returning of any the Writs and Proces aforesaid , that then euery such Sheriffe and other Officer shall incurre such paines and penalties as by the said Courts , or any of them shall bee taxed and assessed , Willing and Commanding all and euery His Maiesties Sheriffes , Officers , Ministers and Subiects , to whom it doeth , or shall appertaine to obserue and keepe their assemblies and apparances with all their Returnes and Certificats in His Highnesse said Courts at Westminster in Mense Michaelis next comming , then and there to be holden and kept , and there to doe their Offices and duties in euery behalfe in like manner and forme as they should , or ought to haue done if this present Proclamation had not beene had or made , as they will answere to the contrary at their perils . Giuen at the Court at Tichfeld the fourth day of September , and in the first yeere of His Maiesties Reigne of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. Printed at Oxford by I. L. and W. T. for BONHAM NORTON , and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANN. M.DC.XXV . 
A22389	----	By the King, a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene His Maiesties Royall Court and the cities of London and Westminster, and places adioyning England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22389 STC 8804.7 ESTC S2605 24358174 ocm 24358174 27572 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22389) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 27572) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1850:44) By the King, a proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene His Maiesties Royall Court and the cities of London and Westminster, and places adioyning England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By I.L. and W.T. for Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill ..., Printed at Oxford : 1625. "Giuen at our Court at Salisbury the seuenteenth day of October, in the first yeare of our raigne of Great Brittaine, France, and Ireland." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England. Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . A Proclamation for the avoyding of all intercourse betweene His Maiesties Royall Court , and the Cities of London and VVestminster , and places adioyning . HIS Maiesty hauing taken a resolution that Himselfe and His Royall Consort the Queene and their Courts shall very shortly remoue first to His Castle of VVindsor , and after to his Honour of Hampton-Court , and there to settle : and foreseeing that the vicinity of those places to the Cities of London and Westminster , and the Suburbs thereof , and the Borough of Southwarke & Towne of Lambeth , which long haue been , and yet are so grievously infected with the Plague , is apt to draw an intercourse betweene those Cities and places & the Court , which may bring extreame perill to the sacred Persons of their Royall Maiesties , vnlesse it be very carefully avoyded . For the preventing therfore of so great & so apparant a danger , wherin all his Maiesties good and louing Subiects haue so large an interest . His Maiesty doth straitly charge and command , That no person or persons of what degree or quality soeuer doe presume to goe or repaire directly or indirectly from the said Citie of London or Westminster , or either of them , or the suburbs of them , or the Borrough of Southwarke or Towne of Lambeth vnto the Court , or to goe from the Court vnto the said cities of London or Westminster , or the Suburbs of them , or the said Borrough of Southwarke , or Towne of Lambeth , or either , or any of them , and returne backe to the Court againe vpon paine of his Maiesties heavy displeasure , and of such further punishment as can by Law or by his Maiesties prerogatiue Royall be inflicted vpon them for so high a contempt . And if any Servant to his Maiesty , or to the Queene his Royall consort in any office or place whatsoeuer , shall offend herein , and either in their owne person haue recourse to and fro , or wittingly suffer any other to haue recourse or accesse vnto them from those cities or suburbs thereof , or places aforesaid , His Maiesty doth hereby signifie and publish his determinate purpose and resolution , That euery such offender shall not onely ipso facto forfeit and loose the Office or place he holdeth , without any hope or expectation of favour now or at any time hereafter , but shall also incurre the heaviest and severest punishment which can be inflicted vpon them . And his Maiesty doth straitly charge and command all his louing Subiects to be carefull in the due execution of his Royall will and pleasure herein , not onely in their owne persons , but in all others as much as in them lieth , and this to be strictly observed and continued vntill his Maiesty shall see cause to inlarge this restraint againe , Giuen at our Court at Salisbury the seuenteenth day of October , in the first yeare of our raigne of Great Brittaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. Printed at Oxford by I. L. and W. T. for Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . 1625. 
A22394	----	By the King a proclamation against imbezelling of armour, munition, and victuall, and other military prouisions. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22394 STC 8811 ESTC S122685 38160554 ocm 38160554 29244 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22394) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 29244) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1923:9) By the King a proclamation against imbezelling of armour, munition, and victuall, and other military prouisions. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 2 leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXV [1625] Imprint from colophon. "Dated at Our Manour of Hampton, the 25. of December. 1625." Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Supplies and stores. Great Britain -- History, Military -- 1603-1714. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ¶ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation against imbezelling of Armour , Munition , and Victuall , and other Military prouisions . DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms WHereas by an Act of Parliament , made in the one and thirtieth yeere of the Reigne of Our deare Sister , the late Queene Elizabeth , of famous memorie , it was enacted , That if any person or persons , hauing at any time , after the said Parliament , the Charge or Custodie of any Armour , Ordnance , Munition , Shot , Powder , or habiliments of Warre , of the Queenes Maiesties , Her Heires or Successors , or of any Uictuals prouided for the Uictualling of any Souldiers , Gunners , Mariners , or Pioners , shall for any lucre or gaine , wittingly , aduisedly , or of purpose to hinder , or impeach Her Maiesties Seruice , imbezell , purloine , or carry away any the said Armour , Ordnance , Munition , Shot , Powder , Habiliments of Warre or Uictuals , to the value of twenty shillings , at one or seuerall times ; That then euery such offence shall be iudged Felony , and the Offendor or Offendors therein , to be tryed , proceeded in , and suffer , as in case of Felony . Forasmuch as it hath beene found by late experience , That , notwithstanding the Penaltie prouided for such offences , diuers persons , to whose trust and charge , Armour , Munition , Shot , Powder , Habiliments of Warre , Prouisions of Uictuals , and incidents thereunto , were committed , haue , both before the Ships going foorth , in the time of Our Seruice , and in their returne homewards , ( out of a greedy desire of gaine and lucre to themselues ) Imbezelled , Purloyned , Conueyed away , and Sold , a good part of the Prouisions and Remaines , of such Armour , Munition , Powder , &c. Uictuals , Bisket , Bagges , Caske , and other Prouisions to them intrusted , to the great hinderance and impeachment of so important a Seruice in hand , and such other Our Seruice , as hereafter may fall out . Wee doe therefore signifie Our Royall Will and Pleasure ; and doe hereby straitly charge and command all Officers , Ministers , and others now imployed , or hereafter to be imployed in Our seruice , by Land or at Sea , that they presume not to imbezell , purloine , or carrie a shore , at their arriuall at any of Our Ports , or sell any Armour , Munition , Powder , &c. or Uictuals , Iron hoopes , Caske , Bisket , Bags , or other prouisions , which , either are , or hereafter shall be in their charge and custody , as they will auoide the penaltie of the Law prouided against such offenders , which they are to expect shall be seuerely inflicted vpon them , and such further punishments as the case shall require . And Wee doe further charge and command all , and euery person and persons , to take notice , That if any of them shall buy , receiue , or take into his or their possession , any Armour , Munition , Uictuals , or other prouisions , which haue beene , or heereafter shall bee committed to the custodie and charge of any the Pursers , Stewards , Gunners , or other Officers or Ministers , now imployed , or heereafter to be imployed in Our seruice , either by Land or Sea , he , or they shall seuerely suffer such condigne punishment , as by the Lawes of this Our Realme is ordayned , and otherwise , as shall be iust and fit . And Wee doe heereby signifie Our further will and pleasure , That , what person soeuer of Our well affected Subiects , or others , can find out , or iustly informe of any purloynings , or imbezelments , in kind , as before , and giue notice thereof to the principall Officers of Our Nauie , Ordnance , and Munition , shall bee well rewarded for his , or their paines so taken therein . Dated at Our Manour of Hampton , the 25. of December . 1625. God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M. DC . XXV . 
A22395	----	By the King a proclamation to declare His Maiesties pleasure, that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of London, for repairing to faires for a time, is now set at libertie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1625 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22395 STC 8812 ESTC S122686 33150398 ocm 33150398 28585 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22395) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28585) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:59) By the King a proclamation to declare His Maiesties pleasure, that a former restraint inioyned to the citizens of London, for repairing to faires for a time, is now set at libertie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Bonham Norton, and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. M.DC.XXV [1625] "Giuen at Our Honour of Hampton Court, the 30 of December. 1625." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Fairs -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Plague -- England -- Prevention. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Derek Lee Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Derek Lee Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation to declare His Maiesties pleasure , that a former restraint inioyned to the Citizens of London , for repairing to Faires for a time , is now set at libertie . WHereas the Kings most Excellent Maiestie , out of His Princely and Christian care of His louing Subiects , by His Royall Proclamation , bearing date the fourth day of August last , to preuent the further spreading of the great Infection of the Plague , as much as by all good meanes Hee might , did , by the aduice of His Maiesties Priuie Councell , forbid the holding and resorting vnto the two great Faires of speciall note , then by course of time neere approching , the one vsually kept in Smithfield , neere the Citie of London , called Bartholomew Faire , and the other neere Cambridge , called Sturbridge Faire ; and did thereby also further charge and enioyne , all Citizens and Inhabitants of the said Citie of London , that none of them should repaire to any Faire , held within any part of this Kingdome , vntill it should please God to cease the Infection then reigning amongst them : Now , seeing it hath pleased Almighty God , of his great mercy and goodnesse , to stay his hand from further punishing that Citie , and the places adiacent , and that , that Contagion and dangerous Sicknesse is now ceased there , His Maiestie , taking into His Princely consideration , that in the mutuall Commerce of His Subiects standeth their very subsistence , at least , their well-being ; by the like aduice of His Maiesties Priuie Councell , doth hereby publish and declare His Will and Pleasure to be , That seeing God , of his mercy , hath graciously remooued the Cause of the former restraint , that now the Citizens , and Inhabitants of the Cities of London and Westminster , and places adioyning , may freely repaire to any Faire , hereafter to be held in this Kingdome , and that any other of His Highnesse louing Subiects , may freely buy of them , any Wares or Merchandize , comming from those Cities or places , the said Proclamation , bearing date the said fourth day of August , and one other Proclamation , bearing date the eleuenth day of October now last past , or any other Proclamation or Restraint whatsoeuer to the contrary . And His Maiestie , doth hereby straitly charge and command , that no Maiors , Bailifes , Iustices of Peace , or any other of His Maiesties Officers , Ministers , or louing Subiects whatsoeuer , doe presume , vnder colour of the said former Proclamations , or of any other Restraint whatsoeuer , to interrupt or hinder the Citizens or Inhabitants of the said Cities of London or Westminster , or places neere adioyning , to repaire to any Faires , and to vtter , sell , barter , or dispose of their Wares or Merchandize there , at their free will and pleasure . Giuen at Our Honour of Hampton Court , the 30. of December . 1625. God saue the King. ❧ Imprinted at London by BONHAM NORTON , and IOHN BILL , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . ANNO DOM. M.DC.XXV . 
A22418	----	By the King a proclamation to declare and publish His Maiesties resolution, to ascertaine his reuenue, by granting his lands holden aswell by copie, as otherwise in fee-farme. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1626 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22418 STC 8837 ESTC S3525 33150396 ocm 33150396 28584 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22418) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28584) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:73) By the King a proclamation to declare and publish His Maiesties resolution, to ascertaine his reuenue, by granting his lands holden aswell by copie, as otherwise in fee-farme. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXVI [1626] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at Our Court at Nonesuch, the thirteenth day of August, in the second yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Land tenure -- Law and legislation -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Copyhold -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation to declare and publish His Maiesties resolution , to ascertaine His Reuenue , by granting His Lands holden aswell by Copie , as otherwise in Fee-Farme . WHereas at Our accesse vnto the Imperial Crowne of this Realme , Wee found the Treasures thereof exhausted , the Reuenue of Our Lands much diminished , and yet a great masse of Debts lying vpon Us , & a dayly charge , which in an ordinary course must be borne for the support of Our Honour , and a more then extraordinary charge for the necessary defence of Our Kingdomes , Wee being imbarked in a Warre at Our first comming to the Crowne : And when Wee entred into a serious consideration of the seuerall parts of Our Reuenue , Wee found them much too short to maintaine Our ordinary Expences , much lesse the extraordinary , which are neuerthelesse vnauoidable . To the end therfore , that Wee might be fully and truely informed of the present state of Our Reuenue in euery part thereof , and of the burthen which lyeth vpon it , and so bee better enabled , for the future , to dispose and settle the same in such an order , as that Wee might with more comfort mannage Our Estate , Wee thought it fit to make choyce of some Persons of qualitie and experience , to bee Our Commissioners for Our Reuenue , and they to take into their especiall care and considerations , by what iust and honourable meanes , Wee might retrench all vndue or vnnecessary Charges , issuing out of Our Reuenue , or Coffers , and how to aduance and improoue such parts thereof , as might admitte of an improouement ; which Our Commissioners hauing returned to Us an Accompt of their paines from time to time in this Our Seruice , Wee finde by them that the casuall profits of Our Lands , either by Fines for Leases , or Copy-hold Estates , Herriots , Reliefes , or therwise , haue , Communibus annis , yeelded to Us , or Our Crowne , in diuers yeeres past , but a small Summe , nor is like to doe in many yeeres yet to come ; And yet out of the same there are issuing diuers Annuall Fees and Payments , amounting in the whole to a great yeerely value . Wee therefore , by the aduice of Our sayd Commissioners , intending to reduce Our Reuenue to a more certaintie , and to improoue our yeerely Rents in those places where it may conueniently admitte of such improouement , to abate Our vnnecessary charge issuing thereout , and yet to raise a present Summe of Money towards the defraying of those great expences , which for the publique defence of Our people and Kingdomes Wee cannot auoid , and for the supply whereof , Wee are resolued to spare nothing which lyeth in Our power , and for the satisfying of those iust debts , which dayly crie in Our eares , haue resolued , and by these Presents doe declare and publish Our Resolution to all Our louing Subiects whom it may concerne , That We wil grant in Fee-Farme , all , or any of Our Honours , Manours , Lands , Tenements , Woods , & other Hereditaments , both in the Suruey of Our Exchequer , and of Our Duchy of Lancaster , aswell such as are held by Copie , as by Lease , Custodie , or otherwise , & aswell such as are yet in the hands of Our Commissioners when We were Prince , as other our Lands in Mortgage , ( which We purpose forthwith to redeeme ) those Manors & Lands onely excepted , which are parcell of Our Duchie of Cornewall . And to this end We purpose forthwith to nominate certaine persons vnder Our Great Seale of England , to bee Our Commissioners , to whom Wee will giue full power and authoritie , for Us , and in Our Name , to treate and conclude with any persons , for any parts thereof , aswell Quillets and Parcels , as entire Manours , at , and for such increase of Rents , or Fine , or both , as they in their good discretions shall thinke fit , and agree vpon : And We haue thought good thus to publish Our Pleasure and Resolution herein , that the present Tenants of Our Lands , and all other Our louing Subiects may take notice thereof , and may know whither , and to whom to make their repaire for this purpose ; To which ende Wee will appoint Our sayd Commissioners to attend this Our Seruice on the twentieth day of September next , and so from time to time thence forward , at the Chamber , commonly called the Painted Chamber , in Our Palace at Westminster , whither Our pleasure is , that all such of Our Subiects , as shall bee desirous to purchase any of Our said Lands in Fee-Farme , as aforesaid , shall resort to make their agreements accordingly . And because this Our Resolution may take that effect which Wee desire and expect , Our Will and Command is , that from hencefoorth , vntill Our further Pleasure bee knowen herein , no Estate or Lease by Copie or otherwise , bee renewed , granted , or altered by any , but by Oursayd Commissioners onely . Giuen at Our Court at Nonesuch , the thirteenth day of August , in the second yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXVI . 
A22435	----	By the King a proclamation touching tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1627 Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22435 STC 8853 ESTC S122709 33152843 ocm 33152843 28979 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22435) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28979) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:85) By the King a proclamation touching tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXVI [1626, i.e. 1627] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Allowing importation of Spanish tobacco as part of the royal monopoly; requiring sealing of tobacco by commissioners in London. "Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall, the seuenteenth day of Februarie, in the second yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland. Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry -- Virginia. Tobacco industry -- Bermuda Islands. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Commerce -- Spain -- Early works to 1800. Spain -- Commerce -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation touching Tobacco . WHereas Our most deare Father , of blessed memory , deceased , for many weighty and important reasons of State , and at the humble suit of his Commons in Parliament , did heretofore publish two seuerall Proclamations ▪ the one bearing date the nine and twentieth day of September , in the two & twentieth yeere of his Highnesse Reigne of England , France , and Ireland , and of Scotland the eight and fiftieth , and the other the second day of March then next following , by both of them vtterly prohibiting the importation & vse of all Tobacco , which is not of the proper growth of the Colonies of Virginia , and the Sommer-Ilands , or one of them , with such Cautions ▪ and vnder such Paines and Penalties , as are in those Proclamations at large expressed . And whereas Our sayd Father , by another Proclamation bearing date the thirtieth day of December , in the seuenteenth yeere of his Highnesse Reigne of England , did straitly charge all and euery person or persons , of what degree or condition soeuer , that they should not from the second day of February then next following , presume to Sowe , Set , or Plant , or cause to be sowen , set , or planted within this Realme of England , or Dominion of Wales , any sort or kinde of Tobacco whatsoeuer , and that they , or any of them should not maintaine and continue any old Stockes or Plants of Tobacco formerly sowen or planted , but should foorthwith destroy and roote vp the same . And wheras We , finding the said Proclamations to be grounded vpon many weighty reasons and considerations , did since Our Accesse to Our Crowne , by Our Proclamation lately published , renew and confirme the said former prohibitions : Neuerthelesse , because the immoderate desire of taking of Tobacco hath so farre preuailed in these Our Kingdomes , as that it cannot on a sodaine bee vtterly suppressed , and the difference , or , at least , the opinion of difference betweene Spanish or forreine Tobacco , and Tobacco of the Plantations of Virginia , and of Our owne Dominions , is such , that Our Subiects can hardly be induced totally to forsake the Spanish Tobacco ; whereby it commeth to passe , That where Wee were willing to haue suffered losse in Our Customes , so as the sayd forreigne Tobacco might haue been kept out , the same is secretly , and by stealth brought in in great quantities , and many great quantities of Tobacco are set and sowen within this Our Realme of England and Dominion of Wales , and so the mischiefe , intended to be redressed , is not auoided , and yet Our Reuenue in Our Customes is much diminished . Wee therefore , taking into Our Princely consideration , as wel the present estate of these times , and how many important necessities doe at this instant presse Us , that by all good meanes Wee should husband Our Reuenue to the best , and also considering the many inconueniences which doe and will arise , both to Our selues and to Our Subiects , by the secret importation of Spanish Tobacco , and planting of English Tobacco , whereby diuers of Our Subiects haue taken liberty to themselues , for the desire of priuate gaine , without respect to the publique , to make such frequent sale of the same , as that thereby not onely Our Plantations abroad are much hindered , but Our Customes also are much impayred , Wee haue thought fit , by the aduice of Our Commissioners for Our Reuenue , as Our first part of proceeding concerning Tobacco , to restrain● wholly the planting of Tobacco within these Our Realmes , or any the Iles thereto belonging , and to forbid the importation of forreine Tobacco . And yet to giue way to the infirmitie of Our Subiects for the present , by the allowing the importation of some smal quantity of Spanish or forreine Tobacco , not being of the growth of the English Plantations , not exceeding the quantitie of fiftie thousand weight in any one yeere to bee brought in by Our owne Commissioners onely , and to Our owne particular vse onely , and not otherwise . And to the end that the extraordinary liberty now taken , may be restrained , the said Colonies or plantations not hindered , nor Our Selfe deceiued in Our Customes , Wee haue likewise by the aduice aforesaid , thought it requisite , to imploy some persons of trust and qualitie to be Our Commissioners in this Seruice , to , and for Our owne proper vse , and vpon accompt to be giuen to Us for the same . Wee doe therefore hereby publish and declare Our Royall will and pleasure , that , notwithstanding the seuerall Proclamations before mentioned , We are well contented to giue way to the importation and sale of so much Spanish and forreine Tobacco , as shall not exceede the quantitie of fifty thousand weight in any one yeere , as aforesaid , and that the same shall bee Our owne Merchandise and Commodity , and be managed and disposed of by Our owne Commissioners , or such as they shall appoint for Our vse , and not otherwise . And , because that no man shall presume , by colour of this Our Licence or toleration , to import any other , or greater quantity of Spanish or forreine Tobacco , nor vtter or put the same to sale , to the preiudice of Our Seruice hereby especially intended , and to the ouerthrow of Our Colonies and Plantations abroad , Wee doe hereby straitly charge and command , that no man , other then Our owne Commissioners , for Our owne proper vse , presume to import any forreine Tobacco into Our Realmes of England or Ireland , or any parts thereof . And for their better assistance therin , and the preuention of all abuses , Wee haue thought fit , and so ordaine , and doe by these presents publish Our Royall pleasure , That all Tobacco that shall from hencefoorth be imported into this Our Realme of England , whether it be Spanish , or of the growth of Virginia , the Sommer-Ilands , or the West-Indies , or other adiacent Ilands , beeing English Plantations , shall be brought into Our Port of London onely : Also that there shall bee three seuerall Seales kept by Our Commissioners in some conuenient place , where they shall appoint , vnder three lockes , whereofthree of Our Commissioners shall keepe three seuerall Keyes , wherwith both all such forrein Tobacco , as shal be so imported , as aforesaid , as also such other Tobacco of the growth of Virginia , and the Sommer-Ilands , and other the said Plantations as shall be imported , shall be sealed , That is to say , for that of Virginia , and the Sommer-Ilands , a Seale engrauen with Our Armes , and for that of the other English Plantations , a Seale engrauen with a Lion and a Crowne , and for the other forreine Tobacco , a Seale engrauen with a broad Arrow and a Portcullice , without paying any thing for the sealing of the Tobacco of Virginia , and Sommer-Ilands , and other the said Plantations , but onely what the parties themselues shall thinke fit to allow for the sealers paines , waxe , and threed . And We doe hereby will and Command , that no person or persons whatsoeuer , whether Denizen , or Stranger , or borne within any of Our Realms or Dominions , doe presume , attempt , or goe about to counterfeit the said Seales , or any of them , and that no person or persons whatsoeuer , other then Our Commissioners , their deputie or deputies doe presume , attempt , or goe about to import any Spanish or forreine Tobacco whatsoeuer , or to buy , vtter , or sell any Tobacco , of what sort soeuer , but such as the Roule thereof shall be sealed with one of the Seales aforesaid , or to import any other , or greater quantitie of Spanish Tobacco , then the said fiftie thousand weight onely in any one yeere , or to sowe , set , or plant , or cause to be sowen , set , or planted in any of his , or their grounds , any Tobacco whatsoeuer , within Our Realmes of England , or Ireland , or Dominion of Wales , or any Isles or places belonging thereto , or permit , or suffer any old stockes formerly set to continue , vpon paine of forfeiture vnto Us , of all such Tobacco as shall be imported , set , sowen , planted , suffered , vttered , or put to sale , contrary to the true meaning of these presents , and to haue the same English Tobacco vtterly destroyed , in whose hands soeuer the same shall be found , and vpon such further paines and penalties , as by the Lawes and Statutes of this Our Realme of England , or by the seueritie , or censure of Our Court of Star-chamber , or by Our Prerogatiue Royall may be inflicted vpon the offenders for their contempt of this Our Royall Command , the one moitie of all which fines to be imposed vpon any the said offenders , Wee are graciously pleased shal be bestowed vpon the persons that shall informe against them for the same ; and that such person or persons as shall discouer any planting of Tobacco within Our Realme of England , or other Our Realmes or Dominions , shall haue his charges expended in following of Suite against the offendors , allowed out of Our part of the fines to be imposed , besides his moitie aforesaid . And further , that euery person or persons , that shall discouer the falsifying , or counterfeiting of any the Seales aforesaid , shall haue an hundred Crownes for such his discouery out of Our part of the fine to be imposed for the same , besides the one moity for himselfe , as aforesaid . And for the better execution of Our will and pleasure , We doe hereby Command , all and singular Customers , Comptrollers , Searchers , waiters , and other Officers , attending in all , and euery , or any of Our Ports , Creekes , or places of lading , or vnlading , for the taking , collecting , or receiuing of any Our Customes , Subsidies , or other duties to take notice of this Our pleasure . And We doe hereby command , and giue power and authority vnto Our said Commissioners , and those whom they shall thinke fit to imploy in Our said seruice , and euery , or any of them from time to time , and at all times when they shall thinke fittest , with a Constable , or other officer , for their assistance to search any ship , or other vessell or bottome , riding or lying within any Port , Hauen , or Creeke within their seuerall charge and place of attendance , for all Tobacco , imported contrary to the intent of this Our Proclamation , and the same being found , to seize and take to Our vse , as also to take notice of the names , and apprehend the bringers in , and buyers of the same , to the end they may receiue condeigne punishment for their offence . And further , to take speciall care , that no more of the said Spanish , or other forraine Tobacco , shall be imported , then the said fifty thousand weight onely , in any one yeere , and that the same be brought into Our Port of London onely , as aforesaid , vpon paine that euery of the said officers that shall be found negligent , corrupt , or remisse herein , shall lose his place , and entertainement ▪ and vndergoe such paines and penalties , as by the Laws , orthe censure of Our said Court of Star chamber may be inflicted vpon them for the same . And likewise We doe hereby ordaine , will and appoint , that it shall and may be lawfull , to and for Our said Commissioners , authorised , as aforesaid , to import the said fifty thousand weight of Spanish or other forraine Tobacco , by him , or themselues , or his , or their deputy or deputies with a Constable , or other officer , for their assistance , to enter into any suspected place or places , at such time or times , as they shall thinke to be most conuenient , and there to search , discouer , and finde out any Tobacco , imported , vttered , plan●ed , set , sowed , sold or vented , not marked , or sealed , as aforesaid , contrary to the true meaning hereof , and all such Tobacco so found to seize , take away , & dispose of & the owners thereof , or in whose custome the same shal be found , to informe , and complaine of , to the end they may receiue punishment , according to Our pleasure herein before declared . And further , We doe by these presents , will and require , all and singular Mayors , Sheriffes , Iustices of peace , Bailiffes , Cōstables , Headboroughs , Customers , Controllers , Searchers , waiters , and all other our Officers , and Ministers whatsoeuer , that they , and euery of them , in their seuerall places and offices , be diligent and attendant in the execution of this Our Proclamation , and also ayding and assisting , to our said Commissioners thereunto by Us appointed , or to be appointed , and to their Deputies , as well in any search for discouery of any act , or acts to bee performed , contrary to the intent of these presents , as otherwise in the doing , or executing of any matter or thing for the accomplishment of this Our Royall Command . And lastly , Our will and pleasure is , and We doe hereby , charge and command Our Atturney generall , for the time being , to informe against such persons in Our Court of Star-chamber , or Exchequer-chamber , as the case shall require from time to time , whose contempt and disobedience against this Our Royall Command , shall merit the censure of these Courts . Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall , the seuenteenth day of Februarie , in the second yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXVI . 
A22447	----	By the King a proclamation for the ordering of tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1627 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22447 STC 8864 ESTC S122719 33152847 ocm 33152847 28980 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22447) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28980) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:93) By the King a proclamation for the ordering of tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXVII [1627] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Forbidding foreign and domestic tobacco; all tobacco from Virginia and other colonies to be under the control of commissioners. "Giuen at His Maiesties Court at Windsore, the ninth day of August, in the third yeere of His Reigne of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland. Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry -- Virginia. Tobacco industry -- Bermuda Islands. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation for the ordering of Tobacco . THe Kings most Excellent Maiestie , and His Royall Father of blessed memory , hauing at seuerall times and vpon seuerall occasions , published their Proclamations concerning Tobacco , as well that which hath beene indeauoured to bee planted within this Realme , as that which is of the growth of Virginia and the Sommer Islands , and other English Colonies and Plantations , and also concerning Spanish and other forraigne Tobacco ; And finding that the inordinate desire of taking Tobacco , and the unmoderate thirst of gaine , by the planting and selling of Tobacco , cannot otherwise be allayed or moderated ; Hath at the last , by the aduice of His Priuie Counsell , determined vpon this finall resolution touching all sorts of Tobacco , in manner following . First , His Maiestie doth heereby declare His Royall Pleasure to be , and doth heereby Will and Command , that no person whatsoeuer doe at any time heereafter , plant , cherish , or preserue any Tobacco , within these His Realmes of England or Ireland , or Dominion of Wales , or any the Isles , parts , or places , of , or belonging to them or any of them , and if any bee now planted or growing there , that the same bee presently plucked vp and vtterly destroyed , by the Owners , Planters , Tenders , or Dressers thereof , and lest they or any of them , should aduenture to neglect the performance heereof , His Maiestie doeth further straitly charge and command all Constables , Tything-men , Headboroughs , and other Officers within their seuerall limits and Iurisdictions , carefully and effectually to see the same executed and performed accordingly . And His Maiestie doth further Will and Command all Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Sheriffes , and other principall Officers in their seuerall places , within the compasse of their seuerall Iurisdictions and authorities , vpon complaint to them made , to cause the same to be duly performed and executed without partialitie , as they and euery of them will answere their contempts in that behalfe at their vttermost perils . And that the Tobacco of His Maiesties owne Plantations and Colonies may not bee planted and imported hither without limitation or measure , or vnder colour thereof , the Tobacco of the growth of Spaine and other forraigne parts , may not be brought into these His Realmes , or sold or vttered heere , to the ouerthrow of His Colonies abroad , and to the wasting of the wealth and treasure of His Kingdomes at home . His Maiestie doeth further Will and straitly Command , that no person whatsoeuer doe at any time heereafter import any Tobacco of the growth of Spaine , and other forraigne parts out of His owne Dominions , nor sell , vtter , or offer to sell , or vtter , or otherwise dispose or keepe any such Tobacco , to the intent to sell or vtter the same without His Maiesties speciall Commission in that behalfe , vpon paine of confiscation and forfeiture thereof , in whose hands soeuer the same shall be found , and vpon such further paines and penalties , as by the Lawes of these His Realmes , or by His Prerogatiue Royall which in this case He will not admit to be disputed , may be inflicted vpon the offendors . And because such forraigne Tobacco , may not be receiued and vttered , vnder the pretence of the Tobacco of the growth of Virginia , the Summer-Ilands , and other Colonies and Plantations , vnder , and within His Maiesties owne Dominions , nor the Planters , Owners , or Aduenturers , of , and in these Plantations , giue themselues ouer to the planting of Tobacco onely , to make a present returne of profit , and neglect to applie themselues to solide Commodities fit for the establishing of Colonies , which will vtterly destroy these and all other Plantations ; His Maiestie doth further will and command , that from henceforth no Tobacco of the growth of Virginia , the Summer-Ilands , or any other Plantations , or Colonies , of , or within His owne Dominions , bee imported into these his Realmes or Dominions , or any the Ports , Hauens , Creekes , or places thereof , without His Maiesties especiall licence in that behalfe , vnder the great Seale of England , and that vpon the importation thereof , the same bee deliuered into the hands of such Commissioners , for his Maiesties owne immediate vse , as His Maiestie vnder His great Seale of England shal appoint , at , & for such Prices and Rates to be paid for the same , as shall be reasonably agreed vpon , betweene the Owners or Factors of the same , and the Kings Commissioners on His Maiesties behalfe , or if they shall not agree thereon , then to be transported againe , and sold elsewhere , vpon paine of confiscation and forfeiture thereof , and vpon such further paines and penalties , as by the Law , or His Maiesties Prerogatiue Royall may be inflicted vpon them . And further His Maiestie doth straitly charge and command , that no person whatsoeuer presume to buy any sort of Tobacco , within these Realmes or Dominions , or any Hauen , Port , Creeke , or place thereof , of any other person , then of His Maiesties Commissioners onely to bee authorised vnder the great Seale of England , as aforesaid , and after the same shall bee sealed with a Seale to that purpose appointed , and that they , vpon the buying thereof , doe expresse the true time when the same was bought , the quantitie and qualitie thereof , in and by a note in writing indented betweene the Buyer and Seller , testifying the same vpon the paines and penalties aforesayd , And if during these times of Hostility , and Tobacco shall bee imported by any of his Maiesties owne Shippes , or by the Ships of any of his Subiects , by way of Prize , or Letters of Marque , his further will and pleasure is , that all such Tobacco shall be deliuered vnto his Maiesties Commissioners , at , and for reasonable prices , to bee accomptable therefore to his Maiesties vse . And his Maiestie doeth hereby straitly charge and command , all Customers , Controllers , Searchers , Wayters , and all other Officers , Ministers , of , or belonging to His Customes , And also all Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Sheriffes , Constables , and other Our Officers , Ministers and louing Subiects , in their seuerall places and degrees , to take knowledge of this his Royall pleasure and Commandement , and to bee ayding , helping and assisting to His Maiesties Commissioners , and their Deputies , Factors and seruants , in all things touching and concerning this His Seruice , whereof his Maiestie is resolued to require a due and strict accompt . Giuen at His Maiesties Court at Windsore , the ninth day of August in the third yeere of His Reigne of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXVII . 
A22510	----	By the King a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in Fleetstreet, London, vpon Friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of Iuly. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1629 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22510 STC 8933 ESTC S122762 33150662 ocm 33150662 28694 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22510) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28694) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:116) By the King a proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those malefactors, who were actors in the late insolent riots and murders committed in Fleetstreet, London, vpon Friday, the tenth day of this instant moneth of Iuly. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : Anno Dom. M.DC.XXIX [1629] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall, the eighteenth day of Iuly, in the fift [sic] yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Vaughan, Henry. Stamford, Henry Grey, -- Earl of, 1599?-1673. Fleetstreet Riot, London, England, 10 July 1629. Riots -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-06 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-00 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. A Proclamation for the better discouery and apprehension of those Malefactors , who were Actors in the late insolent Riots and Murders committed in Fleetstreet , London , vpon Friday , the tenth day of this instant moneth of Iuly . WHereas vpon Friday , the tenth day of this instant Moneth , vpon the occasion of an Arrest then made by the Sheriffes Officers of the Citie of London , diuers insolent Assaults and Tumults were made and raised vpon the Constables and Watches of the Citie , whereupon much bloodshed , and the barbarous murther of diuers of Our louing Subiects hath insued , and those insolencies so long continued , and at the last grew to such height , that there was an open and violent resistance and opposition made against Our Lord Maior of London , and Our Sheriffes of Our Citie , assisted with some of the trained Bands necessarily drawne forth to suppresse those outrages , which were committed rather in Rebellious then in a Riotous manner ; We hauing taken these affronts to Justice , and to Our publique Officers and Ministers , into our Princely consideration , and hauing already giuen a strict Charge and Command for the due examination of these so bold and audacious attempts , and finding by the returne of those , whose paines Wee haue imployed in that Seruice , that very few of the principall Actors can by their industry bee yet taken or discouered , and , Wee bring resolued , in a case of this extraordinary qualitie and consequence , to proceed according to the strict rule of Iustice , against all those who shall bee found to bee the Offendors , that by their examples others may hereafter be warned not to dare to runne into the like : To the end therefore that those malefactors may not be concealed , and so escape their due punishments , These are to Will and Command , all and euery Our Louing Subiects whom it may concerne , especially the Chirurgions , in , or neere Our City of London or Westminster , who haue , or since that day had , any hurt or wounded men in their Cure , that they and euery of them vpon their allegiance to Us , and the duty they owe to the Publike peace of Our State , and vpon paine of such punishments , as by Our Lawes , or by Our Prerogatiue Royall ran be inflicted vpon them , for their neglect herein , doe foorthwith vpon publication of this Our Royall pleasure , discouer to the Lord President of Our Priuie Councell , or to one of Our principall Secretaries of State , the names of all such persons as they know , or by probable coniecture , doe suspect to have beene Actors in any of those late tumults , and the places of their abidings , and that they , and all other persons whatsoeuer , doe their best indeauours , to detaine or apprehend them , or cause them to bee detained or apprehended without expecting any further or other Warrant in that behalfe , and by name that they apprehend , or cause to bee apprehended , wheresoever they shall be found , Captaine Vaughan , Henry Stamford , and one Ward , an Ensigne , that so they and euery of them , may bee ready to answere such matters , as on Our behalfe shall be obiected against them ; Hereof all and euery persons , whom it may concerne in their seuerall places , are to take notice , and carefully to obserue the same , at their vttermost perills . Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall , the eighteenth day of Iuly , in the fift yeere of Our Reigne , of Great Britaine , France , and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Bonham Norton and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC.XXIX . 
A22520	----	By the King a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles, wool-fels, yarne, fullers earth, and woad- ashes and of hydes, both tand and raw, out of this kingdome. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1630 Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22520 STC 8943 ESTC S3577 33150497 ocm 33150497 28636 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22520) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28636) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:120) By the King a proclamation for the preuenting of the exportation of woolles, wool-fels, yarne, fullers earth, and woad- ashes and of hydes, both tand and raw, out of this kingdome. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [3] leaves. By Robert Barker and Iohn Bill, Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXX [1629] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at Our Court of White-Hall, the seuenteenth day of April, in the sixt yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Exports -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Wool industry -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Hides and skins trade -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2002-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-10 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2002-10 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. A Proclamation for the preuenting of the Exportation of Woolles , Wool-fels , Yarne , Fullers earth , and Woad-ashes and of Hydes , both tand and raw , out of this Kingdome . WHereas Our late Royall Father of happy Memorie deceased , Hauing vnderstood by the generall complaints of his louing subiects from the seuerall parts of His Realme of England , that of late yeeres theretofore , the Woolles of this Kingdome were exceedingly fallen from their wonted values , and that the Cloth and Stuffe of the same had not that vent in forreigne parts , which formerly they had , and taking into his Princely consideration the weighty consequence thereof , as of a matter of very great importance , for the wealth and welfare of this Kingdom , also being carefull to prouide a speedy and effectuall remedie against such a growing euill , did by aduice of his Priuy Councell , and after information and report made by diuers persons of qualitie , and knowen abilitie trusted in that behalfe , finde amongst other things of moment , That the exportation of Woolles , Wool-fels , woollen Yarne , Fullers earth , and Woad-ashes , were a great means to enable the forreigne making of cloth , and a principall impediment to the vent of our clothes made in England : And that the false and deceitfull making , dying , and dressing of our cloth and stuffes here made of Woolles , did exceedingly disgrace , and discredite the Draperie of this our Kingdome , and did very much hinder the vent of those Commodities . Therupon Our said late Father , did by his royall Proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of Iuly , in the twentieth yeere of his reigne ouer England , France , and Ireland , straightly charge and command , that no manner of Woolles , Wool-fels , Woollen Yarne , Cornish haire , Fullers earth , or Woad-ashes , should be at any time or times , thereafter exported out of this Realme of England , Dominion of Wales , Towne , or Port of Berwicke , or any the Isles , Ports , Creekes , or places thereof , into any forreigne parts , or into the Kingdome of Scotland : nor that any of the sayd Commodities should be transported out of our Kingdome of Ireland , into any other parts , then into the Realme of England onely vpon such paines as in the sayd Proclamation are contained . Forasmuch as the sayd Proclamation was by Our Fathers decease determined : And yet Wee finde that the reasons and necessitie doe still remaine . Wee therefore , out of the great desire We haue to aduance the wealth of Our people , and by all meanes possible to cherish and comfort their labours , haue thought fit by the aduice of Our priuie Councell to renew the said Proclamation , with further prohibition of the exportation of Hydes both tand , and rawe , by reason of the exportation whereof , as Wee are informed , diuers the like abuses and inconueniences haue , and doe dayly happen . Wherefore Our will and pleasure is , and We doe by these presents straightly charge and command , that no manner of Woolles , Wool-fels , Woollen yarne , Cornish haire , Fullers earth , Woad-ashes , or Hydes either raw , or tand , be at any time , or times hereafter exported out of this Our Realme of England , Dominion of Wales , Towne , or Port of Berwicke , or any the Isles , Ports , Creekes , or places thereof , into any forreigne parts , or into Our Kingdome of Scotland , nor that any manner of Woolles , Wool-fels , Woollen yarne , Cornish haire , Fullers earth , Woad-ashes , or Hydes , either raw or tand , be transported out of Our Kingdome of Ireland into any other parts , then into the Realme of England onely : vpon paine of confiscation of all such Woolles and other the Premisses so transported , or endeauoured to be transported , as also of Our highest indignation , and the seuerest censure of Our Court of Starre-chamber , and of such other paines and penalties as by the Lawes , and Statutes of this Our Kingdome , and by Our Prerogatiue Royall may be inflicted . And to the end that all Officers and Ministers in , or about Our Ports of England may the more strictly looke to the obseruance of this Our will and pleasure , for the Weale of this Our Kingdome : We doe further straightly charge and command , that if any Officer , or Minister , of , or belonging to Our Customes , or Ports , or attending at any the Hauens , Creeks , or places adiacent , or carrying to the sea , shall consent or conniue at the vnlawfull exportation of the Premisses , or any of them ; or if any of them , shall make any certificate vpon any Cocket , of the landing of any Wools in any ports of this Our R●alme , vnlesse the Officer himself , who shal make such certificate , doe first see the same Wools landed , according to the contents of the said certificate : Or if the said Officers , or any of them shal make any Cocket , which shall not containe the number of Sackes , and the weight of the Wooll in euery Sacke , contained in such Cocket , that then euery such Officer , and Minister who shall offend in any the premisses , shall not onely forfeit his Office , place , and imployment , but shall also incurre all other the paines and penalties aforesaid . And if any Minister or Officer of , or in any Ship , or other Uessell , shall permit , and suffer any Woolles , Wool-fels , or any other of the premisses to be transported in any Ship , Bottome , or other Uessell , wherein or whereof he shall be a Master , or other officer : That then euery person so offending shall be subiect to such paine and penaltie as aforesaid . And in case there be now in force any former Licences or Authorities heretofore giuen and granted by Us , or any of Our Predecessors for transportation of Wools , or any other the Premisses , We doe hereby reuoke and disanull the same . And are resolued that none such hereafter shall be granted . And for the better vtterance of Cloth within this Our Kingdome ; Wee doe straitly charge and command , that when , and as often as vpon the occasion of any Burials , or Funerals , any Blackes be hereafter giuen or worne ; That then such Blacks and mourning stuffes shall bee onely of Cloth and Stuffes , made of the Wool of this Kingdome , and not elsewhere , nor otherwise . And for that We are informed , that the false Dying of Cloth and Stuffes made of Wools , is a great hinderance to the vent of those commodities . Therefore Wee straitly will and command , That no person whatsoeuer , in , or towards the Dying of any Cloth of what sort soeuer , or of any Stuffes made of Wool , shal vse any Logwood or Blockwood the vse whereof about the said Clothes or Stuffes , hath so often by seueral Lawes and Proclamations beene already condemned . And for the better discouery of false and deceiueable Dying , and the suppressing of the said Logwood and Blockwood , in and about the Dying of Stuffes made of Wool ; We doe straitly charge and command the Wardens of the Dyers of London , within the compasse of their Search , and all other Officers in other places ; That from time to time they make carefull and diligent Search for the discouerie of all false and deceitfull Dying , and if in their Searches they shall finde any Cloth or Stuffe Dyed with Logwood or Blockwood , either in all , or in part , That they seaze the same , and informe Our Attourney Generall for the time being thereof , that such proceeding may be speedily had against the Offendors , as so great a contempt deserueth . Further Wee doe hereby straightly charge and command all Iustices of Peace , Mayors , Sheriffes , Bayliffes , Officers , and other persons whatsoeuer , to doe their best endeauours to discouer all and euery the Offendors against this Our Proclamation . And for the better encouragement of all such as shall take care and paines to make such discoueries , Our will and pleasure is , that euery such person that shall bee the first discouerer of such Offendor , shall be rewarded with the moity , or one halfe of such summes of money as shal come vnto Us by vertue of any forfeiture incurred vpon this Our Proclamation : Giuing also like Charge and Command that all persons of what degree , qualitie or place soeuer , to whom it shall appertaine , doe diligently obserue , and readily assist the due performance of this Our Proclamation in all things . Giuen at Our Court of White-Hall , the seuenteenth day of April , in the sixt yeere of Our Reigne of Great Britaine , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker and Iohn Bill , Printers to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie . M.DC. XXX . 
A22537	----	By the King a proclamation concerning tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1631 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22537 STC 8971 ESTC S3583 33150514 ocm 33150514 28642 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22537) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28642) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:132) By the King a proclamation concerning tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1630 [i.e. 1631] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Forbidding foreign and domestic tobacco; all tobacco from Virginia and other colonies must pass customs at London. "Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall, the sixt day of Ianuary, in the sixt yeere of Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry -- Virginia. Tobacco industry -- Bermuda Islands. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King. DIEV·ET·MON·DROIT HONI SIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ A Proclamation concerning Tobacco . WHereas in the Reigne of Our most deare and Royall Father , King IAMES of blessed memory , & since Our accesse to the Crowne , seuerall Proclamations haue been made and published concerning Tobacco , Yet notwithstanding all the care and prouidence which hath hitherto been vsed , We finde the vnlimited desire of gaine , and the inordinate appetite of taking Tobacco , hath so farre preuailed , that Tobacco hath been continued to bee planted in great quantities , in seuerall parts of this Our Realme , and a vast proportion of vnseruiceable Tobacco made and brought from Our Colonies of Virginia Summer Ilands , and other Our Forreigne Plantations , besides an incredible quantity of Brasill and Spanish Tobacco imported hither , and secretly conueyed on Land. And it is now come to passe , That those Our Forreigne Plantations , that might become vsefull to this Kingdome , lingering onely vpon Tobacco , are in apparant danger to be vtterly ruined , vnlesse Wee speedily prouide for their subsistence ; The bodies and manners of Our people are also in danger to bee corrupted , and the wealth of this Kingdome exhausted by so vselesse a Weede as Tobacco is ; which beeing represented vnto Us by the humble Petition of Our louing Subiects the Planters and Aduenturers in Virginia , and also by the like humble Petition of the Retailers and Sellers of Tobacco in and about Our Cities of London and Westminster , Wee haue thought it worthy of Our Princely care , as a matter not only fit for Our profit , & the profit of Our people , but much concerning Us in Our honour and gouernment so to regulate the same , and compell due obedience thereto , that Our Forreigne Plantations and Colonies may bee supported and encouraged , and they made vsefull to this Kingdome , by applying themselues to more solide commodities , that the healths of Our Subiects may be preserued , the wealth of this Kingdome enlarged , and the manners of Our people so ordered and gouerned , that the world may not iustly taxe Us , that these are at once endangered only by the licentious vse of Tobacco . And therfore hauing seriously aduised hereof , Wee , by the aduice of Our Priuie Councell , haue now resolued vpon , and published these Our Commands following concerning Tobacco , which Our Royall will and pleasure is , shall be in all things obserued vpon paine of Our highest displeasure , and of such paines , penalties and punishments , as by Our Court of Exchequer , and Court of Starre-Chamber , and by any other Courts and ministers of Iustice , or by Our Prerogatiue Royall can be inflicted vpon the offendors . And first , Our will and Command is , that no person whatsoeuer doe at any time hereafter plant , preserue , or maintaine any Tobacco , which is , hath been , or shall be planted in Our Kingdomes of England or Ireland , or Dominion of Wales , or in the Islands of Iersey or Guernesey , but that the same bee vtterly displanted and destroyed , and that none presume or aduenture to Buy , Sell , or vtter any such Tobacco , the same being vtterly vnwholesome to bee taken . And further , that no Tobacco whatsoeuer be from hencefoorth imported into these Our realms , or any Hauen , Port , Creeke or place therof , which is , or shal be of the growth of any the parts or places beyond the Seas , belonging to , or vnder the obedience of any foreine King , Prince , or State whatsoeuer ; But such , and so much thereof onely , as Wee shall specially allow to be imported , vntill it shal be fully setled betweene those Forreine Princes and Us , according to those Treaties which are betweene Us , that Our Subiects may not vnthriftily vent the solide Commodities of Our owne Kingdomes , and returne the proceed thereof in Smoake . And further We will and command , that no Tobacco of the growth of any of Our English Plantations in Virginia the Sommer Islands , Caribee Islands , or other Islands or places in America , or the Coasts thereof , be at any time hereafter imported or brought into Our Kingdomes of England or Ireland , or Dominion of Wales , at any other Port then at , or in Our Port of London onely , and the same duely entred in Our Custome-houses there , nor that any greater quantitie thereof bee imported there , then Wee by the aduice of Our Priuie Councell shall hold fit , and vnder Our Priuie Seale , shall declare to bee competent for the expence of these Our Kingdomes , Wee not thinking it fit to admit of an immeasurable expence of so vaine and needlesse a Commoditie , which ought to bee vsed as a Drugge onely , and not so vainely and wantonly as an euill habite of late times hath brought it vnto . And these sorts of Tobacco which shall be thus brought from Our owne Colonies , Wee will take present order shall bee well ordered and made vp , and so certified to bee , vnder the hand of the Gouernour of that place , and when the same shall be brought hither , shall bee againe Searched , Tryed and Sealed , that Our Subiects be not abused by corrupt Tobacco . And Our expresse Command is , that whatsoeuer Tobacco shall be taken , which shall be imported contrary to this Our Proclamation , the same shall be forfeited and confiscate , and by the Officers of that Port or place where it shall bee taken , shall be immediatly burnt . And for the ordering and gouerning of the expence and vse of Tobacco when it shall be imported , Wee , by the aduice of Our Priuie Councell , shall speedily direct such a course as Wee shall hold fit , which Wee expect shall be also in all things obserued . And Wee straitly charge and Command all Our Customers , Comptrollers , Searchers , and all other the Officers and Ministers of Our Ports , that they and euery of them in their seuerall places , doe carefully and faithfully obserue Our Royal Command , in , and concerning the premisses ; and if any of them shall be found remisse or negligent therein , or to conniue at any such offender , that hee or they shall for such their fault , without any remission be remooued from the place or places of his or their attendance on Our seruice . And to the end Our pleasure and Command hereby published , may be the better executed , Wee doe hereby will , require and Command , all Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of peace , Bayliffes , Headboroughs , and other Our Officers and louing Subiects whatsoeuer , to be aiding and assisting , and so much as in them lyeth , to take care that the premisses herein mentioned , be duly put in execution , as they tender their duetie and allegeance to Us , and will answere the contrary at their vttermost perils . Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall the sixt day of Ianuary , in the sixt yeere of Our Reigne . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie : and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill . 1630. 
A22544	----	By the King a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease, called, the kings euill. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1631 Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22544 STC 8980 ESTC S122788 33150511 ocm 33150511 28641 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22544) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28641) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:138) By the King a proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the court for the cure of their disease, called, the kings euill. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXXI [1631] Arms without "C R" at top. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Postponing resort to the king until 15 Dec. because of plague. "Giuen at Our Court at Hampton, The thirteenth day of October, in the seuenth yeere of Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Scrofula -- Early works to 1800. Royal touch. Plague -- England -- London -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI ❀ SOIT ❀ QVI ❀ MAL ❀ Y ❀ PENSE ❀ DIEV · ET · MON · DROIT royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation for the better direction of those who desire to repaire to the Court for the Cure of their Disease called , The Kings Euill . THe Kings most Excellent Maiestie , in his most Gracious and Pious disposition , being as ready & willing as any King or Queene of this Realm euer was in any thing to relieue the distresses and necessities of His good Subiects , and the good successe vpon those who haue need of His Sacred touch for the Cure of the Kings Euill , being as happy , by the blessing of Almighty God , as any of His Royall predecessours haue beene , Yet in His Princely wisedome foreseeing that in this great worke of Charitie to singular persons , those fit times are necessarily to bee obserued , which may not preiudice the generall health of His people , His Maiestie did by His Proclamation in March last , declare His Royall will and pleasure to bee , That whereas the vsuall times of presenting such persons to His Maiestie for this purpose , were Easter and Whitsuntide , That from thencefoorth the times should bee Easter and Michaelmas , as times more conuenient , both for the Temperature of the Season , and in respect of any Contagion which might happen in the neere accesse to His Maiesties sacred Person . And His Maiestie did thereby accordingly will and command , That from the time of publishing the said Proclamation , none should presume to repaire to His Maiesties royall Court , to bee healed of that Disease , before the Feast of S. Michael the Archangel then next comming , and now last past . His most excellent Maiestie ( now considering that the danger of the infection of the plague is very much dispersed in diuers Counties of this Kingdome ) doeth hereby Will and Command , and doeth also declare His Royall will and pleasure to bee , That from the time of publishing this Proclamation , none presume to repaire to His Maiesties Royall Court , to be healed of that disease called the Kings-Euill , before the fifteenth day of December next ensuing , and in case the sayd Infection should continue or increase , which God of his mercie diuert , his Maiestie will in the meane time signifie and declare His Royall Will and Pleasure by Proclamation for some further time , for that purpose . And His Maiestie doeth further Will and Command , as in his former Proclamation aforesaid hee Commanded , that all such as shall come and repayre to the Court for this purpose , shall bring with them Certificates vnder the hands of the Parson , Vicar , or Minister , and Church-wardens of those seuerall Parishes where they dwell , and from whence they come , testifying according to the trueth , that they haue not at any time before beene touched by the King , to the intent to be healed of that disease . And His Maiestie doeth straightly Charge all Justices of Peace , Constables and other Officers , That they doe not suffer any to passe , but such as haue such Certificates , vpon paine of His Maiesties displeasure . And to the end that all His louing Subiects may the better take knowledge of this His Maiesties pleasure and Command ; His Will is , that this Proclamation bee published and affixed in some open place in euery Market Towne of this Realme . All which His Maiestie doth Command strictly to bee obserued by all and euery person , and persons whom it shall , or may concerne , vpon such paines , and penalties as may be inflicted vpon them , for the neglect thereof . Giuen at Our Court at Hampton , The thirteenth day of October , in the seuenth yeere of Our Reigne . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE : and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill . M. D C. XXXI . 
A22547	----	By the King a proclamation concerning the trade of Ginney, and Binney, in the parts of Africa. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1631 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22547 STC 8983 ESTC S3592 33150538 ocm 33150538 28651 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22547) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28651) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1876:140) By the King a proclamation concerning the trade of Ginney, and Binney, in the parts of Africa. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : M.DC.XXXI [1631] Announcing 31-year patent to Sir R. Young, and others, for sole trade to Africa. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at Our Court at Saint Iames, the two and twentieth day of Nouember, in the seuenth yeere of Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Digby, Kenelm, -- Sir, 1603-1665. Young, Richard, -- Sir. Kirke, George, d. 1675? Slany, Humfry. Crisp, Nicholas, -- Sir, 1599?-1666. Cloberie, William. Great Britain -- Commerce -- Africa -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2005-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV · ET · MON · DROIT HONI ❀ SOIT ❀ QVI ❀ MAL ❀ Y ❀ PENSE ❀ royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ By the King. ¶ A proclamation concerning the Trade of Ginney , and Binney , in the parts of Africa . WHereas Our late deare and Royall Father , King james ( of euer blessed and happy memorie ) for the due establishing of an orderly Traffique and Trade of Merchandize vnto Ginney , Binney , and Angola in the parts of Africa , did by His Letters Patents vnder the great Seale of England , incorporate diuers of his louing Subiects both Merchants and others , and did thereby grant vnto them diuers Powers , Licences , Priuiledges and Authorities in the said Letters Patents mentioned ; which Letters Patents Wee haue for diuers consideratious and causes Us moouing , caused in a Legall manner and way by iudgement , to be called in , and made voyd , and which are since by Us resumed , determined , repeated and made voyd . And to the end the sayd Trade and Traffique much importing the good of Our seruice , and the inriching of this Our Kingdome of England , should not bee let fall , and left off , Wee haue by Our Letters Patents vnder Our great Seale of England , bearing date the 25. day of Iune last past , given and granted vnto Our welbeloued seruants and Subiects Sir Richard Young Knight and Baronet , Sir Kenelme Digby Knight , George Kirke Esquire , Humfry Slany , Nicholas Crispe , and William Cloberie of London Merchants , their Executors , Admnistrators and Assignes , the sole Trade and Traffique to Ginney , Binney , and Angola , and all Ports , Hauens , and Creekes thereunto belonging , in the parts of Africa , for the terme of one and thirty yeeres , from the date of Our sayd Letters Patents next ensuing , as in and by the sayd Letters Patents amongst diuers Powers , Prohibitions , and Authorities therein contained , more at large it doth and may appeare . Now to the end , none of Our louing Subiects may pretend ignorance of Our Royall Pleasure in that behalfe , but that what Wee haue prohibited , commanded , and forbidden by Our sayd Letters Patents , may bee fully knowen and published , and accordingly obserued and obeyed . Wee doe therefore hereby straightly charge , inhibite , aud forbid all and euery Our Subiects , of what degree , or qualitie soeuer they bee , that none of them directly , or indirectly , during the sayd terme of one and thirtie yeeres , presume to visite , frequent , trade , or aduenture to traffique into , or from the Lands , Dominions , and places aforesaid , or any of them . And wee doe also hereby , further straightly Charge , inhibite , prohibite , and forbid aswell all and euery Our Subiects as aforesaid , as all and euery the Subiects of any forreigne Prince , State , or Potentate whatsoeuer , to import or bring in , any Red-Wood , Elephants-Teeth , Hides , Waxe , Gummes , or Graines of those Countreys , or any part thereof , or any other of the Commodities of those Countreys , from any place , or places whatsoeuer , into any of Our Kingdomes , or Dominions ( other then the sayd Sir Richard Young , Sir Kenelme Digby , George Kirke , Humfry Slany , Nicholas Crispe , and William Clobery , their Executors , Administrators , Assignes , Deputies , Factors , and Seruants ) vpon paine of Our high displeasure , and the forfeiture and losse , both of those goods , and of the Ships which shall import the same , wheresoeuer they shall be found . And wee doe also hereby charge , prohibite , inhibite , and forbid all and euery the Factors , Masters of Ships , Mariners & Agents of them the said Sir Richard Young , Sir Kenelme Digby , George Kirke , Humfry Slany , Nicholas Crispe , and William Clobery , and of euery of them , and of the Executors , Aministrators and Assignes of them and euery of them , That none of them directly or indirectly during the terme aforesaid , presume to Trade , Aduenture , or Traffique for themselues , or any of them , or for any other person or persons whatsoeuer , ( other then the said last Patentees , into , or from the Lands , Dominions and places aforesayd , or in any of them , vpon paine of Our high indignation displeasure , and forfeiture of all such Goods , and vpon such other punishments , as can or may by Law bee inflicted vpon the offendors , for contempt of Our Royall pleasure and command in this behalfe . And to the end Our commands herein may bee the better performed , obserued and kept , wee doe hereby straitly charge and command , All Our Admirals , Viceadmirals , and all other Our Officers and Ministers of the Admiraltie , and such as haue Admirall Iurisdiction ; And all Maiors , Portreeues , Iustices of Peace , Sheriffes , Bailiffes , Constables , Customers , Comptrollers , Collectors , wayters , Searchers , Surueyors , and all other Our Officers , and Ministers whatsoeuer to bee from time to time in all things helping , aiding and assisting , and as much as in them or any of them whom it shall or may concerne lieth , to see Our pleasure herein to bee kept , obserued and performed , as they tender Our pleasure , and will answere the contrarie at their perils , and vpon paine of Our heauie displeasure , and the losse of their and euery of their places . Giuen at Our Court at Saint Iames , the two and twentieth day of Nouember , in the seuenth yeere of Our Reigne . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE : and by the Assignes of Iohn Bill . M.DC.XXXI . 
A22571	----	By the King a proclamation restraining the abusive venting of tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1634 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22571 STC 9011 ESTC S123766 33149911 ocm 33149911 28501 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22571) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28501) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:6) By the King a proclamation restraining the abusive venting of tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1633 [i.e. 1634] Arms without "C R" at top. Those selected to sell must also have license to do so. "Giuen at Our Court at Newmarket, the thirteenth day of March, in the ninth yeere of Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry and trade -- Law and legislation -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Tobacco industry and trade -- Bermuda Islands -- Early works to 1800. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. ¶ A Proclamation restraining the abusiue venting of Tobacco . WHereas the Kings most excellent Maiestie being informed of the abuses dayly arising of the vngouerned Selling and Retailing of Tobacco , by his Proclamation lately published , did prohibit all his people , that after the feast of Candlemas , which is now last past , none of them out of certaine Cities and Townes therein specified to haue beene appointed , and within those Cities and Townes no other but certaine persons named , as in the said Proclamation is expressed , and such as from time to time as should be permitted , should sell or deliuer any Tobacco by Retaile , herein requiring due obedience vntill his Maiestie should make other declaration , as by the same Proclamation appeareth . Sithence which , a great number of his Maiesties louing subiects haue repaired to some Lords , and others of his Maiesties Priuie Councell , being his Maiesties Commissioners appointed to treat with them , and haue humbly desired Letters Patents of Licence to sell Tobacco by Retaile , whereunto his Maiesties said Commissioners haue consented : but because it is both conuenient and necessary that the number of those that be Licensed to sell Tobacco by Retaile , and also their names be knowne , that in time conuenient notice may be taken from them how much Tobacco in each yeere they Retaile and Uent : that vpon knowledge thereof , his Maiesty for preuenting of the issuing out of the Realme too great a proportion of the Stocke of this Kingdome , may giue order for the quantity of Tobacco that shall be yeerely brought in : And being resolued that any who from henceforth shall presume to vtter or sell Tobacco , not being Licensed , shall seuerely be proceeded against : For these and for other causes , the King our Soueraigne Lord straightly defendeth and commandeth , that neither such as by pretext of being formerly nominated as meet men to Retaile Tobacco , nor any other from henceforth presume to sell or vtter Tobacco by Retaile , vntill they shall haue obtained his Maiesties Licence in that behalfe , any permission or tolleration that may be pretended by the said Proclamation , or any other signification notwithstanding , vpon such paines of censure in the Court of Star-Chamber and elsewhere , as may be inflicted vpon contemners of his Maiesties commands publiquely proclaimed . Wherein his Maiestie is pleased , that a part of the Fines set vpon the Contemners of this Command , be conferred vpon those that giue notice of the Offenders , so as they may be brought to iudgement . Giuen at Our Court at Newmarket , the thirteenth day of March , in the ninth yeere of Our Reigne . God saue the King. Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . 1633. 
A22574	----	By the King a proclamation concerning tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1634 Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22574 STC 9016 ESTC S123850 33150492 ocm 33150492 28634 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22574) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28634) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:9) By the King a proclamation concerning tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1634. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Requiring imported tobacco to pass customs; forbidding domestic cultivation. "Giuen at Our Court at Greenevvich, this nineteenth day of May, in the tenth yeere of Our Reigne of England, Scotland, France and Ireland." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry -- Great Britain. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Colonies -- Commerce. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation concerning Tobacco . WHereas in the Reigne of Our late deare Father , and since Our accesse to the Crowne , vpon mature deliberation three haue been sundry Proclamations published for restraining the landing of Tobacco to certaine Ports and Harbours within this Kingdome , and against planting of the same within this Realme ; And for that they haue not been put in due execution , diuers fraudes and abuses haue beene of late inuented and put in execution , by mixing of Tobacco , not onely with other Tobacco of worse condition , but also with other Materials , falsifying and corrupting the same , to the great hurt and damage of Our people , both in their estates and persons , which growing euill may in some measure bee preuented , if the Tobacco brought into this Our Realme shall be layd or landed onely in one Port and place . For remedie therefore in that behalfe , and to the end Wee may bee the more truely answered of the Custome , Impost , and other dueties due vnto Us for Tobacco brought into this Realme by way of Merchandize , whereof Wee haue been sundry times defrauded by landing the same at the pleasures of the Owners : Wee doe hereby publish and declare Our Royall will and pleasure , That no Tobacco bee hereafter landed , or imported to bee landed at any other Porte , then in Our Port of London , and at no other place of the sayd Port then at the Key and Wharfe commonly called the Custome-house Key , scituate in Our Citie of London , and other Port or place for landing of Tobacco Wee doe not admit or allow , but them inhibite . And Wee doe hereby straitly charge and command all and singular Customers , Comptrollers , Searchers , Waiters and other Officers , attending in all Our Ports , Creekes , or places of lading or vnlading , ( except Our said Port of London ) not to take entries of any Tobacco , nor suffer the same to be taken , landed , or layd on shoare in any other Harbour , Port , Creeke or place within this Kingdome , vpon paine that euery of the said Officers that shall bee found negligent , corrupt or remisse herein , shall vndergoe such paines and penalties , as by the Lawes or Censure of our Court of Starre-chamber may bee inflicted vpon them for the same . And it is Our further will and pleasure , that if any Ship or Barque wherein Tobacco shall be loaden shall arriue at any other Port or place then at Our sayd Port of London . Wee doe hereby giue full power and Authoritie to all and euery the Customers , Comptrollers , Surueyours , Searchers and Waiters , and euery of them there attending , and doe command them to take and arrest the same Tobacco , and forthwith to make Certificate to the Customers of the Port of London , of the Owners name of such Ship or other Uessell , and his place of dwelling , the number and names of the Officers , and Mariners in the same , the place from whence the same Tobacco came , with the quantitie of Tobacco that shall bee contained therein . And also , that Our said Officers , or some of them , shall with all conuenient speed cause and procure the Tobacco so by them arrested , to bee carefully transmitted to the said Port of London , to the Customer there , that the same may bee there viewed , and the dueties thereof belonging vnto Us , may be duely payed and satisfied , and such further order taken with the same , and with the Owners thereof , as shall be fit . And whereas notwithstanding former Proclamations published to the contrary , yet Wee are informed , that Tobacco is still planted and sowen in diuers parts of Our Realmes of England and Ireland , in contempt of Us and Our Royall Commands declared to the contrary ; We do therefore hereby againe absolutely prohibit the Planting therof in Our said Kingdomes , as also the bringing into the same of any Seed for the increase thereof , from the parts beyond the Seas ; The Tobacco growing in the Northerne and moist Climats being not onely vnwholesome for mans body , but the same maketh fertill grounds become for a long space lesse fruitfull , that might otherwise produce Corne , Herbes and Rootes for the sustenance of Our Subiects . And for the more certaine depressing of the same , We doe hereby straitly cōmand Our Iustices of Assize within their seuerall Circuits , Our Iustices of Peace within Our seuerall Counties of this Kingdome , Maiors , Sheriffes , Bayliffes , and other Our Officers within each Cittie and Towne Corporate , that they at their seuerall Sittings , Quarter Sessions , and meetings , giue the same in charge as an Offence , whereof Wee expect due reformation , requiring a Returne thereof amongst other the grieuances of the Countrey in their Presentments , And the names and dwelling places of any Offenders herein , and the qualities of their Offences , to present to the Lords of Our Priuie Councel , the then next Tearme after euery such Sitting or meeting , to the end the Offenders may bee proceeded against by sentence in Our Court of Starre-chamber , or otherwise , as in iustice shall be thought fit . And lastly , We doe by these Presents will and require all and singuler Maiors , Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Bayliffes , Constables , Headboroughes , Customers , Comptrollers , Searchers , Waiters , and all other Our Officers and Ministers whatsoeuer , that they and euery of them in their seuerall places and Offices , be diligent and attendant in the execution of this Our Proclamation , as they will answere the contrary at their vttermost perils . Giuen at Our Court at Greenewich , this nineteenth day of May , in the tenth yeere of Our Reigne of England , Scotland , France and Ireland . God saue the King. ❧ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . 1634. 
A22597	----	By the King a proclamation to restraine the landing of men, or goods, out of such ships as shall come from the parts of France, or the low-countries now infected with the plague, till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of His Maiesties customes. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1635 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22597 STC 9049 ESTC S122972 33150579 ocm 33150579 28663 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22597) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28663) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:23) By the King a proclamation to restraine the landing of men, or goods, out of such ships as shall come from the parts of France, or the low-countries now infected with the plague, till they haue warrant from the officers or farmours of His Maiesties customes. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1635. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. "Giuen at the Court at Hampton-Court, the first day of Nouember, in the eleuenth yeere of His Maiesties Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- Great Britain -- Prevention. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ◆ ETA ◆ MON ◆ DROIT HONI ❀ SOIT ❀ QVI ❀ MAL ❀ Y ❀ PENSE ❀ royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation to restraine the landing of Men , or Goods , out of such Ships as shall come from the parts of France , or the Low-Countries now infected with the Plague , till they haue warrant from the Officers or Farmours of His Maiesties Customes . THe Kings Maiestie being informed , that the infection of the plague is at this present time dispersed into diuers Townes and places , both of France , and the Low-Countries : and weighing the danger that may ensue to His owne Kingdomes and people , by the resort of persons , from any infected parts , or the landing of their goods here : Hath thought fit , ( with the aduice of His Priuie Councell ) out of His Princely care of the safety of His Subiects , and by all prouident meanes to preuent the perill and inconueniences that may arise thereby , to declare and publish His Royall Will and Pleasure in that behalfe : And doth therefore hereby straightly charge and command , That during the time of the infection in those or any other parts , no Ships or Vessels whatsoeuer , ariuing in any parts of this Kingdome , shall land any Passenger , or Person , or any Apparell , Houshould-stuffe , Wares , or Merchandises , vntill such time as they shall haue Licence from the Officers or Farmours of His Maiesties Customes , or some of them , vpon due consideration by them first taken of the parts and places from whence such Shipping shall come : vpon paine of imprisonment of euery person so landing , or otherwise vnlading or sending a shore any such Wares or Goods , and to be further proceeded against , as high contemners of His Maiesties Royall Commands . And for such Ships or Vessels , as ( comming from any infected parts ) shall arriue here , His Maiesties pleasure is , that the Officers and Farmours of His Customes take speciall care that no Licence or Warrant be giuen for the comming a shore of any person , or the landing or vnlading of any goods therein , vntill twenty dayes after the arriuall of such Ship or Vessell here ; whereby it may be knowne , whether the men in such Ship shall stand in health or no : And if in such Vessell there shall be brought Apparell , Houshould-stuffe , or Wares , that may bee thought fit to bee ayred , that then the same bee conueighed to some conuenient place , neere the Water-side , remote from the Citie of London , or any other Towne or place of much resort . And for the better effecting of His Maiesties Royall pleasure in the Premisses , His Maiesties Farmours of His Customes are hereby required , vpon the arriuall of any Ship , Barke , or Vessell in any part of this Kingdome , to send a board one or more Waiters or Guardians , the better to restraine the landing of Goods , or comming a shore of Men out of such Shipping , vntill due tryall shall bee had , that the same may bee done without perill or danger of Infection . And lastly , His Maiestie doth hereby require and command all Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Bailiffes , Sheriffes , Constables , Headboroughs , and all other His Officers and Ministers whatsoeuer , to be aiding and assisting in the full accomplishment and execution of His Maiesties Royall Pleasure herein declared , which so much importeth the common good and safety of His Kingdomes and people . Giuen at the Court at Hampton-Court , the first day of Nouember , in the eleuenth yeere of His Maiesties Reigne . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie : And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill . 1635. 
A22610	----	Charles by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1636 Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22610 STC 9074 ESTC S3768 33150938 ocm 33150938 28827 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22610) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28827) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:32) Charles by the grace of God, king of England, Scotland, France & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c., to all and singular archbishops, bishops, archdeacons, deanes, and their officials ... to whome these presents shall come, greeting whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand, that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great contagion of the plague amongst our poore subiects ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1636. "Witnes Our selfe at Copt-hall, the seuenth day of October, in the twelfth yeere of Our Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Harvard University. Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Plague -- England -- London. London (England) -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2006-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms DIEV ET MON DROIT CHARLES by the grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France , & Ireland , defender of the Faith , &c. To all and singular Archbishops , Bishops , Archdeacons , Deanes , and their Officials , Parsons , Uicars , Curates , and to all Spirituall persons ; And also to all Justices of Peace , Maiors , Sheriffes , Bailiffes , Constables , Church-wardens , and Headboroughes ; And to all Officers of Cities , Boroughes , and Townes corporate ; And to all other Our Officers , Ministers , and Subiects whatsoeuer they be , aswell within Liberties , as without , to whom these presents shall come , greeting . Whereas we are credibly giuen to vnderstand , that by reason of grieuous visitation in this time of the great Contagion of the Plague amongst Our poore Subiects , in the Cities of London and Westminster , and Borough of Southwarke , and parts adioyning , the inhabitants of some Parishes and places are brought into such distresse , as that the Parishes are not able of themselues to support and relieue the poore of the said Parishes , and to prouide for the infected , and for the necessary watching and warding of the houses which are shut ; And albeit , the Justices of Peace haue done their best endeauours , by taxing the Parishes and Townes adiacent , to supply these wants and necessities ; yet so many difficulties haue occurred , that although for the time past they haue prouided in some competent measure , yet by the continuance of the Infection , they finde the burden to grow euery day more and more heauy : Whereof Our selfe being informed on the twenty fifth of September last , haue with the aduice of Our Councell , thought fit , that for the present , a Collection should be made of the charitable Beneuolences of well disposed people , within the Cities of London and Westminster , and in the Counties of Middlesex and Surrey , and Borough of Southwarke , and to the Beneuolence of all Cities , Townes Corporate , Villages , and Priuiledged places within the said Counties , not extending the same further for the present ; because it is hoped , that by Gods goodnesse , the Infection will abate ( the Winter season , and cold weather now approaching ) before it shall be needfull to pray the ayde of more remote Counties ; Not doubting , but that all good Christians , duely considering the misery , and pitifull calamity , which so many poore distressed and deiected Christians doe vndergoe by such an ineuitable and grieuous visitation , will in their owne pious commiseration of their great extremity , be herewith moued , out of the bowels of compassion , and forward , as feeling members one of anothers miseries , freely and willingly to extend their liberall Contributions towards the reliefe and comfort of a number of wretched creatures in this their great necessity . KNOW YE therefore , that We well weighing the wofull and lamentable estates of Our said poore and distressed Subiects , and commiserating the same , of Our especiall grace , and Princely compassion doe order and grant , that a Collection be made of the charitable deuotions , and liberalities of all Our louing Subiects , within the seuerall Counties , Cities , and Townes Corporate aboue named , for , and towards the reliefe and succour of the said poore inhabitants of London , and other Infected places adioyning : Which Collection , We will , grant , appoint , and require , shall be ordered in manner and forme following : That is to say , We will , grant , appoint , and require all and singular Parsons , Vicars , Curats of the seuerall Churches and Chappels within the said Counties , Precincts , Cities , Villages , and Townes Corporate aboue mentioned , with all possible speed to publish , and recommend this Collection to the charity of all well disposed persons within their Churches and Precincts , with an especiall exhortation to the people , for the better stirring vp of their liberall and extraordinary Contributions in so good and charitable a deed . And We will and command , that you the Churchwardens of every Parish within the Counties , Cities , and places aforesaid respectiuely , to take a care of the furtherance of the said Collection : And if any housholder , or parishioner be absent when these Our Letters Patents shall be there published , you the said Churchwardens , to goe to the habitations of such persons , and to aske their charity for the purpose aforesaid : And what shall be by you so gathered , to be by the Minister and your selues , endorsed on the backside of these Our Letters Patens , or the Copy or Briefe hereof , in words at length , and not in figures , with your names subscribed thereunto : And the summe and summes of money so gathered and endorsed , to be paid ouer as is hereafter mentioned . And lastly , Our will and pleasure is , that the moneys Collected in Surrey , be paid ouer to the hands of Sir Thomas Grymes Knight , and Edward Bromefield Esquire , Justices of Peace in the said County of Surrey , for the present reliefe of Southwarke , Newington and other places adiacent as stand in need by reason of the Infection . And the moneys collected in Middlesex , to be paid to the hands of Thomas Gardiner Esquier , Recorder of London , and to Iohn Herne Esquier , two of the Justices of Peace for the County of Middlesex , or to either of them , for the present reliefe of Westminster , and other places in Middlesex adiacent , or neere to the Cities of London and Westminster , as stand in need by reason of the Infection . And the moneys Collected in London , to be paid to the Lord Maior there for the time being , and by him to be deliuered euer , as there shall be any remainder at the end of his yeere , to his Successor : Which moneyes so Collected in London , to be , vpon conference betweene the said Lord Maior and Recorder of the City of London , disposed as shall be most needfull , not onely for the reliefe of such places , as by reason of the Infection , doe , or shall stand in need , in London , Westminster , and Middlesex , but also as occasion and necessity shall require , shall out of the same adde thereunto to the ayde and reliefe of Southwarke , Newington , and other places in Surrey , in manner and forme before recited , according to the true meaning of Our gracious intention by these Our Letters Patents , Any Statute , Law , Ordinance , or prouision heretofore made to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . IN WITNES whereof We haue caused these Our Letters to be made Patents , for the space of foure whole moneths , next after the date hereof to endure . WITNES Our selfe at Copt-hall , the seuenth day of October , in the twelfth yeere of Our Reigne . Dawe . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . 1636. 
A22634	----	By the King a proclamation concerning tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1639 Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22634 STC 9138 ESTC S3596 33150549 ocm 33150549 28655 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22634) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28655) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1877:45) By the King a proclamation concerning tobacco. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2] leaves. By Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: And by the Assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1638 [i.e. 1639] Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Regulating domestic retail trade. "Given at Our Court at VVhitehall the five and twentieth day of March, in the fourteenth yeer of Our Reign." Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tobacco industry -- Great Britain. Monopolies -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Tobacco habit -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. 2003-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2003-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV · ET · MON · DROIT HONI ❀ SOIT ❀ QVI ❀ MAL ❀ Y ❀ PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King. ❧ A Proclamation concerning Tobacco . HAving been heretofore informed , that thorow the immoderate taking of Tobacco , provoking the takers thereof to excessive Drinking and other inconveniences , the health of many of Our Subjects had been much impaired , which had the rather been occasioned for that no restraint had been made of the number , nor regard had of the quality of those that sold Tobacco by Retail but persons of the meanest condition had promiscuously used to Retail the same , keeping no order or assize therein : Whereupon We out of Our Princely care , to represse all such excesses , and to prevent such future inconveniences as might occur thereby , did by the advice of the Lords and others of Our Privy Councell , resolve to regulate the ungoverned Selling and Retailing of Tobacco , and to reduce the same into some good order ; and that none but men of sufficiency , and such as should bring certificate of their meetnesse , should from thenceforth be permitted to sell or utter Tobacco by Retail , and those onely in certain fit places , and to a certain number in every such place , which places and number We did by the like advice of the Lords , and others of Our Privie Councell , appoint accordingly : And afterwards by Our Proclamation , dated the thirteenth day of March , in the ninth yeer of Our Reign , for the reasons therein expressed We did straitly charge and command , that none should from thenceforth presume to sell or utter Tobacco by Retail , untill they should have obtained Our Licence in that behalf . In conformity whereunto , divers of Our loving Subjects have since taken severall and respective Licences under Our great Seal of England , to sell and utter forrain Tobacco by Retail , in such respective Cities , Towns , and places , as in the same Licences are expressed , rendring to Us , Our Heirs and Successors , such Rents as in and by Our said Licences are respectively reserved in that behalf : By which means not onely the afore mentioned excesses have in some good measure been repressed , and many inconveniences prevented , but also some small addition and improvement hath been made to Our Revenue . But notwithstanding the Premisses , divers ill affected persons , endeavouring for some small advantage to themselves , to bring the Retailing of Tobacco to that confused and ungoverned liberty it had before , have in contempt of Our said Proclamation presumed without Our Licence to vent and utter Tobacco by Retail , as well in London , and the parts adjacent , as in divers other Cities , Towns , and places of this Our Realm , thereby discouraging , and in some sort disabling Our said Subjects , who have taken Our Licences , as aforesaid , to pay their Rents thereon reserved , and likewise dis ▪ heartning others ( that is to say ) some from suing forth the Licences for which they have respectively contracted , others from contracting with Our Agents appointed in that behalf ; and the better to colour their practises , have spread abroad , especially within Our City of London , and the parts adjacent , false reports and rumours , as if We intended to desist from Our aforesaid course of reformation : which their practises and bold attempts We have just cause to take in ill part , and not to suffer the same to passe unpunished . Yet because some of Our Subjects , through the false reports and rumours so spread abroad , as aforesaid , may make some doubt of Our Royall intention in the Premisses , therefore We have thought meet hereby to declare and publish to all Our people , that We will not leave unfinished so great a work begun with such advice and care , and so much tending to their health and welfare , neither will We suffer Our Revenue in any part thereof by the wilfull opposition of some few refractory persons to be impaired . And therefore We do hereby straitly charge and command all Our loving Subjectts , that none of them do from henceforth presume directly or indirectly , to sell , utter , or deliver any Tobacco by Retail , in any place or places within Our said Kingdom of England , Dominion of Wales , and Town of Barwick , or any of them , without Our speciall Licence under Our great Seal of England , to be obtained in that behalf . And We do likewise will and command all Pedlers who wander up and down , not making their constant abode in any one place , and all and every other Interloper or Interlopers whatsoever , that none of them do from henceforth directly or indirectly , sell , utter , or deliver any Tobacco by Retail , or under colour or pretext of giving Tobacco , do by themselves , or any other , take or receive any recompence for the same . And whereas divers of Our Subjects , who are licensed to retail Tobacco in their own houses onely , do notwithstanding retail Tobacco in Fairs and Markets abroad , to the prejudice of such persons as are licensed to sell Tobacco in those places , Our will and pleasure is , and We do hereby straitly charge and command that from henceforth they and every of them do forbear to sell , utter , or deliver Tobacco by Retail , in any other places then according to the purport and true meaning of their respective Licences under Our great Seal . And whereas We are informed that much English Tobacco , which through the coldnesse of the climate and unaptnesse of the soil not coming to perfect maturity , is altogether unwholsome to be taken , and other Tobacco adulterate and mixed with rotten fruits and other corrupt ingredients is dayly sold and uttered to Our people ; We do hereby charge and straitly command , that no person whatsoever within Our said Kingdom of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , and Town of Barwick , or any of them , do from henceforth presume to buy , sell , or utter , directly or indirectly , any Tobacco of the growth of Our Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , and Town of Barwick , Islands of Jersey , Garnsey , and Man , or any of them , or any mixed or adulterate Tobacco whatsoever : And the better to prevent the great abuse offered and done to Our loving Subjects in the sale of English Tobacco , We do also straitly charge and command that no person whatsoever do at any time hereafter plant , or cause to be planted , any Tobacco within Our Kingdoms of England and Ireland , or either of them , or within Our Dominion of Wales , or Town of Barwick , or within Our Islands of Jersey , Garnsey and Man , or any of them , and that all Tobacco already planted , and now growing there , be presently displanted and utterly destroyed . And to the end the doing hereof be not in any wise omitted or neglected , We do charge and command all Constables , Tithingmen , Headboroughs , and other Officers within their severall limits and jurisdictions , carefully to see the same executed accordingly . And further , We do will and command all Iustices of Peace , Maiors , Sheriffs , and other principall Officers in their severall places , within the compasse of their severall jurisdictions and authorities , upon complaint to them made , to cause the same to be duly performed without partiality , as they and every of them will answer their contempts at their perils . And We do further will and command , that no Tobacco whatsoever be from henceforth imported , landed , or unladed to , in , or at any other Port , Haven , Creek , or place within Our Kingdom of England , Dominion of Wales , and Port and Town of Barwick , or any of them , then to , in , or at Our Port of London , without speciall warrant to be obtained from Our Lord high Treasurer of England for the time being in that behalf : And that all Merchants , Masters , and Owners of any Ship or Ships , and other persons whatsoever within or under Our obedience , do take notice of Our Royall command and pleasure herein , and do carefully and duly observe the same accordingly . And We do hereby straitly charge and command all Our Subjects to yeeld their due obedience in all and singular the Premisses , as they tender Our pleasure , and will answer the contrary at their perill . Given at Our Court at VVhitehall the five and twentieth day of March , in the fourteenth yeer of Our Reign . ❧ God save the King. Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1638. 
A22655	----	By the King trustie and welbeloved, we greet you well : hauing obserued in the presidents and customes of former times, that the kings and queenes of this our realme vpon extraordinary occasions haue vsed either to resort to those contributions ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1625 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22655 STC 9175J.1 ESTC S124027 33142937 ocm 33142937 28182 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22655) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 28182) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1885:88) By the King trustie and welbeloved, we greet you well : hauing obserued in the presidents and customes of former times, that the kings and queenes of this our realme vpon extraordinary occasions haue vsed either to resort to those contributions ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1625] Blank form for loans to the King. This copy filled in, with date changed in ms. to 1626. Reproduction of original in: Society of Antiquaries. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Finance, Public -- Great Britain -- To 1688. Great Britain -- Kings and rulers -- Finance. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . TRustie and welbeloved , We greet you well . Hauing obserued in the Presidents and customes of former times , That the Kings and Queenes of this our Realme vpon extraordinary occasions haue vsed either to resort to those contributions which arise from the generality of subjects , or to the private helpes of some well-affected in particular by way of loane ; In the former of which courses as We haue no doubt of the loue and affection of Our people when they shall againe assemble in Parliament , so for the present We are enforced to proceede in the latter course for supply of some portions of Treasure for divers publique services , which without manifold inconveniences to Vs and Our Kingdomes , cannot be deferred : And therefore this being the first time that We haue required any thing in this kind , We doubt not but that We shall receiue such a testimony of good affection from you ( amongst other of Our subjects ) and that with such alacrity and readines as may make the same so much the more acceptable , especially seeing We require but that of some , which few men would deny a friend , and haue a minde resolved to expose all Our earthly fortune for preservation of the generall ; The summe which We require of you by vertue of these presents is _____ which We doe promise in the name of Vs , our Heires and Successours to repay to you or your Assignes within eighteene moneths after the payment thereof vnto the Collector . The person that We haue appointed to collect , is _____ to whose hands we doe require you to send it within twelue dayes after you haue receiued this Privy Seale , which together with the Collectors acquittance , shal be sufficient warrant vnto the Officers of Our Receipt for the repayment thereof at the time limited . Giuen vnder our Privy Seale at _____ the _____ day of _____ in the first yeare of our raigne of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland . 1626. 
A22656	----	By the King ryght trustie,&c. Wee greet you well : as that soueraignty which under God we hold ouer you, tyeth us to take care for your safeties and welfare, so the loue of subiect and bond of duety tyes you to ayde and assist us in those actions which haue no other end, but the common preseruation both of us and your selues. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1628 Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-10 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A22656 STC 9175J.3 ESTC S122721 38160578 ocm 38160578 29254 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22656) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 29254) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1924:28) By the King ryght trustie,&c. Wee greet you well : as that soueraignty which under God we hold ouer you, tyeth us to take care for your safeties and welfare, so the loue of subiect and bond of duety tyes you to ayde and assist us in those actions which haue no other end, but the common preseruation both of us and your selues. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Bonham Norton and John Bill? [London? : 1628?] Blank form for executing loans to the Crown. Imprint suggested by STC (2nd ed.). Reproduction of original in: Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. The 25,363 texts created during Phase 1 of the project have been released into the public domain as of 1 January 2015. Anyone can now take and use these texts for their own purposes, but we respectfully request that due credit and attribution is given to their original source. Users should be aware of the process of creating the TCP texts, and therefore of any assumptions that can be made about the data. Text selection was based on the New Cambridge Bibliography of English Literature (NCBEL). If an author (or for an anonymous work, the title) appears in NCBEL, then their works are eligible for inclusion. Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Finance, Public -- Great Britain -- To 1688. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. 2008-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion By the King. RIyht Trustie , Etc. Wee greete you well . As that Soueraignty which vnder God we hold ouer you , tyeth vs to take care for your safeties and welfare , so the loue of subiects and bond of duety tyes you to ayde and assist vs in those actions which haue no other end , but the common preseruation both of vs and your selues ; In which affaires , such hath been our care , and so exceeding great our charge , as that the sale of a great part of our Iewels , Plate , and lands ( besides the aydes and loanes already had of our people ) haue not sufficed the necessities of these publique seruices . Wherefore as our Ancestors , Kings and Queenes of this Realme , haue euer vsed vpon vrgent necessities , for the common defence ( occasions nor time not permitting the calling of their people in general ) to resort vnto the priuate helps of those whom they pleased to chuse ; So we not doubting of your obedience in this behalfe , and fidelity you beare towards the surety of our person , defence of your Countrey , maintenance of Religion and our Allies : ( The safegard of all which , all good subiects ought so much to tender , as we looke you should not faile to straine both your credit and your selfe hartily to maintaine and defend ) doe for these causes require of you , by vertue of these presents , the summe of _____ which we doe promise in the name of vs , our heires and successors , to repay to you or your assignes within one yeere after the paiment thereof to the Collector . The person that we haue appointed to collect _____ to whose hands we doe require you to send it , within ten dayes after you haue receiued this Priuie Seale , which together with the Collectors acquittance , shal be sufficient warrant vnto the Officers of our Receipt for the repayment thereof at the time limitted . And because we make our full account of the receipt of so much money at your hands , we require you in no wise to faile hereof . Giuen vnder our Priuie Seale at our Palace of Westminster , the _____ day of _____ in the _____ yeere of our Reigne of England , Scotland , ffrance and Ireland . 
A25456	----	Animadversions vpon those notes which the late observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the King by way of recapitulation (hee saith) layes open so offensive This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A25456 of text R22035 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A3210). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 25 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A25456 Wing A3210 ESTC R22035 12569996 ocm 12569996 63421 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25456) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63421) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 953:29) Animadversions vpon those notes which the late observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the King by way of recapitulation (hee saith) layes open so offensive Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 8 p. Printed for William Sheares, London : 1642. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. An answer to Henry Parker's Observation upon some of His Majesties late answers and expresses. eng Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. -- Observations upon some of His Majesties late answers and expresses. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A25456 R22035 (Wing A3210). civilwar no Animadversions upon those notes which the late Observator hath published upon the seven doctrines and positions which the King by way of rec [no entry] 1642 4809 7 0 0 0 0 0 15 C The rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ANIMADVERSIONS Vpon those Notes which the late Observator hath published upon the seven Doctrines and Positions which the KING by way of Recapitulation ( hee saith ) layes open so offensive . POSITION I. THat the Parliament has an absolute indisputable power of declaring Law : so that all the right of the King and People depends upon their pleasure . To this the Observator saith , It has beene answered , That this Power must rest in them , or in the King , or in some inferiour Court , or els all suits will be endlesse , and it cannot rest more safely then in Parliament . ANIMADVERSION I. THe Observator hath contracted his Maiesties words , but hath kept the sense in more generall termes , and seemes ( though but faintly ) to justifie the Position , by approving ( I know not whose answer ) That this Power can rest no where more safely , then in Parliament . He meanes the Parliament without the King ; If he had allowed the King his place in Parliament , I know no understanding man but will easily subscribe , That the King in Parliament , or the Parliament with him , have an absolute undisputable power , both to make and declare Law ; and to end all Suites of what kind soever , determinable by humane law within the Kingdome . And here is the most safe resting of this Power ( and here it hath ever rested ) and not in the King alone ( who claimes not that Power , but is willing to governe his Subjects according to the knowne Lawes ) and much lesse in any inferiour Court . But that such an absolute undisputable Power of declaring Law , as hath lately bin assumed , by the Major part of the present sitting Parliament , should be resting in them , is neither necessary for the ending of Suites , nor can be safe , either for King or Subject . If they may declare that for a Law , a fundamentall Law , which never yet was Enacted , or had any being ; and deny the plain undoubted Lawes that have beene Enacted , or frustrate them by some unheard of interpretation , ( as if such interpretation had been some mentall ( or rather Parliamentall ) reservation laid up within the Parliament walles , to be produced upon emergent occasions , by their successors ) they will have so full an Arbitrary power , that the right and safety of King and People must wholly depend upon their Votes . Which power can never be safe , either for King or People , nor can they produce one president that may warrant such a Power . But they are not bound or limited by such presidents . That 's the second Position . POSIT . 2. That Parliaments are bound to no Presidents . OBSERV : Statutes are not binding to them , why should then Presidents ? Yet there is no obligation stronger then the honour and justice of a Parliament . ANIMAD. 2. If Statutes be not binding to them , there is no reason that presidents should be . And he saith true , Statutes are not binding to them , that is , de facto , they are not ( for they in some things goe directly against them ) but de jure , they are ; that is , they ought to be binding to them , till they be repealed by the same power they were made , that is , by Bill orderly passed both Houses , and ratified by his Majesties Royall assent . And unlesse they can shew better reason then their bare Assertion : Presidents ( as they are the best warrant , so ) they are , and ought to be the limits and bounds of their proceedings . He might have said as truly , That Oathes are not binding to them : and therefore neither Statutes nor Presidents . But the Observator tells us ( Pag 44. ) That the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance are not endangered , by making the Kingdom , and not the King , the proper subject of Power , And he yeelds reason for it . For ( saith he ) hee that ascribes more to the whole Universality , then to the King , yet ascribes to the King a true Supremacy of Power and Honour above all particulars . I wonder what he meanes by a true Supremacie of Power and Honour above all particulars . Surely , he meanes nothing but priority of place , and height of Title ; for he is allowed little power over some particulars , namely , over the Members of either house , and whom else they please to exempt ( as they did Serjeant Major Skippon for his Power and Commands . ) But this distinction helpes them : The Members of either House are sharers in that Supremacie which is in the Vniversality and above his ; and by the power of that Supremacie they can exempt whom they please from the power of this , Inferiour ( pardon the ph●se , absurdities cannot be exprest without a Solecisme ) Supremacy . Very good . But , in good sober sadnesse , doth the Observator thinke this distinction was thought on by the Framers and enjoyners of that Oath , or that the Members of the House , at their entring the House , did take their Oath to the King , as to the Supreame over all , with exception of themselves , or reservation of an higher Supremacy to themselves , when they should be entred ? It is hardly credible ; Nor doe all ( that desire to tender all due honour to the Parliament ) beleeve that they are so the Vniversality , or the Kingdome , as the Observatour presumes . They are trusted by the Vniversality and Kingdome , and wee pray , that they may dischardge that trust , not knowing , but that a multitude of men subject ( every one of them ) to errour , may faile in their judgement , and being not exempted from the common condition of the sinfull Sonnes of Adam , may possibly , not rightly dischardge the trust committed to them , as well , as the King , who is blasted with foule sailings , anderrours , and judgement . Mee thinkes , men that so much detest Popery , should not borrow the grounds of their reasoning from them : and I shall as soone beleeve the Councell of Trent , telling us that they are the Vniversall Church , and therefore cannot possibly erre , as that the Parliament is the Vniversall unerring and unpervertibly just body of the Kingdome . And surely , the Spirit of declaring must needs reside in a strangely large measure in them , who have power , thus to declare not onely Law , but Oathes too ; a greater , then which the Popes flatterers never gave him ; and hardly ever any Pope assumed so great : Quo te constringam mutantem protea nodo ? How shall these men bee bound to doe right , who so easily unty the knots of these sacred bookes of Law and Oathes ? why , yes ; There is a bond that will doe it ; The obligation of the Iustice , and honour of a Parliament . But can any man bee sure , that they whom neither Law , Custome , and Presidents of their Ancestours , nor Oathes can bind , will bee alwayes held in by the obligation of Iustice and Honour ? Is it not possible , that they may ( in time ) find a power in themselves of declaring that obligation void , as well , as have done the other ? The same obligation of Iustice and Honour , is as strong upon Kings , ( and hath ever beene held more powerfull and obstrictive in them , then in any state mannaged by a Community ; and yet they dare not trust his Majesty , though so obliged . The Observatour then must pardon mee , if I desire , they may rather bee held in , ( and hold themselves so to bee ) by the old obligations of Law , Presidents , and Oathes , rather then that the Kings liege-people should bee put wholly to confide to that single obligation of the Iustice , and Honour of a Parliament . POSITION 3. That they are Parliaments , and may judge of publike necessity without the King , and dispose of anything . OBSERV. They may not desert the King , but being deserted by the King , when the Kingdome is in distresse , they may judge of that distresse , and relieve it , and are to bee accompted by vertue of representation as the whole body of the State . ANIMADVER. 3. His Majesty sets downe this Position in more words , but these are much to the same purpose , and upon these the inference which His Majesty makes followes undeniably , That then the life and liberty of the Subject , and all good Lawes made for the security of them , may bee disposed of , and repealed by the Major part of both Houses , at any time present , and by any wayes and meanes procured so to bee : And His Maiesty shall have no power to protect them . They see nothing , that see ●ot the misery , which may follow upon such a vast transcendency of arbitary power , if it were invested in the Parliament , which ( I dare boldly ●●y ) was never claimed by any Parliament , though in conjunction with ( the ●ead of it ) the King . Every ( the meanest ) Subject hath such a right and propriety in his goods , that without Law , they cannot bee taken from him , though to be employed for the publike good . And though the safety of the people , be the highest Law , and that doe ( many times ) give a power above other Lawes , and against them , to the supreme Magistracy in a State , to dispose of private mens estates , yet the unchangeable rule of Iustice , must have place , even in that highest Law , and that requires a compensation to be made to those , whose states or goods are so disposed of ; and never gives power to uphold the publike good with private injury . Nor can it bee imagined , that a State upheld , by such helps , should not be able to make a just compensation to those , by whom it was upheld . But let us heare our Observatour . They may not ( saith hee ) desert the King . Gramercy , for that ; I am glad to heare they have yet any obligation upon them to tie them to the King . Yet I know not well what he meanes by deserting the King : if he mean it in that sense , which he doth the Kings deserting of them , which ( out of question ) is his not assenting to whatsoever they shall think fit ; Then in reason , they should not , by their disallowing all his Proposals , have driven him to dissent from theirs , and so to have disserted them . Well ; But being deserted by the King , when the Kingdome is in distresse , they may judge of that distresse , and relieve it . Al their power then is upon supposition of the Kings deserting them . So that if it appeare , that His Majesty hath not deserted them ( as many good men beleeve he hath not , in the redresse of any real grievance , ) then they have no such power . And however , they claime this power only when the Kingdome is in distresse ; but how , if the Kingdom be not in distresse , or ( at least ) that distresse be onely or principally , caused by their claiming of that power which cannot consist with the Honour and Royall Estate of His Majestly ; which all men ( by their late Protestation ) are bound to defend . If it beso , we may easily discerne how far they may stretcht this power , which they claim onely in order to distresse ; and that they may make as much use of it , as the Pope doth of his power in temporals ; In ordine ad spiritualia . He claimes no more , though ( some have said , hee hath right to more ; ) and the Parliament will need no more , to doe as much as hee takes upon him to doe with Christian Princes and States . But they must have a right to their power in this case of distresse ; whence have they that ? why , they have it as the whole body of the State , and that they are , and must be so accompted , by vertue of representation very good . But let us consider his words a little more . There is no understanding man , but must and will acknowledge ( unlesse he wilfully derogate from them , ) that the Parliament represents the body of the State , for those ends , for which they convene , as an Ambassadour doth the Prince that sends him , in the mannage of that businesse for which hee is sent ; But this is not an absolute representation to all intents and purposes . Besides , whom do they represent ? The Body ( saith hee ) of the State . Bee it so : but it is onely the body , without the head . And if they were not by representation onely , but really , the whole body of the People ( if it were possible , they should convene together ) they are all but an assembly of Subjects , of men to be governed , not to rule , to be commanded , not to command their Head and Soueraigne : and then there can be no vertue of representation that can advance them to the power , which the Observatour ascribes to them , when such power was never in the whole body , which is represented . No ? never such power in the whole body ? I know the Observatours stomack will rise here . Did not the Peoples consent , at first make Kings and conveigh power into their hands ? Truely Sir , not solely ; but grant it , what then ? Marry , he saith then it is a principle in nature . Quic quid efficit tale est magis tale ; In English , If the People make a King , they are more King themselves , or if they give power , they have more power : and may resume and exercise that power when they please . Excellent learning , and well applied , I believe hee learned this piece from Suarez the Iesuite . But the Observatour , may know , that that rule admits many limitations ; and surely , it holds onely in causis totalibus , which the People are not in the constitution of Kings . But suppose their consent , did at first give power to Kings ; when their consent is given for them and their Successours to a King and his Heires , can the succeeding People cut off the entaile , and retract the consent their Ancestours have given ? By what right ? with what justice ? I know not , but the People may contract for them and their Successours in the conveyance of Soveraigne power ( if ever they had it in their hands to give ) as any man may in the conveyance of his lands or goods : and that such conveyance may be as binding to Successours in the one as in the other : and then I am sure , they cannot have power at all times , and in all succeeding ages , to resume what they have so given . Our Kings right ( so farre as it is derived from the People ) is of this kind . And if he had no other grounds for his claime of Soveraignty , ( as it is most certaine , that he hath ) such a consent once granted , were sufficient to bind the People , that it cannot ever bee lawfull for them ; by a major part of them ( comming in with their Nolumus hunc regnare super nos ) to deprive him of that right . But surely , they would never make so absolute a grant of their power to Princes as to devest themselves of it . Good Sir , shew mee that proviso in their grant . But it seemes to you unnaturall they should : I doe not wonder it should seeme so to you , who make it agreeable to the Clearest beames of humane reason , and the strongest inclinations of nature ; ( and by consequence , as you would perswade the World , justifiable ; ) For every private man to defend himselfe by force if assaulted , though by the force of a Magistrate , or his owne Father , and though hee bee not without all confidence by flight , &c. I wish whilest you have such recourse to nature , you would not forget Christianity , which teaches subjection and obedience , and gives no liberty ; ( either to private men , or the major part of the communalty ) of resistance , but saith , they that resist , shall receive to themselves damnation . And if the Observatour bee a Gentleman , hee should tender how he hath recourse to nature in point of right , least hee give occasion to some Wat ▪ Tyler's Chaplaine , to preach againe upon that text : When Adam dolve and Eve span , Who was then a Gentleman . Hee may find a goodly Sermon upon that Text , set downe by John Stow in Richard the second , and such Doctrine delivered upon it , the use , of which would shake his title to his inheritance , and the name of Gentleman . POSITION 4. That no member of the Parliament ought to bee troubled for Treason , &c. without leave . OBSERV. This is intended of suspitions onely , and when leave may seasonably bee had , and when competent accusers appeare not in the impeachment . ANIMAD. 6. His Majesty hath said so much of this and so little of it hath beene answered , ( or indeed is answerable , ) that I shall not need to say much . Only I observe the modesty of this Observatour ; that he doth not absolutely say , they are not to be troubled for those crimes ; out not upon suspition onely , &c. I know not what hee may call suspitions , but I beleeve , the best evidences , may easily be held for bare suspitions , if they may not have liberty to speake out ; and that they cannot have , unlesse the accuser be first in safe custody , and brought to triall , where they may legally bee produced . And , I beleeve , few wise men will thinke it reasonable , that the grounds of suspition of treason , should necessarily bee opened before triall . POSITION 5. That the Soveraigne power resides in both Houses of Parliament ; The King having no negative voyce . OBSERV. This power is not claimed as ordinary , nor to any purpose ; but to save the Kingdome from ruine , and in case , where the Kingdome is so seduced , as that hee prefers dangerous men , and persecutes his loyall Subjects . ANIMAD 5. His Majesty infers upon this Position . That himselfe must be subject to their Commands . This sounds , but harshly in the cares of loyall Subjects ; That any posture wherein they can be put , can raise Subjects to a capacity of Soveraignty , and reduce their Soveraigne to become their Subject . But hee comforts us here , and tels us , this power is not claimed as ordinary , nor to any purpose , &c. This is but poore comfort , it is not : but it may be in good time , if they please . He doth not say , they shall not hereafter , or cannot claime it as ordinary , and to other purposes then that he names . So that there may bee other causes , that may make them claime this power , as well as this . But indeed , they need no other , if it bee in their power to declare that to be the case of the King and Kingdom when they please . But they will never do it , but where there is a just cause for it ; and the truth leads them to it . Truly , I beleeve honourably of the Iustice and Wisedome of Parliaments ; but I doe beleeve , that they are not either infallible , or that they cannot possibly doe amisse . And the Observatour must bring better arguments ; ( and I feare , hee cannot bring so good to make mee beleeve otherwise , ) then ever yet were brought for the infallibility of a generall Councell . But I have said enough for the present of the residence of Soveraigne power in the Parliament , and the ground of their claime to it , by the vertue of representation in my third Animadversion . I shall here only give the Reader a briefe glosse upon the language here used by the Observatour . To save the Kingdome from ruine , ( that is , from Monarchy or being governed by the King . The King is seduced , ) that is , hee is perswaded ( by his own understanding , and other evill Counsellours , ) not to part with his Soveraignty , nor to become a Subiect to his Subiects . Hee prefers dangerous men , ( that is , such as would have him still to bee their King , prosecutes his loyall Subiects , ) that is , such as would rule him , and the people at their pleasure . POSITION 6. That the levying of forces against the personall commands of the King , ( though accompanied with his presence ) is not levying of warre against the King : but warre against his authority , not Person , is warre against the King . OBSERV. If this were not so The Parliament seeing a seduced King , ruining himselfe , and the Kingdome , could not save both , but stand and looke on . ANIMAD. 6. I Thought this Position so strangely Paradoxall , and so apparently contrary to reason , and common sense , that no man would have appeared in the defence of it . Yet this Observator never blushes , nor blinks at it , but affirmes it stoutly . But for all that , I shall beleeve very slowly . That the Kings Person can at any time be without the King , or without his Authority : Or that they may destroy the Kings Person , to preserve the King . My Faith is not strong enough to beleeve these sublime points , and mysteries of State : I shall subscribe thus farre , That warre against the Kings Authority , ( though in the absence of his Person ) is warre against the King : But that the King and his Person should be in two places , will never ( I feare ) downe with me . But however I le see his reason : What 's that ? Why else the Parliament seeing a seduced King ruining himselfe and his Kingdome could not save both , but must stand and looke on . Surely this reason is full of waight , and ready to burst , it is so big with probability . I suppose the Reader understands his language heere , by my former glosse ; But if we should take the words as they sound , the reason would seem as strange , as that which it is brought to confirme . The King ruining himselfe and his Kingdome , a mad King , or an Ideot ( hee meanes ) and then 't were fit the Parliament appointed him a guardian . Ruining himselfe and his Kingdome . It is Possible ; That the King should ruine himself and his Kingdom . What ? The King alone ? Is he alone able to doe it without the People ? It is hardly credible ? If he have the people on his side , and a prevailing Major party , I thinke the Observator ( standing to his owne Principles ) will not deny that he hath Soveraigne power with him , and that it is unnaturall to thinke the Community should destroy itselfe . But the Community ( he will say ) is to be lookt at in Parliament . Well , But good Sir , may not the people withdraw the power of representation , which they granted to the Parliament ; was their grant so absolute , and so irrevocable , that they dispossest themselves wholly of taking or exercising that power , their owne proper persons ? Remember your principles about the conveying of Soveraigne power into the hands of Kings , and if you can shew no better Cards for their power of representation , then the Peoples revocable consent , ( and I would faine know why it should be more revocable from Kings then men ) you will finde their tenure in it very tickle . POSIT . 7. That according to some Parliaments they may depose Kings . OBSERV. T is denied that any King was deposed by a free Parliament fairely elected . ANIMAD. 7. I like this note better then all the rest , and am wholly of his minde : That never any free Parliament , fairely elected , deposed any King : and I hope ( whatsoever his principles seemes to insinuate ) they doe not beleeve they have power to do it , and pray that they may never attempt , ( at least , not be able ) to depose the King , or destroy Monarchy . The Authors Protestation . HAving finished these sudden Animadversions : I doe protest in the presence of Almighty God , with my life , power , and estate , to maintaine and defend , so farre as lawfully I may , The true Reformed Protestant Religion , His Majesties Person , Honour , and Royall Estate , The just Liberties of the Subject , and the Power and Priviledges of Parliament ( so far as I shall be able to know or understand them ) and to doe all other things contained in the late Protestation . And this I doe sincerely , and from my heart , beleeving my selfe to be under the guilt of Perjury , if I faile in any one thing here protested . And therefore shall never hold my selfe absolved , by observing one , if I violate it in any other part . I shall ever defend His Majesties Person , Honour , and Royall Estate , as my sole Soveraign , and the Parliament ( next under him ) in the highest capacity of Subjects as the Supreame Indicatory , the great Councell and Body Representative of this Kingdome , And I pray , that all those that doe not joyne with me , may either speedily be converted or confounded . Faxit Deus . LONDON , Printed for William Sheares , 1642. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A25456e-30 Pag. 2. Pag. 3. Pag. 16. Rom. 〈…〉 ▪ 
A22757	----	His Majesties declaration: to all his loving subjects, of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last Parliament. Published by His Majesties speciall command England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A22757 of text R212833 in the English Short Title Catalog (STC 9262). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 42 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 30 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A22757 STC 9262 ESTC R212833 99835842 99835842 68 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A22757) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 68) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1171:19) His Majesties declaration: to all his loving subjects, of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last Parliament. Published by His Majesties speciall command England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Finch of Fordwich, John Finch, Baron, 1584-1660. [2], 55, [1] p. Printed by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, London : MDCXL. [1640] Possibly written by John Finch, Baron Finch of Fordwich? (STC). Most formes are in one of two impositions, found in various combinations. Reproductions of the originals in the Henry E. Huntington Library and Art Gallery and the British Library (Thomason Tracts). eng Great Britain. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A22757 R212833 (STC 9262). civilwar no His Majesties declaration: to all his loving subjects, of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last Parliament. Published by His Majes England and Wales. Sovereign 1640 7573 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Sara Gothard Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES Declaration : TO ALL HIS LOVING SUBJECTS , Of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last Parliament . Published by His Majesties speciall command . DIEV . ET . MON. DROIT . HONI . SOIT . QVI. MAL . Y. PENSE LONDON : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXL . DIEV . ET . MON. DROIT HONI . SOIT . QVI. MAL . Y. PENSE . His Majesties DECLARATION To all His loving Subjects : Of the causes which moved him to dissolve the last Parliament . THE KINGS most Excellent Majestie well knoweth , That the Calling , Adjourning , Proroguing , and Dissolving of Parliaments , are undoubted Prerogatives inseparably annexed to his Imperiall Crown , of which he is not bound to render any account but to God alone , no more then of his other Regall actions . Neverthelesse his Majestie , whose Piety and Goodnesse have made him ever so order and govern all things , That the cleernesse and candor of his Royall heart may appear to all his Subjects , especially in those great and publike Matters of State , that have relation to the weal and safetie of his People , and the honour of his Royall person and government : Hath thought fit , for avoiding and preventing all sinister constructions and misinterpretations , which the malice of some persons ill-affected to his Crown and Soveraignty , hath , or may practise to infuse into the mindes and ears of his good and faithfull Subjects , to set down by way of Declaration , the true causes aswell of his Assembling , as of his Dissolving the late Parliament . IT is not unknown to most of his Majesties loving Subjects , what discouragements he hath formerly had by the undutifull and seditious carriage of divers of the lower house in preceding Assemblies of Parliament , enough to have made him averse to those ancient and accustomed wayes of calling his people together , when in stead of dutifull expressions towards his Person and Government , they vented their own malice and disaffections to the State , and by their subtile and malignant courses , endeavoured nothing more then to bring into contempt and disorder all Government and Magistracy . Yet his Majestie well considering that but few were guilty of that seditious and undutifull behaviour , and hoping that time and experience had made his loving Subjects sensible of the distemper the whole Kingdom was in danger to be put into by the ill govern'd actions of those men , And his Majestie being ever desirous to tread in the steps of his most noble Progenitors , was pleased to issue forth his Writs under the great Seal of England , for a Parliament to be holden on the thirteenth day of April last . At which day , his Majestie by the Lord Keeper of His great Seal was graciously pleased to let both houses of Parliament know , how desirous he was , That all his people would unite their hearts and affections in the execution of those Councels that might tend to the Honour of his Majestie , the safety of his Kingdoms , and the good and preservation of all his people . And withall how confident he was that they would not be failing in their duties and affections to him and to the publique . He laid open to them the manifest and apparant mischiefs threatned to this and all his other Kingdoms , by the mutinous and rebellious behaviour of divers of the Scottish nation , who had by their examples drawn many of his Subjects there into a course of disloyalty and disobedience not fit for his Majestie in honour , safety , or wisdom to endure . How to strengthen themselves in their disloyall courses , they had addrest themselves to forraign States , and treated with them to deliver themselves up to their protection and defence , as was made apparant under the proper hands of the prime Ring-leaders of that Rebellious faction . These courses of theirs , tending so much to the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchy , united by the descent of the Crown of England upon his Majestie , and his Father of blessed memory ; his Majestie ( in his great wisdom , and in discharge of the trust reposed in him by God , and by the fundamentall laws of both Kingdoms , for the protection and government of them ) resolved to suppresse , and thereby to vindicate that soveraigne power entrusted to him . He had by the last Summers triall found , that his grace and goodnesse was abused , and that contrary to his expectation and their faithfull promises , they had , since his being at Barwick , and the Pacification there made , pursued their former rebellious designes , and therefore it was necessary now for his Majestie by Power to reduce them to the just and modest condition of their obedience and subjection , which when ever they should be brought unto , or seeing their own errours , should put themselves into a way of humility and obedience becoming them , his Majestie should need no other Mediatours for Clemency and Mercy to them , then his own Piety and Goodnesse , and the tender affection he hath ever born to that his native Kingdom . This being of so great weight and consequence to the whole Kingdom , and the charge of an Army , fit to master such a businesse , amounting to so great a sum as his Majestie had no means to raise , having not onely emptied his own coffers , but issued between three and four hundred thousand pounds which he borrowed of his servants , upon security out of his own estate , to provide such things as were necessary to begin such an action with ; his Majestie after the example of his Predecessors , resorted to his people in their representative body the Parliament , whom he desired ( with all the expressions of grace and goodnesse which could possibly come from him ) That taking into serious and dutifull consideration the nature of these bleeding evils , and how dangerous it was to lose the least minute of time , lest thereby those of Scotland should gain opportunity to frame their parties with forraign States , that they would for a while lay aside all other debates , and passe an Act for the speedie payment of so many Subsidies as might enable his Majestie to put in readinesse for this Summer those things which were to be prepared before so great an Army could be brought into the field . For further supply necessary for so great an undertaking , his Majestie declared that he expected it not till there might be a happy conclusion of that Session , and till their just grievances might be first graciously heard and relieved . Wherein , as his Majestie would most willingly have given them the precedence before matter of supply , if the great necessity of his occasions could have permitted , so he was graciously pleased for their full assurance and satisfaction therein to give them his Royall word , That without determining the Session upon granting of the Subsidies , he would give them before they parted , as much time as the season of the yeer , and the great affairs in hand would permit , for considering all such Petitions as they should conceive to be good for the Common-wealth , and what they could not now finish , they should have full time to perfect towards Winter ; his Majesty graciously assuring them , that he would go along with them for their advantage through all the expressions of a gracious and pious King , to the end there might be such a happy conclusion of that as might be the cause of many more meetings with them in Parliament . From their first assembling untill the 21. of April , the house of Commons did nothing that could give his Majestie any content or confidence in their speedy supplying of him : Whereupon he commanded both the houses to attend him in the Banquetting house at Whitehall in the afternoon of that 21. day of April . Where by the Lord Keeper his Majestie put them in minde of the end for which they were assembled , which was for his Majesties supply , That if it were not speedy , it would be of no use unto him ; Part of the Army then marching at the charge of above a hundred thousand pounds a moneth , which would all be lost if his Majestie were not presently supplied , so as it was not possible to be longer forborn . Yet his Majestie then exprest that the supply he for the present desired , was onely to enable him to go on with his designes for three or four moneths , and that he expected no further supply till all their just grievances were relieved . And because his Majestie had taken notice of some misapprehensions about the levying of the Shipping-money , his Majestie commanded the Lord Keeper to let them know , That he never had any intention to make any Revenue of it , nor had ever made any ; but that all the money Collected had been paid to the Treasurer of the Navie , and by him expended , besides great sums of money every yeer out of his Majesties own purse . That his Majestie had once resolved this yeer to have levied none , but that he was forced to alter his resolution , in regard he was of necessity to send an Army for reducing those of Scotland , during which time it was requisite the Seas should be well guarded : And besides his Majestie had knowledge of the great Fleets prepared by all neighbouring Princes this yeer , and of the insolencies committed by those of Algiers , with the store of Ships which they had in readinesse . And therefore though his Majestie for this present yeer could not forbear it , but expected their concurrence in the levying of it , yet for the future to give all his Subjects assurance how just and Royall his intentions were , and that all his aime was but to live like their King , able to defend himself and them , to be usefull to his friends and considerable to his enemies , to maintain the Soveraigntie of the Seas , and so make the Kingdom flourish in trade and commerce , he was graciously pleased to let them know , That the ordinary Revenue now taken by the Crown could not serve the turn , and therefore that it must be by Shipping-money or some other way , wherein he was willing to leave it to their considerations what better course to finde out , and to settle it how they would , so the thing were done which so much imported the honour and safety of the Kingdom ; and his Majestie for his part would most readily and cheerfully grant any thing they could desire for securing them in the propriety of their goods and estates , and in the liberty of their persons . His Majestie telling them it was in their power to make this as happy a Parliament as ever was , and to be the cause of the Kings delighting to meet with his people , and his people with him . That there was no such way to effect this as by putting obligations to trust and confidence upon him , which as it was the way of good manners with a King , so it was a surer and safer course for themselves , then any that their own jealousies and feares could invent , his Majestie being a Prince that deserved their trust , and would not lose the honour of it , and a Prince of such a gracious nature that disdained his people should overcome him by kindnesse . He had made this good to some other Subjects of his , and if they followed his counsell , they should be sure not to repent it , being the people that were neerest and deerest to him , and Subjects whom he did and had reason to value more then the Subjects of any his other Kingdoms . His Majestie having thus graciously expressed himself unto them , he expected the House of Commons would have the next day taken into consideration the matter of Supply , and laid aside all other debates till that were resolved of according to his desire . But instead of giving an answer therein , such as the pressing and urgent occasions required , they fell into Discourses and Debates about their pretended Grievances , and raised up so many , and of so severall natures , that in a Parliamentary way they could not but spend more time then his Majesties great and weighty affaires could possibly afford . His Majestie foreseeing in his great wisdom that they were not in the way to make this a happy Parliament , which he so much desired and hoped , That nothing might be wanting on his part to bring them into the right way for his honour , the safety of the Kingdom , and their own good , he resolved to desire the assistance of the Lords of the higher house , as persons in rank and degree neerest to the Royall Throne , and who having received honour from him and his Royall Progenitors , he doubted not would for those and many other reasons be moved in honour and dutifull affection to his Person and Crown , to dispose the house of Commons to expresse their duties to his Majestie , in expediting the matter of Supply , for which they were called together , and which required so present a dispatch . For this purpose , his Majestie in his Royall Person came again to the Lords house on Wednesday the 24. day of April , where himself declared to the Lords the cause of his coming , which was , to put them in minde of what had been by the Lord Keeper in his name delivered unto both houses the first day of the Parliament , and after at Whitehall , how contrary to his expectation the house of Commons having held consultation of Matter of Religion , Property of goods , and Liberty of Parliament ; and voted some things concerning those three heads , had thereby given them the precedence before the matter of his supply , That his necessities were such , they could not bear delay , That what ever he had by the Lord Keeper promised he would perform , if the house of Commons would trust him . For Religion , that his heart and conscience went together with the Religion established in the Church of England , and he would give order to his Archbishops and Bishops , that no innovation in matter of Religion should creep in . For the Ship-money , that he never made or intended to make any profit to himself of it , but onely to preserve the Dominion of the Seas , which was so necessary , that without it the Kingdom could not subsist ; but for the way and means by Ship-money , or otherwise he left it to them . For property of goods , and liberty of Parliament , he ever intended his people should enjoy them , holding no King so great as he that was King of a rich and free people , and if they had not property of goods , and liberty of persons , they could be neither rich nor free . That if the house of Commons would not first trust him , all his affairs would be disordered , and his businesse lost . That though they trusted him in part at first , yet before the Parliament ended he must totally trust them , and in conclusion they must for execution of all things wholly trust him . Therefore since the matter was no more then who should be first trusted , and that the trust of him first was but a trust in part , his Majestie desired the Lords to take into their considerations his and their own Honour , the safety and welfare of this Kingdom , with the great danger it was in , and that they would by their advice dispose the house of Commons to give his supply the precedence before the grievances . His Majestie being departed , the Lords took into serious consideration what his Majestie had commended to their care , and forthwith laying aside all other debates , such was their Lordships dutifull and affectionate carriage , they remembring well what had been formerly declared in his Majesties name to both houses , his Majesties gracious promises and expressions then and at this time , with the pressing and urgent occasions which so much imported the honour of his Majestie and the good of this Kingdom , their Lordships delivered their votes in these words , We are of opinion that the matter of his Majesties supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever ; And we think fit there shall be a conference desired with the house of Commons to dispose them thereunto . Accordingly the next day being Saterday the 25. day of April , a Conference was had in the Painted Chamber by a Committee of both Houses , where the Lord Keeper , by the Lords command , told the House of Commons of his Majesties being the day before in person in the higher House , how graciously he had expressed himself , in matter of Religion , Propertie of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament ; and that he would therein graciously hear and relieve them , and give them what in reason could be desired , with the effect of what else had bin graciously delivered unto them by his Majestie , as well touching his constant Zeal and affection to the Religion established in the Church of England , as touching the Ship-money , and the necessity of his affairs , which was such , that delay was as prejudiciall as denyall , and that if time were lost , both Houses could not recover it ; and therefore their Lordships , though they would move nothing , nor give any advice concerning Subsidies , but decline it , as that which naturally was to begin with the House of Commons , yet being alike interessed and concerned in the honour and safety of the Kingdom , they held it fit to let them know their opinions and desires , which was , That they should go first on with the matter of his Majesties supply , as that which was most necessary and fit to have precedence ; And that being done , they would cheerfully joyn with them in the presenting of their Grievances . The House of Commons having heard their Lordships opinion and desire , instead of concurring with their Lordships in preferring the consideration of his Majesties supply before their Grievances , they spent the whole day on Munday following being the 27. of April , in taking causelesse exceptions to what had been at the Conference related to them ; And the next day being Tuesday the 28. of April , they desired a Conference with the Lords , and their Lordships meeting them presently in the Painted Chamber , they were so far from their expressing of any willingnesse to joyn with their Lordships in what had been upon so weighty reasons recommended unto them , that on the contrary they challenged the Lords for invading the Priviledges of the House of Commons , Alleadging , That the Lords having in the former Conference acknowledged that the matter of Subsidie and Supply ought to begin in the House of Commons , had in their voting that it was fit and most necessary that matter of Supply should have precedence before all other businesse , not onely been transported beyond the bounds which their Lordships had formerly set to themselves , but by medling with matter of Supply , had as far as in them lay , concluded both the matter and order of proceeding , which the House of Commons took to be a breach of their Priviledge , and for it desired reparation of their Lordships . And because the Lords had in the first Conference enumerated those three particulars , of Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Priviledge of Parliament , the House of Commons collected they had taken notice of some proceedings in their House concerning those particulars , and thereby broken another great Priviledge of the House of Commons established in Parliament , and called , The Indempnity of the Commons . This how strange and unexpected soever , the Lords heard with patience , and being desirous to remove all impediments , and clear any mistakings that might retard or avert the resolutions of supplying his Majestie , they seriously debated in the higher house what had been objected by the house of Commons , and resolved , first , That their Lordships former voting , That in their opinions his Majesties supply should have precedence before all other matters , was no breach of the Priviledges of the House of Commons . And secondly , That it was no breach of the Priviledges of the house of Commons for their Lordships to hear what his Majestie declared to them , and thereupon to report the same to the House of Commons . And to the end the house of Commons might have a right understanding of their Lordships proceedings , their Lordships desired another Conference with them , which was accordingly had on Fryday the first of May in the painted Chamber , where by the command of the Lords , the Lord Keeper declared to the house of Commons , That the Lords of the higher house had , as in duty and affection to his Majesties Crown and government they were bound , taken into serious consideration the great and weighty motives of his Majesties calling this Parliament , The great evils and calamities that hung over their heads , and the apparent danger the Kingdom was like to run into , if by speedy and fitting supply his Majestie were not enabled to prevent it . How insupportable delay and protraction was , and how impossible for both houses to recover the losse of time in a matter of so pressing and urgent necessity . That his Majestie had both in the higher house , and in the Banquetting house at Whitehall , expressed his gracious and Princely desire to do all that from a just and gracious King might be expected , whereby this Parliament might have a happy conclusion . How his Majestie had promised all their just grievances should be graciously heard and relieved . That their Lordships were witnesses his Majestie had given his Royall word herein , which their Lordships for their parts did as much trust and confide in as ever Subjects did . It was also then further declared unto them , That his Majestie had lately honoured their house with his presence again , and had there renued the remembrance of what had before been delivered to both Houses , with the impossibility of admitting delay , & the clearnes of his Majesties intentions and resolutions , to give all just satisfaction to what with reason could be desired of him . That his Majestie had taken notice of somewhat voted in the House of Commons concerning Religion , propriety of Goods , and liberty of Parliament , by which his Majestie conceived the matter of his supply set aside , which he had so often and with such weight of reason desired might have precedence . That his Majestie after very gracious assurances of his constant affection and zeal for true Religion , and for preventing all Innovations therein , reiterating his often promises for relieving all their just grievances , with his Royall intentions in that particular of Ship-money which he found much stood upon , was pleased to desire their Lordships ( as Persons in rank and degree neerest him , in Honour as much or more concern'd then other , and in the safety and prosperity of the Kingdom at least equally interessed with others ) That in a case of this great and important weight , their Lordships would by their counsell and perswasion encline the House of Commons to give his Majestie a speedy answer and resolution in the matter of Supply . That their Lordships had taken his Majesties desire into serious and dutifull consideration , and upon great and solemn debate had , only voted in these words , We are of opinion that the matter of His Majesties supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever . And that they did think fit there shold be a Conference desired with the house of Commons to dispose them thereunto ; which as it was just and honourable for their Lordships to do , so it was no breach of any priviledge of the house of Commons . For though their Lordships did admit , That the Bill of Subsidies ought to begin in the House of Commons , and when it is agreed unto by the Lords , must be returned back , and be by their Speaker presented , and therefore their Lordships disclaimed to meddle with Subsidy or Supply , by such beginning in the higher House , or by naming the number of Subsidies , times of payment , or any such circumstances incident to a Bill ; Yet their Lordships might confer and talk about Supplies in generall , and give their advice therein , that being no whit derogatory to the Priviledges of the House of Commons , their Lordships in all reason being likelier to communicate in the Councels and secrets of State , as those that were neerer to the Royall Throne , and having just cause therein to impart their fears and foresight of dangers to the House of Commons . That such proceedings of their Lordships , as they were grounded upon just and weighty reason , so they were agreeable to ancient usage and custome , and were fully justified by that establishment in Parliament mentioned by the House of Commons at the last Conference , being made at Gloucester , in the 9. yeer of Henry the fourth , and stiled not the Indempnity of the Commons ( as had been said ) but the Indempnity of Lords and Commons . And for the other breach of Priviledge which had been objected , their Lordships declared , That his Majestie had told them the House of Commons had resolved something concerning those three heads , Of Religion , Propriety of goods , and Priviledge of Parliament . How his Majestie knew of this resolution belonged not to their Lordships to enquire into , their Lordship 's not medling with any thing that others said to the King , but what the King said to them . And that their Lordships were so far from holding it any violation of the Priviledges of the House of Commons for their Lordships to hear what the King declared to them , and for them thereupon to report the same to the House of Commons , that on the contrary in dutie to his Majestie , their Lordships could do no other ; and the communicating of it was an argument of affection and desire of good correspondence with the House of Commons , and merited no such misconstruction as had been made of it ; neither did that establishment in Parliament 9. H. 4. contain any words that could be construed to make their Lordships proceedings in this behalf any breach of the Priviledges of the house of Commons . Their Lordships proceedings and intentions being thus cleared , the Lord Keeper by their Lordships command added further , That their Lordships could not but return to their first grounds and resolutions , which were in all fair and affectionate manner to stir up in those of the House of Commons the just consideration of those great and imminent dangers that threatned the Kingdom at this time , and how dangerous and irrecoverable delay was , and withall to dispose them to take into their first and best thoughts the matter of his Majesties supply , and give him a speedie answer therein . Which their Lordships were confident would be the means to make this a happy Parliament , and to avert the publike calamities that menaced the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchie . This having been delivered at that Conference in their Lordships names , was by his Majestie most graciously interpreted as the noble testimony of their Lordships affections to his person and government , for which his Majestie by the Lord Keeper the next day gave their Lordships hearty thanks . And withall that nothing on his part might be left undone , his Majestie that morning also being Saterday the second of May , sent a message to the House of Commons , which was delivered to them in these words ; That his Majestie hath divers times , and by sundry wayes acquainted this House with the urgent necessity of supply , and with the great danger inevitably to fall upon the whole State , upon his own honour , and the honour of this Nation if more time shall be lost therein . That neverthelesse his Majestie hitherto hath received no answer at all . And therefore considering that as heretofore his Majestie hath told this House , that a delay of his supply is as destructive as a deniall , his Majestie doth again desire them to give him a present answer concerning his Supply , his Majestie being still resolved on his part to make good whatsoever he hath promised by himself or the Lord Keeper . After which Message delivered unto them , they spent from nine in the morning till six a clock at night , in many discourses and debates touching their pretended Grievances , but never came to any resolution what Supply they would give his Majestie , or whether they would give him any at all , but adjourned the farther debate till Munday following . At which time , because his Majestie had understood , the matter of Shipping-money was that which was most insisted upon , and that the taking away of that not onely for the present but for the future , would be pleasing and acceptable unto them , his Majestie sent another Message unto them , which was before they entred into any debate delivered unto them in these words . Whereas upon Saterday last his Majestie was pleased to send a Message to this House , desiring you to give a present answer concerning his Supply , to which as yet his Majestie hath had no other , but that upon this day you will take it into further consideration , Therefore his Majestie the better to facilitate your resolutions this day , hath thought fit to let you know , That of his grace and favour he is pleased , upon your granting of twelve Subsidies , to be presently passed , and to be paid in three yeers , with a Proviso that it shall not determine the Session , his Majestie will not onely for the present forbear the levying of any Shipping money , but will give way to the utter abolishing of it by any course that your selves shall like best . And for your Grievances his Majestie will according to his Royall promise , give you as much time as may be now , and the rest at Michaelmas next . And his Majestie expects a present and positive answer upon which he may rely , his affairs being in such condition as can endure no longer delay . Notwithstanding this gracious message , and all other his Majesties former Desires and Promises , and the Lords earnest perswasions , the House of Commons spent eight or nine houres more in debating the matter of Supply , without coming to any resolution at all , and so mixed the consideration of that with other matters impertinent , and trenching highly to the diminution of his Majesties Royal Prerogative , That his Majestie plainly discerned they went about to weary & tire him with delayes , And though in words some did not deny to supply him , yet in that also most moved to clog the Bill of Subsidies in such sort , that his Majestie could not have accepted it without great prejudice to his Prerogative ; And they were so far from declaring what they would do , That they entertained themselves with discourses tending to render odious to his people that gracious government of his , under which all his people have , during his happy reign , lived in such peace and felicitie , when all the neighbouring Kingdoms and States were in troubles and combustions . His Majestie was hereupon enforced by the advice of His Privie Councell to resolve to break up and dissolve the Parliament , from which he could hope for no other fruit then the hindring of His great affairs , and disordering His happy Government . And therefore on Tuesday the fifth of May , His Majestie came again in person to the Lords House , and sending for the Speaker , and the House of Commons , when they were come up , said thus ; MY LORDS , THere can no occasion of my comming to this House be so unpleasing to me , as this is , at this time : The fear of doing that , which I am to do this day , made me not long ago come to this House , where I expressed , as well my Feares , as the Remedies I thought necessary for the eschewing of it ; Unto which , I must confesse , and acknowledge that you , ( My Lords of the Higher House ) did give me so vvilling an Eare , and vvith such affection , did shevv your selves thereafter , that certainly , I may say , If there had bin any means to have given an happy end to this Parliament , you took it ; So , that it vvas neither your Lordships fault , nor mine , that it is not so : Therefore in the first place , I must give your Lordships thanks for your good Endeavours . I hope you remember vvhat my Lord Keeper said to you , the first day of the Parliament , in my Name ; VVhat likevvise he said in the Banquetting-House in VVhite-hall , and vvhat I lately said to you in this place my self . I name all this unto you , not in doubt that you do not vvell remember it , but to shevv you , that I never said any thing , in vvay of favour to my people , but that by the grace of God , I vvill punctually , and really perform it . I know that they have insisted very much on Grievances , and I vvill not say , but that there may be some ( though I vvill confidently affirm , that there are not by many degrees so many , as the publique voice doth make them . ) VVherefore I desire you to take notice , now especially at this time , that out of Parliament , I shall be as readie , ( if not more vvilling ) to hear , and redresse , any just Grievances , as in Parliament . There is one thing , that is much spoken of , though not so much insisted on as others , and that is Religion ; Concerning which , albeit I expressed my self fully the last day in this place to your Lordships , yet , I think it fit again , on this occasion , to tell you , that , ( as I am most concerned , so ) I shall be most carefull , to preserve , that purity of Religion , which , I thank God , is so well established in the Church of England , and that , as well out , as in Parliament . My Lords , I shall not trouble you long vvith vvords , it being not my fashion ; vvherefore to conclude , vvhat I offered , the last day , to the House of Commons , I think is well knovvn to you all , as likevvise hovv they accepted it , vvhich I desire not to remember , but vvish that they had remembred , hovv , at first , they vvere told , in my Name , by my Lord Keeper , That delay vvas the vvorst kinde of deniall ; yet I vvill not lay this fault on the vvhole House ( for I vvill not judge so uncharitably of those , vvho , for the most part , I take to be Loyall , and vvell-affected Subjects ) but , that it hath been the malicious cunning , of some fevv sediciously-affected men , that hath been the cause of this misunderstanding . I shall novv end , as I began , in giving your Lordships thanks , for your affection shevvn to me at this time ; desiring you , to go on to assist me , in the maintaining of that Regall povver , that is truly mine , and , as for the Libertie of the people , that they novv so much seem to startle at ; Knovv , ( my Lords ) that no King in the vvorld shall be more carefull to maintain them in , The propertie of their Goods , Libertie of their Persons , and true Religion , then I shall be . And novv , my Lord Keeper , do vvhat I have commanded you . Then the Lord Keeper added . MY Lords , and you Gentlemen of the House of Commons , The Kings Majestie doth dissolve this Parliament . BY all the proceedings herein declared , it is evident to all men , how willing and desirous his Majestie hath been to make use of the ancient and Noble way of Parliament , used and instituted by his Royall Predecessours , for the preservation and honour of this famous Monarchie ; and that on his Majesties part , nothing was wanting that could be expected from a King , whereby this Parliament might have had an happy conclusion , for the comfort and content of all his Majesties Subjects , and for the good and safetie of this Kingdom . On the contrary , it is apparant how those of the House of Commons ( whose sinister and malicious courses inforced his Majestie to dissolve this Parliament ) have vitiated and abused that ancient and Noble way of Parliament , perverting the same to their own unworthy ends , and forgetting the true use and institution of Parliaments . For whereas these meetings and assemblies of his Majestie with the Peeres and Commons of this Realm , were in their first originall , and in the practice of all succeeding ages , ordained and held as Pledges and Testimonies of affection between the King and his People , the King for his part graciously hearing and redressing such Grievances as his People in humble and dutifull manner should represent unto him , and the Subjects on their part , as Testimonies of their dutie , supplying his Majestie upon all extraordinary occasions , for the support of his Honour and Soveraigntie , and for preserving the Kingdom in glory and safetie ; Those ill-affected members of the House of Commons , in stead of an humble and dutifull way of presenting their Grievances to his Majestie , have taken upon them , to be the Guiders and Directors , in all matters that concern his Majesties Government both Temporall and Ecclesiasticall , and ( as if Kings were bound to give an account of their Regall actions , and of their manner of Government , to their Subjects assembled in Parliament ) they have in a very audacious and insolent way entred into examination and censuring of the present Government , traduced his Majesties administration of Iustice , rendred ( as much as in them lay ) odious to the rest of his Majesties Subjects , not onely the Officers and Ministers of State , but even his Majesties very Government ; which hath been so just and gracious , that never did this or any other Nation enjoy more blessings and happinesse , then hath been by all his Majesties Subjects enjoyed ever since his Majesties accesse to the Crown , nor did this Kingdom ever so flourish in Trade and Commerce , as at this present , or partake of more peace and plentie in all kindes whatsoever . And whereas the ordinary Revenues of the Crown not sufficing to defray extraordinary charges , it hath ever been the usage in all Parliaments to aid and assist the Kings of this Realm with free and fitting Supply towards the maintenance of their Wars and for making good their Royall undertakings , whereby the Kingdome entrusted to their protection , might be held up in splendor and greatnes , Those ill-affected persons of the House of Commons have been so far from treading in the steps of their Ancestours , by their dutifull expressions in this kinde , that contrarily they have introduced a way of bargaining and contracting with the King , as if nothing ought to be given him by them , but what he should buy and purchase of them , either by quitting somewhat of his Royall Prerogative , or by diminishing and lessening his Revenues . Which courses of theirs , how repugnant they are to the duty of Subjects , how unfit for his Majestie in Honour to permit and suffer , and what hazard and dishonour they subject this Kingdome to , all men may easily judge , that will but equally and impartially weigh them . His Majestie hath been by this means reduced to such straights and extremities , that were not his care of the publique good and safety the greater , these men ( as much as in them lies ) would quickly bring ruine and confusion to the State , and render contemptible this glorious Monarchy . But this frowardnesse and undutifull behaviour of theirs , cannot lessen his Majesties care of preserving the Kingdomes entrusted to his Protection and Government , nor his gracious and tender affection to his people ; for whose good and comfort his Majestie by Gods gracious assistance will so provide , that all his loving Subjects may still enjoy the happinesse of living under the blessed shade and protection of his Royall Scepter . In the mean time , to the end all his Majesties loving Subjects may know , how graciously his Majestie is enclined to hear and redresse all the just Grievances of his people , as well out of Parliament as in Parliament , his Majestie doth hereby further declare his Royall will and pleasure , that all his loving Subjects , who have any just Cause to present , or complain of any Grievances or oppressions , may freely addresse themselves , by their humble Petitions to his Sacred Majestie , who will graciously hear their complaints , and give such fitting redresse therein , that all his people shall have just cause to acknowledge his grace and goodnesse towards them , and to be fully satisfied , that no persons or assemblies can more prevail with his Majestie , then the Pietie and Iustice of his own Royall nature , and the tender affection he doth and shall ever bear to all his people and loving Subjects . FINIS . LONDON , Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXL . 
A28807	----	The humble petition of Captain William Booth of Killingholme in the county of Lincoln with His Majesties answer thereunto. Booth, William. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A28807 of text R25935 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing B3740). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A28807 Wing B3740 ESTC R25935 09296313 ocm 09296313 42640 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A28807) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42640) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1303:4) The humble petition of Captain William Booth of Killingholme in the county of Lincoln with His Majesties answer thereunto. Booth, William. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 6 p. Printed by Robert Barker, and by the Assignes of John Bill, York : 1642. "York, 30 June, 1642." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. A28807 R25935 (Wing B3740). civilwar no The humble petition of Captain William Booth of Killingholme, in the county of Lincoln. VVith His Majesties answer thereunto. York, 30 June, Booth, William 1642 1147 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The humble PETITION OF Captain William Booth of Killingholme , in the County of Lincoln . With His Majesties Answer thereunto . York , 30 June , 1642. YORK : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie ; And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. TO THE KINGS MOST EXCELLENT MAJESTIE . The humble Petition of Captain William Booth of Killingholme in the County of Lincoln . Sheweth , THat whereas upon Wednesday , the 8 day of June instant , the Trayned Bands of the Division of Caister Sessions , were summoned by Francis Lord VVilloughby of Parham and the Committe , to appear at Caister before them , contrary to your Majesties Proclamation ; Your Petitioner being there , was informed against by one Francis Fields and Iohn Barnard for reading Your Majesties said Proclamation , and sent for and delivered to a Messenger , and disarmed to his great disgrace in the presence of his own Souldiers , and to the great disheartning of the Countrey from Your Majesties service ; which said Proclamation was sleighted , and termed a seditious Pamphlet by Sir Christopher VVray , who called himselfe Captain of the said Company which your Petitioner commands under Your Majestie ; and told the Souldiers he would live and dye with them , and would gladly know who durst oppose their proceedings : further saying , That he heard that the Earle of Lindsey was to be there that day , whom he would be glad to see , for they had a Messenger ready to receive him . All that Your Petitioner was then charged with was , that He had said the day before , That there was a brave appearance of the Trained Bands at Lincolne of some fifteen or sixteen ; which was interpreted to be an affront to their proceedings , and was threatned to be further charged at Lowth the next day with businesse of a high Nature , and to have witnesses produced against him face to face ; which said witnesses never appeared , your Petitioner being all this while under commitment contrary to Law , which being offered to be argued in point of Law by Sir Gervase Scroop in the behalf of your Petitioner ; It was answered by Sir Christopher VVray , That they came thither , neither to dispute the Law , nor to be taught the Law , nor did value the Law , but must observe the Orders of the House ; sufficient Bayle being offered was utterly refused , your Petitioner being still under commitment and commanded to wait their further pleasures at Horne Castle the next day ; where , being able to prove nothing against him , they released him . Your Petitioner therefore humbly desireth , That Your Majestie would be graciously pleased to call these men to answer their contempt against Your Majestie , and to make satisfaction to your Petitioner for the injury and publique disgrace , they have put upon him . And your Petitioner will daily pray , &c. York , 30 June , 1642. His Majestie hath expresly commanded me , to give this His Answer to this Petition . THat it is not at all strange to Him , That those persons who have ventured to assume a command over the Militia ( a Right of His never before separated from the Crown ) by direction from those who pretend to this power by the Fundamentall Laws , and yet vouchsafe not to shew any one Clause of any one Statute , or any one president of any time , which might seem , with the least colour , to give them that Authority , though He hath often pressed them to it , and as little vouchsafe any Answer to the Statutes , or to those multiplyed and perpetuall presidents , which cleerly and palpably declare that Authority , to be in Him , should use that Authority with as much injustice as they have assumed it ; And not onely term His legall Proclamation a seditious Pamphlet ( since it is most certain , that if that be not , then they are most seditious , ) but contrary to the Law of the Land , both ancient and modern , both to Magna Charta , and to the Petition of Right , vex and imprison His good subjects for a legall obedience to His legall commands , or a legall disobedience or disrespect to their illegall Orders and Actions ; since He often before foretold , that their Contempt of His Regall Rights and Prerogatives , which are the guard of His Subjects Liberties , would in short time encourage them to destroy those too , when that which should guard them were oure destroyed . And as little doth His Majestie wonder that the Insolence of thus violating ancient and known Laws should encourage them to that of using words proportionable to their actions , and professing ( with great truth and ingenuity ) that they value not the Law . His Majestie neverthelesse ( not following the example of other men in concluding any thing before examination ) is resolved to have the truth of these allegations legally examined , and if ( as is very probable by the annexed Affidavit ) they be found true , to provide by all legall wayes , That both His Majestie and the Petitioner may receive full satisfaction for the injuries done to both , and to the Law of the Land ; His Majestie professing it the principall reason of His desire to have justice in the like matters done to Him , that ( His just Authority being no longer scorned and vilified ) He may be enabled to see it done to others , and that His good Subjects , who are wisely carefull to defend the Law ( which is their common Birthright , and to which onely they owe all they have besides ) may not ( by unjust and intolerable oppressions ) be made Martyrs for it . Edw. Nicholas . CAptain William Booth of Killingholm , and William Scroop of Little Coats , in the County of Lincoln Gentlemen make Oath , That the Petition delivered by the said William Booth unto his Majestie , concerning the imprisonment he suffered , by the Command of Francis Lord Willoughby of Parham , and the rest of the Committees of Parliament for the County aforesaid , and all the Actions and Passages therein expressed are most true , in that manner and forme therein is declared . Jurat . coram me in Cancellaria Magistro , Decimo Octavo die Junii , Anno Domini . 1642. W. Wentworth . FINIS . 
A31773	----	An act which His Maiesty hath promised his royall word to passe for justifying the proceedings of Parliament in the late war, and for declaring all oathes, declarations, proclamations, and other proceedings against it to be void. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31773 of text R210950 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2077). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31773 Wing C2077 ESTC R210950 09506269 ocm 09506269 43354 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31773) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43354) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:5) An act which His Maiesty hath promised his royall word to passe for justifying the proceedings of Parliament in the late war, and for declaring all oathes, declarations, proclamations, and other proceedings against it to be void. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed by Robert Ibbitson, London : [1648] At head of title: New port September 23, 1648. "Agreed on between His Majesty and the commissioners at Newport in the Isle of Wight." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31773 R210950 (Wing C2077). civilwar no New port September 23. 1648. Soit baillè aux seigneurs, a ceste bille les seigneurs sont assentuz: an act which His Maiesty hath promised h England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 499 3 0 0 0 0 0 60 D The rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion New port September 23. 1648. Soit Baille a●● Seigneurs , A Ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont Assentuz : An Act which His Maiesty hath Promised His Royall word to passe , for Justifying the Proceedings of Parliament in the late VVar , and for Declaring all Oathes , Declarations , Proclamations , and other proceedings against it to be void . Agreed on between His Majesty and the Commmissioners , at Newport in the Isle of VVight . WHEREAS the Lord●●●● Commons Assembled in Parliament , have bin necessitated to make and prosecute a VVarre in their just and lawfull Defence ; and thereupon Oathes , Declarations and Proclamations have been made against them , and their Ordinances and Proceedings , and against others for adhering unto them , and for executing Offices , Places , and Charges by Authority derived from them ; and Judgements , Inditements , Outlaries , Attainders , and Inquisitions , for the causes aforesaid , have been had and made against some of the Members of the Houses of Parliament , and other his Majesties good Subjects , and Gran● have been made of their Lands and Goods : BE it therefore Declared and hereby Enacted , by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by Authority of the same . That all Oathes Declarations and Proclamations , heretofore had or made against both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or any the Members of either of them , for the causes aforesaid , or against their Ordinances or Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing or executing any Office , Place or Charge , by any Authority derived from the said Houses ; or either of them , And all Iudgements , Iudictments , Outlaries , Attainders ; Inquisitions and Grants thereupon made , and all other Proceedings for any the causes aforesaid , had , made , done or executed , or to be had , made , done or executed , whether the same bee done by the King or any Iudges , Iustices , Sheriffes , Ministers , or any others , are void and of no effect , and are contrary to and against the of Lawes of this Realme . And be it further Enacted and hereby Declared by the Authority aforesaid , That all Iudges , Iustices of the Peace , Mayors Sheriffes Constables and other Officers and Ministers shall take notice hereof , and are hereby prohibited and discharged in all time to come , from awarding any Writ , Processe or Summons , and from pronouncing or executing any Iudgement , Sentence or Decree , or any way proceeding against , or molesting any of the said Members of the two Houses of Parliament , or against any of the Subjects of this Kingdome , for any the causes aforesaid . London Printed by Robert Ibbitson . 
A31805	----	His Maiesties answer to the last message and resolution of both Houses of Parliament concerning the militia and the Prince, 2 March 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31805 of text R33352 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2119). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31805 Wing C2119 ESTC R33352 13280693 ocm 13280693 98748 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31805) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98748) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1546:23) His Maiesties answer to the last message and resolution of both Houses of Parliament concerning the militia and the Prince, 2 March 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed for J. Wright, London : [2 March 1641, i.e. 1642] Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A31805 R33352 (Wing C2119). civilwar no His Maiesties ansvver to the last message and resolution of both Houses of Parliament concerning the militia and the Prince. 2 March 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 255 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES ANSWER TO THE LAST MESSAGE AND RESOLVTION OF BOTH HOVSES OF PARLIAMNT Concerning the Militia and the Prince . 2. March 1641 I Am so much amased at this Message , that I know not what to answer , you speake of Ielosies and feares , lay your hands to you Hearts , and aske your selves whether I may not likewise bee disturbed with Feares and Ielosies ; and if so , I assure you this Message hath nothing lessened them . For the Militia I thought so much of it before I sent that answer , and am so much assured that the answer is agreeable to what in Iustice or Reason you can aske , or I in Honour Grant , that I shall not alter it in any point . For my residence neere you I wish it might bee safe and Honorable , that I had no cause to absent my selfe from White-Hall , aske your selves whether I have not . For my Sonne I shall take care of him , which shall Justifie mee to God as a Father , and to my Dominions as a King . To conclude J Assure you upon my Honour , that I have no thought but of Peace and Iustice to my people , which J shall by all faire meanes seeke to preserve and maintaine , relying upon the goodnesse and providence of God for the preservative of my selfe and Rights . London , Printed for J. Wright . 
A31817	----	The Kings Maiesties answer to the petition of the House of Commons sent on Saturday last, the nine and twentieth of this instant Jan. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31817 of text R41446 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2135). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31817 Wing C2135 ESTC R41446 31355366 ocm 31355366 110423 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31817) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110423) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:13) The Kings Maiesties answer to the petition of the House of Commons sent on Saturday last, the nine and twentieth of this instant Jan. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). For F.C.I.W., Printed at London : 1642. Imperfect: creased and torn, with slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. A31817 R41446 (Wing C2135). civilwar no The Kings Maiesties answer to the petition of the House of Commons sent on Saturday last, the nine and twentieth of this instant Jan. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 926 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms The Kings Maiesties Answer to the Petition of the House of Commons , sent on Saturday last , the nine and twentieth of this instant Jan. 1642. HIs Majesty having seriously considered of the Petition presented to him from the House of Commons , on Wednesday the six and twentieth of this moneth , returnes this answer . That he was in good hope his gracious Message , the twentieth of this moneth , to both Houses would have produced some such overture , which by offring what is fit on their parts to do , and what is proper for his Majesty to grant , might beget a mutuall confidence in each other . Concerning the Tower of London , His Majesty did not expect , that having preferred a person of a known fortune , and an unquestionable reputation to that trust , he should be pressed to remove him without any particular charge objected against him , and therefore returns this answer , That if upon due examination any particulars shall be presented to his Majesty , whereby it may appeare that his Majesty was mistaken in his opinion of the Gentleman , and that he is unfit for the trust committed to him , his Majesty will make no scruple of discharging him , but otherwise his Majesty is obliged in justice to himselfe , to preserve his own work , lest , his favour and good opinion may prove a disadvantage & misfortune to his servants without any other accusation , of which his Majesty doubts not this House of Commons will be so tender , ( as of all businesse wherein his Majesties honour is so much concerned ) that if they find no materiall exceptions against his person , they will rather endeavour to satisfie and reform the feares of other men then ( by complying with them ) presse his Majesty to any resolution which may seem so much to reflect upon his honor & justice . For the Forts and Castles of the Kingdome his Majesty is resolved that they shall alwayes be in such hands ( and onely in such ) as the Parliament may safely confide in : But the nomination of any person to those places , being so principall and inseparable a flower of his Crowne , vested in him , and derived to him from his Ancestors by the Fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome he will reserve to himselfe ; In bestowing whereof , as his Maiesty will take care that no corrupt or sinister courses shall prevaile with him , so he is willing to declare that he shall not be induced to expresse that favour so soon to any person as to those whose good demeanour shall be eminent to him or his Parliament : And if he now hath or shall at any time by misinformation confer such a trust upon an undeserving person , he is and alwaies will be ready to leave him to the wisdome and justice of his Parliament . For the Militia of the Kingdome ( which by the Law is subject to no command but of his Majesty , and of authority lawfully derived from him ) when any particular course for ordering the same ( which his Majesty holds very necessary for the peace and security of his Kingdome ) shall be considered and digested by his Parliament , and proposed to his Majesty , his Majesty will return such an answer , as shall be agreeable to his honour and the safety of his people , His Majesty being resolved only to deny those things , the granting whereof would alter the fundamentall Laws , and endanger the very foundation upon which the publike happinesse and welfare of his people is founded and constituted , and would nourish a greater and more destructive jealousie between the Crown and the Subjects , then any of these which would seem to be taken away by such a satisfaction : And his Majesty doth not doubt that his having granted more then ever King hath granted will ever perswade his House of Commons to aske more then ever Subjects have asked . And if they shall acquaint his Majesty with the particular grounds of their doubts and feares , he will very willingly apply remedies proportionall to those fears . For his Majesty cals God to witnesse , that the preservation of the publick peace , and the laws and liberties of the Subject , shall alwaies be his Majesties care and industry as of his life , and the lives of his dearest Children . And therefore his Majesty doth conjure the House of Commons by all the acts of justice and favour they have received from him this Parliament , by their hopes of future happinesse in his Majesty , and in one anothers love of Religion and the peace of this Kingdome ( in which that of Ireland cannot be forgotten ) that they will not be transported with jealousies and apprehensions of possible dangers , to put themselves and his Majesty into reall and present inconveniences , but that they will speedily pursue the way , proposed by his Majestys former message which in humane reason is the only way to compose the distractions of the Kingdom ; and with Gods blessing will restore a great measure of felicity to King and People . Printed at London for F.C.I.W. 1642. 
A31787	----	His Majesties answer to a book, intituled, The declaration, or remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, the 19 of May, 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31787 of text R31642 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2096). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 49 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 18 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31787 Wing C2096 ESTC R31642 12229709 ocm 12229709 56615 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31787) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 56615) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1502:2) His Majesties answer to a book, intituled, The declaration, or remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, the 19 of May, 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 27 p. By Roger Daniel ..., At Cambridge : 1642. "Printed by His Majesties speciall command." Reproduction of original in the Trinity College Library, Cambridge University. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. A31787 R31642 (Wing C2096). civilwar no His Majesties answer to a book, intituled, The declaration, or remonstrance of the Lords and Commons, the 19 of May, 1642. Charles I, King of England 1642 9160 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES ANSWER , To a Book , intituled , The Declaration , or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons , The 19 of May 1642. Printed by his Majesties speciall command At CAMBRIDGE , By ROGER DANIEL Printer to the famour Universitie . 1642. royal blazon or coat of arms His MAJESTIES Answer to a Book intituled , The Declaration , or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons , of the 19 of May . IF We could be weary of taking any pains for the satisfaction of our people , and to undeceive them of those specious mischievous Infusions which are daily instilled into them , to shake and corrupt their loyalty and affection to Us and Our Government , after so full and ample Declaration of Our Self and Intentions , and so fair and satisfactory answers to all such matters as have been objected to Vs by a major part present of both Houses of Parliament , We might well give over this labour of Our Pen , and sit still , till it shall please God so to enlighten the Affections and Understandings of Our good Subjects on our behalf ( which We doubt not but that in his good time he will do ) that they may see Our sufferings are their sufferings . But , since in stead of applying themselves to the Method proposed by Vs , of making such solid particular Propositions as might establish a good Understanding between Us , or of following the advice of Our Councel of Scotland ( with whom they communicate their affairs ) in forbearing all means that may make the breach wider and wound deeper , they have chosen to pursue Vs with new Reproches , or rather to continue and improve the old , by adding & varying little Circumstances and Language , in matters formerly urged by them , and fully answered by Vs , We prevailed with Our Self , upon very mature and particular consideration of it , to answer the late printed Book , intituled , A Declaration or Remonstrance of the Lords and Commons , which was ordered the nineteenth of May last to be printed and published , hoping then that they would put Vs to no more of this trouble , but that that should have been the last of such a nature they would have communicated to Our people , and that they would not , as they have done since , thought fit to assault us with a Newer Declaration , indeed of a very new Nature and Learning , which must have another Answer . And We doubt not but that Our good Subjects , in short time , will be so well instructed in the differences , and mistakings between Vs , that they will plainly discern , without resigning their reason and understanding to Our Prerogative , or the infallibility of a now major part of both Houses of Parliament ( infected by a few malignant spirits ) where the fault is . Though We shall with humility and alacritie be alwayes forward to acknowledge the infinite Mercy and Providence of Almighty God , vouchsafed so many severall wayes to Our Self and this Nation , yet since God himself doth not allow , that We should fancy and create dangers to Our Self , that we might manifest and publish his Mercy in Our deliverance , We must professe We do not know those deliverances mentioned in the beginning of that Declaration , from so many wicked Plots and Designes since the beginning of this Parliament , which , if they had taken effect , would have brought ruine and destruction upon this Kingdome . We well know the great labour and skill hath been used to amate and afright Our good Subjects with fears and apprehensions of Plots and Conspiracies , the severall Pamphlets published , and Letters scattered up and down full of such ridiculous contemptible Animadversions to that purpose , as ( though they found , for what end God knows , very unusuall countenance ) no sober man would be moved with them : But We must confesse , We have never been able to inform Our Self of any such pernicious formed designe against the Peace of this Kingdome since the beginning of this Parliament , as is mentioned in that Declaration , or might be any warrant to those great Fears both Our Houses of Parliament seemed to be transported with , but we have great cause to believe more mischief and danger hath been raised and begotten to the disturbance of this Kingdome , then cured or prevented by those Fears and Jealousies : And therefore however the rumour and discourse of Plots and Conspiracies may have been necessary to the designes of particular men , they shall do well not to pay any false devotions to Almighty God , who discerns whether Our dangers are reall or pretended . For the bringing up of the Army to London , as We have heretofore ( by no other direction then the testimony of a good conscience ) called God to witnesse We never had , or knew of any such Resolution , so upon the view of the Depositions now published with that Declaration , it is not evident to Us there was ever such a Designe , unlesse very loose Discourse or Argument be instance enough of such a Designe : And it is apparent , that what was said of it , was near three moneths before the discovery to both Houses of Parliament , so that if there were any danger threatned that way , it vanished without any resistance or prevention , by the Wisdome , Power , or Authority of them . It seems the intention of that Declaration ( whatsoever other end it hath ) is to Answer a Declaration they received from Vs , in Answer to that which was presented to Us at Newmarket the ninth of March last ; and likewise to Our Answer to the Petition of both Houses , presented to Vs at York , the twenty sixth of March last . But before that Declaration fals upon any particulars of Our said Declaration or Answer , it complains , That the heads of the Malignant Party have with much Art and Industry advised Vs to suffer divers unjust Scandals and Imputations upon the Parliament , to be published in our Name , whereby they might make it odious to the people , and by their help destroy it : But not instancing in any one Scandall or Imputation so published by Vs , We are still to seek for the Heads of that Malignant Partie . But Our good Subjects will easily understand , That if We were guilty of that Aspersion , We must not onely be active in raising the Scandall , but passive in the Mischief begotten by that Scandall , We being an essentiall part of the Parliament : and We hope the just defence of Our self , and Our Authority , and the necessary vindication of Our Innocence and Justice , from the Imputation laid on Vs by a major part , then present of either , or both Houses , shall no more be called a Scandall upon the Parliament , then the opinion of such a part be reputed an Act of Parliament : And We hope Our good Subjects will not be long mis-led by that common expression in all the Declarations ( wherein they usurp the word Parliament , and apply it to countenance any Resolution or Vote ) some few have a mind to make , by calling it , The Resolution of Parliament , which can never be without Our consent ; Neither can the Vote of either , or both Houses , make a greater alteration in the Laws of this Kingdome ( so solemnly made by the advice of their Predecessours , with the concurrence of Us and Our Ancestours ) either by commanding or inhibiting any thing ( besides the known Rule of the Law ) then Our single Direction or Mandate can do , to which We do not ascribe the Authority . But that Declaration informs our People that the Malignant Partie hath drawn Vs into the Northern parts far from Our Parliament . It might more truly and properly have said , That it hath driven , then drawn Vs hither . For We confesse , Our Journey hither ( for which We have no other reason to be sorry , then with reference to the cause of it ) was onely forced upon Vs by the true Malignant Party which contrived and countenanced those barbarous Tumults and other seditious Circumstances of which We have so often complained , and hereafter shall say more , and which indeed threatens so much danger to Our Person , and laid so much scandall upon the whole Priviledge and Dignitie of Parliament , that We wonder it can be mentioned without Blushes or Indignation : But of that anon . But why the Malignant Party should be charged with causing a Presse to be transported to York , We cannot imagine , neither have any Papers or Writings issued from thence , to Our knowledge , but what have been extorted from Vs by such provocations , as have not been before offered to a King . And no doubt it will appear a most triviall and fond Exception , when all Presses are open to vent whatsoever they think fit to say to the people , ( a thing unwarranted by former custome ) that We should not make use of all lawfull means to publish Our just and necessary Answers thereunto . As for the authoritie of the great Seal ( though We do not know that it hath been necessary to things of this nature ) the same shall be more frequently used hereafter , as occasion shall require , to which We make no doubt the greater and better part of Our Privy Councell will concurre , and whose Advice We are resolved to follow , as farre as it shall be agreeable to the good and welfare of the Kingdome . Before that Declaration vouchsafes to insist on any particulars , it is pleased to censure both Our Declaration and Answer , to be filled with harsh Censures , and Causelesse Charges upon the Parliament , ( still mis-applying the word Parliament to the Vote of both Houses ) concerning which they resolve to give satisfaction to the Kingdome , since they find it very difficult to satisfie Vs . If , as in the usage of the word Parliament , they have left Vs out of their thoughts ; so by the word Kingdome , they intend to exclude all Our people , who are out of their walls : ( for that 's grown another Phrase of the Time , the Vote of the major part of both Houses , and sometimes of one , is now called , The Resolution of the whole Kingdome ) We believe it may not be hard to give satisfaction to themselves ; otherwise We are confident ( and Our confidence proceeds from the uprightnesse of Our own Conscience ) they will never be able so to sever the affections of Us and Our Kingdome , that what cannot be satisfaction to the one , shall be to the other . Neither will the Style of Humble , and Faithfull , and telling Us , That they will make Vs a Great and Glorious King , in their Petitions and Remonstrances , so deceive Our good Subjects , that they will passe over the Reproches , Threats , and Menaces they are stuffed with , which sure could not be more gently reprehended by Vs , then by saying , Their expressions were different from the usuall Language to Princes , which that Declaration tells you , We had no occasion to say . But We believe , whosoever looks over that Declaration presented to Vs at Newmarket , to which Ours was an Answer , will find the Language throughout it , to be so unusuall , that , before this Parliament , it could never be parallel'd , whiles under pretence of justifying their fears , they give so much countenance to the discourse of the Rebels of Ireland , as if they had a mind Our good Subjects should give credit to it : Otherwise , being warranted by the same evidence , which they have since published , they would have as well declared , That those Rebels publickly threaten the rooting out the name of the English , and that they will have a King of their own , and no longer be governed by Vs , as that they say , That they do nothing but by Our Authority , and that they call themselves , The Queens Army . And therefore We have great reason to complain of the absence of Justice and Integrity in that Declaration ; besides the unfitnesse of other expressions . Neit her did We mistake the Substance or Logick of the Message to Us at Theobalds , concerning the Militia , which was no other , and is stated to be no other ( even by that Declaration which reproved Us ) then a plain threat , That if We refused to joyn with them , they would make a Law with out Vs : nor hath the Practice since that time been other which will never be justified to the most ordinary ( if no partiall ) Understandings , by the meer averring it to be according to the fundamentall Laws of this Kingdome , without giving any direction , that the most cunning and learned men in the Laws may be able to find those foundations . And We must appeal to all the World , Whether they might not with as much Justice , and by as much Law , have seized upon the estate of every Member of both Houses , who dissented from that pretended Ordinance ( which much the major part of the House of Peers did two or three severall times ) as they have invaded that Power of Ours over the Militia , because We ( upon Reasons they have not so much as pretended to answer ) refused to consent to that Proposition : And if no better effects then losse of Time and Hinderance of the publick Affairs have been found by Our Answers and Replies , let all good men judge by whose default , and whose want of duty such effects have been : For as Our end ( indeed onely end ) in those Answers and Replies hath been , The settlement and composure of publick Affairs , so We are assured , and most men do believe , That if that due Regard and Reverence had been given to Our Words , and that Consent and Obedience to Our counsels , which We did expect , there had been before this time a cheerfull Calm upon the face of the whole Kingdome , every man enjoying his own , with all possible Peace and Security that can be imagined , which surely those men do not desire , who ( after all those Acts of Justice and Favour passed by Vs this Parliament , all those Affronts and Sufferings endured and undergone by Vs ) think fit still to reproch Vs with Ship-Money , Coat and Conduct-Money , and other things so abundantly declared ( as that Declaration it self confesses ) in the generall Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdome , published in November last , which We wonder to find now avowed to be the Remonstrance of both Houses , & which We are sure was presented to Vs onely by the House of Commons , and did never , and We are confident , in that time , could never have passed the House of Peers ; the Concurrence and Authority of which was not then thought necessary . Shall We believe those Reproches to be the voice of the Kingdome of England ? That all Our loving Subjects cased , refreshed , strengthened , and abundantly satisfied with Our Acts of Grace and Favour towards them , are willing to be involved in these unthankfull expressions : We must appeal to the Thanks and Acknowledgements published in the Petitions of most of the Counties of England ; to the testimony and thanks We have received from both Houses of Parliament , how seasonable , how agreeable this usage of Vs is to Our merit , or their former expressions . We have not at all swarved or departed from Our Resolution , or words in the beginning of this Parliament : We said , We were resolved to put Our Self freely and clearly upon the Love and Affection of Our English Subjects , and We say so still , as farre as concernes England . And We call Almightie God to witnesse , all Our Complaints and Jealousies , which have never been causelesse , nor of Our Houses of Parliament ( but of some few Schismaticall , Factious , and Ambitious Spirits , and upon grounds , as short time , We fear , will justifie to the world ) Our deniall of the Militia , Our absenting Our Self from London , have been the effects of an upright and faithfull Affection to Our English Subjects , that We may be able ( through all the inconveniences We are compelled to wrastle with ) at last to preserve and restore their Religion , Laws , and Liberties unto them . Since the proceeding against the Lord Kimbolton , and the five Members , is still looked upon , and so often pressed , as so great an advantage against Vs , that no retractation made by Vs , nor no Actions since that time cōmitted against Vs , and the Law of the Land , under pretence of vindication of Priviledge , can satisfie the Contrivers of that Declaration , but that they would have Our good Subjects believe , The Accusation of those six Members must be a plot for the breaking the neck of the Parliament , ( a strange Arrogance , if any of those Members had the penning of that Declaration ) and that it is so often urged against Vs , as if by that single casuall mistake of Ours ( in form onely ) We had forfeited all Duty , Credit , and Allegiance from Our people : We must , without endeavouring to excuse that , which in truth was an errour ( Our going to the House of Commons ) give Our people a clear and full narration of the matter of fact , assuring Our Self that Our good Subjects will not find Our carriage in that businesse such as hath been reported . When We resolved upon such grounds , as when they shall be published will satisfie the world , That it was fit for Our own Safety , and Honour , and the Peace of the Kingdome , to proceed against those persons , though We well know there was no degree of Priviledge in that case , yet ( to shew Our desire of correspondencie with the two Houses of Parliament ) We chose , rather then to apprehend their persons by the ordinary Ministers of Justice ( which , according to the Opinion and Practice of former times , We might have done ) to command Our Atturney Generall to acquaint Our House of Peers with Our intention , and the generall matters of Our charge ( which was yet more particular then a meer Accusation ) and to proceed accordingly , and at the same time sent a sworn Servant , a Segeant at Arms to Our House of Commons , to acquaint them , That We did accuse , and intended to prosecute the five Members of that House for high Treason , and did require that their persons might be secured in custody : This We did , not onely to shew that We intended not to violate or invade their Priviledges , but to use more Ceremony towards them , then We then conceived in Justice might be required of Vs ; and expected at least such an Answer as might inform Us , if We were out of the way ; But We received none at all ; Onely in the instant , without offering any thing of their Priviledges to Our consideration , an Order was made ( and the same night published in Print ) That if any person whatsoever should offer to Arest the person of any Member of that House , without first acquainting that House therewith , and receiving further Order from that House , That it should be lawfull for such Members , or any person to assist them , and to stand upon his or their Guard of Defence , and to make resistance according to the Protestation taken to defend the Priviledges of Parliament : And this was the first time that We heard the Protestation might be wrested to such a sense ; or that in any Case ( though of the most undoubted and unquestionable Priviledge ) it might be lawfull for any Person to resist , and use violence against a publick Minister of Justice , armed with lawfull Authority ; though We well knew , that even such a Minister might be punished for executing such Authority . Upon viewing this order We must confesse We were somewhat amazed , having never seen or heard of the like , though We had known Members of either House committed without so much Formality as We had used , and upon Crimes of a far inferiour nature to those We had suggested ; and having no course proposed to Vs for Our proceeding , We were upon the matter onely told , That against those Persons We were not to proceed at all ; That they were above Our reach , or the reach of the Law , it was not easie for Vs to resolve what to do : If We imployed Our Ministers of Justice in the usuall way for their apprehension ( who without doubt would not have refused to execute Our lawfull commands ) We saw what Resistance and Opposition was like to be made , which very probably might cost some blood ; If We sat still and desisted upon this terrour , We should at the best have confessed Our own want of power , and the weaknesse of the Law : In this strait We put on a sudden Resolution , to try whether Our own presence , and a clear discoverie of Our Intentions ( which haply might not have been so well understood ) could remove those doubts , and prevent those Inconveniencies which seemed to have been threatned ; and thereupon We resolved to go in Our own Person to Our House of Commons , which We discovered not till the very minute of Our going , when We sent out , That Our Servants , and such Gentlemen as were then in Our Court , should attend Vs to Westminister ; but giving them expresse command ( as We have expressed in Our Answer to the Ordinance ) that no Accidents or Provocation should draw thē to any such Action as might imply a purpose of force in Vs , & Our Self ( requiring those of Our Train not to come within the doore ) went into the House of Commons , the bare doing of which We did not then conceive would have been thought more a breach of Priviledge , then if We had gone to the House of Peers , and sent for them to come to Us , which is the usuall custom . We used the best expressions We could to assure them how far We were from any Intention of violating their Priviledges , That We intended to proceed Legally and Speedily against the persons We had accused , and desired therefore , if they were in the House , that they might be delivered to Us , or if absent , that such course might be taken for their forth-coming as might satisfie Our just Demands ; and so We departed , having no other purpose of force , if they had been in the House , then We have before protested , before God , in Our Answer to the Ordinance . You have an account of Our part of this Story fully , let Our people judge freely of it : What followed on their part ( though this Declaration tells you , It could not withdraw any part of their Reverence and Obedience from Us ; it may be any part of theirs it did not ) We shall have too much cause hereafter to inform the world . There will be no end of the Discourse , and upbraiding Us with evill Councellors , if upon Our constant deniall of knowing any , they will not vouchsafe to inform Us of them ; and after eight Moneths amusing the Kingdome with the expectation of a discovery of a Malignant Party , and of evill Councellors , they will not at last name any , nor describe them : Let the Actions and Lives of men be examined , who have Contrived , Councelled , Actually consented to grieve and burden Our people , and if such be about Vs , or any against whom any notorious malicious Crime can be proved ; if We shelter and protect any such , let Our Injustice be published to the world , but till that be done particularly and manifestly , ( for We shall never conclude any man , upon a bare generall Vote of the major part of either , or both Houses , till it be evident that major part must be without Passion or Affection ) We must look upon the charge this Declaration puts on Vs , of cherishing and countenancing a discontented Party of the Kingdome against them , as a heavier and unjuster tax upon Our Justice and Honour , then any We have , or can lay upon the Framers of that Declaration . And now , to countenance those unhandsome Expressions , whereby usually they have implyed Our connivance at , or want of Zeal against the Rebellion of Ireland , ( so odious to all good men ) they have found a new way of exprobration : That the Proclamation against those bloudy Traytors , came not out till the beginning of January , though that Rebellion broke out in October , and then by speciall Command from Vs , but fourty Copies were appointed to be printed . T is well known where We were at that time when that Rebellion brake forth , in Scotland . That We immediately , from thence , recommended the care of that businesse to both Houses of Parliament here , after we had provided for all fitting supplies from Our Kingdome of Scotland , that after Our return hither We observed all those Forms for that Service , which We were advised to by Our Councell of Ireland , or both Houses of Parliament here : And if no Proclamation issued out sooner ( of which for the present We are not certain , but think that others before that time were issued by Our directions ) it was , because the Lords Justices of the Kingdome desired them no sooner ; and when they did , the number they desired was but twenty , which they advised might be signed by Vs ; which We , for expedition of the Service commanded to be printed ( a circumstance not required by them ) and thereupon We Signed more of them then Our Justices desired : All which was very well known to some Members of one or both Houses of Parliament , who have the more to answer , if they forbore to expresse it at the passing of this Declaration ; and if they did expresse it , We have the greater reason to complain , that so envious an Aspersion should be cast on Vs to Our People , when they knew well how to answer their own Objection . What that Complaint is against the Parliament , put forth in Our Name , which is such an evidence and countenance to the Rebels , and speaks the same language of the Parliament , which the Rebels do , We cannot understand . All Our Answers and Declarations have been , and are owned by Vs , and have been attested under Our own Hand , If any other had been published in Our Name , and without Our Authority , it would be easie for both Houses of Parliament to discover and apprehend the Authours : And We wish , that whosoever was trusted with the Drawing and Penning of that Declaration , had no more Authority or cunning to impose upon , or deceive a major part of those Votes by which it passed , then any man hath to prevail with Vs , to publish in Our Name any thing but the Sense and Resolution of Our own Heart : Or that the Contriver of that Declaration could with as good a Conscience call God to witnesse , that all His Counsels and Endeavours have been free from all private Aims , Personall Respects , or Passions whatsoever , as We have done and do , That We never had or knew of such Resolutions of bringing up the army to London . And since this new device is found out in stead of Answering Our Reasons , or satisfying Our just Demands , to blast Our Declarations and Answers , as if they were not our own ( a bold senselesse imputation ) We are sure that every Answer and Declaration published by Vs , is much more Our own , then any one of those bold , threatning , and reprochfull Petitions and Remonstrances are the Acts of either , or both Houses . And if the Penner of that Declaration had been carefull of the trust reposed in him , he would never have denied ( and thereupon found fault with Our just Indignation ) in the Text or Margent , that We had never been charged with the intention of any Force , and that in their whole Declaration , there is no word tending to such a Reproch ; The contrary whereof is so evident , that We are in expresse terms charged in that Declaration , That We sent them gracious Messages , when , with Our Privity , bringing up the Army was in agitation . And even in this Declaration , they seek to make Our people believe some such thing , to be proved in the Depositions now published , wherein , We doubt not , they will as much fail , as they do in their Censure of that Petition shewed formerly to Vs by Captain Legg , and subscribed by Vs with C. R. which notwithstanding Our full and particular Narration of the substance of that Petition , the circumstances of Our seeing and approving it , this Declaration is pleased to say , Was full of scandall to the Parliament , and might have proved dangerous to the whole Kingdome . If they have this dangerous Petition in their hands , We have no reason to believe any tendernes to Vs-ward hath kept them from communicating it ; If they have it not , We ought to have been believed : But that all good people may compute their other pretended dangers by their clear understanding of this , the noise whereof hath not been inferiour to any of the rest , We have recovered a true Copy of the very Petition We signed with C. R. which shall in fit time be published , and which , We hope , will open the eyes of Our good people . Concerning Our warrant for Master Jermins passage , Our Answer was true and full ; But for his black Sattin Suit , and white Boots , We can give no account . We complained in Our Declaration , and as often as We have occasion to mention Our return and residence near London , We shall complain of the barbarous and seditious Tumults at Westminster and Whitehall , which indeed were so full of scandall to Our Government , and danger to Our Person , that We shall never think of Our return thither , till We have Justice for what is past , and security for the time to come . And if there were so great a necessity , or desire of Our return as is pretended in all this time upon so often pressing Our Desires , and upon causes so notorious , We should at least have procured some Order for the future . But that Declaration tells Vs , We are upon the matter mistaken , The resort of the Citizens to Westminster , was as lawfull as the resort of great numbers every day in the Terme to the ordinary Courts of Justice . They knew no Tumults . Strange ! Was the disorderly appearance of so many thousand people with Staves and Swords crying thorow the streets , Westminster Hall , the passage between both Houses ( in so much as the Members could hardly passe to and fro ) No Bishops , Down with the Bishops , no Tumults ? What Member is there of either Houses that saw not those numbers , and heard not those cries ? And yet lawfull Assemblies : Were not severall Members of either House assaulted , threatned , and ill intreated ? And yet no Tumults : Why made the House of Peers a Declaration , and sent it down to the House of Commons , for the suppressing of Tumults , if there were no Tumults ? And if there were any , why was not such a Declaration consented to and published : When the attempts were so visible , and the threats so loud to pull down the Abbey at Westminster , had not We cause to apprehend , That such people might continue their work to Whitehall ? Yet no Tumults . What a strange time are We in , That a few Impudent , Malicious ( to give them no worse term ) men should cast such a strange mist of errour before the eyes of both Houses of Parliament , as that they either cannot , or will not see how manifestly they injure themselves , by maintaining these visible untruths ? We say no more ; By the help of God and the Law , We will have Justice for those Tumults . From excepting ( how weightily let every man judge ) to what We have said , that Declaration proceeds to censure Vs for what we have not said , for the prudent Omissions in Our Answer : We forbore to say any thing of the words spoken at Kensington ; or the Articles against Our dearest Consort ; and of the Accusation of the six Members : Of the last , We had spoken often ; and We thought enough of the other two : having never accused any ( though God knows what truth there might be in either ) We had no reason to give any particular Answer . We do not reckon Our Self bereaved of any part of Our Prerogative , which We are pleased freely , for a time , to part with by Bill ; yet We must say , We expressed a great trust in Our two Houses of Parliament , when We devested Our Self of the Power of dissolving this Parliament , which was a just , necessary , and Proper Prerogative : But We are glad to heare their Resolution , That it shall not encourage them to do any thing , which otherwise had not been fit to have been done : If it do , it will be such a breach of Trust , God will require an Account for at their hands . For the Militia , We have said so much in it heretofore , and the point is so well understood by all men , that We will waste time no more in that dispute . We never said , There was no such thing as an Ordinance ( though We know that they have been long dis-used ) but that there was never any Ordinance , or can be without the Kings consent ; and that is true : and the unnecessary President cited in the Declaration , doth not offer to prove the contrary : But enough of that ; God and the Law must determine that businesse . Neither hath this Declaration given Vs any satisfaction , concerning the Votes of the fifteenth and sixteenth of March last , which We must declare , and appeal to all the world in the point , to be the greatest violation of Our Priviledge , the Law of the Land , the Libertie of the Subject , and the Right of Parliament that can be imagined . One of those Votes is ( and there needs no other to destroy the King and People ) That when the Lords and Commons ( 't is well the Commons are admitted to their part in Judicature ) shall declare what the Law of the Land is , the same must be assented to , and obeyed ; that is the sense in few words . Where is every mans Propertie , every mans Libertie ? If a major part of both Houses declare that the Law is , that the younger Brother shall inherit , what 's become of all the Families and Estates in the Kingdome ? If they declare , That by the Fundamentall Law of the Land , such a rash Action , such an unadvised Word ought to be punished by perpetuall Imprisonment , is not the Libertie of the Subject , Durante beneplacito , remedilesse ? That Declaration confesseth , They pretend not to a Power of making new Laws , That without Vs , they cannot do that : They need no such Power , if their Declaration can suspend this Statute from being obeyed or executed , and make this Order , which is no Statute , to be obeyed and executed . If they have Power to declare the Lord Digbyes waiting on Vs to Hampton Court , and thence visiting some Officers at Kingston , with a Coach and six Horses , to be levying of Warre , and High Treason : And Sir John Hothams defying Vs to Our face , keeping our Town , Fort , and Goods against Vs , by force of Arms , to be an Act of Affection and Loyaltie , What needs a Power of making new Laws ? Or is there such a thing as Law left ? We desire Our good Subjects to mark the Reason and Consequence of these Votes , the progresse they have already made , and how infinite that progresse may be . First , they Vote the Kingdome is in imminent danger ( it is above three moneths since they discerned it ) from Enemies abroad , and a Popish and Discontented Partie at home ; That is matter of Fact ; the Law follows : This Vote hath given them Authoritie by Law ( the fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome ) to order and dispose of the Militia of the Kingdome , and with this power , and to prevent that danger , to enter into Our Towns , seize upon Our Magazine , and by force , keep both from Vs : Is not this Our case ? First , they Vote We have an intention to levie warre against our Parliament ; that 's matter of Fact : Then they declare , Such as shall assist Vs , to be guilty of High Treason ; that is the Law , and proved by two Statutes , themselves know to be repealed : No matter for that ; They declare it . Vpon this ground they exercise the Militia , and so actually do that upon Vs , which they have voted We intend to do upon them : Who doth not see the confusion that must follow upon such a power of declaring ? If they should now vote , That we did not write this Declaration , but that such a one did it , which is still matter of fact ; and then declare , That for so doing , he is an Enemie to the Common-wealth ; what is become of the Law that man was born to ? And if all their Zeal for the defence of the Law , be but to defend that which they declare to be Law , their own Votes , it will not be in their power to satisfie any man of their good intentions to the publick Peace , but such who are willing to relinquish his title to Magna Charta , and hold his life and fortune by a Vote of a major part of both Houses : In a word , We deny not but they may have a power to declare in a particular doubtfull cafe regularly brought before them , what Law is ; but to make a generall Declaration , whereby the known Rule of the Law may be crossed or altered , they have no power , nor can exercise any , without bringing the Life and Liberty of the Subject to a lawlesse and arbitrary subjection . We complained ( and let the world judge the Justice and necessity of that Complaint ) of the multitude of Seditious Pamphlets and Sermons . And that Declaration tells Vs , They know We have wayes enough in Our ordinary Courts of Justice to punish those : So we have to punish Tumults and Riots , and yet they will not serve Our turn to keep Our Towns , Our Forests , and Parks from violence . And it may be , though those Courts have still the power to punish , they may have lost the skil to define what Riots and Tumults are ; otherwise a Jury in Southwark , legally impanelled to examine a Riot there , would not have been Superseded , & the Sheriff enjoyned not to proceed , by vertue of an Order of the House of Commons ; which , it seems at that time , had the sole power of declaring . But it is no wonder , That they who could not see the Tumults , do not consider the Pamphlets and Sermons , though the Author of the Protestation protested , be well known to be Burton ( that infamous Disturber of the peace of this Church and State ) and that he preached it at Westminster , in the hearing of divers Members of the House of Commons : But of such Pamphlets , and seditious Preachers ( divers whereof have been recommended , if not imposed upon severall Parishes , by some Members of both Houses , by What Authority We know not ) We shall hereafter take a further account . We confesse , We have little skill in the Laws , and those that have had most , We now find are much to seek : Yet We cannot understand or believe , That every ordinary Court , or any Court , hath power to raise what Guard they please , and under what Command they please ; Neither can We imagine what dangerous effects they found by the Guard We appointed them , or ( indeed ) any the least occasion why they needed a Guard at all . But of all the Imputations so causelesly and unjustly laid upon Vs by that Declaration , We must wonder at that charge so apparently and evidently untrue , That such are continually preferred and countenanced by Us , who are Friends or Favourers , or related unto the chief Authours and Actours of that Arbitrary power heretofore practised and complained of : And on the other side , That such as did appear against it , are daily discountenanced and disgraced . We would know one Person that contributed to the Ills of those Times , or had dependance upon those that did , whom We do , or lately have countenanced or preferred ; Nay , We are confident ( and We look for no other at their hands ) as they have been alwaies most eminent Assertours of the publick liberties , so if they found Vs inclined to any thing not agreeable to Honour and Justice , they would leave Vs to morrow : Whether different Persons have not , and do not receive countenance elsewhere , & upon what grounds , let all men judge ; & whether We have not been forward enough to honour and preferre those of the most contrary opinion , how little comfort soever We have had of those preferments ; in bestowing of which , hereafter We shall be more guided by mens Actions then Opinions : And therefore We had good cause to bestow that Admonition ( for We assure you it was an Admonition of Our own ) upon both Our Houses of Parliament , to take heed of inclining , under the specious shews of Necessity and Danger , to the exercise of such an Arbitrary power they before complained of : The Advice will do no harm , and We shall be glad to see it followed : And are all the specious Promises , and loud Professions , Of making Us a Great and Glorious King , Of settling a greater Revenue upon Us , then any of Our Ancestours have enjoyed , Of making Us to be Honoured at home , and Feared abroad , resolved into this , That they will be ready to settle Our Revenue , in an Honourable Proportion , when We shall put Our Self in such a Posture of Government that Our Subjects may be secure to enjoy Our just Protection for their Religion , Laws , and Liberties ? What Posture of Government they intend We know not , nor can We imagine what Security Our good Subjects can desire for their Religion , Laws , and Liberties , which We have not offered , or fully given . And is it suitable to the duty and dignity of both Houses of Parliament to Answer Our particular weighty expressions of the Causes of Our remove from London ( so generally known to the Kingdome ) with a Scoff , That they hope We were driven from thence , not by Our own Fears , but by the Fears of the Lord Digby , and his Retinue of Cavaliers ? Sure the Penner of that Declaration inserted that ungrave and insolent Expression ( as he hath done divers others ) without the consent or examination of both Houses ; who would not so lightly have departed from their former professions of duty to Us . Whether the way to a good Understanding between Us and Our people hath been as zealously pressed by them , as it hath been professed and desired by Vs , will be easily discerned by those who observe , that We have left no publick Act undone on Our part , which , in the least degree , might be necessary to the Peace , Plenty , and Security of Our Subjects , and that they have not dispatched one Act which hath given the least evidence of their particular Affection and Kindnesse to Vs : But on the contrary , have discountenanced and hindred the testimony other men would give to Vs of their affections : Witnesse the stopping and keeping back the Bill of Subsidies granted by the Clergie , almost a yeare since , which though Our personall wants are so notoriously known , they will not , to this time , passe : So not onely forbearing to supply Vs themselves , but keeping the Love and Bounty of other men from Vs , and afford no other Answers to all Our Desires , all Our Reasons ( indeed not to be answered ) then , That We must not make Our Vnderstanding or Reason the Rule of Our government , but suffer Our Self to be assisted ( which We never denied ) by Our great Councell . We require no other Liberty to Our will , then the meanest of them do ( We wish they would alwayes use that Liberty ) not to consent to any thing evidently contrary to Our Conscience and Vnderstanding : and We have and shall alwayes give as much estimation and regard to the Advice and Counsell of both Our Houses of Parliament , as ever Prince hath done : But We shall never ( and We hope Our people will never ) account the contrivance of a few ( Factious , Seditious persons , a Malignant Party , who would sacrifice the Commonwealth to their own furie and ambition ) the wisdome of Parliament ; and that the justifying and defending such persons ( of whom , and of their particular sinister wayes to compasse their own bad ends , We shall shortly inform the world ) is not the way to preserve Parliaments , but is the opposing and preferring the consideration of a few unworthy persons , before their Duty to their King , or their care of the Kingdome . They would have Vs remember that Our Resolutions do concern Kingdomes , and therefore not to be moulded by Our own Understanding : We well remember it ; But we would have them remember , That when their Consultations endeavour to lessen the Office and Dignity of a King , they meddle with that which is not within their determination , and of which We must give an account to God and Our other Kingdomes , and must maintain with the sacrifice of Our life . Lastly , that Declaration tells you of a present desperate and malicious Plot , the Malignant Partie is now acting , under the plausible Notions of stirring men up to a care of preserving the Kings Prerogative , maintaining the Discipline of the Church , upholding and continuing the Reverence and Solemnitie of Gods Service , and encouraging Learning , ( indeed plausible and honourable Notions to act any thing upon ) and that upon these grounds divers mutinous Petitions have been framed in London , Kent , and other Places . Vpon what Grounds would these men have Petitions framed ? Have so many Petitions ( even against the Form and Constitution of the Kingdome , and the Laws established ) been joyfully received and accepted ? And shall Petitions framed upon these Grounds be called Mutinous ? Hath a multitude of mean , unknown , inconsiderable , contemptible Persons about the Citie and Suburbs of London , had libertie to Petition against the Government of the Church , against the Book of Common Prayer , against the Freedome and Priviledge of Parliament , and been thanked for it : And shall it be called Mutinie in the gravest and best Citizens of London , in the Gentry and Commonaltie of Kent , to frame Petitions upon these grounds ; and to desire to be governed by the known Laws of the Land , not by Orders and Votes of either , or both Houses ? Can this be thought the Wisdome and Justice of both Houses of Parliament ? Is it not evidently the work of a Faction within or without both Houses , who deceive the Trust reposed in them , and have now told Vs what Mutinie is , to stirre Men up to a Care of preserving Our Prerogative , maintaining the Discipline of the Church , upholding and continuing the Reverence and Solemnitie of Gods Service , encouraging of Learning , is Mutinie ? Let Heaven and Earth , God and Man , judge between Vs and these Men : And however such Petitions are , there , called Mutinous , and the Petitioners Threatned , Discountenanced , Censured , and Imprisoned : If they bring such lawfull Petitions to us , We will graciously receive them , and defend them and their Rights against what power soever , with the uttermost hazard of Our being . We have been the longer ( to Our very great pain ) in this Answer , that We might give the World satisfaction , even in the most triviall Particulars which have been objected against Vs ; and that we may not be again reproched with any more prudent Omissions . If We have been compelled to sharper Language then we affect , let it be considered , how vile , how insufferable Our Provocations have been ; And except to repell Force be to assault , and to give punctuall & necessary Answers to rough and insolent Demands , be to make invectives , We are confident the world will accuse Vs of too much Mildnesse ; and all Our good Subjects will think , We are not well dealt with , and will judge of Vs , and of their own happinesse and securitie in Vs by our Actions ; which We desire may no longer prosper , or have a blessing from God upon them and Vs , then they shall be directed to the glory of God , in the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession , to the preservation of the Propertie , and the Libertie of the Subject , in the observation of the Laws , and to the maintenance of the Rights and Freedome of Parliament , in the allowance and protection of all their just Priviledges . FINIS . 
A25708	----	Apophthegmata aurea, regia, Carolina apophthegms, I. Theological, II. Moral, III. Political / collected out of the imcomparable Eikōn basilikē of His Most Glorious Majestie King Charls [sic] the First. Eikon basilike. Selections. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A25708 of text R331 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A3560A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 109 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 28 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A25708 Wing A3560A ESTC R331 13413795 ocm 13413795 99455 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A25708) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99455) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 782:20) Apophthegmata aurea, regia, Carolina apophthegms, I. Theological, II. Moral, III. Political / collected out of the imcomparable Eikōn basilikē of His Most Glorious Majestie King Charls [sic] the First. Eikon basilike. Selections. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Gauden, John, 1605-1662. [2], 52 p. Printed by William Du-gard for Francis Eglesfield ..., London : 1649. Caption title: Apophthegmata Carolina. Attributed to Charles I and also to John Gauden. Cf. BM. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. A25708 R331 (Wing A3560A). civilwar no Apophthegmata aurea, regia, Carolina. Apophthegms I. Theological. II. Moral. III. Political. Collected out of the incomparable Eikōn basili Gauden, John 1649 17522 8 10 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-09 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-09 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2007-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion APOPHTHEGMATA Aurea , Regia , CAROLINA . APOPHTHEGMS I. Theological . II. Moral . III. Political . Collected out of the Incomparable {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . OF His most glorious Majestie King CHARLS the First . Vincit qui patitur . Fortior est qui se quàm qui fortissima — {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} . Hebr. 11. 4. LONDON , Printed by William Du-gard for Francis Eglesfield at the Marigold in St Paul's Church-yard , 1649. Apophthegmata Carolina . I. THEOLOGICAL . WHen our sins are ripe , it is just with God to reap that Glorie in our Calamities , which wee robb'd Him of in our Prosperitie . pag. 4. line 5. Bare Resolutions of future reforming do not alwaies satisfie God's justice , nor prevent vengeance for former miscarriages . p. 4. 10. Wee ought to depend on God's Mercies to forgive , not on our purposes to amend . p. 4. 15. God vindicate's his Glorie by his Judgments ; and shew's us how unsafe it is to offend him , upon presumptions afterward to pleas him ▪ p. 4. 17. For want of timely repentance of our sins , God giveth us caus to repent of those remedies wee too late ●pplie . p. 4. 23. Miseries upon persons or Nations are the just effects of God's displeasure : and yet may bee , through God's Mercie , preparatives to future blessings , and better hearts to enjoie them . p. 4. 29. Then shall wee dare to account our afflictions not the strokes of an enemie , but a father , when God giveth us those humble affections , and that measure of patience , which becom's his children . pag. 5. line 8. God's Grace is infinitely better with our Sufferings , then our Peace could bee with our sins . p. 5. 19. As our sins turn Antidotes into poison , so God's Grace turn's poison into Antidotes . p. 5. 22. No man who will avoid inconveniences of State , by Acts of so high injustice , as no pulick convenience can expiate , or compensate , is worthie to bear the name and place of GOD on earth . p. 7. 20. It is a bad exchange to wound a man 's own conscience thereby to salv State-sores : to calm the storms of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a man 's own bosom . p. 7. 25. An upright Magistrate is more afraid to take away anie man's life unjustly , then to lose his own . p. 10. 24. Justice , which is the will of God , ought to bee preferred before all contrarie Clamors , which are but the discoveries of men's injurious wills . p. 11. 22. A Prince ought not for anie reason of State , to go against the reason of his Conscience : which is highly to sin against the God of Reason , and Judg of Conscience . p. 11 , 27. The Spirit of God subject's the Will of a Prince to none but the light of Reason , Justice and Religion , which shine's in his Soul . p. 12. 4. No present importunitie , or popular vindications will bee subterfuge sufficient to rescue men guiltie of evil machinations from the exact tribunals of God and their consciences . p. 15. 3. In obstructions of of Justice among men , wee must religiously appeal to God and men's own Consciences , as beeing an argument to us Christians of that afterunavoidable judgment which shal re-judg , what among men is but corruptly decided or not at all . p. 15. 7. Afflictions cannot bee esteemed ( with wise and godly men ) anie argument of sin in an innocent person , more then the Impunitie of wicked men is , among good men , anie sure token of their innocencie . pag. 16. li. 9. As it is one of the most convinceing arguments that there is a God , while his power sett's bounds to the raging of the Sea : so 't is no less , that Hee restrein's the madness of the people . Nor doth anie thing portend more God's displeasure against a Nation then when Hee suffer's the confluence and clamors of the Vulgar to pass all boundaries of Laws , and reverence to Autorie . p. 17. 7. Good men had rather want anie thing they most desire , for the publick good , then obtein it by unlawful and irreligious means . p. 19. 7. The just Avenger of all disorders often make's men see their sin in the glass of their punishment . 'T is more then an even-lay , that guiltie men may one day see themselvs punished by that way they offended . p. 22. 29. God order's our disorders : and magnifie's his wisdom and mercie , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . p. 23. 30 Our sins are the Tumults of our Souls against our God . p. 24. 10. What man cannot , or will not repress , the Omnipotent Justice can and will . p. 21. 30. Reason sett's bounds to our Passions , Truth to Errors , Laws duly executed to Sedition , Charitie to Schisms . p. 25. 4. A man that know's the sinceritie and uprightness of his own heart , although hee may seem less a Politician to men , yet hee need 's no secret distinctions or evasions before God . p. 30. 9. As manie Kingdoms as the Devil shewed our Saviour , and the Glorie of them ( if they could bee at once enjoied ) are not worth the gaining by the waies of sinful ingratitude and dishonor , which hazard's a Soul worth more worlds , then this hath kingdoms . p. 30. 9. God's All discerning Justice see's through all the disguises of men's pretensions , and deceitful darknesses of their hearts . pag. 31. li. 12. Grace will teach us wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings , as the fulfillings of our best hopes , and most specious desires . p. 31. 23. The Comfort of God's Mercies often raiseth the greatest Sufferers to bee the most glorious Saints . p. 32. 26. I will rather chuse to wear a crown of Thorns with My Saviour , then to exchange that of Gold ( which is due to Mee ) for one of lead , whose embased flexibleness shall bee forced to bend and complie to the various , and oft-contrarie dictates of anie factions . p. 38. 14. I know no resolutions more worthie a Christian King , then to prefer his Conscience before his Kingdoms . p. 38. 24. It is God's will that wee should maintein our Native , Rational and Religious freedom . p. 38. 29. Though God doth require us to submit our understandings and wills to His , whose wisdom and goodness can neither err , nor misguide us , and so far to denie our carnal reason , in order to his sacred mysteries and commands , that wee should believ and obeie , rather then dispute them : yet doth hee exspect from us onely such a reasonable service of him , as not to do anie thing for him against our consciences . p. 39. 1. A good Christian ought to bee willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries , rather then commit the least sin against his conscience . p 39. 30. A Christian King ought not to subject his Reason to other men's Passions and designs , which seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligous . So shall hee serv God in truth and uprightness of heart , though hee cannot satissie som men . p. 40. 8. Truth and Justice will bring a man at last to peace and happiness with God , though hee hath much trouble among men . pag. 40. line 18. The scandal of Subjects , who profess the same Religion with their Sovereign , may be an hindrance to the love of Truth , and hardning others in Error . p. 45. 3. Constancie in Religion the best Antidote against the poison of ill example . p. 45. 9. The experience of the vanitie and uncertaintie of all humane Glorie and Greatness should make us the more ambitious to bee invested in those durable Honors and perfections , which are onely to bee found in GOD , and obteined through JESUS Christ . p. 45. 29. I desire alwaies more to remember I am a Christian then a King : for what the Majestie of one might justly abhor , the Charitie of the other is willing to bear : what the hight of a King tempteth to revenge , the humilitie of a Christian teacheth to forgive ; keeping in compass all those impotent Passions , whose excess injure's a man more then his greatest enemies can . For these give their malice a full impression on our souls , which otherwise cannot reach verie far , nor do us much hurt . p. 47. 25. No punishment so stain's a man's honor as wilful perpetrations of unworthie actions ; which , besides the conscience of the sin , brand's with most indelible characters of infamie the name and memorie to posteritie ; who , not , engaged in the factions of the times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . p. 51. 1. My outward strength , God know's , is little , or none at all : but I have a soul invincible through God's grace enabling Mee : here I am sure to bee Conqueror , if God will give Mee such a measure of constancie , as to fear Him more than Man ; and to love the inward peace of My Conscience , before anie outward tranquillitie . p. 53. 14. The least sin hath in it more evil , then the greatest affliction . pag 59. line 8. What is Religious and Apostolical , and so verie sacred and divine , is not to bee dispensed with , or destroied . p. 59. 30 Praiers and Tears the chiefest Arms , which the Antient Christians were wont to use against their Persecutors , may serv a good man's turn , if not to conquer as a Souldier , yet to suffer as a Martyr . p. 67. 6. The manie and sore oppressions of My people griev Mee : I am above Mine own : what I want in the hands of force and power , I have in the wings of faith and praier . p. 67. 25. The Sword and Militia are but weak defenses against the strokes of Divine Vengeance , which will overtake ; or of men's own consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . p. 72. 6. I do not think I can want any thing which Providential Necessitie is pleased to take from Mee , in order to My people's tranquillitie , and God's glorie , whose protection is sufficient for Mee ; and Hee is able by His beeing with Mee , abundantly to compensate to Mee as Hee did to Job , whatever Honor , Power , or Libertie , the Chaldeans , the Sabeans , or the Devil himself can deprive Mee of . p. 72. 12. Though Men take all temporarie defenses from Mee ; yet cannot they deprive Mee of my own innocencie , or God's mercie ; nor obstruct My waie to heaven . p. 72. 28. When I have declared that I cannot yield to somthings propounded , without violateing My conscience , 't is strange there can bee no method of peace , but by making war upon my Soul . p. 75. 12. Nothing can repair or requite the loss of the incommunicable jewel of a good conscience . p. 75. 24. The love of My people's peace hath great influence upon Mee ; but the love of truth and inward peace hath more . p. 76. 6. The inward quiet of My Conscience ought to bee , is , and ever shall bee ( by God's grace ) dearer to Mee then My Kingdoms . pag. 76. line 11. In want of free and faithful counsel , which others are able and willing to impart , none can hinder us from craving of the Counsel of that mightie Counsellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline our hearts stedfastly to follow it . p. 86. 17. I cannot pleas all , I care not to pleas SOM MEN : if I may bee happie to pleas God , I need not fear whom I displeas . p. 87. 38. God can as well bless honest errors , as blast fraudulent counsels . p. 88. 25. Though pressures are grievous , and peace verie pleasing ; yet wee ought not to avoid the one , or purchase the other with the least expens or waste of Conscience , whereof God onely is deservedly more master then our selvs . p. 89. 5. SOM MEN , out of a covetous Zeal , and uncharitable furie , think it a great Argument of the Truth of their Religion to endure no other but their own . p. 92. 7. Som kinde of Zeal count's all merciful moderation luke warmness ; and had rather bee cruel then counted cold ; and is not seldom more greedie to kill the Bear for his skin , then for any harm hee hath don . p. 94. 14. God doth not therefore denie our innocence , becaus Hee is so far to trie our patience , as hee did his Servant Job's . p. 96. 3. Hee that look's well to his own Conscience and the faithful discharge of his Trust , hath scarce leisure to consider those swarms of reproaches , which issue out of SOM MEN'S mouths and hearts , as easily as smoak or sparks do out of a fornace , much less to make prolix Apologies , as might give those men satisfaction , who conscious to their own depth of wickedness are loath to believ anie man not to bee as bad themselvs . pag. 96. line 7. Crueltie among Christians acted under the Color of Religion , as if wee could not bee Christians unless wee crucifie one another , an horrid sin . p. 97. 15. It is not so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword , as to polish them by fair and equal disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences : whom not Force , but Reason ought to convince . p. 102. 9. Conscience can receiv little satisfaction in those points , which are mainteined rather by Souldiers fighting in the fields , then Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods . p. 102. 24. In matters of Religion , those Truths gain most on men's judgments and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence , which weaken's Truth with prejudices : and is unreasonable to bee used , till such means of Rational conviction have been applied , as , leaving no excuse for ignorance condemn's men's obstinacie to deserved penalties . p. 102. 29. If Presbyterie in such a supremacie bee an institution of Christ , sure it differ's from all others : and is the first and onely point of Christianitie , that was to bee planted and watered with so much Christian blood ; whose effusion run's in a stream so contrarie to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianitie and Episcopacie , which was with patient shedding of their own blood , not violent drawing other men's . Sure there is too much of man in it to have much of Christ . p. 104. 4. Wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of Schism and Sectarism then this Presbyterian waie of Government . p. 105. 5. The Repealing of Church-Laws and Constitutions ought to bee grounded upon more Rational and Religious Motives then Souldiers use to carrie in their knapsacks pag. 105. lin. 12. I esteem the Church above the State ; the Glorie of Christ above Mine own ; and the salvation of men's Souls above the preservation of their Bodies and Estates . p. 105. 25. Violent motions , wch are neither Manlie , Christian , nor Loial , ought not to shake or unsettle the Religion of anie man , who know's what Religion mean's . 106. 8. The proper engine of all Faction is Force , the arbitrator of beasts , not of reasonable men , much less of humble Christians and Loial Subjects , in matters of Religion . p. 106. 12. Men prone to have high conceits of themselvs care not what cost they lay out upon their opinons . 106. 17. God's justice and Man's follie will at length bee discovered , through all the films and pretensions of Religion , in which Politicians wrap up their designs . 108. 3. The less caus wee have to trust to men , the more wee have to trust to God . p. 108. 24. Pious simplicite is the best policie . p. 108. 30. In things which are of no cleer moral necessitie , but disputable and controverted among learned and godly men , Oaths can hardly bee made and enjoined with that judgment and certaintie in ones self , or that charitie and candor to others of different opinion , as Religion require's . p. 111. 9. Religion never refuse's fair and equable deliberations ; yea , and dissentings too in matters onely probable . p. 111. 16. The enjoining of Oaths upon people , must needs in things doubtful bee dangerous ; as in things unlawful , damnable ; and no less superfluous , where former religious and legal engagements bound men sufficiently to all necssarie duties . p. 111. 19. None , that have once true touches of Conscience , will endeavor to carrie on the best designs ( much less such as are apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawful means . pag. 112. line 28. Wee ought not to prefer ambiguous , dangerous , and un-autorized Novelties before known and sworn duties , which are indispensable both to God and the Prince . p. 113. 3. Later Vows , Oaths , or Leagues can never blot out those former gravings and characters which by just and lawful Ooaths were made upon their Souls . p. 113. 10. Confederations , by waie of solemn Leagues and Covenants , are the more to bee suspected , becaus they are the common road used in all factions and powerful perturbations of State and Church . p. 113. 14. Formalities of extraordinarie zeal and pietie are never more studied and elaborate , then when Politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is settled or sacred in Religion or Laws . p. 113. 19. Every man soon grow's his own Pope , and easily absolv's himself of those ties which not the commands of God's Word , or the Laws of the Land , but onely the subtiltie or terror of a Partie cast's upon him . p. 114. li. 2. No man's Lawful Calling can engage him against the Church , the Prince , or the Publick peace . p. 116. 3. A pious Prince ought to bee forward to carrie on all due Reformations , with mature judgment , and a good conscience , in what things hee shall , after impartial advice , bee , by God's Word , and right reason , convinced to bee amiss . p. 116. 21. Bishops and Church-men , with their Lands and Revenues , as the fattest Deer , must bee destroied ; the other Rascal-Herd of Schisms , Heresies , &c. beeing lean , may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration . p. 117. 5. I see , while the breath of Religion fill's the sails , Profit is the Compass , by which factious men steer their cours in all seditious commotions . pag. 117. lin. 11. Pharaoh's Divinitie , and Joseph's true pietie abhorr'd to sell the Priest's Lands . p. 118. lin. 2. I esteem it My greatest Title to bee called , and My chiefest Glorie to bee the Defendor of the Church , both in its true Faith , and its just Fruitions ; equally abhorring Sacrilege and Apostasie . p. 118. 11. I had rather live , as My Predecessor Henrie the third somtimes did , on the Churche's Alms , then violently take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths . p. 118. 16. I think it no less then a mocking and tempting of God , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs , whose occasions and remedies are in our own powers : it beeing every man's sin not to avoid the one , and not to use the other . p. 119. 10. There are waies enough to repair the breaches of the State , without the ruins of the Church . p. 119. 16. No Pretensions of Pietie and Reformation are sufficient to absolv Subjects from the observation of those just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which God's Word , and the Laws of the Kingdom have laid upon their Consciences , nor engage them to any contrarie practices . p. 120. 2. Nothing violent and injurious can bee Religious . p. 120. 6. God allow's no man's committing Sacrilege under the zeal of abhorring idols . p. 120. 7. Sacrilegious designs ought not to have the countenance of Religious Ties . p. 120. 9. It is hard for a man , that hath not innocencie and God's protection , to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the Truth , and by jealousies to supplie the defect of Real causes . p. 122. 6. Popular Preachers think it no sin to lie for God , and what they pleas to call God's Caus. pag. 127. line 15. Differences of persuasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of dutie , allegiance , and subjection . p. 129. 10. Different professions in point of Religion cannot take away the communitie of Relations either to parents , or to Princes . p. 129. 16. A truly-humble Christian will so highly prize his persecutions , as rather not to bee relieved , then bee revenged , so as to bee bereaved of that Crown of Christian patience , which attend's humble and injured Sufferers . p. 132 4. A crown of Christian Patience attend's humble and injured Sufferers . p. 132. 7. God is the onely King of men's Consciences . 133. 27 It is no newes to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformation . p. 138. 5. Praier and devotion is the Soul's more immediate convers with the Divine majestie . p. 138. 15. The Liturgie was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the Church of England : and this by all reformed Churches is confessed to bee most sound and Orthodox . p. 139. 15. Constancie abate's nothing of the excellencie and usefulness of a wel-composed Liturgie . p. 139. 29. In the use of constant Forms , not the words but men's hearts are too blame . p. 141. 2. A man may bee verie formal in the most extemporarie varietie ; and verie fervently-devout in the most wonted expressions . p. 141. 4. Constant Forms of Praier are not more likely to flat and hinder the Spirit of Praier and devotion , then unpremeditated and confused varietie to distract and lose it . It is impossible for a Prince to preserv the State in quiet , unless hee hath such an influence upon Church-men , and they such a dependence on Him , as may best restrein the seditious exorbitancies of Minister's tongues ; who , with the keies of heaven , have so far the keies of the people's hearts , as they prevail much by their Oratorie to let in , or shut out both Peace and Loialtie . pag. 147. line 26. I never thought anie Bishop worthie to sit in the Hous of Peers , who would not vote according to his Conscience . p. 148. 16. The Government of the Church by Bishops hath of all other the fullest Scripture-Grounds , and also the constant practice of all Christian Churches . p. 148. 24. The want of Government the Church can no more dispens with , in point of well-beeing , then the want of the Word and Sacraments in point of beeing . 150. 1. Proud usurpers against true Episcopacie by Popular heaps of weak , light and unlearned Teachers seek to over-laie and smother the pregnancie and autoritie of that power of Episcopal Government , which , beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacie of names , is most convinceingly set forth , both by Scripture , and all after-Histories of the Church . p. 152. 8. In Religion , Scripture is the best Rule , and the Churches universal Practice the best Commentarie . p. 152. 30. Not onely in Religion , but also in right Reason and the true nature of Government , it cannot bee thought that an Orderlie Subordination among Presbyters and Ministers should bee anie more against Christianitie , then it is in all Secular and Civil Governments , where p. 153. 3. Paritie breed's Confusion and Faction . p. 153. 8. Good Order is no more inconsistent with true Religion , then good features are with beautie , or numbers with harmonie . p. 153. 10. Ministers have as much of the principles of Schism and division , as other men . pag. 153. line 19. It was not the favor of Princes , or ambition of Presbyters , but the wisdom and pietie of the Apostles that first settled Bishops in the Church . p. 153. 27 Tyrannie becom's no Christians , lest of all Church-men . p. 154. 10. The whole stream of examples and practice of the Church , or Testimonies of Histories run's so for Episcopacie , that there is not the least rivulet for anie other . p. 155. 5. The necessitie of times and affairs rather excuseth then commendeth som late Reformed Churches for their incomformitie to all Antiquitie . p. 155. 12. It is no point of wisdom nor Charitie , where Christians differ , to widen the differences . p. 155. 27. The Desertors of Episcopacie will appear the greatest enemies to , and betraiers of their own interest pag. 157. l. 14. Presbyterie is never so considerable , or effectual , as when it is joined to , and crowned with Episcopacie . p. 157. l. 16. All Ministers will finde as great a difference , in point of thriveing , between the favor of the people and of Princes , as plants do between beeing watered by hand , and by the sweet and liberal dews of heaven . p. 157. 19. The tenuitie and contempt of Clergie-men wil soon let them see what a poor carcass they are , when parted from the influence of that head , to whose Supremacie they have been sworn . p. 157. 24. SOM MEN's zeal for Bishop's Lands , Houses , and Revenues hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacie : which is no less sin then sacrilege or robberie of God of that portion which devout mindes have thankfully given again to him , in giveing it to his Church and Prophets . p. 160. 23. The abuses of Episcopacie deserv to bee exstirpated , as much as the use reteined . pag. 164. line 13. The Revenues of the Church becom the object of secular envie , which seek's to rob it of all the encouragements of Learning and Religion . p. 165. 8. I would rather with Constantins cover the errors of the fathers of the Church with silence , and reform with meekness then expose their Persons and sacred Functions to vulgar contempt . p. 166. 5. The Counsels of unreasonable men have brought forth and continue violent confusions , by a precipitant destroying the antient boundaries of the Churche's peace ; thereby letting in all manner of Errors , Schism and disorders . p. 166. 11. Our Sins somtimes prevail against the justice of our Caus. p. 173. 6. Personal and private sins may oft-times over-balance the justice of Publick engagements ; nor doth God account every Gallant man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert , in the way of War , a righteous Caus. The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skill , valor and strength , the less doth God ordinarily work by them for his own Glorie . p. 173. 15. The event or success can never state the justice of anie Caus , nor the peace of men's Consciences , nor the eternal welfare of their Souls . p. 173. 24. A Godlie Prince desire 's that all his Subjects may join true Pietie with the sens of their Loialtie : and bee as faithful to God and their own souls , as they are to their Prince : that the defects of the one may not blast the endeavors of the other . p. 176. 23. Different events are but the Methods of Divine justice by contrarie windes to winnow us : that , by punishing our sins , hee might purge them from us ; and deferring peace hee might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . p. 178. 3. The inevitable fate of our sins was ( no doubt ) such , as would no longer suffer the Divine Justice to bee quiet : wee , having conquered his patience , are condemned by mutual conquerings , to destroie one another . p. 178. 29. Those Victories are still miserable , that leav our sins un-subdued ; flushing our pride , and animateing to continue injuries . p. 179. 8. God , somtimes , for the sins of our Peace bring's upon us the miseries of War ; and for the sins of War denie's us the blessing of Peace . p. 181. 5. The good Laws established , and the Religion settled ought to bee the first Rule and standard of Reforming . p. 182. 12. Where the Scripture is not so clear and punctual in precepts , there the constant and universal practice of the Church in things not contrarie to Reason , Faith , good manners , or anie positive command , is the best Rule that Christians can follow . p. 184. 19. The specious and popular Title of Christ's government , Throne , Scepter , and Kingdom ( which certainly is not divided , nor hath two faces , as their Parties now have at least , ) also the nois of a thorough-Reformation , these may as easily bee fixed on new models , as fair colors may bee put to ill-favored figures . p. 185. 14. Publick Reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to trie on others : for Deformities within will soon betraie the Pretenders of Publick Reformations to such private designs as must needs hinder the Publick good . p. 187. 23. The right method of reforming the Church cannot consist with that of perturbing the Civil State : nor can Religion bee justly advanced by depressing Loialtie , which is one of the chiefest Ingredients and Ornaments of true Religion : for next to Fear God , is , Honor the King . p. 187. 30. Christ's Kingdom may bee set up without pulling down the temporal Kingdom of Princes ; nor will anie men in impartial times appear good Christians , that approve not themselvs good Subjects . pag. 188. line 7. Christ's Government confirm's the Kings , doth not overthrow it . p. 188. 13. Christian Patience know's how to serv God in Honor and dishonor , in good report , or evil . p. 196. 20. God is a Christian's chiefest Guard : and his Conscience both his Counsellor and Comforter . p. 198. 5. The integritie of Conscience is the onely jewel worth keeping . p. 200. 1. A man lose's himself , while hee let 's out his hopes to others . p. 201. 26. I care not much to bee reckoned among the UNFORTUNATE , if I bee not in the Black List of IRRELIGIOUS and SACRILEGIOUS PRINCES . p. 202. 4. The Golden Rule and bond of perfection in Praier , and other holie duties consist's in that of mutual Love and Charitie . p. 208. 16. I hold it beeter to seem undevout , and to hear no men's praiers , then to bee forced , or seem to complie with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say Amen , without contradicting a man's own understanding , or belying his own soul ▪ p. 209. 19. In Devotions , I love neither profane boldness , nor pious non-sens : but such an humble and judicious gravitie , as shew's the speaker to bee at once confiderate of God's Majestie , the Churche's Honor , and his own vileness ; both knowing what things God allow's him to ask , and in what manner it becom's a Sinner to supplicate the Divine Mercie for himself , or others . p. 209. 26. I am equally scandalized with all praiers that sound either imperiously , or rudely , or passionately ; as either wanting humilitie to God , or charitie to men , or respect to the dutie . pag. 210. line 5. The light of understanding and the fervencie of affection , I hold the main and most necessarie requisites both in constant and occasional , solitarie and social devotions . p. 210. 23. I had rather bee condemned to the wo of Vae soli , then to that of Vae vobis hypocritae , by seeming to pray what I do not approve . p. 211. 16. It is infinitely more glorious to convert souls to God's Church by the Word , then to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword . p. 212. 8. Confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every man's turning Priest or Preacher , as it will in the State where every one affect's to rule as King . p. 213. 14. In the enforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinarie means , God is wont to afford extraordinarie supplies of his gifts and graces . p. 214. 20. Former sins may bee seen in the glass of the present terrors and distractions . p. 225. 14. See the hand of Divine Justice : they , that by Tumults first occasioned the raising of Armies , must now be chastned by their own Armie for new Tumults . 225. 16. Hardly can men bee content with one sin , but add sin to sin , till the later punish the former . p. 225. 22. Whom the Laws cannot , God will punish by their own crimes and hands . p. 227. 1. Fatal blindness frequently attend's and punishe's wilful . p. 227. 21. Men shal not bee able at last to prevent their sorrows , who would not timely repent of their sins . p. 227. 23. God's constancie is seen in the world's varietie and changes . p. 229. 20. They cannot want enemies who abound in sin , nor shall they bee long undisarmed , and undestroied , who with an high hand persist to fight against God , and the clear convictions of their own consciences . p. 230. 6. God can and will exalt and perfect a true Christian by his sufferings , which have more in them of God's Mercie , then of man's crueltie , or his Justice . p. 231. 3. Pietie will make a Prince prosperous : at least it will keep him from beeing miserable : nor is hee much a loser , who loseth all , yet saveth his own soul at last . 233. 27. The cup of afflictions wee must look upon as Gods physick , having that in healthfulness which it want's in pleasure . p. 234. 7. A Prince ought to bee well grounded and settled in Religion , that it may bee judiciously his own , and not other men's custom or tradition which hee professe's . p. 234. l. 18. The fixation of the Prince , in matters of Religion , will not bee more necessarie for his Soul 's then his Kingdom's peace . p , 234. 20. The Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation . p. 234. 29. Unless a Prince bee settled in Religion , hee shall never want temptations to destroie Him and His , under pretension of Reforming matters of Religion . p. 235. 7. Religion seem's even to the worst of men as the best & most auspicious begining of their worst designs . 235. 11. Everie one hath affectation , by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion , to bee thought zealous hopeing to cover those irreligious deformities , whereto , they are conscious , by a severitie of censuring other men's opinions or actions . p. 235. 15. A Prince must take heed of abetting anie Factions , or applying to anie publick Discriminations in matters of Religion , contrarie to what is , in His judgment and the Churche's , well settled . p. 235. 22. The King 's partial adhereing , as Head , to anie one side , gain's Him not so great advantages in som men's hearts ( who are prone to bee of their King's Religion ) as it loseth him in others , who think themselvs and their profession first despised , then persecuted by Him . p. 235. 26. Nothing ought to seem little or despicable to You in matters which concern Religion and the Churche's peace , so as to neglect a speedie Reforming and effectual suppressing errors and Schisms : What seem at first but as an hand-breadth , by Seditious Spirits , as by strong windes , are soon made to cover and darken the whole Heaven . pag. 237. line 11. A true Christian is not much solicitous what wrong hee suffer's from men , while hee retein's in his soul what hee believ's is right before God . p. 239. 12. A Prince ought alwaies to keep up solid Pietie , and those fundamental Truths , which mend both hearts and lives of men with impartial favor and Justice . p. 241. 1. A Prince ought to take heed that Outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devour not all , or the best encouragements of learning , industrie , and pietie . p. 241. 5. As the Wo●● is not less cruel , so hee will bee more justly hated , when hee shall appear no better then a wolf under sheep's-cloathing . p. 242. 6. A Power to forgive My enemies is a greater Argument of God's love to Mee , then anie prosperitie can bee . p. 243. 29. The true Religion established in the Church of England is the best in the world , not onely in the Communitie as Christians ; but also in the special notion , as Reformed : keeping the middle waie between the pomp of superstitious Tyrannie , and the meanness of fantastick Anarchie . p. 245. 22. The Protestant-Religion established in England , neither give's such Rules , nor ever before set such examples , as the late War against the Church , the Laws , and the Prince . p. 246. 15. Counterfeit and disorderlie Zeal ought not to abate our value and esteem of true Pietie , both of them are known by their fruits : the sweetness of the vine and figtree is not to bee despised , though the brambles and thorns should pretend to bear figgs and grapes , thereby to rule over the Trees . p. 246. 24. God somtimes punishe's a people with continuance in their sin , and suffer's them to bee deluded with the prosperitie of their wickedness . p. 247. 30. Keep You to true Principles of Pietie , Virtue , and Honor ; You shall never want a Kingdom . p. 248. 8. My Conscience , I thank God , is dearer to Mee then a thousand Kingdoms . p. 251. 2. In Prosperitie wee should not bee wholly strangers to the contemplations of Mortalitie : those are never unseasonable , since this is alwaies uncertain : Death beeing an Eclips , which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudie daies . p. 252. 5. It is the greatest glorie of a Christian's life to die daily , in conquering , by a lively faith , and patient hope of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths , which kill us as it were by piece-mea● ▪ and make us over-live our own fates . p. 253. 9. A Christian ought not to think that life too long , or tedious , wherein God give's him anie opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such Christian patience and magnanimitie in a good Caus , as are the greatest honor of our lives , and the best improovment of our deaths . p. 254. 6. In point of true Christian valor , it argue's pusillanimitie to desire to die , out of weariness of life ; and a want of that Heroïck greatness of spirit which becom's a Christian in the patient and generous susteining those afflictions , which as shadows necessarily attend us , while wee are in this bodie ; and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperitie move's higher , or lower : whose total absence is best recompensed with the Dew of Heaven . p. 254. 13. The assaults of Affliction may bee terrible , like Sampsons Lion , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcom them ; who know how to over-live the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet convers with God . p. 254. 24. Our greatest conquest of death is from the power and love of Christ , who hath swallow'd up death in the victorie of his Refurrection , and the glorie of his Asscension . p. 258. 20. Charitie is the noblest Revenge upon , and victorie over My Destroiers . p. 258. 28. As the greatest temptations to sin are wrapped up in seeming prosperities : so the severest vengeances of God are them most accomplished , when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes . p. 259. 13. God's Mercie will more then infinitely recompens what ever by man's injustice Hee is pleased to deprive us off . p. 260. 2. God's righteous judgment will confute their fallacie , who from worldlie success ( rather like Sophisters then sound Christians ) draw those popular conclusions for God's approbation of their actions . p. 261. 30. God's wise providence oft permit's manie events , which His revealed Word ( the onely clear , safe , and fixed rule of good Actions and good Consciences ) in no sort approv's . p. 262. 5. I shall bee more then Conqueror through Christ's enabling Mee ; for whom I have hitherto suffered , as hee is the Autor of Truth , Order , and Peace ; for all which I have been forced to contend , against Error , Faction , and Confusion . p. 263. 16. If I must suffer a violent death , with My Saviour , it is but Mortalitie crowned with Martyrdom : where the debt of death , which I ow for sin to nature , shall bee raised as a gift of faith & patience offered to God . p. 263. 22. The trophees of My Charitie will bee more glorious and durable over them , then their ill-managed victories over Mee . p. 264. 6. I look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable , then the eternal damnation of the meanest Subject . p. 264. 15. It is better for us to bee dead to our selvs , and live in God ; then by living in our selvs to bee deprived of God . p. 265. 16. To contend with death is the work of a weak and mortal man ; to overcom it , is the Grace of God alone , who is Almightie , and Immortal . p. 265. 26. Apophthegmata Carolina . II. MORAL . IT is no strange thing for men , left to their own Passions , either to do much evil themselvs , or abuse the overmuch goodness of others , whereof an ungrateful surfet is the most desperate and incureable diseas . p. 30. 29. Unjust hatred and jealousies are able to pervert Acts of greatest Indulgence . p. 32. 8. Manie men are seldom of one minde : and oftentimes the major part are not in the right . p. 34. 4. Sure it cease's to bee Counsel , when not Reason is used , as to men , to perswade ; but Force and terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to whatever tumultuarie patrons shall project . Hee deserv's to bee a slave without pitie , or redemption , that is content to have the rational Soveraigntie of his soul , and libertie of his will and words so captivated . p. 34. 18. I do not think My Kingdoms so considerable , as to preserv them with the forfeiture of that freedom , which cannot bee denied Mee as a King , becaus it belong's to Mee , as a man , and a Christian ; owning the dictates of none , but God , to bee above Mee , as obligeing Mee to consent . Better for Mee to die enjoying this Empire of My soul , which Subject's Mee onely to God , so far as by Reason or Religion hee direct's Mee , then live with the title of a King if it should carrie such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer Mee to use My reason & Conscience , in what I declare as a King , to like or dislike . p. 34. 27. I shall never think My self conscientiously tied to go as oft against My Conscience , as I should consent to such new proposals , which My Reason , in Justice , Honor , and Religion bid's Mee denie . p. 35. 30. Error and Passion is a shadow of Reason , and must serv those that are destitute of the Substance . p. 36. 25. Sure that man cannot bee blameable to God or Man , who seriously endevour's to see the best reason of things and faithfully follow's what hee take's for reason : the uprightness of his intentions will excuse the possible failing of his understanding : If a Pilot at sea cannot see the Pole-star , it can bee no fault in him to steer his coursby such stars as do best appear to him . It argue's rather those men to bee conscious of their defects of Reason , and convincing arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carrie on the weakness of their Counsels and proposals . p. 36. 28. I can bee content to recede much from My own Interests , and Personal Rights , of which I conceiv My self to bee Master : But in what concern's truth , justice , the rights of the Church and My Crown , together with the general good of My Kingdoms ; ( which I am bound to preserv as much as morally lie's in Mee ) here I am , and ever shall bee fix't and resolute , nor shall anie man gain My consent to that , wherein My heart give's My tongue or hand the lie ; nor will I bee brought to affirm that to men , which in My conscience I denie before God . pag. 37. 30. The merits of a deserving Ladie would serv her for a protection among the savage Indians : while their rudeness and barbaritie know's not so perfectly to hate all virtues , as SOM MEN'S subtiltie doth . p. 41. 27. This comfort I shal enjoie by the safetie of My Queen in the midst of My personal dangers , that I can perish but half , if Shee bee preserved . p. 42. 12. Common Civilitie is in vain exspected from those that dispute their Loialtie . p. 42. 27. It cannot bee safe for anie Relation to a King to tarrie among them , who are shakeing hands with their Allegiance , under pretens of laying faster hold on their Religion . p. 42. 29. Such is the rudeness of SOM MEN towards their Superiors , that they make up their want of justice with in humanitie and impudence . p. 43. 4. Afflictions make virtues shine with greater lustre , as stars in the darkest nights . p. 43. 7. A True wife love's her husband , not his fortunes & bear's a sympathie wth him in his Afflictions . p. 43. 7. Such is the ingratitude of SOM MEN , that they ▪ scornfully lift up themselvs against those , of whose bread they have eaten , and been enriched with their bountie . p. 43. 16. SOM think to satisfie all obligations to dutie , by their Corban of Religion : and can less endure to see , then to sin against their Benefactors as well as their Sovereigns . p. 43. 22. It was a policie necessarie to som men's designs to drive the Queen out of the Kingdom , lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love , as a Wife , and Loyaltie as a Subject , Shee should have converted to , or reteined in their love and Loialtie , all those whom they had a purpose to pervert . p. 43. 29. It is the most glorious victorie , when no disdain nor emotion of passion transport's us by the indignitie of ill carriage , to do or saie anie thing unbeseeming our selvs , or unsuteable to that temper , which , in greatest injuries , best becom's a Christian , as coming nearest to the great example of Christ . pag. 47. line 18. Clemencie is a debt , which wee ought to paie to those that crave it , when wee have caus to believ they would not after abuse it : since God himself suffer's us not to paie anie thing for his Mercie but onely praiers and praises . p. 50. 13. They confess their known weakness , as to Truth and Justice , who choos rather to contend by Armies then by Arguments . p. 53. 25. To binde a man's self to a general and implicit consent to whatever shal bee desired or propounded , were such a latitude of blinde obedience , as never was exspected from anie freeman : not fit to bee required of anie man , much less of a King by his own subjects . p. 76. 21. The goodness of men's intentions wil not excuse the scandal and contagion of their examples . p. 90. 19. Som kinde of Zeal count's all merciful moderation Lukewarmness : and had rather bee cruel then counted cold ; and is not seldom more greedie to kill the Bear for his skin then for anie harm hee hath don . The confiscation of men's estates beeing more beneficial then the charitie of saving their souls , or reforming their Errors . p. 94. 14. Misconstructions of Actions are prone to finde more credulitie in men to what it fals and evil , then love and charitie to what is true and good . p. 95 , 27. Hee that is conscious to his own depth of wickedness , is loth to believ anie man not to bee so bad as himself . p. 96. 14. 'T is Kinglie to do well , and hear ill . If I can but act the one , I shall not much regard to bear the other . p. 96. 17. Roial bountie embolden's som Men to ask and act beyond all bounds of modestie and gratitude . p. 100. 16. I thank God , I never found but My pitie was above My Anger . p. 123. 14. Between the malice of My enemies , and other men's mistakes , I put as great a difference , as between an ordinarie Ague and the Plague ; or the itch of Noveltie , and the leprosie of disloialtie . p. 125. 25. As Liars need have good memories , so Malitious persons good inventions . p. 125. 30. My patience will better serv Mee to bear , and My charitie to forgive , then My leisure to answer the manie fals asspersions which som men have cast upon Mee . p. 126. 5. Libertie , in the Popular sens , is to do what everie man liketh best . p. 132. 11. I wish repentance may bee the onely punishment of evil-doers . p. 145. 21. God's Mercies are full of varietie , and yet of constancie . p. 145. 30. Gods spiritual perfections are such , that hee is neither to bee pleased with affected Novelties for matter , or manner , nor offended with the pious constancie of our Petitions in them both . p. 146. 10. That Constancie is the Caus of formalitie , is a fallacie . p. 147. 1. A little moderation may prevent great mischiefs . p. 157. 29. Pride attend's prosperous , and repineings follow disastrous events . p. 180. 4. 'T is a pious ambition to overcom each other with Reason , Moderation , and self-denial . p. 180. 29. Monuments and Inscriptions of the dead serv but to put posteritie in minde to thank God for that clearer light wherein they live . p. 185. 25. The greatest experiments of Virtue and Nobleness are discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemie : and the greatest obligations are those , which are put upon us by them , from whom wee could least have exspected them . p. 190. 14. The freedom and secresie of private papers command's a civilitie from all men , not wholy barbarous : nor is there anie thing more inhumane then to expose them to publick view . p. 190. 21. Secret impressions of shame and dishonor attend all unworthie actions , have they never so much of publick flatterie , and Popular countenance . p. 194. 18. God blest the modest respect and filial tenderness which Noahs sons bare to their father : nor did his open infirmitie justifie Cham's impudencie , nor exempt him from that curs of beeing servant of servants ; which curs must needs bee on them , who seek , by dishonorable actions to pleas the Vulgar , and confirm by ignoble acts their dependance upon the People . p. 194. 24. Reason is the divinest Power ; I shall never think My self weak'ned , while I may make full and free use of that ; No eclips of outward fortune shall rob Mee of that light : what God hath denied of outward strength , his Grace , I hope , will supplie with inward Resolutions , not morosely to denie what is fit to bee granted ; but not to grant anie thing , which Reason and Religion bid Mee denie . p. 199. 21. No restraint shall ensnare My Soul in sin ; nor gain that of Mee , which may make My enemies more insolent , My Friends ashamed , or My Name accursed . p. 202. 7. They have no great caus to triumph , that they have got My Person into their Power , since My Soul is still Mine own : Nor shall they ever gain My consent against My Conscience . p. 202. 11. What they call Obstinacie , I know God account's honest Constancie . p. 202. 16. Should I grant what som men desire I should bee such as they wish Mee : not more a King , and far less both Man and Christian . pag. 202. lin. 26. The fear of men shall never bee my snare : nor shall the love of anie Libertie entangle My soul : better others betraie Mee then My self ; and that the price of My Libertie should bee My Conscience : the greatest injuries My enemies seek to inflict upon Mee cannot bee without My own consent . p. 203. 3. Neither libertie nor life are so dear to Mee as the Peace of My Conscience , the Honor of My Crowns , and the welfare of My people ; which My word may injure more then anie war can do , while I gratifie a few to oppress all . p. 203. 19. Companie obtruded is more sad then anie solitude can bee . p. 206. 26. Though the justice of the Law deprive's Prisoners and Malefactors of worldlie comforts : yet the Mercie of Religion allow's them the benefit of their Clergie ; as not aiming at once to destroie their bodies , and to damn their souls . p. 207. 8. My Agonie must not bee relieved with the presence of anie one good Angel ; for such I account a learned , godlie and discreet Divine . p. 207. 14. They that envie My beeing a King , are loth I should bee a Christian : while they seek to deprive Mee of all things els , they are affraid I should save My soul . p. 207. 19. Som remedies are wors then the diseas : and som comforters more miserable then miserie it self . p 208. 20. Brethren in iniquitie are not far from becoming insolent enemies . p. 227. 28. There is nothing harder then to keep ill men long in one minde . p. 228. 1 Plentie is prone to add fewel to the luxuries of populous Cities : their wealth to make them wanton ; their multitudes tempting them to securitie : and their securitie exposing them to unexspected miseries . p. 229. 27. The most , though they bee not good themselvs , yet are glad to see the severer waies of virtue at anie time sweetned by temporal rewards . p. 241. 15. As the qualitie of a Prince sett's him beyond anie Duel with anie Subject : so the nobleness of his minde must rais him above the meditateing anie Revenge , or executing His anger upon the MANIE . p. 244. 12. More inward complacencie to a Prince in pardoning one , then in punishing a thousand . p. 244. 22. Apophthegmata Carolina . III. POLITICAL . THe right waie of Parliaments is most safe for the Crown as best pleasing to the people . pag. 1. line 17. A good Prince ought to resolv to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick grievances in Church and State . p. 1. l. 24. and by the weight of reason counterpoiz the over-balancings of Factions . p. 2. 3. His own , and His Children's Interests are obligations to a Prince to seek and preserv the love and welfare of his Subjects . p. 2. 23. The onely temporal blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs , as their greatest honor and safetie , next God's protection , is to seek and preserv the love and welfare of their Subjects . p. 2. 25. Princes can bee no losers by lessening themselvs in som things of their just Prerogative , if they may but gain a recompens in their Subject's affections . p. 2. 29. Rigor or remissness of Ministers in Church and State , contract upon Government odium and offences . p. 3. 9. It concern's Princes both in Pietie and Policie to see Religion settled and preserved in Truth , Unitie and Order , as knowing , that no flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those which make Religious pretenses to bee the ground of Factions . pag 3. line 15. Great abilities in a Minister of State may make a Prince rather afraid then ashamed to emploie him in the greatest affairs . p. 6. 17. Great abilities are prone to creäte , in a Minister of State , great confidence of undertakings : and great emploiments are like enough to betraie him to great errors and manie enemies . p. 6. 10. States-men , who move in an high sphere and with a vigorous lustre , must needs ( as the Sun ) rais manie envious exhalations , which , condensed by a popular Odium , are capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit and integritie . p. 6. 15. The importunitie of Som people may somtimes necessitate a Prince , though unsatisfied in his own conscience , to chuse rather what is safe then what seem's just : and to prefer the outward peace of his Kingdoms with men before that inward exactness of Conscience with God . p. 7. 4. Better one man perish ( though unjustly ) then the people bee displeased , is a fallacious Maxim. p. 8. 1. The best rule of Policie is to prefer the doing of justice before all enjoyments : and the peace of My Conscience before the preservation of My Kingdoms . p. 8. 28. Strong probabilities are sufficient to rais jealousies in anie Kings heart , who is not wholy stupid and neglective of the publick peace . p. 13. 16. Popular tumults are not like a storm at Sea , ( which yet want's not its terror ) but like an Earth-quake , shakeing the verie foundations of all , then which nothing in the world hath more of horror . p. 17. 2. Nothing is more to bee feared and less to bee used by wise men then tumultuarie confluxes of mean und rude people , who are taught first to petition , then to protect ; then to dictate , at last to command and over-aw the Parliament . p. 18. 1. The midwiferie of Tumults is used by those , who have a minde to bring ruin upon the Church and State . p. 18. 23. Men's passions and God's directions seldom agree : violent designs and motions must have sutable engines : Such as too much attend their own endes , seldom confine themselvs to God's means . Force must croud in what Reason will not lead . p. 19. 10. As it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage when strong windes blow upon it : so neither for multitudes to becom insolent , when they have men of som reputation for parts and pietie to set them on . p. 19. 24. Such is the petulancie of som men , that they joy to see their betters out-raged and abused , knowing their onely securitie consist's in vulgar flatterie . p. 20. 8. Som may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimitie for anie man for Popular terrors to desert his Publick Station . But I think it an hardiness , beyond true valor , for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a sea : which to resist , at present , threaten's imminent danger ; but to withdraw , give's it space to spend its furie , and gain's a fitter time to repair the breach . Certainly a gallant man had rather fight , to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly waie , then scuffle with an undisciplin'd rabble . p. 21. 10. Som are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunitie most capable of their rudeness and petulancie . p. 22. 19. As swine are to gardens and orderly plantations , so are Tumults to Parliaments ; and Plebeian concourses to publick Councils , turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . p. 23. 15. Som men occasion more work , then they finde to do , by undoing so much as they finde well don to their hands . Such is Som men's activitie , that they will needs make work rather then want it , and chuse to bee doing amiss , rather then do nothing . p. 26. 2. Good Subjects will never think it just or fit that their Sovereign's condition should bee wors by His bettering theirs . pag. 26. line 29. The Common-wealth is kept in tune by preserving the Laws in their due execution and vigor : wherein the Princes interest lie's more then anie man's . p. 27. 7. More then the Law give's , a just Prince disire's not to have ; and less the meanest Subject should not . p. 27. 12. I still counted My self undiminish'd by My largest Concessions , if by them I might gain and confirm the love of My people . p. 27. 21. Som men's ambition will not give their fellow-subjects leav to enjoie what their Prince intend's for their good . p. 27. 3. A Prince is easily persuaded , that hee cannot grant too much , or distrust too little to men , who beeing professedly his subjects , pretend singular pietie and religious strictness . p. 28. 14. A Prince's suffering som men to go up to the pinnacle of the temple , is a temptation to them to cast him down headlong . p. 30. 14. Better it is to bee forced to sea by a storm , though unprovided of tackling and victual , then venture splitting , or sinking on a Lee shore . p. 33. 8. Tumults resolv to take the boldness to demand anie thing , and not leav their Governors the libertie of their reason and conscience to denie them anie thing . 33. 14. A Prince is not bound further to agree with the Votes of his Council , then hee see's them agree with the will of God , with his just rights , as a King , and the general good of his People . pag. 33. lin. 30. Though a Prince bee desirous to give all just content to his People , yet SOM MENS hydropick insatiableness hath learned to thirst the more , by how much the more they drink : whom no fountain of roial bountie is able to overcom : so resolved they seem either utterlie to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . p. 34. 8. As to the desires of men , God enjoineth us to trie all things by the touchstone of Reason and Laws , which are the Rules of Civil Justice , and to declare our consents to that onely which our judgments approve . p. 39. 9. The unthankful importunities and tumultuarie violence of SOM MENS immoderate demands , ought not to betraie a resolved Prince to that degenerous and unmanly slaverie , which should make him strengthen them by his consent in those things which hee think's in his conscience to bee against the Glorie of God , the good of his subjects , and the discharge of his own dutie in Reason and Justice . p. 39. 23. 'T is among the wicked Maxims of bold and disloial undertakers , That bab actions must alwaies bee seconded with wors ; and rather not bee begun , then not carried on ; for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault ; and hate repentance more then perseverance in a fault . p. 47. 1. 'T is the best policie with patience to bear what wee cannot remedie . p. 47. 15. Apostasie unto Loialtie som men count the most unpardonable sin . p. 48. 30. Superstitious sourness in matters of Religion so darken's the judgment , that they cannot see anie thing of sin and Rebellion in those means they use with intents to reform to their Models what they call Religion ; who think all is gold of pietie , which doth but glister with a shew of Zeal and fervencie . p. 49. 22. Sir John Hotham a notable monument of unprosperous disloialtie ; teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle , that the rude carriage of a subject towards his Sovereign carrie's alwaies its own vengeance as an unseparable shadow with it ; and those oft prove the most fatal and implacable executioners of it , who were the first imploiers in the service . p. 50. 20. Is there no waie left to make Mee a glorious King , but by My sufferings ? p. 54. 1. It is a hard and disputable chois for a King that love's his people , and desires their love , either to kill his own Subjects , or to bee killed by them . p. 54. 4. Miscarriages in Government may escape , rather through ill Counsel of som men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others envying the Publick should bee managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State , then anie propensitie a Prince hath of himself either to injuriousness , or oppression . p. 54. 15. The hazards of war are equal ; nor doth the Cannon know anie respect of persons . p 54. 29. Unnatural motions seem to manie men rather the production of a surfet of Peace , and wantonness of mindes , or of private discontents , Ambition and Faction ( which easilie finde or make causses of quarrel ) then anie real obstruction of Justice , or Parliamentarie privilege . p. 55. 8. The sole exposeing a man to the publick odium is enough to ruine anie man , before his caus bee heard or tried . p. 56. 17. The greatest guilt of those which were voted and demanded as delinquents was this , that they would not suffer themselvs to bee over-aw'd with tumults and their patrons ; nor compelled to abet , by their suffrages or presence , the designes of those men , who agitated innovations , and ruin both in Church and State . p 57. 5. Sovereign Power in Subjects seldom agreeth with the stomaches of fellow-Subjects . p. 68. 21. I desire not to bee safer , then I wish My People . p. 69. 5. They who are conscious to their own evil merits and designes , will needs perswade the world , that none but Wolvs are fit to bee trusted with the custodie of the Shepherd and his flock . p. 69. 13. Factious distractions must needs follow the manieheaded Hydra of Government , which , as it make's a shew to the people to have more eies to foresee ; so , they will finde , it hath more mouths too , which must bee satisfied ; and at best , hath rather a monstrositie , then anie thing of perfection , beyond that of right Monarchie ; where counsel may bee in manie as the senses : but the Supreme Power can bee but in one as the Head . p. 70. 25. The Hearts of Subjects the greatest Treasure ; and best Ammunition of a King . p. 72. 26. I cannot buy My peoples peace , and My own safetie at too dear a rate , save onely with the parting with My conscience and honor . p. 75. 1. Som things , which a King might approve , yet in honor and policie are at som time to bee denied to som men , lest hee should seem not to dare to denie anie thing ; and give too much encouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities . p. 76 15. No man seek's to limit and confine his King in reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurp upon him in power and dominion . p. 78 5. A just Prince ought not so much to look at number and power , as to weigh Reason and Justice . p. 83. 17. Tumults are the Hounds that attend the crie , and hollaw of those Men , who hunt after factions and private designs , to the ruine of Church and State . pag. 83. 22. Sudden and vast desires of change must bee imputed to those few , who armed themselvs with the manieheaded and manie-handed Tumults . p. 85. 15. It is the resolution of a good Prince , that nothing of Passion , or Peevishness , or List to contradict , or vanitie to shew his Negative power shall have anie Biass upon his judgment , to make him gratifie his will , by denying anie thing , which reason and conscience command's him not : Nor on the other side to consent to more then Reason , Justice , Honor , and Religion persuade Him , to bee for God's glorie , the Churche's good , His people's welfare , and His own peace . p , 85. 28. A good Prince will studie to satisfie his People : but will never for fear or flatterie gratifie anie Faction how potent soever : for this were to nourish the diseas , and oppress the bodie . p. 86. 10. The Interest of a Prince lie's as much in the common welfare of His Subjects , as som men's doth in their perturbations , who think they cannot do well but in evil times . p 91 ▪ 11. A pious Prince look's upon the effusion of his Subject's blood , as exhausted out of his own veins . p 96. 30. It cannot but seem either passion or som self-seeking , more then true zeal and pious discretion , for anie forreign State or Church to prescribe such medicines onely for others , which themselvs have used , rather successfully then commendably ; not considering that the same physick on different constitutions will have different operations ; that may kill one which doth but cure another . p. 101. 26. Men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before God never think they have humane strength enough to carrie their work on , seem it never so plausible to the people : what cannot bee justified in Law and Religion had need to bee fortified with Power . pag. 107. line 4. Inconstancie attend's all mindes engaged in violent motions . p. 107. 11. In vain do men think to build their Pietie on the ruines of Loialtie . Nor can those confederations bee durable , when subjects make bankrupt of their Allegiance under pretens of setting up a quicker trade for Religion . 108. 6. All Reason and true policie will teach subjects , that their chiefest interest consist's in their fidelitie to the Crown , not in their serviceableness to anie Partie . p. 108. 18. Som men have so much of the serpent's subtiltie , that they forget the Doves simplicitie . p. 109. 2. Ambitious mindes never think they have laid snares and gins enough to catch and hold the vulgar credulitie : for , by such politick and seemingly-pious stratagems they think to keep the populacie fast to their Parties under the terror of perjurie . p. 112. 1. No after-Contracts , devised and imposed by a few men in a declared Partie , without the consent of the Prince , and without anie like power or precedent from God's or Man's Law , can bee ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolv or slacken those moral and eternal bonds of dutie , which lie upon all subject's consciences both to God and their Prince . p. 112. 11. Illegal waies seldom , or never , intend the engageing men more to duties , but onely to Parties . Therefore it is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Pietie pretended , provided they adhere firmly to the Partie and design intended . p. 114. 13. Unjust it is , both in the eie of Reason and Religion , to deprive the most sacred emploiment of all due encouragements . p. 118. 3. The worst effects of open hostilitie com short of the designs of the stratagems and conflicts of Malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the Truth , and by jealousies to supplie the defect of real causses . p. 122. 13. A good King can more willingly lose his Crowns then his Credit : nor are his Kingdoms so dear to him as his Reputation and Honor . Those must have a period with his life : but these may survive to a glorious kinde of immortalitie , when hee is dead and gon : a good name beeing the embalming of Princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternitie of love and gratitude among Posteritie . p. 122. 15. When our eies are blinded with the mists of suspicions , wee are soon misled into the percipices of actions . p. 123. 4. A Good Prince is too conscious to his own affections toward the generalitie of his people , to suspect theirs to him . p. 124. 7. The sens of the injuries don unto his subjects is as sharp , as those don to a Prince himself . p. 124. 20. I had rather prevent My peoples ruine then rule over them ; nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion , which is but My Right , as of their happiness . p. 125. 13. I had rather suffer all the miseries of life , and die manie deaths , then shamefully to desert , or dishonorably to betraie My own just Rights & Sovereigntie . p. 125. 20. Som look so much at the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of the mischief plotted and intended . p. 127. 29. No men were more willing to complain , then I was to redress what I saw in reason was either don or advised amiss . p. 131. 18. The nois and ostentation of Libertie , an usual artifice to withdraw peoples affections from their Prince to innovateing designs . p. 132. 9. Libertie , in the popular sens , is , to do what everie man liketh best . p. 132. 13. The divinest libertie is to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to Reason , Laws , and Religion . p. 132. 15. The bounds of the Laws good men count their Ornament and Protection : others their manacles and Oppression . p. 132. 30. It is not just anie man should expect the reward and benefit of the Law , who despiseth it's rule and direction ; loseing justly his safetie , while hee seek's an unreasonable Libertie . p. 133. 3. They are the best preservers of true Liberties , who allow themselvs the least licentiousness against , or beyond the Laws . p. 133. 9. It is impossible those men should bee really tender of their fellow-subjects Liberties , who have the hardiness to use their King with so severe restraints against all Laws both divine and humane . p. 133. 13. Proud and arrogant activitie seek's to hatch everie egg of different opinion to a Faction , or schism . 133. 23. Never were anie Princes more Glorious , then those , whom God hath suffered to bee tried in the fornace of Afflictions by their injurious Subjects . p. 134. 30. 'T is no wonder , if men not fearing God should not honor their King . p. 135. 21. God hath graven such characters of divine autoritie and Sacred Power upon Kings , as none may without sin seek to blot them out . p. 135. 27. The pride of those that studie Novelties can hardly allow former times anie share or degree of wisdom or godliness . p. 138. 12. Slight and easie is that Legerdemane , which will serv to delude the Vulgar . pag. 144. line 8. No men are prone to bee greater Tyrants , and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal novelties , then such , whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful Constitutions ; and whose licentious humors most pretended conscientious Liberties . p. 144. 16. The advantage of Error consist's in noveltie and varietie , as Truths in unitie and constancie . p. 146. 25. A King is entrusted by God and the Laws with the good both of Church and State . 148. 5. Use , the great arbitrator of words and master of language . p. 151. 5. Faction and Confusion , Emulation and Contempts are prone to arise among equals in power and function . p. 154. 21. Inconstancie a great prejudice against Noveltie . p. 156. 19. It is a gross vulgar error to impute to , or revenge upon the Function the faults of times or Persons . p. 158. 6. Secular additaments and ornaments of Autoritie , Civil Honor , and estate , which Christian Princes have annexed to Bishops and Church-men , are but as just rewards of their learning and pietie ; enablements to works of Charitie and Hospitalitie : and meet strengthnings of their Autoritie in point of respect and observance . p. 158. 10. Respect and observance in peaceful times is hardly paid to anie governors by the measure of their virtues , so much as by that of their estates . p. 158. 19. Povertie and meanness exposeth Governors and their Autoritie to the contempt of licentious mindes and manners . p. 158. 23. There is an innate principle of vitious opposition in all men against those that seem to reprove or restrain them . p. 159. 6. What I think in My judgment best , I may not think so absolutely necessarie for all places , and at all times . p. 163. 12. Far better it is to hold to Primitive and Uniform Antiquitie , then to complie with divided Noveltie . p. 164. 15. The waie of Treaties is as a retiring from fighting like beasts to arguing like men , whose strength should bee more in their understandings , then in their limbs . p. 166. 27. It is an office not onely of humanitie , rather to use reason then force ; but also of Christianitie to seek peace and ensue it . p. 167. 12. The events of all War by the sword are verie dubious ; and of a Civil War uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompensing , and late repairing the mischief of the means . p. 167. 18. No success should enhance the price of Peace . p. 167. 22. Jealousies are not so soon allaied , as they are raised . p. 168. 15. Som men are more afraid to retreat from violent engagements , then to engage : what is wanting in equitie must bee made up in pertinacie . p. 168. 16. Such as have little to enjoy in Peace or lose in War studie to render the verie name of Peace odious and suspected . p. 168. 19. Som men have that hight , as to interpret all fair condiscendings as arguments of feebleness , and glorie most in an inflexible stiffness , when they see others most supple and inclinable to them . p. 170. 3. The highest tide of success will not set a just Prince above a Treatie ; nor the lowest ebb below a fight ; though it is not anie sign of true valor to bee prodigal of men's lives , rather then to bee drawn to produce our own reasons , or to subscribe to other men's . pag. 170. line 27. In the safetie and preservation of the Prince and the Laws all honest men think the welfare of their Countrie doth consist : for and with all which it is far more honorable and comfortable to suffer , then to prosper in their ruine and subversion . p. 176. 17. Neither shews , nor truth of Pietie are sufficient to dispens with , or expiate the defects of Subject's Dutie and Loialtie to their Prince . p. 176. 29. In War the most prosperous successes on either side impair the welfare of the whole . p. 179. 5. Our mutual divisions are our common distractions , and the Union of all is everie good man's chiefest interest . p. 181. 2. A great miscarriage it is , that popular clamors and furle should bee allowed the reputation of Zeal and the Publick sens . p. 183. 3. The studie to pleas som Parties injure's all . p. 183. 6. Freedom , Moderation , and Impartialitie are sure the best tempers of reforming Counsils and endeavors : what is acted by Factions cannot but offend more then it pleaseth . p. 183. 8. The Vulgar are taken with Novelties , as Children with Babies verie much , but not verie long . p. 186. 18. Good Princes , as they own their Kingdoms from God ; so they desire to rule for his Glorie and his Churche's good . p. 188. 14. As good ends cannot justifie evil means : so nor will evil beginings ever bring forth good conclusions , unless God , by a miracle of Mercie , creäte light out of darkness , Order out of Confusions , and Peace out of our Passions . p. 188. 21. A good Prince wishe's his Subjects had a clear sight into his most retired thoughts , where they might discover how they are divided betwixt his love and care , not more to preserv his own Rights , then to procure their Peace and happiness : and extreme grief to see them both deceived and destroied . p. 191. 1. Bees will gather honie , where the Spider suck's poison . p. 191. 13. Subjects can hardly bee happie , if their Prince bee miserable , or enjoie their Peace and Liberties , while hee is oppressed . p. 191. 18. Som men's design is like Absalom's , by enormous actions , to widen differences , and to exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all Reconciliation desperate . p. 191. 22. With the Vulgar , Prosperitie gain's the greatest esteem and applaus : as Adversitie exposeth to their greatest slighting and dis-respect : as if good fortune were alwaies the shadow of Virtue and Justice , and did not oftner attend vitious and injurious actions , as to this world . p. 193. 6. No secular advantages seem sufficient to that Caus , which began with Tumults , and depend's chiefly upon the Reputation with the Vulgar . p. 193. 13. The taking away of a Prince's Credit is but a necessarie preparation to the taking away of his life and his kingdoms . p. 193. 25. What Providence denie's to Force , it may grant to Prudence . p. 197. 18. Confidence of an enemie may disarm and overcom him . p. 197. 26. So various are all humane affairs , and so necessitous may the State of Princes bee , that their greatest danger may bee in their supposed safetie , and their safetie in their supposed danger . p. 198. 21. It is som skill in plaie to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to give over , then to contest in vain . 199. 6. Restraint , though it hath as little of safetie to a Prince , yet it hath not more of danger . pag. 202. lin. 30. If My captivitie , or death must bee the price of the Redemption of the Laws , I grudg not to paie it . 204. 1. No condition can make a King miserable , which carrie's not with it his soul's , his people's , and Posteritie's thraldom . p. 204. 3. I rather chuse to suffer for My Subjects , then with them . p. 204. 8. I had rather hazard the ruine of one King , then confirm manie Tyrants over them , from whom I praie God deliver them , whatever becom's of Mee . p. 204. 11. The evil policie of men forbid's all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurious usurpation . 207. 2. The sins of a Prince have the aggravation of his condition , the eminencie of his place adding weight to his offenses . p. 218. 29. The sins of the People are so far the Princes , as hee improoveth not the Power given him by God , to his Glorie and his subject's good . p. 219. 2. Som little practice will serv that man , who onely seek's to represent a part of Honestie and Honor . p. 223. 14. A King cannot bee so low , but Hee is considerable adding weight to that Partie where hee appear's . 223. 18. Better to swim down a stream , then in vain to strive against it . p. 223. 24. Impossible it is for lines to bee drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other ; so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of Union . p. 224. 1. Such as wil adventure on a King ( without anie Commission but that of Will and Power ) to take his Person into their custodie , must not bee thought overmodest or timorous to carrie on anie design they have a minde to . p. 225. 5. Power is above all Rule , Order , and Law . p 226. 14. Wee are much more happie to bee subject to the known Laws then to the various wils of anie men , seem they never so plausible at first . p. 228. 10. Vulgar compliance with anie illegal and extravagant waies , like violent motions in nature , soon grow's wearie of it self , and end 's in a refractorie sullenness : People's rebounds are often in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . p. 228. 14. The waies of Peace consist not in the divided wils of Parties , but the joynt and due observation of the Laws . p. 229. 15. Sins expose a people to God's justice , their riches to other's injuries , their number to Tumults , and their Tumults to confusion . p. 230. 13. Wee must not measure a Caus by the success ; nor a mans judgment of things by his misfortunes . p. 231. 28. A Prince that hath begun , and spent som years of discretion in the experience of troubles , and exercise of Patience , hath an advantage of wisdom above most Princes . p. 232. 6. Pietie and all virtues both Moral , and Political , are commonly better planted to a thriving , in troubles , as trees set in winter , then in warmth and serenitie of times ; or amidst those delights , which usually attend Princes Courts in times of peace and plentie ; which are prone , either to root up all plants of true Virtue and Honor ; or to bee contented onely with som leavs , and withering formalities of them , without anie real fruits , such as tend to the Publick good , for which Princes should alwaies remember they are born , and by providence designed . p. 232. 9. Flatterers are as inseparable from prosperous Princes , as flies from fruit in summer ; whom adversitie , like cold weather , drive's awaie . p. 232. 29. I had rather you should bee Charls le Bon then le Grand ; good then great . p. 233. 4. The best Government , and highest Sovereigntie a Prince can attein to , is to bee subject to God , that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in his heart . p. 233. 18. The true glorie of Princes consist's in advancing God's Glorie , in the maintenance of true Religion , and the Churche's good : also in the dispensation of civil Power with Justice and Honor to the publick peace . p. 233. 22. A Prince ought so to order affairs in point of Power , that hee need not to fear or flatter anie Faction . For , if ever hee stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , hee is undon . The Serpent will devour the Dove : Hee may never exspect less of Loialtie , Justice , or Humanitie , then from those who engage into Religious Rebellion ; Their interest is alwaies made God's : under the colors of pietie , ambitious policies march , not onely with greater securitie , but applaus , as to the populacie . Hee may hear from them Jacobs voice , but hee shall feel they have Esau's hands . p. 236. 5. The settled Laws of the Kingdom are the most excellent Rules a Prince can govern by . p. 237. 24. Ingenuous Libertie consist's in the enjoiment of the fruits of industrie , and the benefit of those Laws to which subjects themselvs have consented . p. 238. 4. A Princes Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting , rather then exacting the rigor of the Laws ; there beeing nothing wors then Legal Tyrannie . p. 238. 15. I cannot learn that lesson , nor I hope ever will you , that it is safe for a King to gratifie anie Faction with the perturbation of the Laws , in which is wrapt up the Publick interest , and the good of the Communitie . p. 239. 3. A Prince ought seriously to consider the former Real or objected miscarriages of his Predecessor , which might occasion troubles , that hee may avoid them . p. 239. 27. A Prince ought not to repose so much upon anie mans single Counsel , fidelitie , and discretion , in mannageing affairs of the first magnitude ( that is , matters of Religion and Justice ) as to create in himself , or others , a diffidence of his own judgment , which is likely alwaies to bee more constant and impartial to the interests of his Crown and Kingdom , then anie mans . p. 240. 1. A Prince must beware of exasperateing anie Factions by the crosness and asperitie of som mens Passions , humors , or private opinions , imploied by Him , grounded onely upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion . p. 240. 10. Favors and rewards must bee distributed , to all men by the Prince with an equal eie , and impartial hand , as Hee finde's them for their real goodness both in abilities and fidelitie worthie & capable of them . p . 241. 8. As a Prince need 's no palliations for anie Designes ( as other men ) so Hee ought to studie really to exceed , in true and constant demonstrations of goodness , pietie and virtue towards the People ; even all those men , that make the greatest nois and ostentations of Religion : so Hee shall neither fear anie detection ( as they do who have but the face and mask of goodness ) nor shall Hee frustrate the just exspectations of his people : who cannot in Reason promise themselvs so much good from anie subject's Novelties , as from the virtuous constancie of their King . p 242. 13. None are greater Oppressors of the estates , Liberties , and consciences of the People then those men , that entitle themselvs the Patrons and Vindicators of them , onely to usurp Power over them . p. 242. 30. The sin and follie of the people will sufficiently punish them in due time . p. 243. 6. When ever Acts of indemnitie and Oblivion shall bee desired and accepted , let them bee granted , not onely as Acts of State-policie and Necessitie , but of Christian Charitie and Chois . p. 243. 20. Parliaments , in their right constitution with freedom and Honor , wil never injure or diminish the greatness of the King ; but will rather bee as enterchangings of Love , Loialtie , and confidence between a Prince and his People . p. 247. 2. The Publick interest consist's in the mutual and common good both of Prince and People . p. 247. 18. Wee must not starv our selvs , becaus som have surfeited on wholsom food . p. 247. 25. A Crown is not worth takeing up or enjoying upon sordid , dishonorable and irreligious terms . p. 248. 5. The Mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion will not long serv to hide som men's deformities . p. 250. 5. Religion to their God , and Loialtie to their King , cannot bee parted , without both the sin and infelicitie of the Subject . p. 250. 13. There are but few steps between the Prisons and the Graves of Princes . p. 251. 22. The envie or emnitie of som men make's their own lives seem deadly to them , while the Prince enjoie's anie part of His. p. 252. 2. A King live's in nothing temporal so much , as in the love , and good will of his people . p. 253. 19. No Law of God or man invest's Subjects with anie Power of Judicature without their Sovereign , much less against Him . p. 256. 5. Som men must pretend Justice to cover their perjurie . p. 256. 10. Nothing make's mean Spirits more cowardly-cruel in manageing their usurped power against their lawful Superiors , then this , the Guilt of their unjust usurpation . p. 256. 24. No Concessions of a Prince can ever satisfie , or abate the covetous Ambition of som men . p. 257. 8. Kings are exposed to as manie dangers ( beeing the greatest Patrons of Law , Justice , Order , and Religion on Earth ) as there bee either men , or Devils which love confusion . p. 257. 23. God will not suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel , who build it with the Bones , and cement it with the blood of their Kings . p. 257. 28. I am confident they will finde Avengers of My death among themselvs . p. 258. 1. God will not suffer them to go unpunished , whose confederacie in sin is their onely securitie . p. 258. 15. The sharp and necessarie Tyrannie of My Destroiers will sufficiently confute the calumnies of Tyrannie against Mee . p. 260. 15. Good Subjects know how to excuse the Princes failings , as a man , and yet to retein and paie their dutie to Him as their King ; there beeing no Religious necessitie bindeing anie Subjects , by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes . p. 260. 23. They cannot hope long to enjoie their thumbs & toes , who have , under pretens of pareing others nailes , been so cruel as to cut of their chiefest strength . p. 261. 9. Those undertakings of men are manie times lifted up to Heaven in the prosperitie and applaus of the world , whose rise is from Hell , as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design . The prosperous Windes , which oft fil the sails of Pirats , do not justifie their Piracie and Rapine . p. 262. 15. I look upon it , with infinite more content , and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in My enforced contestation for , and vindication of the Laws of the Land , the Freedom and Honor of Parliaments , the Rights of My Crown , the just Libertie of My Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine , Government and due encouragements , then if I had , with the greatest advantages of success , over-born them all . p. 262. 22. It is verie strange that Mariners can finde no other means to appeas the storm themselvs have raised but by drowning their Pilot. p. 264. 21 FINIS . 
A26103	----	A collection of svndry petitions presented to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie as also to the two most honourable houses, now assembled in Parliament, and others, already signed, by most of the gentry, ministers, and free-holders of severall counties, in behalfe of episcopacie, liturgie, and supportation of church-revenues, and suppression of schismaticks / collected by a faithful lover of the church, for the comfort of the dejected clergy, and all moderately affected Protestants. Aston, Thomas, Sir, 1600-1645. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A26103 of text R208748 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing A4073). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 109 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 25 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A26103 Wing A4073 ESTC R208748 12325717 ocm 12325717 59547 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A26103) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 59547) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 932:12) A collection of svndry petitions presented to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie as also to the two most honourable houses, now assembled in Parliament, and others, already signed, by most of the gentry, ministers, and free-holders of severall counties, in behalfe of episcopacie, liturgie, and supportation of church-revenues, and suppression of schismaticks / collected by a faithful lover of the church, for the comfort of the dejected clergy, and all moderately affected Protestants. Aston, Thomas, Sir, 1600-1645. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. [4], 43, [1] p. Printed for William Sheares, [London] : 1642. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. Attributed to Sir Thomas Aston. cf. BM. Index: p. [1] at end. eng Church of England -- History -- 17th century. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A26103 R208748 (Wing A4073). civilwar no A collection of sundry petitions presented to the Kings most excellent Majestie. As also to the two most honourable Houses, now assembled in [no entry] 1642 17791 18 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A COLLECTION OF SVNDRY PETITIONS Presented to the KINGS Most excellent Majestie . AS ALSO To the two most Honourable Houses , now assembled in PARLIAMENT . AND OTHERS , Already signed , by most of the Gentry , Ministers , and Free-holders of severall Counties , in behalfe of Episcopacie , Liturgie , and supportation of Church-Revenues , and suppression of Schismaticks . Collected by a faithfull Lover of the Church , for the comfort of the dejected Clergy , and all moderatly affected Protestants . Published by his Majesties speciall Command . Ezek. 34.18 , 20 , 21 , 22 , 23 , 24. Seemeth it a small thing unto you to have eaten up the good pasture , but you must tread downe with your feet the residue also . Therefore thus saith the Lord God , Because ye have thrust with side and with shoulder , and pusht all the diseased with your hornes , till you have scattered them abroad ; therefore will I save my flock , and they shall be no more a prey ; and I will judge betweene Cattell and Cattell . And I will set up one Shepheard ouer them , and he shall feede them , even my servant David ; he shall feed them , and he shall be their Shepheard . J the Lord will be their God , and my servant David a Prince among them . J the Lord have spoken it . Printed for William Sheares , 1642. The Collector to the Reader . READER , LET mee put thee in mind ( as these times doe mee ) of a speciall Law in ( that singular Patterne of a well composed State ) Sparta . So sensible were they of the ill effects of Innovations in Government , that who ever proposed a new Law , presented himselfe with a Halter about his neck , his Head paid the trespasse of a new invented Prejudice . But oh ; Quantum mutantur Tempora , quantum nos , So rare a gift have the illuminated fancies of this all-knowing age , That old women without Spectacles can discover Popish plots , young men and prentizes assume to regulate the Rebellion in Jreland , Sea-men and Marriners Reforme the House of Peers , Poore men , Porters , and Labourers spy out a malignant party , and discipline them ; The countrey clouted-shoe renew the decayed trade of the Citie . The Cobler patch up a Religion , & all these petition for a translation , both of Church and State , with so little feare of the Halter , that they would thinke themselves neglected , if they had not thanks for their care of the Re-publicke ; only he that desires the ratification of an old Law , or of a long setled Ecclesiastick Government , lookes as if the Halter were his share ; And though there be thirty thousand hands subscribed to it ; 'T is ods , not one of all those dares preferre a Petition to that purpose : Oh! Quis pudor quod non praestet fides quod praestitit infidelitas . Oh! what a shame is it that an ignorant Seperatist shall covertly draw Subscribers out of blind zeale to loose papers , and those to be annext to some Embryon yet unhatcht , and delivered in the name of a County , with confidence , when a Knight of a shire shall perhaps smother the true child , and dares not owne it . That a few Innovators shall be able to summon to Black-heath , South-warke , and Saint-george his fields , thousands of credulous people , with implicite faiths , to goe along with Petitions shall be shewed them when they come there , for the alteration of Lawes , and Government : and the Resolutions of an assizes or Sessions of Iustices , published in all Parishes , signed by all the Free-holders of a County for the supportation of Lawes and Government , shall not produce one Patriot to present the unanimous desires of a County : yet it fals out often ▪ so when single hearted men are encounter'd by a faction , each man thinkes he stands alone unassured of a second ; when ten of the other confederated make more noyse then 10000. silent men . Episcopacy and Lyturgie are both legally planted at this time both violently assaulted : The question is , whether the battery , or the defence be the stronger : the one side charges furiously ; the other suffers silently , patiently , and a reserved strength oft masters a violent : But each orthodox sonne of the Church thinkes himselfe in Eliahs case , that hee alone is left of all the Prophets , and alas , what can hee doe ? And perhaps thou my Reader art one of those , Courage man ; the same God that taught him to know , he had reserved seven thousand , that had never bowed their knees to Baall , when he opens thy eyes , can shew thee not seven , but seventy times seven thousand true Protestants , that will lend their hands and hearts to uphold that Apostolicke order , this blessed forme of divine service . The busines is , 't is a hard time , every man's afraid to breake his shins by being foremost : But the Ice is broke already . This Collection of these many sleeping Petitions wil shew every County that the way is open : And since noise and number are taken into consideration , the forwardnesse of the Assaylants will , I beleeve , put shame upon the Defendants to be so farre behind . The Iudges being honourable , and impartially receiving the arguments on both sides , I presume none will discover a distrust of a faire acceptance , or betray a Trust ( out of a personall respect ) by detayning such Petitions , as the Counties have committed into their hands . If all such as are already signed see the light , I am sure this volume will be a large one , and the Number , and quality of the Defendants , as much over-sway the Opponents ; as their arguments drawne from the Lawes of God and man , will out-weigh the Motives of those , who only will , because they will . As if it were cause enough to overthrow established Lawes , that they have desired it , though they shew no reason for it : But if all other Counties , all true Protestants with like liberty expresse their affections ; the distractions of the Church will be quickly setled ; To that good worke I have lent my hand , by lending thee and the world this light . Farewell . A PETITION DELIVERED In to the Lords SPIRITUALL and TEMPORALL . By Sir THOMAS ASTON Baronet , from the County Palatine of Chester , concerning EPISCOPACY . To the High and Honourable Court of PARLIAMENT . The Nobility , Knights , Gentry , Ministers , Freeholders , and Inhabitants of the County Palatine of Chester , whose Names are subscribed in the severall Schedules hereunto annexed . Humbly shew ; THat whereas divers Petitions have lately beene carried about this County , against the present forme of Church-governement , ( and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality solicited to the same , with pretence to bee presented to this Honourable Assembly ) which wee conceiving not so much to aime at Reformation , as absolute Innovation of Government , and such as must give a great advantage to the Adversaries of our Religion , wee held it our duty to disavow them all . And humbly pray , that wee incurre no miscensure , if any such clamours have ( without our privity ) assum'd the name of the County . Wee , as others , are sensible of the common grievances of the Kingdome and have just cause to rejoyce at , and acknowledge with thankefulnesse , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the growth of Popery , the better supply of able Ministers , and the removing of all Innovation ; and wee doubt not , but in your great Wisedomes you will regulate the rigour of Ecclesiasticall Courts , to suit with the temper of our Lawes , and the nature of Free-men . Yet when wee consider , that Bishops were instituted in the time of the Apostles ; That they were the great lights of the Church in all the first generall Counsels ; That so many of them sowed the seeds of Religion in their bloods , and rescued Christianity from utter extirpation in the Primitive Heathen persecutions ; That to them wee owe the redemption of the purity of the Gospell wee now professe from Romish corruption ; That many of them for the propagation of the truth , became such glorious Martyrs ; That divers of them ( lately and ) yet living with us , have beene so great assertours of our Religion against its common enemy of Rome ; And that their Government hath beene so long approved , so oft established by the Common and Statute-lawes of this Kingdome ; And as yet nothing in their Doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the Word of God , or the Articles ratified by Law . In this case to call their Government , a perpetuall Vassalage , an intollerable Bondage ; And ( prima facie & inaudita altera parte ) to pray the present removall of them , or ( as in some of their Petitions ) to seeke the utter dissolution and ruine of their offices ( as Antichristian ) we cannot conceive to relish o● justice or charity , nor can wee joyne with them . But on the contrary , when wee consider the tenour of such writings , as in the name of Petitions , are spread amongst the Common-people ; the tenents preached publiquely in Pulpits , and the contents of many printed Pamphlets , swarming amongst us ; all of them dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of Government , and their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the Keyes , and that their Congregations may execute Ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , wee cannot but expresse our just feares that their desire is to introduce an absolute Innovation of Presbyterall Government , whereby wee who are now governed by the Canon and Civill Lawes , dispensed by twenty-six Ordinaries ( easily responsall to Parliaments for any deviation from the rule of Law ) conceive wee should become exposed to the meere Arbitrary Government of a numerous Presbitery , who together with their ruling Elders , will arise to neere forty thousand Church Governours , and with their adherents , must needs beare so great a sway in the Common-wealth , that if future inconvenience shall be found in that Government , wee humbly offer to consideration , how these shall bee reducible by Parliaments , how consistent with a Monarchy , and how dangerously conducible to an Anarchy , which wee have just cause to pray against , as fearing the consequences would prove the utter losse of Learning and Lawes , which must necessarily produce an extermination of Nobility , Gentry , and Order , if not of Religion . With what vehemency of Spirit , these things are prosecuted , and how plausibly such popular infusions spread as incline to a parity , wee held it our duty to represent to this Honourable assembly ; And humbly pray . That some such present course be taken , as in your Wisdomes shall bee thought fit , to suppresse the future dispersing of such dangerous discontents amongst the Common-people . Wee having great cause to feare , that of all the distempers that at present threaten the well-fare of this State , there is none more worthy the mature and grave consideration of this Honourable assembly , then to stop the Torrent of such Spirits before they swell beyond the bounds of Government : Then wee doubt not but his Majesty persevering in his gracious inclination to heare the complaints , and relieve the grievances of his Subjects in frequent Parliaments , it will so unite the Head and the Body , so indissolubly cement the affections of his people to our Royall Soveraigne , that without any other change of Government , Hee can never want revenue , nor wee justice . Wee have presumed to annex a Coppy of a Petition ( or Libell ) dispersed , and certaine positions preacht in this County , which wee conceive , imply matter of dangerous consequence to the peace both of Church and State . All which wee humbly submit to your great Judgements , praying they may bee read . And shall ever pray . Subscribed to this Petition . Foure Noblemen . Knight Baronets , Knights and Esquires fourescore and odde . Divines , threescore and tenne . Gentlemen , three hundred and odde . Free-holders , and other Inhabitants , above six thousand . All of the same County . To the High and Honourable Court of PARLIAMENT : The humble Petition of the Vniversity of OXFORD . Sheweth , THat whereas the Vniversity hath beene informed of severall Petitions concerning the present Government of this Church , and maintenance of the Clergy , which have of late beene exhibited to this Honourable Assembly ; Wee could not but thinke our selves bound in duty to God , and this whole Nation , charity to our selves and Successours , who have , and are like to have more then ordinary interest in any resolution that shall bee taken concerning Church-affaires , in all humility , to desire the continuance of that forme of Government , which is now established here , and hath beene preserved in some of the Easterne and Westnerne Churches , in a continued Succession of Bishops , downe from the very Apostles to this present time ; the like whereof cannot bee affirmed of any other forme of Government in any Church . Vpon which consideration , and such other motives as have beene already represented to this Honourable Parliament from other Persons and places ( with whom Wee concurre ) in behalfe of Episcopacy . Wee earnestly desire , that you would protect that ancient and Apostolicall Order from ruine or diminution . And become farther Suiters for the continuance of those pious Foundations of Cathedrall Churches , with their Lands and Revenues , As dedicate to the Service and Honour of God , soone after the Plantation of Christianity in the English Nation : As thought fit and usefull to bee preserved for that end , when the Nurseries of Superstition were demolished , and so continued in the last and best times , since the blessed Reformation , under King Edward 6. Queen Elizabeth , and King James , Princes renowned through the World for their piety and wisdome : As approved and confirmed by the Lawes of this Land , ancient and moderne : As the principall outward motive and encouragement of all Students , especially in Divinity , and the fittest reward of some deepe and eminent Schollars : As producing or nourishing in all ages , many godly and learned Men , who have most strongly asserted the truth of that Religion Wee professe , against the many fierce oppositions of our adversaries of Rome . As affording a competent portion in an ingenuous way to many younger Brothers of good Parentage , who devote themselves to the Ministery of the Gospell : As the onely meanes of subsistence to a multitude of Officers and other Ministers , who with their Families depend upon them , and are wholly maintained by them : As the maine authours or upholders of diverse Schooles , Hospitals , High-wayes , Bridges , and other publique and pious Workes : As speciall causes of much profit and advantage to those Cities where they are scituate , not onely by relieving their poore , and keeping convenient Hospitality , but by occasioning a frequent resort of Strangers from other parts , to the great benefit of all Tradesmen , and Inhabitants in those places : As the goodly Monuments of our Predecessours Piety , and present Honour of this Kingdome in the eye of Forraigne Nations : As the chiefe support of many thousand Familes of the Laity who enjoy faire estates from them in a free way : As yeelding a constant and ample revenue to the Crowne : And as by which many of the learned Professours in our Vniversity are maintained . The subversion or alienation whereof must ( as wee conceive ) not onely bee attended with such consequences as will redound to the scandall of many well affected to our Religion , but open the mouthes of our adversaries , and of Posterity against us , and is likely in time to draw after it harder conditions upon a considerable part of the Laity , an universall cheapnesse and contempt upon the Clergy , a lamentable drooping and defection of industry and knowledge in the Vniversities ; which is easie to foresee , but will bee hard to remedy . May it therefore please this Honourable Assembly , upon these and such other Considerations as your great Wisdomes shall suggest , to take such pious care for the continuance of these Religious Houses , and their Revenewes , according to the best intentions of their Founders , as may be to the most furtherance of Gods glory and service , the Honour of this Church and Nation , the advancement of Religion and Learning , the encouragement of the modest hopes and honest endeavours of many hundred Students in the Vniversities Who doe and shall ever pray , &c. Dat. Anno Dom. Millesimo sexcent ' quad ' primo è Domo Convocationis , in celebri Conventu Doctorum ac Magistrorum , omnibus & singulis assentientibus . Honoratissimis viris Equitibus , Civibus , & Burgensibus Supremae Curiae Parliamentariae SENATORIBUS Consultissimis . Summa cum demissione . Senatores Honoratissimi , NOn veremur ne voluentibus tanta negotia molesti simus Accademia Cantabrigiensis , cum nihil sit aut ad Religionem certius , aut ad splendorem nominis excelsius , quàm suscipere Litterarum clientelam . In quo studio , cùm singu●aris animi vestri propensio semper eluxerit , tum nulla in re magis possit eminere , quàm si Ecclesiae honestamenta ea , quae sub optimis Regibus tam diu optinuerunt , indelibata tucamini . Non enim agitur unius Accademiae , non unius aetatis causa ; nam nec industria poterit non relanguescere , nec bona indoles ali , atque augeri nec vota parentum non in irritum cadere , nisi spe non vana suffulciantur . Quàm praematurum putemus bonis artibus oc●asum imminere , si stipendium idem Militi sit quòd Imperatori ? Sun● qui exp●diendis Scholasticorum ambagibus , evoluendis antiquorum Patrum monumentis , expurgandae feci Romanae , velut Augiae stabulo , se totus impenderunt ; nec aliam mercedem prensant , quam in Ecclesia Cathedrali tandem aliquando quasi in portu conquiescere ; it a fit , ut quod ignavis Asylum incitiae est , id candidioribus ingeniis pro stimulo sit ad optima persequend● , nec aequitas juditiorum vestrorum ferret , improbitatem nonnullorum in publicam calamitatem redundare . Impetigo Romana quam amplam tum sibi nacta videbitur se diffundendi materiam , cùm non sit nisi imbelles adversarios habitura ? neque enim certamini , vacare possunt , qui id unicè agunt , ut in rostris Concionibus sudent ; etiam ▪ num percentiscere nobis videmur undam atque inanem Accademiam , & antiquam paupertatem quasi p●aeludio perhorrescimus : nec vestra progenies non aliquando ventura est in tantarum miseriarum partes . Quin itaque Senatores Amplissimi , per spes Parentum , per illecebras industriae , per subsidia simul & ornamenta pietatis , per vincula , nervos , & firmamenta Literarum , velitis splendorem Ecclesiae , qui longissimis ab usque temporibus , ad nostra tempora deductus est , authoritate vestra communire . Sed quia Lingua nativa dolores & desideria sua faelicius exprimit , annexam Literis Peti●ionem benevolis auribus excipietis . Honori vestro Deditissimi Procancellarius , reliquusque caetus Accademiae CANTABRIGIENSIS . Datae è frequenti Conventu nostro Cantabr . tertio Idus Aprilis 1641. Lecta 12. Maii 1641. To the Honourable the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses of the House of Commons assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of the Vniversity of CAMBRIDGE . Sheweth , THat your Petitioners having heard of divers suggestions offered to this Honourable Court by way of Remonstrance , tending to the subver●●on of Cathea all Churches , and alienation of those Lands , by which they are supported , being the ancient Inheritance of the Church , Founded and bestowed by the Religious bounty of many Famous and Renowned Kings and ●rinces of this Land , and other Benefactours , both of the Clergy and Laity , and established and confirmed unto them by the Lawes of this Kingdome , and so accordingly have beene employed to the advancement of Learning , the encouragement of Students , and preferrement of Learned men , besides many other pious and charitable Vses . May it please this Honourable Court , out of their great wisdome , and tender care for the cheerishing of Learning , and furtherance of the Studies , and paines of those who have , and doe devote themselves to the service of the Church , gratiously to Protect , and secure those Religious Foundations from ruine , and Alienation ; and withall to take order that they may bee reduc'd to the due observation of their Statutes , and that all Innovations and Abuses , which have by some mens miscarriages crept in , may bee reformed , that so the Students of our Vniversity , which by the present feares , both are , and will bee much sadded and dejected may bee the better invited to pursue their Studies with alacrity , and the places themselves disposed to the most serviceable and deserving men ; according to their first Institution . And your Petitioners as in duty bound shall ever pray , &c. To the Honourable House of Commons now assembled in the high Court of Parliament . The most humble Petition of the Nobility , Gentry , Clergy , and Commons within the County of Nottingham . Humbly shewing , THat whereas wee are informed , that a Petition , together with a Remonstrance , hath in the Name of this County , beene heretofore presented to this Honourable House , for the alterations in Church-Government . Wee doe humbly crave leave to certifie your Honours , that the same was done without our knowledge , or consent , and that wee doe hereby dis-avow the same . And with the like humility , doe desire That the long established Government of the Church may still continue , and that the abuses and errours of some particular persons may not cause the alteration of the ancient Government ; but rather , that such persons should suffer according to their Demerits . And wee likewise humbly crave , the Booke of Common Prayer , by Law established , may continue in force , with such alteration ( if there bee cause ) as to your Honours Wisdomes shall seeme meet . And as in Duty bound , Wee shall dayly pray , &c. Subscribed by one Viscount , five Knights , above a hundred Gentlemen of quality , all the Clergy of the County , and above six thousand Commoners , being all of them Communicants . The Remonstrance and Petition of the County of Huntington , the Knights , Gentlemen , Clergy , Free-holders , and Inhabitants . To the Right Honourable the Lords , and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the continuance of the Church-Government , and Divine Service , or Booke of Common-prayer . Presented to the House of Peeres by the Lord Privy Seale the 8. of December , 1641. We humbly shew , THat whereas many attempts have beene practised , and divers Petitions from severall Counties , and other places within this Kingdome , framed and penned in a close and subtle manner , to import more than is at first discernable by any ordinary eye , or that was imparted to those who signed the same , have beene carried about to most places against the present forme and frame of Church-Government , and Divine-Service , or Common Prayers , and the hands of many persons of ordinary quality sollicited to the same , with pretence to bee presented to this Honourable assembly in Parliament , and under colour of removing some Innovations lately crept into the Church , and Worship of God , and reforming some abuses in the Ecclesiasticall Courts , which wee conceiving and fearing not so much to aime at the taking away of the said Innovations , and Reformation of abuses , as tending to an absolute Innovation of Church-Government , and subversion of that Order and Forme of Divine Service which hath happily continued amongst us ever since the Reformation of Religion : Out of a tender and zealous regard hereunto , wee have thought it our duty , not onely to disavow all such Petitions , but also to manifest our publike affections , and desires to continue the Forme of Divine Service , and Common-prayers , and the present Government of the Church , as the same have beene continued since the first Reformation , and stand so established by the Lawes and Statutes of this Kingdome . For when wee consider that the Forme of Divine Service expressed and contained in the Booke of Common prayer , was with great care , piety , and sincerity , revised and reduced from all former corruptions and Romish Superstitions , by those holy and selected Instruments of the Reformation of Religion within this Church , and was by them restored to its first purity , according as it was instituted and practised in the Primitive times , standeth confirmed , established , and enjoyned by Act of Parliament , and Royall Injunctions , and hath ever since had the generall approbation of the godly , and a publike use and continuance within this Church . And that Bishops were instituted , and have had their being and continuance ever since the first planting of Christian Religion amongst us , and the rest of the Christian World , that they were the lights and glorious Lamps of Gods Church , that so many of them sowed the seeds of Christian Religion in their blouds , which they willingly powred out therefore , that by them Christianity was rescued and preserved from utter extirpation in the fierce and most cruell Persecutions of Pagan Emperous , that to them wee owe the redemption of the purity of the Gospell , and the Reformation of the Religion wee now professe , from Romish corruption , that many of them for the propagation of that Truth became glorious Martyrs , leaving unto us an holy example , and an honourable remembrance of their faith and Christian fortitude , that divers of them lately , and yet living with us , have beene so great Assertours and Champions of our Religion against the Common enemy of Rome , and that their Government hath beene so ancient , so long approved , and so often established by the Lawes and Statutes of this Kingdome , and as yet nothing in their Doctrine ( generally taught ) dissonant from the Word of God , or the Articles established by Law , and that most of them are of singular learning and piety . In this case to call the forme of Divine Service and Common-prayers , Erronious , Popish , Superstitious , Idolatrous , and Blasphemous , and to call the Government by Bishops , a perpetuall vassallage , and intollerable bondage : and at the first step , and before the parties concerned bee heard , to pray the present removall of them , or the utter dissolution and extirpation of them , their Courts , and their Officers , as Antichristian and Diabolicall , wee cannot conceive to savour or relish of piety , justice , or charity , nor can wee joyne with them herein , but rather humbly pray a Reformation of the abuses , and punishment of the Offenders , but not the ruine or abolition of the Innocent . Now on the contrary , when wee consider the tenour of such writings , as in the name of Petitions are spread amongst the Common people , the contents of many printed Pamphlets swarming at London , and over all Countries , the Sermons preached publikely in Pulpits , and other private places ; and the bitter invectives divulged , and commonly spoken by many disaffected persons , all of them shewing an extreme aversenesse and dislike of the present Government of the Church , and Divine Service or Common Prayers ; dangerously exciting a disobedience to the established forme of Government and Church Service , their severall intimations of the desire of the power of the keyes , and that their congregations may bee independent , and may execute Ecclesiasticall censures within themselves , whereby many Sects , and severall and contrary opinions will soone grow and arise , whereby great divisions and horrible factions will soone ensue thereupon , to the breach of that union , which is the sacred band and preservation of the Common peace of Church and State : their peremptory desires and bold assuming to themselves the liberty of conscience to introduce into the Church whatsoever they affect , and to refuse and oppose all things which themselves shall dislike , and what they dislike must not onely to themselves , but also to all others bee scandalous and burdensome , and must bee cried out upon , as great and unsupportable grievances , yea though the things in themselves bee never so indifferent , of never so long continuance in use and practise , and never so much desired and affected of others , so that where three or foure of them bee in a Parish , though five hundred others desire the use and continuance of things long used , all must bee altered or taken away as scandals and grievances for these three or foure , though to the offence of many others , and whatsoever they will have introduced , must bee imposed upon all others , and must by all bee admitted without scandall or offence , whereby multitudes of godly and wel-affected people are in some things deprived or abridged of what they desire and take comfort in , and have had a long and lawfull use and practise of , and other things imposed upon them against their wils and liking , as if no accompt were to bee made of them , or no liberty of conscience were left unto them : which bold attempts of some few to arrogate to themselves , and to exercise over all others , what high presumption is it ? and how great a tyranny may it prove over the minds and consciences of men ? The great increase of late of Schismaticks and Sectaries , and of persons not onely separating and sequestring themselves from the publike Assembly at Common Prayers and Divine Service , but also opposing , and tumultuously interrupting others in the performance thereof in the publike Congregation , the frequent and many Conventicles held amongst them , and their often meetings at all publike conventions of Assizes , Sessions , Faires , Markets , and other publike Assemblies , their earnest labouring to sollicit and draw the people to them , and the generall correspondence held amongst them to advance their ends herein . Of these things wee cannot but take notice , and must needs expresse our just feares , that their desires and endeavours are to worke some great change and mutation in the present state of the Church Government , and in the Forme of the publique Worship of God , and Divine Service , and Common Prayers . Of the Common grievances of the Kingdome , wee as others , have beene and are sensible , and doe professe that wee have just cause with joy and comfort to remember , and with thankefulnesse to acknowledge , the pious care which is already taken for the suppressing of the grouth of Popery , the better supply of able and painefull Ministers , and the removing of all Innovation , and wee doubt not but in your great Wisdomes you will regulate the rigour and exorbitancy of the Ecclesiasticall Courts to suit with the temper of our Common Lawes , and the nature and condition of Freemen : And wee hope and humbly pray , that the present Forme of Church Government , and of Church Service , and Common Prayers , now established by the Statutes of this Kingdome shall bee setled , and that all such as shall oppose themselves against the same , or shall doe , or speake any thing in derogation or depraving of the said Divine Service , or Booke of Common Prayer , may without any further tolleration or connivence undergoe the paines , punishment , and forfeitures due therefore ; and that such care shall bee taken for placing of Orthodox and peaceable men , Lecturers in all places , whose Doctrine may tend rather to sound instruction and edification , then lead to Schisme and Faction ; All which wee humbly submit to your great judgements , and shall pray to God to assist and direct you from above with his heavenly wisdome , to guide and bring all your consultations to happy conclusions . To the High and Honourable Court of Parliament now sitting . The humble Petition and Remonstrance , of the Knights , Gentry , Clergy , Freeholders , and Inhabitants of the County of Somerset . Delivered to the House of Peers , by the Lord Marquesse Hartford , the 10. of December , 1641. Wee humbly shew ; THat having with griefe of mind heard of sundry Petitions , which have beene exhibited to this Right Honourable Assembly , by some of the Clergy and Laity about London , and some Counties , tending to the subversion of the Church-government established in this Kingdome ; Wee therefore , tendring the Peace and Welfare of Both , Doe in all humblenesse presume to make knowne our Opinions and Desires concerning the same : Nothing doubting , of the like good acceptance of our humble Petition and Remonstrance in this behalfe ; being tendred with no lesse good Affection to the Peace and Happinesse of the Church , the prosperity of His Sacred Majesty , and this whole Kingdome . For the present government of the Church , we are most thankefull to God , believing it in our hearts , to be the most pious and the wisest , that any People or Kingdome upon earth , hath beene blest withall , since the Apostles dayes : though wee may not deny , but through the frailty of Men , and corruption of Times ; some things of ill consequence , and other needlesse , are stollen , or thrust into it ; which wee heartily wish may be reformed , and the Church restored to its former Purity . And to the end it may be the better preserved from present and future Innovation ; We wish , the wittingly and maliciously guilty , of what condition soever they be ( whether Bishops or inferior Clergy ) may receive condigne punishment . But , for the miscarriage of Governours , to destroy the Government ; we trust it shall never enter into the hearts of this wise , and Honourable assembly . Wee will not presume to dispute the Right of Episcopacy , whether it be Divine or not ; It sufficeth us to know , that the Church-government by Bishops is ancient , even neere to the Apostles dayes : and that it hath pleased God from time to time , to make them most glorious instruments for the propagation , and preservation of Christian Religion : which with their blood , they have frequently sealed to Posterity . And how much this Kingdome in particular is indebted to them , for their Piety , their Wisedomes , and Sufferings ; wee trust shall never be forgotten . Our hearts desire therefore is ; That the Precious may be separated from the Vile ; that the bad may be rejected , and the good retayned . Furthermore , having credibly heard , that our Common Prayer hath beene interrupted and despised of some mis-understanding or mis-led people , to the great scandall of the Religion professed in our Church ; Wee humbly beseech you to take into your care the Redresse therof , as of an Impiety not to be endured : as also to take order for the severe punishment of those men ( if they may be discovered ) who frequently publish Pamphlets , under a veile of Religion , yet , conducing to confusion and Rebellion . All which wee humbly offer to your Wisedomes as the thoughts and desires of this County . And as wee are perswaded of multitudes of the sound Members of the Church of England , and his Sacred Majesties most loyall Subjects . Beseeching God to direct and prosper your Counsels , and yee to pardon our Errors ; Wee rest At your Commands Knights , Esquires , Divines , Gentlemen , Free-holders ; Inhabitants of the County of Somerset , ( none of them Papists , but all Protestants of the Church of England ) and his Majesties loyall Subjects . 14350 Whereof , Knights , Esquires , and Gentlemen — 200 Divines — 221 Io : BROVVNE Cler. Parliament . To the high and honourable Court of PARLIAMENT . The humble Petition of the Knights , Esquires , Gentlemen and Housholders in the County of RVTLAND ; in behalfe of our selves , and our Families . And of the Parsons , Vicars and Curats for the Clergy , in behalfe of themselves and their Families . Humbly shewing , THat whereas there have beene divers Petitions exhibited to this Honourable Court , by persons disaffected to the present Government , for the utter extirpation of the apostolicall Government of the Church by Bishops ; They by sedulity , and zeale supplying the want of faire pretences for the abolition of that , which wee hope , no just reason can condemne : and on the otherside , many pious persons , true sonnes of the Church of England , have represented their just desires of the continuance of it , upon great and weighty causes , both in Divinity and true Policy ; wee also , lest we might seem unconcerned , and for feare lest our silence should be exacted as a crime at our hands if wee be deficient , to what wee are perswaded is the cause of God ; In pursuance of their pious intendments , and in allowance of their Reasons , doe also presse to your great Tribunal , and begge of you that which is the honour of Kings , to be Nutricij of the Church , and her most ancient and successive Government . Wee therefore humbly beg of you , to leave us in that state the Apostles left the Church in ; That the three Ages of Martyrs were governed by ; That the thirteene Ages since them have alwayes gloried in , ( by their Succession of Bishops from the Apostles , proving themselves members of the Catholike and Apostolike Church ) that our Lawes have established , so many Kings and Parliaments have protected , into which we were baptized ; as certainely Apostolicall , as the observation of the Lords Day , as the distinction of Books Apocryphall from Canonicall , as that such Bookes were written by such Evangelists and Apostles ; as the consecration of the Eucharist by Presbyters ; as any thing which you will doe by upholding the Government of the Church by Bishops , which we againe and againe , begge of you to doe , having pitty on our Consciences , and not forcing of us to seeke Communion , as yet we know not where . So shall we be bound to pray with a multiplyed Devotion , for the increase of publike , and personall blessings to your Honourably assembly , to your Noble Persons . Wee also doe with all Humility begge leave to represent these our Considerations , subjoyned , which wee hope you will favourably expound to be a well-meant zeale , and at least , a confidence of duty , and charity to those our Fathers , from whom wee have received , and daily hope to receive , many issues of spirituall Benison . 1 WEe consider that Christ , either left his Church without a lasting Government , or else Bishops and Presbyters under them are that Government ; the former wee feare to say , lest wee might seeme to accuse the Wisdome of the Father , of Improvidence , in the not providing for his Family ; the Feeder and the Ruler in Scripture being all one in Office , ●n expression , in person : So that , if hee left no Rulers , hee left no Feeders ; The latter wee are more confident of , for that Christ did clearely institute a disparity in the Clergy , ( which is the maine Stone of offence ) appeares in the Apostles , and seventy two Disciples , to whom , according to the voyce of Christendome , and traditive Interpretation of the Church . Bishops and Presbyters respectively doe succeed ; and also many actually did succeed the Apostles in their Chaires , being ordained Bishops by the Apostles themselves that did survive , and also beyond all exception that Christ did institute a Government ; appeares in those Evangelicall words , ( who then is that Faithfull and wise Steward whom his Lord shal make Ruler over his houshold , &c. ) which Rulers are Bishops , and Priests under them , or else the Church hath beene Apostate from her Lord , shee having clearely for fifteene hundred yeares had no other Rulers then such . 2. Wee consider that , whether it can be a Church or no without Bishops , is at least a question of great consideration , and the Negative is maintained by Apostolicall , and Primitive men and Martyrs , and by the greatest part of Christendome ; and those few ( in respect of the whole , that dissent being most certainely , not infallible , to bee sure with Episcopacy , it may be a Church eatenus , therefore it is the surest course to retaine it , for feare we separate from the Church , the Pillar and ground of Truth . 3 No Ordination never was without a Bishop , and if any Presbyter did impose hands , unlesse in conjunction with a Bishop , hee was accounted an Usurper , and anathematized by publike and unquestioned authority ; and so without Bishops , no Presbyter , then no absolution , no consecration of the Sacraments of the Lords Supper , and for these wants no man can make a recompence or satisfaction . 4 No Presbyter did ever impose hands on a Bishop , which if so famous a resolve , or publike voice of Christendome may have an estimate , shewes their disparity , and that a Bishop hath a Character , which cannot be imprinted without at least , an equall hand . 5 VVithout Bishops no Confirmation of Children , and yet confirmation ( called in Scripture Imposition of hands ) Saint Paul in his famous Catechisme accounts a Fundamentall point , and the Church hath alwayes used it , and it was appropriate to Bishops , by the laudable custome of Christendome , and by the example of the Apostles , in the case of the Samaritane Christians , whom Phillip the Evangelist had converted , and is charged upon the Parents of Children , that they bring their children to Bishops to be confirmed , and it was never otherwise , but just as in the case of Ordination , ( videlicet ) by singularity and usurpation , till of late that the Iesuits to enlarge their Philacteries , have striven to make Bishops not necessary , by communicating Confirmation to the Priests of their Order . 6 To take away Bishops , is against the Wisdome of the State of England , ever since the Reformation , and having beene attempted by clancular practises , was checked by the Princes respectively , and their Councell , and confidently , by the wisdome of preceeding Parliaments , and this although the Bishops then were lesse learned , and as much infamed . 7 We are sure that Episcopall Government hath consisted with Monarchy , ever since the English Monarchy was Christian , & we are to try whether any innovated Government can or will . 8 Wee consider , that if it could consist with Monarchy , when it was byassed by the Popes prevalent incroachment , much more since the Reformation , when the King hath the raines in his owne hand , and can give them Lawes , and ascertaines them by their immediate dependance , both for their Baronies , and Election , and personall Iurisdiction on the Crowne , and by the Statute of Submission . 9 Wee consider that Saint Hierome ( pretented as the maine Authenticke enemy against Episcopacy ) yet sayes , That Bishops were constituted as an antidote and deletory to dis-improve the issues of Schisme , and that by the Apostles , who best knew the remedies . And now that Schismes multiply , there is more need of Bishops , so that they cannot be taken away , upon pretence their Regiment is not necessary , for the taking them away makes them more necessary by the multiplication of Schismes . 10 All Learning will be discountenanced , if not extinguished , upon the demolition of Episcopacy , the Bishops being parties for the advancement of Learning ; and on the other side , if the Government should be in the hands of Presbitery , or lay Elders , we know no reason sufficient to stifle our feares , lest preferment be given to people unlearned and unfit to have the mannaging of Soules , especially , since a learned Clergy will be suspected by their Lay-Elders , as too knowing to be ruled by their Dictates , which will not have so much artifice and finenesse , as to command by strength of reason : which our feares are also increased , by considering that by the multiplication of Lay-Elders , or other Governours , their personall interest being increased partiality must be more frequent , and all this is besides their incompetency of judging the abilities of Schollers . 11 The remove all of Bishops would be a scandall , not onely to many weake Christians , who feare all Innovation , as guilty of some ill intendments upon their consciences , but also to the strongest , which shewes it to be the fault of the giver , not the weaknesse of the receiver ; and if we must not scandalize our weake brethren , much lesse our strong ; since this will intrench upon us in a high measure , they not being apt to be scandalized upon umbrages , and impertinencies . 12 Where Bishops are not , there is not an Honourable , but Familike Clergy , against the Apostolicall rule of double honour . 13 By putting downe Episcopacy , wee deprive our selves of those solemne benedictions , which the Faith of Christendome , and the profession of the Church of England , enjoyning the Bishop rather to pronounce the blessing at the end of the Communion , appropriates to Episcopall preheminence above Priestly authority . 14 Two parts of three of the Reformed Churches are governed by Bishops , or Superintendents ( which is properly the Latine word of Bishops ) and the other part that wants them , have often wished them , as their owne Doctors doe professe . 15 It is against the liberties of the Clergy , indulged to them by the Magna Charta , granted and confirmed by so many Kings , and about thirty Parliaments in expresse act , and the violation of any part of it by intrenchment upon the right of the lay Subject , justly accounted a great grievance , the Charter it selfe being as Fundamentall a Law ( as we conceive ) as any other , and any of us may feare lest his Liberties may be next in question . 16 The foure great Generall Councels , in estimation next the foure Evangelists , and by the Statutes of the Kingdome , made the rules of judging Heresies , were held by Bishops , the greatest fires and pests of Christendome , the old Heresies , were by their Industry extinct ; Church Discipline , and pious constitutions by them established , many Nations by them converted , many Miracles done for the confirmation of Christian Faith , one of the Gospels written by a Bishop ( Saint Marke of Alexandria ) if wee beleeve as authentike Records , as any are extant ; Three Epistles of Saint Paul written to Bishops ; Seven Epistles by the Holy Ghost himselfe , recorded in the Revelation , and sent to seven Asian Bishops , as all ancient Fathers accord ; the names of twelve men , beside Apostles , mentioned in Holy Scripture , which all antiquity reports to have beene Bishops ; Most of the Fathers , whose workes all Posterity embraces with much zeale and admiration , were Bishops ; these also in our apprehensions advance that holy Function , to a high and unalterable estimate . 17 Very many of the fairest Churches and Colledges , and places of Religion , were built by Bishops ; which are faire Caracters to shew their promptnesse to doe publike acts of Piety , and that persons so qualified as they were , that is , Governours and Clergy , and fairly endowed , is an excellent composition to advance publike designes for the honour of God in the Promotion of publike Piety . 18 Since it hath pleased this Honourable Court , of late to commend a Protestation to us , which we by solemne Vow engaged our selves to attest with our lives and fortunes , the established Doctrine of the Church of England , wee consider , that since the 36. article hath approved and established the booke of Consecration of Bishops ; the abolition of Episcopacy would nullifie that article , and should not we make humble Remonstrance to the contrary , we should suddenly recede from our great and solemne Protestation for maintenance of our Church Doctrine . But may it please this Honourable Assembly , wee consider on the other side . 19 The introducing of Lay Elders , must needs bring an insupportable burthen to all Parishes , by maintaining them at the Parish charge ( for they must bee maintained , or else a transgression is made against an Apostolicall Rule . For the principall , and indeed the onely colourable pretended place for Lay Elders , injoynes their maintenance : So that , either the people must bee oppressed with so great burthens , or else Saint Pauls Rule not obeyed , or else there is no authority for Lay Elders , as indeed there is not . 20 And also there can bee no lesse feare of Vsurpation upon the Temporall power by the Presbitery , then is pretended from Episcopacy , since that Presbitery challenges cognisance of more causes and persons , then the Episcopacy does , ( so making a dangerous entrenchment upon the Supremacy ) and derives its pretence from Divine Institution , with more confidence , and more immediate derivation then Episcopacy , though indeed most vainely as wee conceive . 21 Wee crave leave also to adde this , that these two ( viz. ) Episcopacy and Presbitery being the onely two in contestation , if any new designe should justle Episcopacy , wee are confident that as it hitherto wants a name , so it will want a face , or forme of reason ( in case of Conscience ) when it shall appeare . Signed by Knights , Justices , Gentry , and Freeholders , about 800. By Ministers , about the number of 40. The Cheshire Petition for establishing of the Common-Prayer-Booke , and Suppression of Schismatiques , presented to the Kings Majesty , and from him recommended to the House of Peeres , by the Lord KEEPER . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty , and to the Right Honourable the Lords , and the Honourable the House of Commons Assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of divers of the Nobility , Justices , Gentry , Ministers , Freeholders , and other Inhabitants of the County Palatine of Chester , whose Names are nominated in the Schedule annexed . Your Petitioners with all cheerefulnesse and contentation , ●ffying in the happy settlement of the distractions both of Church and State , by His Majesties pious care , and the prudent and religious endeavours of this Honourable Assembly , and with due humility and obedience submitting to the unanimous conclusions thereof , yet conceive themselves bound in Duty . HVmbly to represent to your mature considerations , that the present disorders of many turbulent and ill disposed Spirits , are such , as give not onely occasion of present discontent to your Petitioners , but seeme to import some ill event without early prevention . The pure seed of our Faith ( the Doctrine of the true Reformed Protestant Religion ) established by so many Acts of Parliament , and so harmoniously concurring with the confessions of all other Reformed Churches , being tainted with the Tares of divers Sects and Schismes lately sprung up amongst us . Our pious , laudable , and ancient forme of Divine Service , composed by the holy Martyrs , and worthy Instruments of Reformation established by the prudent Sages of State ( your religious Predecessours ) honoured by the approbation of many learned forraigne Divines , subscribed by the Ministery of the whole Kingdome , and with such generall content received by all the Laity , that scarse any Family or person that can read , but are furnished with the Bookes of Common Prayer : In the conscionable use whereof many Christian hearts have found unspeakable joy and comfort , wherein the famous Church of England , our deare Mother , hath just cause to glory ; And may shee long flourish in the practise of so blessed a Liturgy ; yet it is now , not onely depraved by many of those who should teach conformity to established Lawes , but in contempt thereof in many places wholly neglected . All these dayly practised , with confidence , without punishment : To the great dejection of many sound Protestants , and occasioning so great insultation and rejoycing in some Separatists , as they not onely seeme to portend , but menace some great alteration ; And not containing themselves within the bounds of Civill Government , doe commit many tumultuous , ( if not Sacrilegious ) violences both by day and night upon divers Churches . Therefore your Petitioners being all very apprehensive of the dangerous consequences of Innovation , and much scandalized at the present disorders . Doe all unanimously pray , That there bee admitted no Innovation of Doctrine or Liturgy , that holy publike Service being so fast rooted by a long setled continuance in this Church , that in our Opinion and Judgements it cannot bee altered ( unlesse by the advice and consent of some Nationall Synode ) without an universall discontent . And that some speedy course bee taken to suppresse such Schismatiques and Separatists , whose factious Spirits doe evidently endanger the peace both of Church and State . And your Petitioners shall ever pray , &c. The Petition signed by Lords , Knights , Iustices of the Peace , and Esquires : 94. By Gentlemen of quality , 440. By Divines , 86. By Freeholders and others , in all ; 8936. To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty , And to the High Court of Parliament . The humble Petition of Colledges and Halls , and others , well-willers to Piety and Learning , throughout the Kingdome of England . Sheweth , THat whereas many Persons dis-affected to the present forme of Government of the Church of England ( established not onely by the Ecclesiasticall , but also by the Common Law of this Realme , and diverse Acts of Parliament ) have of late in great multitudes petitioned this Honourable Court against the Orders , Honour , Iurisdiction , and meanes of the Clergy ; And have published such their desires in print , and Pulpit , and dayly seeke to advance and propagate the same : To the great disheartning of all Learning , ( if such designes find favour ) the grievous scandall of the Reformed Religion as unstable , and the unspeakeable advantage of our Enemies of Rome . WEe therefore ( well weighing , that the Seminaries must decay when the Garden shall bee wasted ) in all humility most heartely pray Your Majesty , and this Honourable Court , that all the Orders of Holy Church , of Bishops , Priests , and Decons , which from the Apostles times till these , have withstood so many Practices , may have yet hopes to flourish under Your gracious Protection . And that by your assistance , under our most Religious Soveraigne , the ancient Catholique Faith , and Discipline , as also the devout and decent service of God , in our Church Liturgy , may bee defended from all Innovations , and Novelties : The meanes and liberties of the Churches , as well Cathedrall , and Collegeat , as Parochiall , to them hitherto of right belonging , according to the pious Wills of their blessed Founders , may bee continued and preserved : Many thousand Families which on them depend , secured from ruine : And that our Nation , whose Lawes already favour as much as any in the World , the right of the First borne , may retaine Ecclesiasticall promotions , as the Patrimony of younger Children , the prize of labour and study , an incitement of learning , and a reward of those that can intitle themselves thereto by honest desert . And your Petitioners shall ever pray , &c. This Petition is subscribed , generally by all the Doctors , Masters , and Batchelours of all Degrees and Faculties in the Vniversity of Oxford ; And by very many other persons of quality : Baronets , Knights , Esquires , Ministers , and Gentlemen , within the Counties of Oxford , Berks , Wilts South-hampton , Dorset , Kent , Surrey , Westmerland , Cumberland , and other Shires . Devonshire Petition . To the Right Honourable the Lords Spirituall and Temporall , now assembled in the House of PARLIAMENT . The humble Information and Petition , of the Knights , Esquires , Gentlemen , and others of ability , within the Diocesse of Exeter . WEe whose Names are underwritten , have for these many yeares , found the benefit and comfort of Episcopall Government , under which wee have lived hitherto peacebly , and happily , with great freedome and frequency of the Preaching of the Gospell , and incouragement of the conscionable and painefull Preachers thereof . As wee blesse God for his favour to us in the behalfe , So wee doe humbly and earnestly professe our desire that the same Government may bee still continued both to us , and our posterity , submitting all personall offences , and redresse of abuses to your Honourable Wisdomes . In witnesse whereof wee have hereunto subscribed . Signed by Knights , Esquires , Gentlemen , and other Inhabitants , neere upon Eight thousand . The Staffordshire Petition . To the Right Honourable the LORDS , and COMMONS assembled in the High Court of PARLIAMENT . The humble Petition of the Knights , Gentlemen , Ministers , Freeholders , and other Inhabitants , within the County of STAFFORD , hereunto subscribed . Who Most humbly pray , THat the present publique forme of Gods Worship , and administration of the blessed Sacrament , with other Rites agreeable to Gods holy Word , and purest antiquity , which hath beene formerly , sundry times established by godly Acts of Parliament , may now againe in these broken and troubled times , bee to Gods glory , and the Churches Peace , re-established , and confirmed . That Episcopacy being the ancientest , and Primitive Government of the Church , renowned for successes , victorious against Schismes , and Heresies , and especially of late yeares , against that Hydra of Heresies , the Roman Papacy , glorious for ancient and late Martyrdomes , happy before the corruption of Popery , and since the Reformation in the Plantation , and Preservation of Truth , and Peace ; eminently serviceable to this Common-wealth , most compliable with the Civill Government ( into the Fabrick , and body of which it is riveted , and incorporate ) & most apt & easie a● all times by the State to be reduced into Order , may for the future , as formerly , by your Great Authority bee continued , and maintained for the glory of God , preservation of Order , Peace , and Vnity , the Reformation and suppression of wickednesse and vice , and the mature prevention of Schismes , Factions , and Seditions . The which wee , your humble Petitioners , the more earnestly beseech your Honours to grant , For that strong feare doe possesse our hearts , that the sudden mutation of a Government so long setled , so well knowne , and approved , cannot recompence with any proportionable utility , the disturbances , and disorders which it may worke by novelty , being most confident , in your Honours , Wisdome , and Iustice ; That all excessive exorbitances , and incroachments , which shall bee found issuing , not from any poison in the nature of the Discipline , but rather from the infirmity , or corruption of the person ( unto which the very best Government is subject , shall bee duely regulated , and corrected . And your Petitioners shall duly pray for your Honours happiest proceedings . Subscribed by 3000. of the best quality of the County . To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty , And to the Right Honourable the LORDS , and the Honourable the House of COMMONS assembled in PARLIAMENT . The most humble Petition of divers Baronets , Knights , Iustices , Gentry , Ministers , and Freeholders , Inhabitants of the County of KENT , within the Diocesse of CANTERBURY . Most humbly shewing , THat notwithstanding this Kingdome , hath by the singular providence of Almighty God , for many yeares last past , happily flourished , above all other Nations in the Christian World , under the Religion and Government by Law established : Yet hath it beene of late most miserably distracted through the sinister practises of some private persons ill affected to them both . By whose meanes the present Government is disgraced and traduced , The Houses of God are prophaned , and in part defaced , The Ministers of Christ are contemned and despised , The Ornaments , and many Vtensils of the Church are abused , The Liturgy and Booke of Common Prayer depraved , and neglected , That absolute modell of Prayer , The Lords Prayer , vilified , The Sacraments of the Gospell in some places unduly administred , in other places omitted , Solemne dayes of fasting observed , and appointed by private persons , Marriages illegally Solemnized , Burials uncharitably performed , And the very Fundamentall of our Religion subverted , by the publication of a new Creed , and teaching the abrogation of the Morall Law . For which purpose , many offensive Sermons are dayly Preached , and many impious Pamphlets printed , and in contempt of authority , Many doe what seemeth good in their owne eyes , onely as if there were no King , nor Government , in this our Israel . Whereby Almighty God is highly provoked , his sacred Majesty dishonoured , The peace of the Kingdome endangered , The Consciences of the people disquieted , The Ministers of Gods Word disheartned , and the Enemies of the Church emboldned in their enterprises . For redresse whereof , May it please this Great and Honourable Councell , speedily to command a due observation of the Religion and Government , by Law established ; in such manner , as it may seeme best to the Piety and Wisdome of his Royall Majesty , and this Honourable Court . Your Petitioners as they shall Confidently expect a blessing from Heaven upon this Church and Kingdome , So shall they have this further cause to implore the Divine Assistance upon this Most Honourable Assembly . Subscribed by Knight Barronets , and Knights 24. Esquires and Gentlemen of note , above 300. Divines 108. Freeholders , and Subsidie men 800. All within the Diocesse of Canterbury . To the Honourable the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses of the House of Commons assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of the Gentry , Clergy , and other Inhabitants , subscribed , of the Counties of Flint , Denbigh , Mountgomery , Carnarvan , Anglesey , Merioneth , being the sixe Shires of Northwales . As it was presented this present March the 5. 1641. Acccompanied with thirty thousand hands . WHereas the present condition of the Church of England ( in the publike Liturgy thereof , in the ancient liberties and forme of Government , as they doe now stand established by Law ) hath beene lately brought in question , and manifold Petitions from the severall quarters of this Kingdome , and other such like addresses concerning the same , have beene presented to this Honourable House . Wee his Majesties faithfull Subjects in the Principalities and Counties of North-wales whom it equally concerneth , and as strongly tied in duty and conscience , doe likewise presume to make our humble Remonstrance , and wee doe it after a long silence and expectation , joyned with some feares . And first , for those things which concerne the publique Service of God , as they bee of neerest importance , and wee nothing doubt , but you will take unto your tendrest thoughts , so wee doe earnestly propound and prostrate before you that dangerous consequence of Innovation in matters of so high concernment , as wee conceive , and leave it to your owne great Wisdomes to Iudge , what scruples and jealousies are like to arise , if wee bee taught a new and different way of serving God after a full perswasion of the lawfulnesse of that which is prescribed according to the Word of God , not without the deliberate , and concurrent approbation and industry of the most learned of the Protestant Church , of this and other Nations , and the possession of so many yeares in the practise thereof , and all since the blessed time of Reformation . The meere report hereof hath already produced no good effect , breeding in the minds of ill-disposed persons Insolence and contempt , in others perplexity and griefe , not knowing how to settle themselves , or forme their obedience in such distractions , and sometimes repugnancy of commands . Then for the outward policy and forme of Government , under the Iurisdiction of Bishops , bounded by Law , and kept within their owne limits . It is as wee beleeve , that forme which came into this Island , with the first Plantation of Religion heere , and God so blest this Island , that Religion came earely in , with the first dawning of the day , very neere , or in the time of the Apostles themselves . And in the succession of all after Ages , the same hath beene constantly maintained among us , and that without any eminent interruption , or gaine-saying , even till these our dayes . And now from the comfortable experience which wee feele , and which our Fathers have told us , of the conveniency and moderation of this Government , together with the antiquity of the same ( a strong argument of Gods speciall Protection . ) Wee doe in all humility represent , and pray that the same may be still preserved entire in all the parts thereof , professing yet withall , that wee heartily disclaime all scandalous Innovation , and Popish corruption whatsoever . And we are the more incouraged in this suit , because wee find it to be the unanimous and undevided request and vote of this whole Country , who cannot without some trembling entertaine a thought of change . In all which we doe not presume to give any rules , but as it becomes us , humbly declare and open our owne breasts , and labour to deliver our owne soules in testimony of our loyalties , and discharge of our Consciences , who shall ever take comfort to find the same way of honouring God , continued in his owne House of Prayer , the lawes of the land put to actuall execution , the Peace and Government of the Church preserved , the rumor'd alterations declined , and the distractions already too visible arising thereupon avoyded . And as wee doubt not but your great Wisdomes will take care that our Doctrine and Discipline established , shall be still in force , and observed , untill by some absolute law , and the opinions of learned Convocations , or Synod ( according to the Customs of our prudent fore-Fathers in best times ) it be otherwise ordained . So shall wee never cease to pray for a permanent blessing upon your Counsels and Resolutions , to the generall happinesse of Church and Kingdome . To the sacred MAIESTIE , of our most Gracious Soveraigne Lord , King CHARLES ; by the grace of God , of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland , KING : Defender of the Faith . The humble Gratulation and Petition of divers , His Majesties faithfull Subjects ( of the true Protestant Religion ) within the County Palatine of Lancaster . Most gracious Soveraigne , THe most Reall and convincing'st testimonies of your Princely care , for the advancement of Gods true Religion in your Majesties Realmes : And the common good of all your Subjects . Could no lesse then draw from us ( who have hitherto in these stirring Times sate still ) this humble acknowledgement of our due and necessary thankes . Wee with the inmost and choicest thoughts of our soules , doe esteeme and prize your Majesties most righteous intentions , of governing your liege people , according to the wholsome Lawes of this Kingdome . A thing so often , and with such earnestnesse avowed by your sacred Majesty , whereunto we yeeld that hearty credence , which is due to so religious a Prince . Wee doe also with all humility and thankfulnesse acknowledge your manifold and evident manifestations , ( to the world ) that you affect not an Arbitrary Government , But the common prosperity , and happinesse of all your loyall subjects : by your readines to joyn with your Parliament in speedy raysing of forces for a timely suppression , of that odious Rebellion in Ireland , by your late . Proclamation for the putting in due execution the Lawes against Papists . By your most gracious condiscending to the desires of your Great Councell , in signing the Bill for the trienniall Parliament , for the relinquishing your Title of imposing upon Merchandize , and power of pressing souldiers . For the taking away the Star-chamber : and High Commission Courts , for regulating of the Councell Table , As also for the Bils for the Forrests and Stannerie Courts , with other most necessary acts . Moreover , wee are confident , and well assured of your Majesties zeale , for the advancement of the true Protestant Religion . And with inexpressible joy doe understand your most Christian and pious resolution , for the preservation of those powerfull encouragements of Industry , Learning , and Piety , the meanes and honour of the Ministry , for the maintenance and continuance of our Church Government , and solemne Liturgy of the Church , of long continuance , and generall approbation of the most pious and learned of this Nation , and of other countries : Composed ( according to the Primitive Patterne ) by our blessed Martyrs , and other religious and learned men . As also your gracious pleasure , that all abuses of Church and State shall bee reformed , according to the modell of Queene Elizabeths dayes , ( of ever blessed and famous memory . ) By the one you have weakned the hopes of the sacrilegious devourers of the Churches Patrimony ( if there be any such : ) And by the other provided against all Popish Impieties and Idolatries : and also against the growing danger of Anabaptists , Brownists , and other Novelists . All which Piety , Love , and Iustice , wee beseech God to returne into your Royall bosome . But yet most gracious Soveraigne , there is one thing that sads our hearts , and hinders the perfection of our happinesse , which is the distance and mis-understanding between your Majesty and your Parliament , whereby the hearts of your subjects are filled with feares and jealousies ( Iustice neglected , sacred ordinances prophaned , and Trading impaired , to the impoverishing of many of your liege people . For the Removall whereof wee cannot find out any lawfull meanes without your Majesties assistance and direction . Wherefore we humbly beseech your most excellent Majesty , to continue your most Christian and pious Resolution of ruling your people , according to the Lawes of the Land , and maintaining of the same , of being a zealous Defender of the estabilshed Doctrine , Liturgie , and Government of our Church from heresies , Libertinisme , and prophannesse ; an advancer of Learning , Piety , and Religion ; an Encourager of Learned , Painefull , Orthodox Preachers . And whatsoever your Parliament shall offer to your Royall view , conducing to this blessed end , the common good and tranquillity of your subjects , to be pleased to condiscend unto , and graciously to confirme , and withall to declare unto us some expedient way , how we may make a dutifull addresse unto your Parliament , for the taking away of these differences and impediments , which stay the happy proceedings ( of that most honourable Assembly , whereof your Majesty is the Head ) which once removed , wee doubt not , but you will bee as neare your Parliament in Person , as in affection . That there may be a blessed harmony , betwixt your Highnesse , and that great Councell , wee shall with all alacrity oserve the same . Humbly rendring our lives , and fortunes for the preservation of your Royall Person , Crowne , and Dignity , according to our bounden duty , and allegiance . And heartily praying for your Majesties long and prosperous Raigne over us . Wee the Subscribers of this Petition , doe hereby give authority unto the Bearers hereof , to put our names to such Transcript hereof , as shall be presented to His Majesty . Attested by Knights and Esquires 64. Divines 55. Gentlemen 740. Free-holders neare 7000. To the Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE . The humble Petition of the County of Cornewall . WEe your Majesties loyall subjects , In all duty render unto your Majesty all thankfulnesse , for your Majesties unexampled favour , and grace in granting unto your Subjects ( in concurrence with your Parliament ) such Lawes and Freedomes , which have most fully expressed your Majesties Gracious Goodnesse unto your people , And wee most thankfully receive your Majesties free offer of a generall pardon , whereof wee most humbly desire to be made Partakers . And wee most humbly beseech your Majesty never to suffer your Subjects to be governed by an arbitrary Government , nor admit an alteration in Religion . And your Petitioners being most feelingly grieved for your Majesties discontents : partly occasioned by divers scandalous Pamphlets ; and no way lessened by seditious Sermons : Doe wish a confluence of all comforts , honour , and happinesse unto your Majesty : and doe heartily pray for the reconcilement betwixt your Majesty and your Parliament . And in all thankfulnesse for your Majesties said Grace and Goodnesse , your Petitioners doe offer themselves most ready to maintaine , and defend with their lives , and fortunes , your Maiesties sacred Person , Honour and Estate : And lawfull Prerogative against all persons whatsoever , according to the oaths of allegeance and Supremacy . May 22. 1642. Jndorsed , Wee the Petitioners to this Petition , doe constitute , and appoint Peter Courtney , Walter Langdon , Benatus Bellot , and Nevill Bligh , Esquires , to deliver this Petition , in the name of the county of Cornwall to His sacred Majesty . To the Honourable House of Commons , assembled in Parliament . The Humble Petition of the Gentry , Ministers , and Commonalty of the County of Kent , agreed upon , at the generall Assizes of the County . Most Humbly sheweth , THat wee cannot but take notice , how welcome to this Honourable House , many Petitions have beene , which yet came not from an assembled body of any county ( as this doth ) wee doe therefore hope to find as gentle and favourable a reception of this , as any other have found of their Petitions , our hearts witnessing unto us , as good , peaceable , and pious purposes as the best . These are therefore the true and Ardent desires of this County . 1 That you will be pleased to accept our due , and hearty thankes for those excellent Lawes ( which by his Majesties grace and goodnesse ) you have obtained for us . 2. That all Lawes against Papists , be put in due execution , and an account taken of their disarming , and that all children of the Papists may be brought up in the reformed Religion . 3. That the soelmn Liturgy of the Church of England ( Celebrious by the piety of the Bishops and Martyrs who composed it ) establisht by the supreame Lawes of this Land , attested and approved by the best of all Forraigne Divines , confirmed by the subscription of all the Ministry of this Land , a Clergy as able and Learned as any in the Christian world ere injoyed , and with a holy Love embraced by the most and best of all the Laity , that this holy exercise of Religion may by your authority be injoyed quiet and free from interruptions , scornes , prophanenesse , threats and force of such men , who daily doe deprave it , and neglect the use of it in divers Churches , in despight of the Lawes established . 4. That Episcopall Government , as ancient in this Iland as Christianity it selfe , deduced and dispersed throughout the Christian world , even from the Apostlicall times , may bee preserved ( as the most pious , most prudent , and most safe Government ) for the peace of the Church . 5. That all differences concerning Religion and Ceremonies , may be referred to a lawfull free , and Nationall Synod , as your Remonstrance promiseth , to a generall Synod of most grave , learned , pious and Iudicious Divines , ( the proper agents ) whose interests , gifts , and callings , may quicken them in that great Worke , whose choyce to be by all the Clergy of the Land , because all the Clergy are to bee bound by their Resolutions , and the determination of this Synod to bind us all , when you have first formed them into a Law , and this we take to be according to the ancient and fundamentall Law of this Land , confirmed by Magna Charta . 6. That some speedy and good provision may be made ( as by his Majesty hath beene , and is by all good men desired ) against the odious and abominable scandall of schismaticall and seditious Sermons and Pamphlets , and some severe Law made against Lay-men , for daring to arrogate to themselves , and to execute the holy function of the Ministry , who ( some of them ) doe sow their impious and discontented Doctrine even in sacred places , by abuse of sacred Ordinances , to the advancing of Heresie , Schisme , Prophanenesse , Libertinisme , Anabaptisme , and Atheisme . 7. That if the coertive power of Ecclesiasticall Courts by way of Excommunication be already abrogated , or shall be thought fit so to be , that there be some other power & authority speedily established , for suppressing the heynous , and now so much abounding sins of Incest , Adultery , and Fornication , and other crimes , and for recovering Tythes , repayring of Churches , Probate of Wils , Church assesses , providing Bread and Wine for the Communion , and choyce of Church-Wardens , and other Officers in the Church , and especially for Ministers , who neglect the Celebrating of the Holy Communion , and the Parishioners for not Receiving . 8. That the Professors of that Learned faculty of the Civill Law , and ( without which this Kingdome cannot but suffer manifold Inconveniences ) may not find discouragements , and so divert their studies and Professions . 9. That honour and profits the powerfull encouragements of Industry , Learning , and Piety , may be preserved without further dimination to the Clergy . 10. That you please sadly to consider the bleeding wounds of our Brethren in Ireland , and with speedy succours endeavour to preserve them , whereunto his Majesty hath promised a gracious concurrence . 11. That you will please to frame an especiall Law for the Regulating of the Militia of this Kingdome , so that the Subject may know how at once to obey , both his Majesty , and both Houses of Parliament , a Law whereby may bee left to the discretion of Governours , as little as may bee , but that the number of Armes , and what measure of punishment shall bee inflicted upon the offendours , may bee expresly set downe in the Act , and not left to any Arbitrary power , and that according to the president of former Lawes , the offendours may not bee tried out of the County . 12. That the precious liberty of the Subject ( the Common birth-right of every English man ) may bee as in all these points preserved entire , so in this also , that no order of either of both Houses , not grounded on the Lawes of this Land , may be enforced on the Subject , till it bee fully enacted by Parliament . 13. That his Majesties gracious Message of the 20. of Jan. last , for the present and future establishment of the Priviledges of Parliament , the free enjoying of our estates and Fortunes , the Liberty of our persons , the security of the true Religion professed , the maintaining of his Majesties just and Regall Authority , the establishing his Revenue , may bee taken into speedy consideration , the effecting whereof will satisfie the desires of all us , his faithfull and loving Subjects . 14. That all possible care may bee taken , that the Native Commodities of this Kingdome , may have a quick Vent , and that Cloathing , and other Manufactures may bee improved , wherein the livelihood of many thousands doe consist , and that Trade may bee ballanced , that the importation doe not exceed the exportation , otherwise it will prove a consumption of the Land . 15. That you please to frame some Lawes concerning Depopulations , Purveyances , Cart-taking , delayes in Iustice , Traffick , Fishing in the Coasts , Fulling earth , that our Sea Forts may bee repaired , and our Magazines renewed . 16. That you please to consider the generall poverty that seemes to overgrow this Kingdome . 17. Lastly , Wee humbly beseech you to consider the sad condition , that wee and the whole Land are in , if a good understanding bee not speedily renewed betweene his Majesty , and both Houses of Parliament . Our hopes are yet above our feares , secure them wee beseech you , God direct and guide your consultations for the removing of all distrusts and Iealousies , for the renuing that tye of confidence and trust , ( which is the highest happinesse ) betweene our gracious Prince , and his loving Subjects . And you shall have the dayly prayers of your humble Oratours of the Commonalty of Kent . To the Honourable the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons assembled in Parliament . The humble Petition of the Baronets , Knights , Esquires , Gentlemen , Clergy-men , Free-holders , Subsidy-men , and others of good Rank and Quality in the County of OXFORD . Agreed upon , and subscribed , at the times of their meetings to take the Protestation sent unto them . Humbly shewing , THat whereas some Petitions have beene exposed , in print , the common view under the names of the Knights , Gentlemen , Freeholders , Subsidy-men , of the best Ranke and Quality of the County of Oxford , as preferred to the Honourable House of Parliament . Wee doe hereby crave leave , to shew to this Honourable House , that such Petitions have not received Publique Examination among us , at any Generall meeting directed by Authority , for the service of the County . ANd wee your now Petitioners , knowing our selves to bee to Major part of those degrees within this County , and as desirous to expresse our Gratitude in this Honourable House , for your unwearied labours , and the happy effects thereof , for the good of this Land and State , doe hereby offer up in all Humility , the greatest expression of our Thankefulnesse : And in like manner , our unanimous desires . That the Government of this Church may continue , as is now by Law established : And that the Liturgy may bee setled with such alterations ( if there bee cause ) as your Wisdomes shall approve . That the Lawes against Papists which oppose our Religion , And against Sectaries ( of late dangerously encreased among us ) that trouble the Peace thereof , may bee put in full execution : And where those Lawes are defective , such further remedy therein may bee provided , as to your wisdomes shall seeme fit . That a free Synod of Orthodox and peaceable Divines may bee convened , according to the forme of the Primitive , and Purest times of Christianity , for composing of all differences in Doctrine , and Ceremonies of Religion . That the Safety of this County and Kingdome may bee provided for , by the disposing of such a Militia , as may consist with the native Liberties of the Subject . That you would bee pleased to continue your Care in hastening the further Reliefe of our distressed Brethren in Ireland . And your Petitioners shall bee ready to maintaine , with their Lives and Estates , his Majesties Person , Honour , and Estate , together with the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament . And your Petitioners shall ever pray , &c. To the Most Honourable and High Court of PARLIAMENT : The humble Petition of the Gentlemen , and other of the Inhabitants of the County of Cornwall . HAving seene and heard the many ( though scarce divers ) Petitions to this Honourable Assembly , by the Inhabitants of divers Counties and Cities of this Land , as also Corporations , Companies , and Trades , some against Bishops , some against the Common Prayer , and all against such Iudiciall , and things Super-elementary to the region of their capacity of judging , and matters onely belonging to the Iudicature of this grave Synod , which seemes either to distrust , or direct , or both , your great Wisdomes ; Wee therefore the Gentlemen , and other the Inhabitants of Cornwall , with as many hearts , though not hands , with as many good willes , though not persons , not in imitation , but rather by provocation , and necessity , in these times , to shew our good minded affections , doe humbly prostrate the utmost of our service to your feet . In which ( or rather after which ) wee take leave humbly to begge . THat you will bee pleased to bend your auxiliary and good affections to the redresse of the distresse of the miserable Protestants in Ireland . To gaine whose good , prosperity , peace , and tranquility , to preserve the Soveraignty of that Land to our Royall King , and to maintaine His , and this Kingdomes Honour , We shall willingly lay downe our lives and fortunes . That you will bee pleased to continue your great respect , dutifull love , and true obedience , to our Royall Soveraigne , by maintaining his just , and no way Antilegall Prerogative . That you will bee pleased to put the Lawes in due execution against all Iesuites , Seminaries , Papists , and Recusants . That you will bee pleased to looke upon the other side , and duly weighing the actions ( or rather factions ) of some , ( whom most men call Citizens ) to scourge their irregular and disorderly Schisme , and Hereticall Sects , into right paths of serving God , to frequent his House , and to Pray as well as Heare , to allow Order , and obey Conformity , to reverence Learning , and bow to Authority , to bee under a Discipline , and live in order . That you will bee pleased to maintaine and establish the Ancient , Fundamentall , and most venerable Lawes , Order , and Discipline , both of our Church and Common-wealth , to continue the reverenced Office , and punish the offending persons of Bishops , to have in high account , and eternize ( as farre as in you lies ) the Divine and excellent forme of Common-prayer , to correct braine-forg'd doctrine , by your examplary precepts strike a Reverence of Gods House into every mans breast . That you will bee pleased to intimate to the people , your Honourable and wise intentions concerning Divine Service , lest while you hold your peace , some rejecting it in part , others altogether , they vainly conceive you countenance them . Lastly , ( not to trouble your great affaires any longer ) That you will bee pleased to take into your Sage consideration , those Scandalous and ill-affected Pamphlets , which fly abroad in such swarmes , as are able to cloud the pure aire of Truth , and present a darke ignorance to those who have not the two wings of Iustice and Knowledge to fly above them . Now to polish this our worke with a smooth demonstration of our modest intents , that the tinctures which in Introduction fell on the fore-mentioned presents , may slide without a staine from this ; Wee doe in all humility declare , that neither distrust of your intentions , nor opinion of any of our Counsels worthy your eares , ever tainted our thoughts , but that wee have still beene , and are confident , that this most wise Synod hath ever thought fit , resolv'd , and will confirme into action , what wee now humbly request ; therefore this our present , not so much a Petition , as a Prayer of willing and thankefull hearts for the hoped sequell , is onely to shew our true intentions and good will towards his gracious Majesty , and this High Court , as Instruments of the peace of our soules and bodies , for which wee are unanimously , and immutably resolv'd to spend our dearest bloud . Published by I.B. Gent. To the Right Honourable the LORDS , and COMMONS assembled in the high Court of PARLIAMENT . The humble Petition of the Knights , Esquires , Gentlemen , Ministers , Freeholders , and other Inhabitants , within the County of HEREFORD . Who Most humbly pray , THat the present publique forme of Gods Worship , and the Administration of the blessed Sacraments , with other Rites agreeable to Gods holy Word , and purest Antiquity , which have beene sundry times established by godly Acts of Parliament , may now againe in these broken and troubled times , bee to Gods glory , and the Churches Peace , re-established and confirmed ; That Episcopacy being the Ancient and Primitive Government of the Church , Renowned for Successes , Victorious against Schismes , and Heresies ; and especially , of late yeares against that Hydra of Heresies , the Roman Papacy , Glorious for ancient and late Martyrdomes , Happy before the corruption of Popery , and since the Reformation in the plantation and preservation of Truth and Peace , eminently serviceable to this Common-wealth , most compliable with the Civill Government , into the Fabrick and Body of which it is riverted and incorporated , and most apt and easie at all times by the state to bee reduced into Order : may for the future ( as formerly ) by your great authority bee continued and maintained , for the glory of God , the preservation of Order , Peace , and Vnity , the Reformation and suppression of wickednesse and vice , and the mature prevention of Schismes , Factions , and Seditions , That Cathedrals , the Monuments of our Forefathers Charity , the reward of present Literature and furtherance of Piety , bee also continued . The which wee your humble Petitioners the more earnestly beseech your Honours to grant , for that strange feares doe possesse our Hearts , that the sudden Mutation of Government , so long setled , so well knowne , and approved , cannot recompence the Disturbances and Disorders which it may worke by Novelty , with any proportionable utility , being most confident , in your Honours , Wisdomes , and Iustice , that all Excesses , Exorbitances , and Encroachments , that shall bee found issuing not from any poyson in the nature of the Discipline , but rather from the infirmity and corruption of the Persons ( unto which the very best Government is subject ) shall bee duely regulated and corrected . And your Petitioners shall pray , &c. Subscribed by Knights , Esquires , and Gentlemen of Quality , 68 Doctours , 8 Ministers of good repute , as will appeare by the Originall Petitions , 150 Freeholders and Inhabitants of the County of Hereford . 3600 To the Knights , Citizens , and Burgesses of the Honourable House of Commons assembled in PARLIAMENT . The humble Petition of the Knights , Esquires , Gentlemen , Ministers , Freeholders , and other Inhabitants , of the County of Cornwall . Humbly shewing , THat wee are no lesse thankefull for the many excellent Lawes which by his Majesties grace and favour , and your care and assiduousnesse , you have obtained for us ; then those who have beene more forward to present you with Petitions ; doubting not , but you will welcome this with as hearty acceptance , as you have done any other , it proceeding from loyall hearts to our Soveraigne , a tender care of our Protestation , and aboundance of affection to the Common-wealth ; And whereas wee understand that there is a purpose , if not a presentment already to this honourable House , of a Petition heretofore by some Iustices of the Peace tendred to the grand Enquest , at our last Assises , to be by them considered , whether fit to be presented to this Honourable House ; which on deliberate debate was much disliked , as it was laid ; but since ( as we are informed ) indirectly obtruded on diverse persons , without reading or peru●all ; many of them since retracting their opinions , and wishing back their hands ; and we having resolved to rest upon the abilities , and care of our Knights and Burgesses , our hands and mouths , for matter of our particular concernments ; yet since their absence from us , and attendance in Parliament , finding and feeling our owne grievances , giving us just grounds and feare of sudden misery , by disobedience and contempt of Lawes ; thus provoked with bleeding hearts , wee beg the helpe of your Wisedomes , to advise and apply some speedy remedy for these felt and feared evils , And for as much as there are lately risen amongst us some few of the Clergy , and many of the Laity , publike contemners and depravers of the Ceremonies and the Service of the Booke of Common Prayer , by Law established , irreverent vilifiers of Gods House , and Church Assemblies in Prayer times , and generally disobedient to Ecclesiasticall Government , of whom many have subscribed or subsigned to the recited Petition ; Although the said Ceremonies and Booke of Common Prayer , are by far the greater and discreeter part of our Congregations inoffensively and reverently received and approved . 1 WE pray ( no way presuming ) to prescribe rules , but submitting to your graver Judgements , that a Nationall Synod of our learned , and approved Clergy , by the rest to be chosen , may be convened , and some Parliamentary course speeded , for the ordaining , confirming , & establishing of the said Service Booke , and Ceremonies , or some of them , or others not repugnant to Gods Word , tending most to the peace and purity of our Religion and Church ; before which settlement , our humble desires are , that a Parliamentary Declaration , may speedily issue forth , for requiring of obedience to the Lawes established . 2 We likewise humbly pray the continuance of that ancient and ever reverenced Episcopall Government in our Church , and that the Delinquences of any particular person , may not cause that high and holy Office , or Calling , to suffer . 3 We pray likewise that in every Parish unprovided , there may bee a Preaching Minister , and a competent maintenance raised for him , and where Impropriations are , and Preaching Ministers not sufficiently cared for , allowance may be had or bettered . 4 We pray likewise that such of our Clergy , as upon enquiry , shall be found either Scandalous or not Orthodox , may bee admonished , and bound for the better supply and discharge of their Cures , or removed . 5 Wee pray likewise that some positive Law may bee Inacted for Parsons and Vicars recovery of their Tithes , and that such course may bee taken for the obtaining of them , as may bee most speedy , and least chargeable ; That so those that Minister at the Altar , may live by the Altar . 6 We pray likewise that for the restraining and preventing of inordinate licenciousnesse , there may be some penall Law Inacted for the punishment of Adulteries , and diverse other offences not punishable by the Common Law . 7 As likewise that there may be some Coersive power or Law , ordained for compelling of refactory men to the payment of their rates , and for the reparations of their Parish Churches , in which of late some are growne very remisse and backward . 8 Wee pray likewise that great care may bee taken not onely for disarming of Recusants , but for the Education of their children in the Protestant Religion . 9 Wee likewise pray that some speedy course may bee taken for the Redemption of those wofull Christian Captives in Barbarie , the want of whom , hath occasioned an extraordinary decay and poverty in our Maritine Townes and Parishes , and that our Coasts may bee sufficiently gaurded and secured . 10 Wee likewise pray that whereas this County hath beene and is surcharged double , at least , with Armes , and very high in Subsidies , much above our abilities , and the respective charge of diverse parts of this Kingdome ; we may ( in consideration hereof ) bee relieved in future . 11 Wee likewise pray that the Sheriffes Turne , now growne an unnecessary Court , and onely used to the grievous oppression of the meaner sort of people , may bee suppressed , and taken away , it being more burdensome then the Office of the Clerke of the Market formerly hath beene . 12 Wee likewise pray that such Dutchcy Tenants as within our County pay over their rightfull Rents and Duties unto the Dutchy Officers may not bee doubly charged by Proces out of the Exchequer , as now they are , by extreame and continuall Amercements . 13 Wee likewise pray that there may bee a reparation of the decay of the Castle of Saint Mawes , and that there may bee a supply of the wants of Ordnances , Carriages , Powder , and Ammunition , in all which , it is extreamely defective . And thus with all humblenes , Craving pardon for with-holding you from your other Weighty Affaires , but perswaded that the cause is considerable , and may well challenge a part of your thoughts , and be put in action ; for the effecting of which , as of all things standing to the Purity and Peace of our Church , and Religion , as for the safe Defence and Honour of his Majestie , his Royall Posterity , and Kingdomes ; And in these , your and our happinesse , as for uniting of his Gratious Majestie and this Honourable Assembly in a mutuall consent and compliancy , as for the unanimous and prosperous proceedings of this Parliament , wee doe , and ever shall , with humble hearts implore Gods gracious assistance and blessing . The Index of the Petitions . CHeshire . Pag. 1 Oxford University . Pag. 4 Cambridge Universitie . Pag. 6 Nottingham . Pag. 8 Huntington . Pag. 9 Somerset . Pag. 13 Rutland . Pag. 15 Cheshire . Pag. 21 Colledges , Halls , &c. Pag. 23 Exeter Diocesse . Pag. 24 Stafforashire . Pag. 25 Diocesse of Canterbury . Pag. 26 Six Counties of North-Walles . Pag. 27 Lancashire . Pag. 29 Cornwall . Pag. 32 Kent . Pag. 33 Oxford County . Pag. 36 Cornwall . Pag. 37 Hereford . Pag. 39 Cornwall . Pag. 40 Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A26103e-2730 Viz. De jure , non eidem de facto , till 555 years after Christ , and then but once in the case of Pope Pelagius , and that irregularly & never since unlesse by Papall usurpation . Comment in Epist. ad Titum . Timotheus ▪ Titus . Clements ▪ Linus . Marcus . Dyonysius . Onesimus . Caius . Epaphroditus . Iacobus Hierosolimit . Evodias . Simeon . 
A31819	----	His Majesties answer to the petition of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled presented to His Majestie at York, June 17, 1642 : together with a catalogue of the names of the Lords that subscribed to levie horse to assist His Majestie in defence of his royall person, the two Houses of Parliament, and the Protestant religion. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31819 of text R26423 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2137A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 27 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31819 Wing C2137A ESTC R26423 09456648 ocm 09456648 43171 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31819) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43171) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:36) His Majesties answer to the petition of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled presented to His Majestie at York, June 17, 1642 : together with a catalogue of the names of the Lords that subscribed to levie horse to assist His Majestie in defence of his royall person, the two Houses of Parliament, and the Protestant religion. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. Humble petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, presented to His Majestie at York, the 17 of June, 1642. [6] p. Printed by B.A. for Robert Wood, London : 1642. In reply to "The humble petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament, presented to His Majestie at York, the seventeenth of June, 1642" the text of which appears on p. [2-3] Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31819 R26423 (Wing C2137A). civilwar no His Majesties ansvver to the petition of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled. Presented to His Majestie at York, June 17. 1642. To England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 4638 28 0 0 0 0 0 60 D The rate of 60 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties ANSWER TO THE PETITION OF The LORDS and COMMONS in PARLIAMENT Assembled . Presented to His Majestie at YORK , June 17. 1642. TOGETHER , With a Catalogue of the Names of the Lords that subscribed to Levie Horse to assist His Majestie , in defence of his Royall person , the two Houses of Parliament , and the Protestant Religion . LONDON , Printed by B. A. for Robert Wood . 1642. To the Kings most Excellent Majestie . The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons in PARLIAMENT Assembled . YO 〈…〉 most 〈…〉 faithfull Subjects , the Lords and Commons assem 〈…〉 great number of the Gentry , Free-holders , 〈…〉 sembled there by Your Majesties Command the 〈…〉 are unto Us , That having taken a resolution to addresse themselves 〈…〉 tie in the humble way of a Petition , for the redresse of those Grievances which they now lie under , they were violently interrupted and affronted therein by the Earle of Linsey , the Lord Savill , and others , and notwithstanding all the means they could use to present their just desires to Your Majestie , yet they could not prevail with Your Majeste to accept of their Petition ; The Copie whereof they have sent to us , with an humble Desire , That we would take such course therein as may tend to the Preservation of their Liberties , and the Peace of the Kingdome ; And that we would addresse our selves to Your Majestie in their behalf that by our means their desires may finde better acceptation with Your Majestie ; Whereupon , having seriously weighed , and considered the particulars of those their Complaints and Desires , as they are laid down in their Petition , and finding that the Grievances they complain of are the increase of the miseries formerly sustained by that County , ( which hath well-nigh for three yeers last past been the Tragicall stage for Armies and War ) by reason of Your Majesties distance in Residence , and difference in Counsels from Your great Councell the Parliament , begetting great distempers and distractions thorowout the Kingdom , and especially in that County ; The drawing to those Parts great numbers of discontented Persons that may too justly be feared do affect the publike ruine for their own private advantage ; The drawing together of many Companies of the Trained Bands and others both of Horse and Foot of that County , and retaining multitudes of Commanders and Cavaliers from other parts ; The daily resort of Recusants to Your Majesties Court at York . The great preparations of Arms and other warlike provisions , to the great terrour and amazement of Your Majesties peaceable Subjects , and causing a great decay of Trade and Commerce amongst them . All and every of which Particulars are against the Law , which Your Majestie hath made so many and so frequent professions to uphold and maintain . And the Lords and Commons finding on the other side their humble desires to be , That your Majestie would hearken to Your Parliament , and declining all other Counsels wharsoever , unite Your confidence to Your Parliament , and that your Majestie would not divide Your Subjects joint dutie to Your Majestie , the Parliament and Kingdom , not destroy the Essence of Your great Councell and highest Court , by subjecting the Determinations and Counsels thereof to the Counsels and Opinions of any private persons whatsoever ; That Your Majestie having passed an Act , That this Parliament shall not be dissolved , but by Act of Parliament , Your Majesty would not do any thing tending thereunto , by commanding away the Lords and great Officers , whose attendance is necessary therunto ; That Your Majestie having expressed Your confidence in the affections of that County , You would please to dismisse Your extraordinary Guards , and the Cavaliers and others of that quality , who seem to have little interest or affection to the publike good , their language and behaviour speaking nothing but Division and War , and their advantage consisting in that which is most destructive to others . And lastly , that in such Consultations and Propositions as Your Majestie maketh to that Countie , such may not be thrust upon them as men of that Countie , that neither by their fortune or residence are any part of it . All which their humble and most just desires being according to Law , which your Majestie hath so often declared should be the measure and Rule of your Government and Actions ; And we your Majesties most faithfull Subjects the Lords and Commons fully concurring with the Gentlemen and others of the County of York , in their Assurance that those desires of theirs will abundantly redound to the glory of God , the honour and safety of your Majestie , the good of your Posteritie , and the peace and prosperitie of this Kingdom ; we humbly bescech your Majestie graciously to hearken unto them , and to grant them ; and that you would joyn with your Parliament in a speedy and effectuall course for the preservation of their liberties , and the peace of the Kingdom , which duty as we are now called upon by that Countie to discharge , so do we stand engaged to God and man for the petformance thereof by the trust reposed in us , and by our solemn Vow and Protestation ; And your Majestie , together with us , stands engaged by the like Obligation of trust , and of Oath , besides the many and earnest professions and protestations , which your Majestie hath made to this purpose to your whole Kingdom in generall , and to that Countie in particular ; the peace and quiet of the Kingdom ( as is well observed by the Gentlemen and Free-holders of Yorkshire in their Petition ) being the onely visible means under God , wherein consists the preservation of the Protestant Religion , the Redemption of our Brethren in Ireland , and the happinesse and prosperitie of your Majestie and all your Dominions . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Petition of the Lords and and Commons in Parliament assembled , presented to His MAJESTIE at York the 17. of Iune . 1642. HIs Majesty having carefully weighed the matter of this Petition presented to him at York on Friday the 17. of June , by the Lord Howard , Sir Hugh Cholmley , Sir Philip Stapleton ; Though He might refer the Petitioners to His two last Declarations , wherein most of the particulars in this Petition are fully answered , or might refuse to give any Answer at all , till He had received satisfaction in those high Indignities He hath so often complained of , and demanded Justice for , Yet that all the world may see how desirous His Majestie is to leave no Act which seems to carry the Reputation of both His Houses of Parliament , and in the least degree to reflect upon His Majesties Justice and Honour , unanswered ; Is graciously pleased to return this Answer : 〈…〉 mentioned to be presented to both Houses of Parliament had bill annexed is this now delivered to him , His Majesty might have discerned the 〈◊〉 and quality of the Petitioners , which His Majesty hath great reason to beléeve , was not in truth so considerable as is pretended : For his Majesty assures you , That He hath never refused any Petition so attested as that would be thought to be ; But His Majesty well remembers , that on the third of June , wh●n there was upon his Majesties summons the greatest , and most chéerefull concourse of people that over was beheld of one County , appearing before Him at York , a Gentleman ( one Sir Thomas Fayrfax . ) offered in that great Confluence a Petition to His Majesty , which His Majesty séeing to be avowed by no man but himselfe , and the generall and universall Acclamations of the people séeming to disclaime it , did not receive ; conceiving it not to be of so Publike a nature , as to be fit to be presented or received in that place : And H●s Majesty is most confident , ( and in that must appeale to those were then present ) that what ever the substance of that Petition was , it was not consented to b● any considerable number of Gentry , or Fréeholders of this County ; by a few , meane , inconsiderable persons , and disliked , and visibly discountenanced by the great Body of the knowne Gentry , Clergy , and Inhabitants of this whole County : And if the matter of that Petition was such as is suggested in this , His Majesty hath great reason to beléeve it was framed and contrived ( as many others of such nature have béene ) in London , not in Yorkshire : For sure no Gentleman of quality and understanding of this County would talke of His great preparations of Armes , and other Warlike Provisions , to the great terrour and amazement of His peaceable Subjects , when they are witnesses of the violent taking His Arms from Him , and stopping all wayes for bringing more to Him : And if there were no greater terror and amazement of His Majesties peaceable Subjects in other places by such Preparations and provisions , there would be no more cause to complaine of a great decay of Trade and Commerce there , then is in this place : But his Majesty hath so great an assurance of the Fidelity and generall affections of his good Subjects of this County , which He hopes will prove exemplar over His whole Kingdome ) that He hath great cause to beleeve ; That they doe rather complaine of his Majesties Confidence , and of his slownesse , that whilst there is such endeavour abroad to raise Horse , and to provide Armes against his Majesty , and that endeavour put in execution , His Majesty trusts so much to the Justice of his cause , and the affections of his people , and neglects to provide strength to assist that Justice , and to protect those Affections . For any affronts offered by the Earle of Lindsey , or the Lord Savill , to those who intended to petition his Majesty : His Majesty wishes that both his Houses of Parliament would have examined that information , and the credit of the informers , with that gravity and deliberation , as in Cases which concerne the Innocence and honour of Persons of such quality hath béene accustomed , before they had proscribed two Péeres of the Realme , and exposed them ( as much as in them lay ) to the rage and fury of the people , under the Character of being Enemies to the Common-wealth , a Brand newly found out ( and of no Legall signification ) to incense the people by , and with which the simplicity of formed 〈…〉 mes 〈…〉 And then his Majestie hath some reason to beléeve they would have found themselves as much abused in the report concerning those Lords , as he is sure they are in those which tell them of the resort of great numhers and discontented persons to him , and of the other particulars mentioned to to be in that Petition : Whereas they who observe what resort is here to his Majesty , well know it to bee of the prime Gentlemen of all the Counties in England , whom nothing but the love of Religion , the care of the Lawes , and liberties of the Kingdome , besides their affection to his person , could engage into great journeys , trouble and expence , men of as precious Reputation , and as exemplary lives , as this Nation hath any , whose assistance his Majesty knowes he must not expect , if he should have the least Designe against honour and Justice : and such witnesses his majesty desires to have all his actions . For the declining other Counsells and the Uniting his confidence to his Parliament , his majesty desires both his Houses of parliament seriously and sadly to consider , that it is not the name of a great or little Councel that makes the Results of that Counsell just or unjust : neither can the imputation upon his majesty of not being advised by his Parliament ( especially sines all their actions and all their Orders are exposed to the publike view ) long mislead his good Subjects , except in truth they sée some particular sound advice necessary to the peace and hapinesse of the Common-wealth dis-ostéemed by his Majesty , and such an influence he is most assured neither can nor shall be given , and that they will thinke it merit in his Majesty from the Common-wealth to rejoin such a Counsell as would perswade him to make himselfe none of the three Estates by giving up his negative voyce to allow them a power superiour to that which the Law hath given him , whensoever it pleaseth the major part present of both Houses to say that he doth not discharge his trust as he ought , and to subject his and his Subjects unquestionable Right and Propriety to their Uotes , without and against Law , upon the méer pretence of necessity . And his Majesty must appeale to all the World , who it is that endeavours to divide the joynt duty of his Subjects , his Majesty who requires nothing but what their owne duty , guided by the infallible Rule of the Law , leads them to doe , or they who by Orders and Uotes ( opposite and contradictory to Law , Custome , president and reason ) so confound the affections and understandings of his good Subjects , that they know not how to behave themselves with honesty and safety , whilest their Conscience will not suffer them to submit to the one , nor their security to apply themselves to the other . It is not the bare saying that his majesties actions are against the Law ( with which he is reproached in this Petition , as if hée departed from his often Protestations to that purpose ) must conclude him , there being no one such particular in that petition alleadged , of which his majesty is in the least degrée guilty : whether the same Reverence and estéeme be paid by you to the Law ( except your owne Uotes be judge ) néeds no other Evidence , then those many , very many Orders published in print , both concerning the Church and State , those long imprisonment of severall persons without hearing them upon generall information , and the great and unlimited Fees to your Office 〈…〉 , worse then the Imprisonment , and the Arbitrary consure upon them when they are admitted to be heard : Let the Law be judge by whom it is violater . For that part of the Petition which séems to accuse his Majesty of a purpose to dissolve this Parliament ( contrary to the Act for the continuance 〈…〉 … ing away the Lords and greāt officers , whose attendance is necessary , which his Majesty well knowe to be a new Calumny , by which the Grand Confrivers of ruine for the State hope to seduce the minds of the people from their affection to , or into jealousie of his Majesty , as if he meant this way to bring this Parliament ( which may be the case of all Parliaments ) to nothing ; it is not possible for His Majesty more to exeresse his affection to , and his Resolution for the Fréedom , liberty , and frequency of Parliaments , then he hath done ; And whosoover considers how visible it must be to his Majesty , that it is impossible for him to subsist without the affections of his people , and that those affections cannot possibly be preserved or made use of but by Parliaments , cannot give the least credit , or have the least suspition , that his Majesty would chuse any other way to the happinesse he desires for himself and his posterity , but by Parliaments : But for his calling the Lords hither , or any others absenting themselves , who have not bin called , who ever considers the tumults , which no votes or Declaration can make to be no tumults , by which His Majesty was driven away , and many Members of either House in danger of their lives , the demanding the names of those Lords who would not consent to their Propositions by Message from the house of Commons delivered at the bar by M. Hollis , with that most tumultuous petition in the name of many thousands , among many other of the same kind , directed to the House of Commons , and sent up by them to the House of Lords , taking notice of the prevalence of a malignant faction , which made abortive all their good motions , which tended to the peace and tranquility of the Kingdom , desiring that those nobleworthies of the house of Peers ; who concurred with them in their happy Uotes , might be earnestly desired to ioyn with that honourable house , and to sit and vote as one entire body , professing that some spéedy remedy were taken for the removal of all such obstructions as hindred the happy progresse of their great endeavours , their Petitioners should not rest in quietnesse , but should bee enforced to lay hold on the next remedy which was at hand to remove the disturbers of their Peace , and want and necessity breaking the bounds of modesty , not to leave any meanes unassayed for their relief adding that the 〈◊〉 of the poor and needy was , That such persons who were the Obstacles of their peace , and hinderers of the happy Procéedings of Parliament might be forthwith publikely declared , whose removall they conceived would put a period to these distractions : upon which a great number of Lords departing , the Uote in order to the Ordinance concerning the Militia was immediatly past , though it had bin twice before put to the question , and rejected by the Uotes of much the major part of that house . And whosoever considers the strange Orders , Uotes , and Declarations , which have since passed , to which whosoever would not consent , that is , with Freedom and liberty of language , and reason professe against , was in danger of Censure and Imprisonment , will not blame our care in sending for them , or theirs in comming , or absenting themselves from being involved in such conclusions . Neither will it be any objection , that they stayed there long after any fumults were , and therfore that the tumults drave them not away ; If every day produced Orders and Resolutions as illegall as , and indéed but the effects of the tumults , there was no cause to doubt the same power would be ready to prevent any Opposition to those Orders after they were made ▪ which had made way and preparation for the Propositions of them , and so whosoever conceived himself in danger of future Tumults , against which there is not the least provision , was driven away by those which were past And his Majesty hath more reason to wonder at those who stay behind , after all big Legall Power is ●oted from him , and all the people told , That he might bée with modesty and duty enough deposed , then any man hath at those who have bin willing to withdraw themselves from the place where such desperate and dangerous positions are avowed : which his Majesty doth not mention with the least thought of lessening the power or validity of an Act , to which he hath given his Assent this Parliament : All and every of which he shall as inviolably observe , as he looks to have his own Rights preserved , but to shew by what means so many strange Orders have of late bin made : And to shew how earnestly his Majesty desires to be present at , and to receive advice from both houses of parliament , against whom it shall be never in the power of a malignant party to incense His Majesty , his majesty again offers his consent , that both houses may be adjorned to 〈…〉 place , which may be thought convenient , where his majesty will bée 〈…〉 the members of either House will make a full appea 〈…〉 mission which must attend such an Adjournment may not be the 〈…〉 of recovering that temper , which is necessary for such De 〈…〉 And this his Majesty conceives to be so very necessary , that if the minds and inclinations of every member of either House were equally composed , the Licence is so great , that the mean people about London and the Suburbs have taken , that both for the Liberty and Dignity of Parliament that Convention for a time should be in another place . And 〈…〉 e how much soever the safety and security of this Kingdome depends on Parliaments , it will never be thought that those Parliaments must of Necessity be at Westminster . His Majesties confidence is no lesse then he hath expressed ( and hath great cause to expresse ) in the affections of this County , an instance of which affections all men know his guard ( which is not extraordinary ) to be , and wonders that such a legall Guard at his own charge for his person ( within 20. miles of a Rebellion , and of an Army in pay against him should be objected by those , who for so many months , and in a place of known and confessed security , have without and against Law kept a Guard for themselves at the charge of the Common-wealth , and upon that stock of money which was given for the Relief of the miserable and bleeding condition of Ireland , or the payment of the great debt due to our Kingdom of Scotland . For the resort of Papists to the Court , his Majesties great care for the prevention therof is notoriously known , that when he was informed 2. or 3. of his intended Guard were of that Religion he gave especiall direction , with expressions of His displeasure , that they should be immediatly discharged , and provided that no person should attend on him under that Relation , but such as took the Oaths of Allegeance , and Supremacie ; that he commanded the Sheriffe to proceed with all severity according to the Law against all papists that should come within five miles of the Court , and if notwithstanding this , there be any papists neer the Court , ( which his Majesty assures you he knows not , nor hath heard but by this Petition ) He doth hereby command them to depart , and declares to all Officers and Ministers of Justice , that they shall proceed strictly against them according to the Law , and as they will answer the contrary at their perils . For the language and behaviour of the Cavaléers ( a word by what mistake soever it seems much in disfavour ) there hath not bin the least complaint here and therfore it is probable the fault was not found in this County . Neither can his Majesty imagine what is meant by the mention of any men thrust ●pon them in such Consultations and propositions as his Majesty makes to this County , who are neither by their Fortune or Re 〈…〉 dence any part of it , and therfore can make no answer to it . To conclude , his Maiesty assures you he hath never cefused to receive any Petition , whether you have or no , your selues best know , and will consider what Reputation it will be to you of Justice or Ingenuity to receive all Petitions how senslesse and scandalous soever of one kind ▪ under pretence of understanding the good peoples minds and affections , and not only refuse the Petition , but punish the Petitioners of another kind , under colour that it is not a crime that they are not satisfied with your sense , as if you were only trusted by the people of one opinion : To take all pains to publish and print Petitions which agrée with your wishes , though they were never presented , and to use the same industry and Authorlty to keep those that indéed were presented and avowed from being published ( though by our own authority ) because the Argument is not pleasant to you , To pretend impartiality and infallibility , and to expresse the greatest passion and affection in the Order of your procéeding , and no lesse error and mis-understanding in your Judgments and Resolutions , He doth remember well the Obligation of his Trust , and of his Oath ▪ and desires that you will do so too , and your own solemn Now and protestation , and then you will not only think it convenient , but necessary to give his Majesty a full Reparation for all the scandals laid upon him , and all the scandalous positions made against him , and that it is lesse dishonour to retract errors , then by avowing to confesse the malice of them , and will sée this to be the surest way for the preservation of the Protestant Religion , the Redemption of our Brethren in Ireland , the happinesse and prosperity of your selves and of all our Dominions , and of the Dignity and Fréedome of Parliament . A Catalogue of the Names of the Lords that subscribed to levie Horse , to assist His Majesty in the defence of , &c. THe Prince 200 The Duke of York 120 Lord Keeper 40 Duke of Richmond . 100 L Marquesse Hartford 60 L. Great Chamberlaine 30 E. of Cumberland 50 E. of Huntington 20 E. of Bath 50 E. of Southampton 60 E. of Dorset 60 E. of Northampton 40 E. of Devonshire 60 E. of Dover 25 E. of Cambridge 60 E. of Bristol 60 E , of Westmerland 20 E. of Barkshire and L. Andover . 30 E. of Monmouth 30 E. Rivers 30 E. of Carnarvan 20 E. of Newport 50 L. Mowbray 50 L. Willoughby 30 L. Gray of Ruthin 10 L. Lovelace 40 L. Paget 30 L. Faulconbridge to come . L. Rich 30 L. Paulet 40 L. Newarks 30 L. Montague 30 L. Coventry 100 L. Savill 50 L. Mohun 20 L. Dunsmore 40 L. Seymor 20 L. Capell 100 L. Faulkland 20 Mr. Comptroller 20 M. Secret. Nicholas 20 L. Ch. Iustice Banks 20 The L. Thanet is not here , but one hath undertaken for 100. for him . Sum. totall , 1659 ▪ 
A31823	----	The Kings answer to the propositions for peace as was pretended in the club-mens petition to His Majesty with the copie of a letter from Sir Lewis Dives, and another from Colonell Butler, governour of Wareham, sent to them and read in their quarters : also a copie of articles and directions, and divers other passages of their proceedings and intentions, and a list of their chiefe leaders names and which of them are taken and who not : with other papers brought by our scouts from the army. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31823 of text R200206 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2141). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 35 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31823 Wing C2141 ESTC R200206 09456679 ocm 09456679 43173 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31823) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43173) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:38) The Kings answer to the propositions for peace as was pretended in the club-mens petition to His Majesty with the copie of a letter from Sir Lewis Dives, and another from Colonell Butler, governour of Wareham, sent to them and read in their quarters : also a copie of articles and directions, and divers other passages of their proceedings and intentions, and a list of their chiefe leaders names and which of them are taken and who not : with other papers brought by our scouts from the army. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 16 p. Imprinted by R.A. and I.C., London : 1645. "Commanded to be printed, and is published according to order." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31823 R200206 (Wing C2141). civilwar no The Kings ansvver to the propositions for peace, as was pretended in the Club-mens petition to his Majestie. With the copie of a letter from [no entry] 1645 6222 12 0 0 0 0 0 19 C The rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-08 Taryn Hakala Sampled and proofread 2006-08 Taryn Hakala Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE KINGS ANSVVER TO the Propositions for Peace , as was pretended in the Club-mens petition to his Majestie . With the copie of a Letter from Sir LEWIS DIVES , and another from Colonell Butler Governour of Wareham sent to them , and read in their Quatrers . Also a copie of Articles and Directions , and divers other passages of their proceedings and intentions , and a List of their chiefe Leaders names , and which of them are taken , and who not . With other papers brought by our Scouts from the Army . Commanded to be printed , and is published according to Order . royal blazon or coat of arms Imprinted at London by R. A. and I. C. 1645. CAROLUS REX : HIs Majestie being himselfe so deeply afflicted with the miseries and calamities brought upon all his poore Subiects in generall by this unnaturall war , doth not at all wonder , that the grievous and more particular sufferings of the Inhabitants of the Countie of Dorset should urge them to seek ease and releefe , though by wayes lesse regular ; and being entirely perswaded , that their intentions in their late assembly , and in their present addresse to his Maiestie , are full of dutie and loyaltie to his person and government , is so far from reprehending them , that hee is verie glad to find so many of his loyall Subiects united in a joynt and heartie sence of the publike . And that by this particular application of themselves to his Maiestie , they have afforded him the meanes to informe them more particularly of the Justice of his cause , and his sincere and constant desires and endeavours for peace , than appeares by their profest neutralitie they have hitherto been : which that he might the better do , and that there may thereby be wrought a perfect union and coniunction between his Maiestie , and those who professe to be so sincerely affected with the same pious desires of the publike good , his Maiestie will verie speedily send unto the Petitionees , or unto such as they shall depute within the said Countie , persons fully instructed in the course of all his Maiesties former proceedings , and of his present resolutions . And in the meane time , as an instance of his gracious intentions towards the Petitioners , hee is pleased to give these particular answers to their severall desires . To the first , that whensoever propositions of peace shall be made unto his Majestie by those at Westminster , his eares shall be alwayes open unto them and not only ready to receive them , but even to seek and sollicit for them , when ever hee can probably judge that they will not reject his overture , whereof the Petitioners need make no doubt , his Majestie having neglected no occasion to invite them to a treatie of peace , the blessing therof was never more to be implored of Almightie God , nor to be more industriously endeavoured by all good men , than at this time , when without it ( as the Petitioners well observe ) this Kingdome is likely to be made the prey of a forraine Nation , the Scots being at this present advanced with an Army so far into the heart of the Kingdome , as already even to threaten the Westerne parts . And his Majestie doth further promise in the word of a King , that if a Treatie may be procured , hee will seek no other conditions of peace , than those mentioned by the Petitioners , viz The glorie of God , in the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , the just and inseparable right of the Crowne , the just power and priviledges of Parliament , and the lawfull rights and liberties of the Subject , and all these under none of these ambiguous termes whereby the contaarie partie have deluded and misled so many of his good Subjects , pretending they fight for the same , making the knowne Lawes of the Land ( which cannot deceive ) the measure of each particular . To the second his Majestie doth promise , that if a Treatie may be procured , he will earnestly desire a cessation of Armes , as hee did in the last at Vxbridge , though to his great griefe not consented unto by the other partie , to the end that a Treatie tending to peace may not proceed bloud : And his Majesties desire is , that the book of the said Treatie at Vxbridge to be read to the Petitioners for their satisfaction in this point , and manifestation of his desire of peace . To the third , that in case for the sins of the Nation , the obstinacie of the other partie cannot be overcome ; but that his Majestie and his People must yet be further scourged by Gods afflicting hand of war , that his Majestie is so deeply sensible of his Supplicants , and all his other good Subjects sufferings , by contributions , taxes , free quarter and plunder , that whatsoever can be done on his Majesties part in the three first , by all the moderation that can possibly be used , unto the latter by the severest justice shall be carefully and effectually endeavoured : As for the point of trusting in the Petitioners hands such of his Forts and Garrisons as shall be thought necessarie to be continued , his Majestie makes no doubt , but if peace may not be procured , it shall so evidently appeare unto the Petitioners , who have been the Authours , and are the Contrivers of their miseries , that they will prove the heartiest Champions of their Kings , their owne , and Gods cause ; and consequently , be as fit persons as any his Majestie can chuse , with what neere best concernes his safetie , and their protection : but for this particular , as after for the future maintaining of the said Garrisons , his Majestie will by those whom he shall employ unto the Petitioners , advise with them of the time , and manner how his service may be done , must be their satisfaction . To the last , that a chiefe calamitie of war , is the silencing of the Lawes , and if it were possible to uphold their due and currant execution , the Sword could no longer : but as far forth as it is possible , that militarie affaires can be governed by legall inflictions on offenders , his Majestie is verie desirous to give the Petitioners all imaginable satisfaction ; but being a matter of such intricacie , the particular wayes and method of it must be ripened by further debate . As for the point of leave for His Majesties mis-led Subjects , to lay downe armes , and to returne to their habitations , there to live unquestioned and unmolested , it is that whereunto his Majestie hath already many times given more then a permission , that is a speciall invitation by severall gracious Proclamations , which for the Petitioners satisfaction , he shall very willingly renew ; as for the other part which concernes those at present ingaged in His Majesties service , and those under restraint , His Majestie is too confident of the Petitioners affection to him and his Kingdomes safety , to believe while his enemies are so strong , and daily forcing every man to take up Armes against him , and whilst a Forraigne Nation is in the bowells of this Kingdome ready to devoure it , that they would wish him one man lesse in his Army , or one man more at libertie to joyne with them ; as for all such persons as are absent from their home , and not ingaged , in His Majesties service , it shal be verie accomptable to His Majestie , that they returne to their homes to tend the service and quiet of their Countrey , according to the Petitioners desires , and for all Acts of Parliament , and Lawes unrepealed , in what concernes the Civill Government in particular , for Assises , Sessions , and the like , the Petitioners undertaken the protection of His Majesties Ministers of Justice , His Majestie will i●●ue his Commands unto them all respectively , to performe their constant duties to the established Lawes . At the Court at Ragland Castle the 8.th day of Iuly , 1645. By His Majesties speciall direction and Command . George Digby . The Declaration concerning the Petition of the Club-men , and the Kings answer thereunto . VVHereas His Majestie seemes to be deeply afflicted with the miserable calamities of his people , and knowes how to remedie it ; What is the sum of that expression ? An unnaturall warre it is indeed , but faire words will not hide an ill cause ; Are not these waies irregular , when Iesuits , Popish Priests , Papists , and out-lawd persons are protected from justice ? all good men are very sensible of the publike calamity herein . 1. You may take notice that in this Answer , there is no notice taken of the Lords and Commons at Westminster , to be a Parliament , though the King by Letters sent by Rupert to them gives them that appellation . 2. For these things seemingly vowed to be sought for , how unlike is it , to what is indeed laboured for ? Is Gods glory sought , in throwing downe the Kingdome of Jesus Christ ? and making warre against his Members ? Is the true Protestant Religion sought ? by advancing Papists , Iesuits , and Popish Priests ? and we hope none will deny but that if the Crowne of any Prince , shall stand in opposition to the Crown and Power of Jesus Christ , we are to follow the lamb wheresoever he goes , though persecuted ; where is the Priviledges of Parliament if not so much as acknowledged , but hunted after , reviled , and with force of armes withstood ? and Delinquents , Jesuits , and breakers of the Laws protected from their power , and where is the Liberties of the Subject , if tyrannized over , persecuted and plundered , as daily they are under the Kings Forces ? 3. Which party have mis-led his Majesties Subjects , may easily appeare with the well-affected in all parts of England , and Scotland , Ireland are very sensible of , notwithstanding any pretences of the Papists and their jugling partie whatsoever . There is much difference ●etween one party of the Club-men , and another ; but the first grounds of raising them is from a Iesuiticall plot of the enemy , under a pretence of petitioning for peace ( which all men desire ) to be raised in a violent way to rise as one man against the Parliament , the great ones amongst them that carried on the business , let not the people know what their designe was ; who intended before Taunton was relieved , to have risen on the Rear of our Army , ( but blessed be God ) they were hindred ; and now at last they had order from the King , to ly still till Sir Thomas Fairfax was marched to Exeter , and then to rise , Rnpert being promised to come with some thousands of horse from Banbury to joyne with them to raise the siege at Sherborn , and relieve those parts ; and then to fall in Sir Th. Fairfaxe's Rear . For this purpose divers of them sate in councell in Shaftsbury , who were taken and brought prisoners to Sherborne . A List of the Countrey-Gentlemen called the Leaders of the Club-men for Wilts , Dorset , and Sommerset , brought Prisoners to Sherborne on the Lords day August 3. 1645. taken at Shaftsbury , Mr. Hollis a younger brother out of meanes , who is one of the Commanders in chiefe , a kind of Generall unto them . Mr. Joliffe of Blackmore another younger brother , who is Lievtenant-Generall to them , a notable great stlckler for them . Mr. Yong , Advocate to them , whose habitation was at Manson in Blackmore , and was of old a Star-Chamber Clerk . Captaine John Carew , the great Grand Jury man that lived at Everith . Captaine Edward Davis of Lamhead . Capt. Thomas Bennet of Pithouse . Capt. William Blunt , a notable Cavalier . Capt. Richard Craddock , the malignant Merchant of Blanford . John Saintlo , a Gentleman of Wilt-shire , a notable Agent for the King . Richard Burbidge , son to Burbidge the Attourney in Sturminster . William Smith , sometimes Vnder-Sheriffe for Wilt-shire . Thomas Jervis , the same that was wont to go up and downe to sell cloth from place to place . John Lovell of Sommerset-shire , a notable stickler against godly men . John Eastwood of Dunhead in Wilt-shire . Francis Craddock of Blackmore . John Pope of Marnhill , a man of a verie good estate , but a notable Malignant . Thomas Rose of Chisgrave , a man also of a faire estate , but malignant . John Bennet , brother to Captaine Bennet of Pithouse . Nicholas Bingham of Hensridge ; it is pitie any of that family are Malignants . Francis Abbot , son to Jeremy Abbot of Horsington . Robert Hollis of Dorset-shire . William Filloll , a Gentleman of a good estate , that lived in Marvell , but averie violent Malignant . Charles Studley of Langhton by Blanford . John May of Melbury , a notable Rogue . Iohn Phill of Lidlinch a Grasier , who rise in hope to recruit his grounds by plunder . Laurence Hide a malignant Priest , Mr. Hides son of Hatch . Sarnuel Forman , the Curate of Gillingham . William Laning , a young malignant Priest that lived at Cerne . Mr. Rock , a desperate malignant Person , that was borne at Buttle , and Chaplaine to Banfield at Chafield . Mr. Willams a malignant Priest . Mr. Henry Hayward , Henry Gouge , John Every , Edward Boone , Thomas Roes , Robert Squier , Thomas Marvell , Richard Alborne , Charles Simms , Robert Sapist , Thomas Brooke , John King , Edmond Clerke , Martin Marble , Thomas Bunce , William Sanders , John Corbet , Robert Fry , William Ford , Matthew Martin , and Henry Goodwin . All which are notoriously knowne to be dangerous Malignants , besides divers others which were taken next day by Lievtenant-Generall Cromwell , in an old Roman Work on Hambleton-Hill , where he routed 2500. of them that were gathered in a Body , and killed some 12. and tooke almost 300. prisoners , and almost all their Armes and Colours , the rest fled home . Besides these , there is remaining still amongst the Clum-men divers great Malignants . Capt. George Moore of Winborn . Capt. William Whiting of Spetsbury . Capt. Henry Burley of Beer Regis . George Sexton of Beer Regis , a man of a great estate but a desperate rogue and violent against the Parliament and good men . Robert Arnall of Cheslebourn another desperate Agent . Raughly Radford of Divelish , and more divelish Malignant . The great ones that were the Ring-leaders that are taken , are to be brought up to London , and may be made examples . But there are many silly people have been mis-led by them , that will now ( it is hoped ) be laid , and in divers parts the Club-men are firme for the Porliament , and laugh at the folly of the rest . Now for further satisfaction , here followeth the copie of two Letters , one finn Sir Lewis Dives of the King party , and the other from Colonell Butler the Governour of Warcham , of the Parliaments party , both to the Club-men . A Copie of Sir Lewis Dives Letters to the Club men . Gentlemen and Friends , THat I have not hitherto required any accompts of former Assemblies ; the reason is , because I deemed your professed desires and resolutions tending to the preservation of the true reformed Protestant Religion established by law , and of your selves from Plunder , and such like unlawfull violence ; no way derogatory to His Majesties service , wherein I am throughout this Countie intrusted : but rather such as the same trust bi●●des mee , and you shall ever finde mee most ready to assist you in . But perceiving of late a backwardnesse in some of your parts of the Countie , and a denyall from others in the payments of Contribution after the late moderate proportion ; which in consideration of the present poverty of the Countrie hath beene by mee required of them ; and by with-holding whereof , His Maiesties service must necessarily faile , it being the onely means His Maiesty hath left him to supply his Forces here , and by the Gentlemen and Freeholders agreed and promised to bee paied unto him , and never promised or agreed to be paied to those that are in Rebell on against him , His Maiesties one Revenues , Customes and Rents being for the most part seized , and against all the rules of Law taken and disposed of by the Rebells , for payment of those that serve them in this un-naturall Warre . I am therefore forced to put you to the question , whether it be your generall resolution over and above your published resolutions to deny His Maiestie these necessary supplies , to the end I may consider what course to steere ; and withall , out of my care of your safety and preservation , which may otherwaies bee endangered , to admonish you that you be not seduced to must or rely on those who have brought this Even and destruction on you ; remember by what degrees they have effected it , how they first Fortified severall Townes in this County , then dis-armed you ; then sent out Tickets and Papers , requiring upon paine of Plundering great summes of Mony , to the full yearly value of your Estates , from all Gentlemen , Freeholders , and Yeomen of any abilitie , and forced the paiment thereof by Imprisonment of their persons , and Plundering of ther goods , they not onely required , but where they have power , have enforced the twentieth part of your Estates , and the 5th part of your yearly Revenue , besides the Contribution , and yet not contented herewith ; have fired the houses of divers Gentlemen of this Countie , where no Garison or force did oppose them ▪ Remember how they have banished your Orthodox , and loyall Clergie ; consider how they have Plundered almost all men of qualitie in this Countie , from some 2000 sheap at a time , from others more , from others 1500 , from some 1000 , 40 for Oxen from another , to the undoing of many , both Gentlemen and Farmours ; the particulars whereof are so infinite and many , and the parties who have suffered these losses so well known to your selves , that I forbeare to make any farther mention thereof . Also that after all these sufferings , how they set an Excise upon your Bread and Meat you eate , in all places where they have power ; and which is worst of all , they have abused our Churches by making flables thereof , and by robbing and defacing the same , and now abolished the Common-Prayer and Litturgie of the Church so long publickly used amongst us , and confirmed by Law ; and instead thereof , have introduced so many religions as men shall fancie of themselves . Remember how wee and our Ancestours have happy lived under the government of many godly and pious kings and Queenes , and see where we have not suffered more in 3 years under them . And lastly , thinke upon it seriously , whither ever you can or probably may expect such happie daies again , if you joyne not with the King and His Forces , to advance His Throne and Regall Dignitie , who hath so often sought and desired your peace and safety , I remaine Tyranny of these men who now usurpe Regall Authoritie unto themselves , then one 200 years before , under the Government of those Religious Kings and Queenes . Gent. your very affectionate friend Lewes Dives . In answer to this Letter , there shall need to bee said no more , onely to referre the Reader to Colonel Butlers Letter following , which is the true Copie of that which he sent to the Club-men . Gentlemen and Neighbours , YOu have had many meetings , but few salutations from me , not that I love you lesse than other Governours : but that I knew not how to shape a discourse to you , till I saw which way you did encline . I have seene some of your Articles , and find you pretend chiefly to stand up in your owne defence , and the preservation of that little which is left to maintain and preserve you and yours . If that onely be your intent , I know not how , or why it should be withstood by any one that loves his Countrey ; but then I would wish you would manifest it , by your yeelding no assistance to the aduerse partie , and we will endeavour to require none from you ; otherwise we must look on you as not what you professe your own friend onelie , but our professed enmie . Put us in a way by your assistance to get the Kings party to quit their holds , and we I assure you , will speedily relinquish our land Garrisons . If your intentions are according to your expressions , then I desire you would manifest it ; First , by your prohibiting Papists , and such as are notorious enemies to the Parliament . Secondly , by warily declining the counsell and the wily practises of some eminent men now in Armes against us , who plott and contrive to abuse and seduce your honest and innocent intentions . Thirdly , wee intreat you likewise not to suffer scandalous nor drunken ministers to have any great power with you , nor influence upon you , because we know such are our professed enmies ; for they know the Parliament intends to call them to a stric●● account . Fourthly , we shall desire that you may give us no 〈◊〉 cause of exception , that no man that is knowne to have beene our enemies , may be neither a Clerke or Reader , or any other kinde of officer among you . Fiftly , that our Letters be read , and our messengers safely returned aswell as any others . Sixthly , that our Souldiers and Troopers may have free egresse and regresse amongst you , that if they behave themselues amisse , and fall into your hands , you would acquaint us with their offences that wee might punish them . These things if you will performe , we shall wish you well , and that you may be prosperous to the end you pretend to undertake it for ▪ otherwise whatsoever your pretences are , we know that you are abused by those that are our enemies , and that would make you so too ; and we desire to know , how can you be Parliaments enemies ? Is it because they endeavour with the hazard of their liues to preserue your Liberties ▪ when the tyrannie and oppression of the Court was at highest : or is it because they Vow and Covenant to extirpate Popery , Schism 〈…〉 Errors , and Superstition . Why will you plead for Baal , will you●o to keepe up that which God hath promised , and hee will have downe ; or is it because you feare wee will take away the Kings Crowne and Dignitie . Looke upon the Parliaments Declarations to the contrary , sent to all Princes and States . Looke upon our solemne Vow and Covenant to the contrary , and doe not thinke us a people gréedie of periurie , and of hatred and infamie from all posterity ; or is it because we endeavour for Reformation in Church and State . I desire you to consider , whether it bee not 〈…〉 e to endeavour to be better , when God is punishing us because we are so bad . Whether the Reformation aymed at , will not make us walke more pleasing before God , and make us more conformable to all other reformed Protestant Churches , who have long looked and prayed for such a Reformation amongst us ; whither this be not to thwart and oppose what God will have brought to passe . If you canot apprehend the great necessities of it , yet I advise you at least to stand still , and not to lift up your hand against it ; for if it be of God , it will stand , if it bee not of him , it will fall of it selfe to the ground . Take heede then good Neighbours and fellow Protestants , of ioyning and associating your 〈◊〉 with bloodie Papists and Irish Rebbels , lest you partake of their 〈…〉 ments , for God will shortly bring them to an account of all the innocent blood shed here and in Ireland . Take heed of setting your selves against them , that earnestly pray and endeavour for the true good of your soules , bodies , and estates ; and the Lord give you a right understauding in all things , and guide you into those wayes and counsels which will most conduce to his glorie , and your true good . Pardon mee for being so tedious , I have not troubled you often , I should be glad to heare from you what your resolutions are , and shall rest Warham Iune 30. 1645. Your truly wel-wishing friend and Neighbour Robert Butler . 4. For His Majesties promise of a Cessation of Armes , and nomination of a Treaty , the late printed Letters between the King and Queen , it is hoped have given full satisfaction to every rationall man ; and yet ( such is the Parliaments desire of Peace , if it may be , that ) the Lords and Commons have both agreed to send Propositions to the King for Peace , and that without any Treaty ; but forthwith by Bill to require a positive answer : to which if it shall please His Majesty to give his Royall Assent , an end will bee of the Wars , and the kingdom setled in peace , and he received with joy , and honoured with the love and loyalty of all his Subjects . 5. The reading of the malignant booke printed at Oxford about the Treaty , hath giv●n little satisfaction to reasonable men , who will without doubt be fully satisfied in the Declartion , which the Parliament are putting out concerning the same . 6. What faithfull Protestant can be so blinded , as not to understand , and in his conscience confesse , that the sins of the Kings Army are exceeding great , both in drinking , swearying , whoring , robbing , plundering , killing , and idolatry , and all manner of wickednesse and barbarous cruelties daily exercised in all parts where they come . And what redresse is here promised for the reliefe of His Majesties Subjects herein . To the third , you may see the answer is , that Taxes and Free-quarter shall be done with moderation , and severe justice is promised for plunder ; but should that be fulfilled , the King would soone hang up all his souldiers . 7. For the trusting of any to keepe the Garrisons for the King , it is notoriously knowne , that the Queen must approve of them , and none but Papists must bee entrusted there with ; is it not so in all parts of the kings quarters . 8. For the want of Iustice , the kingdome is very sensible , that that very thing hath beene a great cause of these Wars ; which Papists , Iesuits , and Delinquents were the fomenters of , to be a Protection for them from the power of the Parliament . Now because the very Club-men themselves are sufficiently sensible how they have suffered under the kings forces , therefore they have framed directions for the security of their estates , the Copies whereof follow . The desires and Resolutions of the Inhabitants of Dorset . WE the miserable Jnhabitants of the said Countie , being too too deeply touched with the apprehension and sense of our past and present sufferings ( occasioned onely by these Civill and vnaturall warrs within this Kingdome . ) and finding by sad experience , that by meanes thereof the true worship of almighty God and our religion are almost forgotten , and that our ancient Lawes and liberties , are alltogether swallowed up in the arbitrarie power of the sword ; and foreseeing that famine and utter Desolation will imediatly fall upon us , our wives and children , ( unlesse God of his in finit mercy shall looke upon our true humilation be graciously pleasd , spedily to put a period to these sad distractions , are unanimously resolved to joyne in Petitioning His Majestie and the two Houses of Parliament for a happie peace and accommodatin of the present differences , without future effusion of Christian bloud ; without which accommodation we cannot expect the enjoyment either of our Religion , Liberties , or proprieties : meane while , that we whose names are under written , Resolve , and doe here Declare . 1. To defend and maintain with our lives and fortunes the true reformed Protestant Religion . 2. To joyne with and assist one another in the mutuall defence of our Lawes , liberties , and properties , against all plunderers , & all other unlawful violence whatsoever . 3. Wee doe faithfully promise each to other , that the damage or losse which in the execution hereof shall happen to any one , be accounted as the losse of the generality , and that reparation be made to such party or parties by the whole County ; and in case of losse of life , provision be made for his wife and children , by the County . 4. To declare all such unworthy of the generall assistance , as shall refuse , or delay to joyne with us in the prosecution of these our just intentions . Some directions for present behaviour made and agreed on at a meeting of the Inhabitants of the Counties of Dorset and Wilts , at Gorhead corner , the 28th of May , 1645. VVHereas by the Articles of our Association , wee challenge unto our selues no other freedome for the present from the burthen of the Warres , then to preserue our selues from plder , and all other unlawfull violence . It is therefore advised by the generality , that untill such time as we receiue answer to our petitions from his Maiesty and the two Houses of parliament . 1. Euery Towne , Tything-parish , great Hamlet , make present choice of thrée or more or the ablest men for Wisedome , Valour , and estate , Inhabitants in the same , unto whom at all times they may repayre for assistance and direction . 2. That the Constable , Tything-man , or other officer of the Tawne , Tything-parish , or liberty , in pursuance of the Statute in that case prouided , set a constant watch of two at the least euery night , and they well Armed , and if need so require , by day also ; and the number of the watchmen to bee encreased , according to the discreation of the said chosen able men , and the said officers . 3. That the watchmen be charged not to stoppe , 〈◊〉 , or examine any Souldier on his march , nor any other passenger that passeth peaceably ; but if they be friendly spoken unto by the passenger , to returne a friendly answer , to encourage him in his peaceable behauiour . 4. That the watchmen keepe walking in their precincts , in as much secresie as conueniently they may , in auoyd a hidden surprisall ; and as soone as they or either of them descry any Vlolence to any person , house , or goods , if they are not of sufficient strength themselues to suppresse or stop the said Violence ; then one of them presently repayring unto one or more of the said chosen able men , by his or their aduice , to raise the parish , tything towne , or Hamlet into armes , to assist the distressed , and the other watchman withall speed to repayre to the next neighbouring watch , or watches , if need so requires ; and there in like manner raising the men into armos , to bring presently with him to relieue the distressed halfe of the men there armed , the other halfe to remaine ready armed in their owne precincts to protect the same , and to apprehend the plunderers in their Retreat . 5. That all such as pretend themselues to be Souldiers , and are taken plundering , or doing any other unlawfull Violence , be presently disarmed , and after examination , hauing confest unto which Army they doe belong , to be safely Guarded , together , with sufficient witnesse to proue the offence ; from Tything Tything , until they be brought to the next Garrison belonging unto the said Army , and there to bee deliuered unto the commander in chiefe , with tender of the witnesses to proue the crime ; but in case they say they belong to an Army that doth quarter neere the place where the offence was committed , then in like manner to convey them to the commander in chiefe of the said Army . 6. That they auoyd false Alarums , no men rise into Arms but such as are so nominated by the watchmen , unlesse they see apparent Violence ; or in case the watch be defectiue or surprised , they be called by a very probable out cry . 7. That all men furnish themselues with as much , and good Armes , Weapons , and Ammunition as they can procure ; and the Rich out of a good conscience to relieue the poore herein , as also in their labours of watching and other assistance in some proportionable measure . 8. That the contribution money , and all prouision and necessarie maintenance for the Armies , if it be demanded by a lawfull warrant directed to the Officer of the place ; bee not denied , but euery man as hee is able in some reasonable proportion forthwith to contribute ; and for those that are truely unable , certificate of their inability to be made by the sayd officer , with the advise of the said chosen able men of the place , unto their commander in chiefe , from whom the warrant issued , with petition for respite and mittigation of the proportion by the sayd warrant required , untill they shall be better enabled . 9. If quarter be demanded according to order martiall , the soldier to be friendly entertained , behaving himselfe fairly in his quarters ; but if they plunder or offer any other violence , then to be restrained and delivered up unto his commander in chiefe to be by him corrected . If any inconvenience shall bee found to ensue on the observation of these directions , it is desired to bee made knowne at the next generall meeting that it may be amended . FINIS . 
A31827	----	At the court at York, 28 Martii, 1642 His Majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31827 of text R41267 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2150). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31827 Wing C2150 ESTC R41267 31354725 ocm 31354725 110243 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31827) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110243) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:14) At the court at York, 28 Martii, 1642 His Majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Nicholas, Edward, Sir, 1593-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.). By Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. Text begins: That this petition (as some others of this nature) is grounded upon misinformation ... "Signed by Master Secretary Nicholas." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. A31827 R41267 (Wing C2150). civilwar no At the court at York, 28 Martii, 1642 His Majestie hath given me expresse command to give you this his answer to your petition. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 300 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ At the Court at York . 28. Martii . 1642. His Majestie hath given me expresse Command to give you this His Answer to your Petition . THat this Petition ( as some others of this nature ) is grounded upon mis-information , and ( being grieved and highly offended to see how His good People have been , and are abused by false Rumors and Intelligences , which have procured causlesse Fears and Apprehensions ) refers the Petitioners to the two Answers He hath given to His Parliament , viz. To the Declaration presented to Him at New-Market , and to the Petition presented to Him the six and twentieth of this moneth at York : wherein you will cleerly perceive , That His Maiestie is not gone , but driven away from His Parliament , and therefore His Maiestie hath reason to think , that now ( understanding the love He bears to , and Confidence He hath of His Peoples Fidelity ; As likewise His constant Resolution for the maintaining of , and governing by the Laws of the Land ) you may finde reason to petition the Parliament to comply with His Maiesties iust Desires , and gracious Offers , this being the onely Way , safely and speedily to cure the present Distractions of this Kingdom , and ( with Gods blessing ) to put a happy end to the Irish Rebellion for the effecting whereof ( as His Maiestie hath often said ) He will neither spare pains , nor decline any hazard of His Person or Fortune . Signed by Master Secretary NICHOLAS . ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A31845	----	A declaration by the Kings Majestie concerning His Majesties going away from Hampton-Court written by his own hand and left upon the table in His Majesties bed-chamber, dated at Hampton-Court Novemb. 11, 1647 : presented to the Parliament ... Friday Nov. 12, 1647, with His Majesties propositions for satisfying of the Presbyterians and Independents, the Army, and all His Majesties subjects of England and Scotland. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31845 of text R30886 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2189). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31845 Wing C2189 ESTC R30886 11681396 ocm 11681396 48109 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31845) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48109) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1481:21) A declaration by the Kings Majestie concerning His Majesties going away from Hampton-Court written by his own hand and left upon the table in His Majesties bed-chamber, dated at Hampton-Court Novemb. 11, 1647 : presented to the Parliament ... Friday Nov. 12, 1647, with His Majesties propositions for satisfying of the Presbyterians and Independents, the Army, and all His Majesties subjects of England and Scotland. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. Printed by Robert Ibbitson ..., London : 1647. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31845 R30886 (Wing C2189). civilwar no A declaration by the Kings Majestie concerning His Majesties going away from Hampton-Court: written by his own hand, and left upon the table Charles I, King of England 1647 956 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A DECLARATION BY THE KINGS MAJESTIE Concerning His Majesties going away from Hampton-Court : Writen by His own hand , and left upon the Table in His Majesties Bed-Chamber . Dated at Hampton-Court , Novem. 11. 1647. Presented to the Parliament , by the Lord Mountague , and read in both Houses of Parl : Friday Nov. 12. 1647. WITH His Majesties Propositions for satisfying of the Presbyterians and Independents , the Army , and all his Majesties Subjects of England and Scotland . FOr the Speaker of the Lords pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England , at Westminster , & the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , and to all my other Subjects of what degree or calling whatsoever . Charles REX . CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms London , Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield , 1647. A DECLARATION BY THE KINGS MAJESTIE . Concerning His going away from Hampton Court . Hampton Court the 11 of Novemb. 1647. LIberty being that which in all times hath been , but especially now , is the common Theame , and desire of all men . Common reason shewes that Kings lesse then any should indure captivity , and yet I call God and the world to witnesse , with what patience I have indured a tedious restraint , which so long as I had any hopes that this sort of my sufferings might conduce to the Peace of my Kingdome , or the hindering of more effusion of blood ; I did willingly undergoe : But now finding by too certaine proofes , that this my continued patience would not onely turne to my personall ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publique good : I thought I was bound , as well by naturall as politicall obligations to seek my safety ; by retiring my selfe for some time from the publique view , both of my friends and enemies . And I appeale to all indifferent men , to judge if I have not just cause to free my selfe from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition ; and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the Nobility , by taking away their negative voice , and with whom the levellers doctrine is rather countenanced then punished . And as for their intentions to my person , their changing and putting more strict guards upon me , with the dischaging most of all those servants of mine , who formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon me , doth sufficiently declare : Nor would I have this my retirement mis-interpreted , for I shall earnestly and incessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded peace , where ever I am , or shall be ; And that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more Christian blood , for which how many times have I desired , prest to be heard , and yet no eare given to me . And can any reasonable men think that ( according to the ordinary course of affaires ) there can be a settled peace without it ; or that God will blesse those who refuse to heare their owne King , surely not ? Nay I must further adde , That ( besides what concerns my selfe ) unlesse all other cheife interests have not only an hearing , but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to wit the Presbyterians , Independents , Army , those who have adhered to me , even the Scots ) I say there cannot ( I speak not of miracles , it being of my opinion , a sinful presumption , in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe or lasting peace Now as I cannot deny but that my personall security is the urgent cause of this my retirement , so I take God to witnesse that the publique peace is no lesse before mine eyes ; And I can find no better way to expresse this my profession ( I know not what a wiser man may doe ) then by desiring and urging , that all cheife interests may be heard , to the end each may have just satisfaction , As for example ; The Army : for the rest ( though necessary yet I suppose are not difficult to content ) ought ( in my judgement ) to enjoy the liberty of their Consciences have an Act of Oblivion , or Indempnity ( which should extend to all the rest of my Subjects ) And that al their arreares should be speedily and duly paid , which I will undertake to doe , so I may be heard , And that I be not hindered from using such lawfull and honest meanes , as I shall choose . To conclude , let me be heard with freedome , honour , and safety , and I shall ( instantly ) breake through this cloud of retirement , and shew my selfe really to be Pater Patriae . CHARLES REX . For the Speaker of the Lords , pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at VVestminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland : And to all my other Subjects of what degree or calling whatsoever . CHARLES REX . Dated at Hampton Court , the 11. of Novem. 1647. FINIS . Novemb. 12. 1647. Imprimatur G. M. 
A31851	----	His Majesties declaration, directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever, in the Christian world with a letter from divers godly ministers of the Church of England to the assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, shewing the cause of these troubles : and a list of the popish vicker-generalls, Jesuites, priests and fryers in England, and their names and places to them assigned, in the severall provinces of England and Wales, to exstinguish the Protestant clergie and religion and bring in and settle popery instead thereof. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31851 of text R11738 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2199). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 22 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31851 Wing C2199 ESTC R11738 11910638 ocm 11910638 50811 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31851) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50811) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 228:E6, no 9) His Majesties declaration, directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever, in the Christian world with a letter from divers godly ministers of the Church of England to the assembly of the Kirk of Scotland, shewing the cause of these troubles : and a list of the popish vicker-generalls, Jesuites, priests and fryers in England, and their names and places to them assigned, in the severall provinces of England and Wales, to exstinguish the Protestant clergie and religion and bring in and settle popery instead thereof. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) [8] p. Printed by Jane Coe, London : 1644. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century. A31851 R11738 (Wing C2199). civilwar no His Majesties declaration, directed to all persons of what degree and qualitie soever, in the Christian world. VVith a letter from divers go [no entry] 1644 3785 10 0 0 0 0 0 26 C The rate of 26 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATION , Directed to all Persons of what degree and qualitie soever , in the Christian World . VVith a LETTER from divers Godly Ministers of the CHURCH of ENGLAND , to the Assembly of the KIRK of SCOTLAND ; Shewing the cause of these troubles . And a LIST of the Popish Vicker-Generalls , Jesuites , Priests , and Fryers , in England , and their Names and Places to them assigned , in the severall Provinces of England , and Wales , to exstinguish the PROTESTANT Clergie , and Religion , and bring in , and settle Popery instead thereof . Published according to Order . London , Printed by JANE COE . 1644. His Majesties Declaration to all Forraign Protestant Churches . CHarles by the providence of Almighty God , King of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To all those who professe the true Reformed Protestant Religion , of what Nation , degree , and condition so ever they be , to whom this present Declaration shall come : Greeting , WHereas We are given to understand , that many false Rumours , and scandalous Letters , are spred up and down amongst the Reformed Churches in forraign parts , by the politique , or rather the pernicious industry of some ill-affected persons , that We have an inclination to receed from that Orthodox Religion which We were born , baptized , and bred in , and which We have firmly professed , and professed and practised throughout the whole course of Our Life , to this moment , and that We intend to give way to the introduction , and publike exercise of Popery again in Our Dominions : Which conjecture , or rather most detestable calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrible Tumults , and more then barbarous Wars throughout this flourishing Island , under pretext of a kinde of Reformation , which would not onely prove incongruous , but incompatible with the Fundamentall Laws , and Government of this Kingdom ; We desire that the whole Christian World should take notice , and rest assured , that We never entertained in Our imagination , the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy Religion , which when We received the Crown and Scepter of this Kingdom , We took a most solemn Sacramentall Oath , to professe and protect . Nor doth Our most constant practise and quotidian visible presence , in the exercise of this sole Religion , with so many Asserverations in the head of Our Armies , and the publike attestation of our Barons , with the circumspection used in the education of Our Royall Off-spring , besides divers other undenyable arguments , onely demonstrate this ; But also that happy Alliance of Marriage , We contracted betwixt Our eldest Daughter , and the Illustrious Prince of Orange , most cleerly confirms the reality of Our intentions herein ; by which Nuptiall engagement , it appears further , That Our endeavours are not onely to make a bare profession thereof , in Our 〈◊〉 Dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad , as much as liet● in Our Power . This most holy Religion of the Anglican Church , ordained by so many Convocations of learned Divines , confirmed by so many Acts of Parliament , and strengthned by so many Royall Proclamations , together with the Ecclesiastick Discipline , and Liturgie thereunto appertaining ; which Liturgie , and Discipline , the most eminent of Protestant Authors , as well Germanes , as French ; as well Danes , as Swedes and Switzers ; as well Belgians as Bohemians , do with many elogies ( and not without a kinde of Envy ) approve and applaud in their publike writings , particularly in the transactions of the Synod of Dort , wherein besides others of Our Divines ( who afterwards were Prelates ) one of Our Bishops assisted , to whose dignitie all due respects and precedency was given : This Religion We say , which Our Royall Father of blesled memory , doth publikely assert in that His famous Confession , addressed ( as We also do this Our Protestation ) to all Christian Princes : This most holy Religion , with the Hierarchy and Liturgie thereof , We solemnly protest , That by the help of Almighty God , We will endeavour , to Our utmost power , and last period of Our life , to keep entire and invioable , and will be carefull , according to Our duty to Heaven , and the tenour of the aforesaid most sacred Oath at Our Coronation , that all Our Ecclesiasticks in their severall degrees and incumbences , shall Preach and practise the same . Wherefore We enjoyn and command all Our Ministers of State beyond the Seas , as well Ambassadours as Residents , Agents , and Messengers , and We desire all the rest of Our loving Subjects , that sojourn either for curiositie or commerce in any forraign parts , to communicate , uphold , and assert this Our solemn and sincere Protestation , when opportunitie of time and place shall be offered . The Contriver of this Declaration , whether it was Digby or who ever it was , doth here in his Maiesties Name , Charge not onely us with sending but other Protestant Churches with receiving groundlesse Calumnies , and there upon came these Warrs to be raised . But if His Maiestie will be pleased to beleeve the Godly Protestant Ministers of this Kingdome they will iustifie for us that it is the Hierarchie , & the Hierarchicall Factions , the Prelates , Papist , Delinquents , and their adherents that have been and are the fomenters , and Incendiaries of these our Confused conflicts . A Letter Subcribed by divers Godly Protestant Ministors in the Church of England , sent to the Generall Assemblie of the Church of Scotland . Right Reverend in our Lord and Saviour , WE received with much joy and satisfaction , the answer of your Generall Assembly , vouchsafed us to our Letters of the last yeer : Some of us in name of our Brethren , thought it then fit by Master Alexander Henderson ( a Brother so justly approved by you , and honoured by us ) to return our desired thanks : And we now further think it equall upon this occasion , to make a more publique acknowledgement of such a publique favour : You w●re then pleased to give us fair grounds to expect that Brotherly advice and endeavours , which the common cause of Christ , and the mutuall interest of the united Nations , command us now again to ask , if not to chalenge . We doubt not but your experience , together with your intelligence , abundantly informs you of our condition , what various administrations of providence we have passed thorow , and we still lie betwixt hopes and fears , a fit temper for working , the God of all grace inable us to improve it . As our hopes are not such as may make us secure ; so neither do our fears prevail to the casting away of our confidence . Your own late condition , together with this Declaration of our present , may acquaint you with the certain , though subtle Authors and Fomenters of these our confused conflicts , which we conceive to be the Hierarchicall faction , who have no way to peace and safety , but through the trouble of others . Our prayers and endeavours according to our measure have been , and shall be for the supplanting and rooting up whatsoever we finde so prejudiciall to the establishment of the Kingdom of Christ , and the peace of our Soveraign . And that this Declaration of our selves may not leave you unsatisfied , we think it requisite further to expresse , That the desire of the most godly and considerable part amongst us , is , That the Presbyterian Government , which hath just and evident foundation , both in the Word of God , and religious reason , may be established amongst us , and that ( according to your intimation ) we may agree in one confession of Faith , one directory for worship , one publique Catechisme and form of Government , which things , if they were accomplished , we should much rejoyce in our happy subjection to Christ our Head , and desired association with you our beloved Brethren : For the better effecting whereof , we thought it necessary , not onely to acquaint you with what our desires are in themselves , but also to You , that is , That what shall seem most fit to the wisdom of that grave and Religious Assembly , may be taken for the furtherance of our endeavours in this kinde . We understand that our Parliament hath been before-hand with us in this intimation , and it cannot be but our duty , who are so much concerned in the businesse , to adde what power the Lord hath given , with you , to the same purpose . This design and desire of ours hath evennesse on the left hand , and dissenting Brethren on the right ; but we doubt not that as our hearts justifie us that our intentions are right , and such as we conceive tend most directly to the glory of God , and peace of the Churches of the Saints : So ( by your brotherly concurrence in the most speedy and effectuall way you can finde ou●● ) the work will in Gods due time receive a prayed for , and hoped for issue . We shall not need by any arguments from mutuall Nationall interest ( thouuh we know ye will not over-looke these ) to inforce this request , the sam● bond wherewith we are all united in the Lord Jesus Christ , we are assured , will alone ingage your faithfull endeavours in this businesse . To him we commit you , with these great and important Affaires you have in hand . Be pleased to accept of these , as the expression of the mindes of our many Godly and faithfull Brethren , whose hearts we doubt not of , neither need you though their hands in regard of the suddennesse of this opportuniy , could not be subscribed , together with ours , who are . London , Iuly 22. 1644. Your most affectionate Friends , and Brethren in the work of the Lord . Sic subscriber . In the next place , the contriver of this Declaration goes about to make the world beleeve , that our fear of the bringing in of Popery , is grounded upon no imaginable Foundation . But the truth of it is , we had great cause to fear it ; For there were Cardinals appointed in Rome to come over , and Vicker-generals , Archdeacons , Deans , Priests and Fryers , not onely chosen , but planted in all places throughout the Kingdom of England , and Dominion of Wales , and all of them had approbation from Rome , before they could be received by Authority of the Romish Church in England . And therefore , for more fuller satisfaction , That all the World may know how His Majesty hath been misled by a pernicious and wicked crue of Papists , Priests and Fryers ; and how neer this Kingdom was brought to be subjected to Popish Religion . Here followeth a Catalogue of the Jesuites , Popish Priests , and Fryers , that were appointed to be placed in their severall places throughout the severall Diocesse of England , and Dominion of Wales . 1. The Vicker-Generall for the Cities of London , and Westminster , the Counties of Kent , Barks , Sussex , Surrey , Essex , and Hartfordshire , was chosen and settled , his name , father Gregory Fisher . 2. For the Vicker-Generall for the Counties of Cornwall , Devon , Sommerset , Wilts , Gloster , and Hampshire : Master Hammon in Cornwall was chosen , a notorious Fryer . 3. For the Counties of Bedford , Huntington , Cambridge , Ely , Lincoln , Norfolk , and Suffolk , was chosen Master Herbert . 4. For the Counties of Oxford , Buckingham , Northampton , 〈◊〉 , Stafford , Warwick , Worcester , and Chester , was chosen Doctor B●svile . 5. For Wales , one Humphrey Hughes , and under him , Master 〈◊〉 and Master Barrington ; the one for North-Wales , the other for South-Wales . 6. For the Counties of York , Derby , Nottingham , Linc●●● , 〈◊〉 Rutland , were nominated , Master Faulkner and Master 〈…〉 certain who was chosen . 7. For Lancashire , Westmerland , Cumberland , Northumberland , and Durham , Master Holden , and Master Lab. Were nominated after , Master Tralloy , who was Vicker before them . These are called Vicker Generals , and were none of them placed without the consent of the Pope , all of them being notorious Popish Priests , and Fryers . And besides these , there were also other Priests and Fryers appointed , for severall charges throughout the Kingdom . A Catalogue of some already discovered , here follows . 1. About London and Westminster , were father Musket , Archdeacon , Master Webstar , Dean , and other Popish Priests ; father Curtes , father Howard , Blaeklo , Harrington , Barker , Holden , Filton , Hide , Clifford , Laborn , Drury , and others . 2. About Cornwall and those parts , Master Manger , Archdeacon , and other Popish Priests , and Fryers : Father Martin , father Woodward , two Warhams . VVhite , Hames , Brown , Newman . 3. In Bedfordshire , &c. Father Thomas , Green , VVeeke , Everard , Garlton , Henry Blacklo , Ely , Hoh , Marchand . 4. In Oxfordshire , &c. Master Button , Archdeacon , besides father B●rlo , Breuerton , Venables , Laurence , Suttlo , Turbervil , Iennings , Ellis , Falkner , Cheeks , Hughes . 5. In Wales , father Stephens , Vaughen , Pew , Permaunt , VVilliams , Barrington , Powel , Perkins , Street , Holland , Remble , Lay , Green , Elliots , Morris , two of the Prices . 6. In Yorkeshire , &c. Father French , Arnold , Fathering , Hughes , Iackeson , VVorthington . 7. In Lancashire , &c. Master Redman , Archdeacon , and other Priests and Fryers ; Father Catreck , VValker , Blunderston , Nevel , Neatby , Lassels , Green , Constable , Hodgeson , Strickland , Sands , Tolly , Sale , VVorthington , and father Tunstall , besides many more . All which , were placed there to extirpate the Protestant Religion , and bring in Popery . A Message not much unlike this Declaration , was sent from the King to the Parliament , in September , 1642. At which time , the Lords and Commons sent this Petition following to His Majestie . May it please Your Majestie ; WE the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , do present this our houble Answer to your Majesties Message of the eleventh of this instant Moneth of September . When we consider the oppression rapine , firing of houses , Murthers ( even at this time whilest Your Maiestie propounds a Treatie ) committed upon Your good Subjects by your Souldiers in the presence , and by the authority of their Commanders , being of the number of those whom Your Majestie holds your self bound in honour and conscience to protect , as persons doing their duties , We cannot thinke your Majestie hath done all that in you lies , to prevent or remove the present distractions , nor so long as your Majestie will admit no peace , without securing the afithors and instruments of these mischiefs from the justice of Parliament , which yet shall be ever dispensed , with all requisite moderation , and distinction of offences , although some of those persons be such , in whose preservation your Kingdom cannot be safe , nor the unquestionable Rights and Priviledges of Parliament be maintained : without which , the power and dignitie thereof will fall into contempt : We beseech Your Majesty therefore to consider your expressions , That God shall deal with you and your posterity as your Majestie desires the preservation of the just rights of Parliament , which being undeniable in the trying of such as we have declared to be Delinquents , we shall beleeve your Maiestie , both towards your self and Parliament , will not in this priviledge we are most sensible of , denyus that which belongs unto the meanest Court of Iustice in this Kingdom : neither hath Your Majestie cause to complaine that you are denyed a Treaty , when we offer all that a Treaty can produce , or Your Majestie expect , Security , Honour , Service , Obedience , Support , and all other effects of an humble , loyall , and faithfull subjection , and seek nothing but that our Religion , Libertie , Peace of the Kigdome , safety of the Parliament , may be secured from the open violence and cunning practises of a wicked partee , who have long ploted our ruine and destruction : And if there were any cause of Treatie , we know no competent persons to Treate between the King and the Parliament ; And if both cause and persons were such as to invite a Trteay , the season is altogether unfit , while Your Majesties Standard is up , and your Proclamations and Declarations unrecalled , whereby your Parliament is charged with Treason . If Your Majestie shall persist to make your selfe a shield and defence to those instruments , and shall continue to reject our faithfull and necessary advice for securing and maintaining Religion , and Liberty with peace of the Kingdome , and safety of the Parliament , we doubt not but to indifferent judgements , it will easily appear who is most tender of that innocent blood which is like to be spilt in this cause ; Your Majestie who by such persisting doth endenger Your selfe and your Kingdomes , or we who are willing to hazard our selves to preserve both . We humbly beseech Your Majestie to consider how impossible it is , That any Protestation , though published in your Majesties Name , of your tendernesse of the miseries of your Protestant Subjects in Ireland , of your resolution to maintain the Protestant Religion , and Lawes of this Kingdome , can give satisfaction to reasonable and indifferent men , 〈…〉 time divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebells , the known favourers of them and the Agents for them , are admitted to Your Majesties presence with grace and favour , and some of them imployed in your service ; when the Cloaths , Munition , Horses , and other necessaries bought by your Parliament , and sent for the supply of the Army against the Rebells there , are violently taken away , some by Your Majesties command , others by your Ministers , and applyed to the maintenance of an unnaturall War against your people here . All this notwithstanding , as we never gave Your Majestie any iust cause of withdrawing Your self from Your great Counsell , so it hath ever been , and shall ever be far from us to give any impediment to Your returne , or to neglect any proper meanes of curing the distempers of the Kingdome , and closing the dangerous breaches betweene Your Majestie and Your Parliament , according to the great Trust which lyeth upon us . And if Your Majestie shall now be pleased to come backe to Your Parliament , without Your forces , we shall be ready to secure Your Royall Person , Your Crown and Dignitie , with our lives and Fortunes ; Your presence in this Your great Counsell being the onely meanes of any Treaty betwixt Your Majestie and them , with hope of successe . And in none of our desires to Your Majestie shall we be swayed by any particular mans advantage , but shall give a cleer Testimonie to Your Maistie and the whole world , That in all thing done by us , we faithfully intend the good of Your Majstie ●ct of Your Kingdoms ; And that we will not be diverted from this end by any private or selfe-respect whatsoever . One thing more is much to be taken notice of , which relisheth rather of Digbies spirit , then of His Majesties Penning , which is this ; The Declaration which is published in English , saith thus , This most holy Religion , with the Hierarchy and Liturgie thereof , we solemnly protest , &c. But in the Latin ( with the Plierarchy and Liturgie ) is left out : so that indeed it speaks one thing to us , and another thing to forraign Nations : And whereas those of His Maiesties subiects are desired to uphold this Protestation when opportunity and time shall be offered . I could wish that His Maiestie would be pleased to remember those many Covenants , by which He is bound to return to His Parliament , and seek the peace and safety of His people , and not by protecting a few Popish , Prelaticall , Jesuiticall , Incendiaries , and Delinquents ; bring Himself , His Posterity , and Kingdom to ruine . God Almighty be pleased to put it into the Kings heart , to consider the bleeding condition of His poor people , and cause Him to return to comply with His Parliament , to the stopping of this great effusion of blood , and the setling of the Church , and Kingdom in peace and tranquilitie ; which God grant . FINIS . 
A31855	----	His Majesties declaration for the relief of the poor miners within the county of Derby England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31855 of text R35981 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2203). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31855 Wing C2203 ESTC R35981 15585155 ocm 15585155 103952 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31855) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103952) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:36) His Majesties declaration for the relief of the poor miners within the county of Derby England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. "Given at our court at York, this 15 of August, 1642." Reproduction of original in the Society of Antiquaries Library. London. eng Lead miners -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31855 R35981 (Wing C2203). civilwar no His Majesties declaration for the relief of the poor miners within the county of Derby England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 445 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ¶ His Majesties Declaration , for the Relief of the poor Miners , within the County of Derby . CHARLES R. VVHereas We are well informed , by such as We have expresly imployed , That the Miners and Workmen of Our Mines in Our County of Derby are falling into great wants , and likely to be deprived of the means of sustaining themselves and families by their labours , by occasion of severall oppressions , and the stoppage of the Vessels employed in the carriage of Lead ( the commodity upon which , by their labours , they subsist ) by the illegall and hostile Courses used by Sir John Hotham at Hull . We therefore , tendring the relief of Our said poor Miners , out of Our Princely care , have thought good hereby to declare : That all such of Our said Subjects who are willing , and able in body , and shall voluntarily repair to Nottingham , to Our present Army , without sound of Drum , shall forthwith receive five shillings a peece for their charges in coming thither , and be afterwards entertained , and duly receive their pay of six shilings by the weeke , during their Service in Our present wars . And , upon the disbanding of Our Army , all such of the Miners aforesaid , as have faithfully served Vs , shall be , during their lives , freed and exempted from payment of Lot , Cope , and Custome for all such Dare as they shall digge in Our said Mines ; and if it shall happen , any of them to dye in Our said Service , the Widdow of the deceased shall have liberty to employ a Servant , and injoy such benefits , anb priviledges , during their lives , as their Husbands should have had , in case they had survived . And to the end , that this Our Declaration , and pious Intention may be made known to Our said Subjects , We do hereby require such Parsons , Vicars , and Curats in Our said County , to whom these presents shall come , forthwith to publish the same in their Parish Churches : And for so doing this shall be , as well unto them , as unto all others whom it may concern , a sufficient Warrant and Discharge . Given at Our Court at York , this 15 of August . 1642. ¶ Imprinted at York by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN Bill . 1642. 
A31898	----	His Majesties declaration to the ministers, free-holders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of York assembled by His Majesties speciall summons at Haworth-Moor, near the city of York, on Friday the 3 of June, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31898 of text R43082 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2283). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31898 Wing C2283 ESTC R43082 26771477 ocm 26771477 109785 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31898) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109785) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1712:24) His Majesties declaration to the ministers, free-holders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of York assembled by His Majesties speciall summons at Haworth-Moor, near the city of York, on Friday the 3 of June, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Imprinted first at York and now re-printed at London for Edward Husbands, [London] : 1642. This ed. differs from Wing C2284 found at reel 1611:38, in having only three lines in the header, and lacking the date (June 6) in colophon. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. York (England) -- History. A31898 R43082 (Wing C2283). civilwar no His Majesties declaration to the ministers, free-holders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of York assembled by His Maje England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1397 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties Declaration to the Ministers , Freeholders , Farmers , and substantiall Copy-holders of the County of York : Assembled by His Majesties speciall Summons at Heworth-Moor , neer the City of York , on Friday the 3. of June . 1642. VVE would have you to be assured that we never intended the least neglect unto you in any former Summons of the Country , Our love , as well as Our protection , extending to all Our Subjects , But as you are a great Body , time and conveniency must be observed in your Assembling . That you may know the generall Reasons of Our being here , you must understand , That when We found it neither safe , nor honourable , to expose Our Person to the tumultuous and licentious proceedings of many ( which to this day are unpunished ) who did disorderly approach neer Our Court at Whitehall , We trusted this part of Our Dominions chiefly to reside in ; whereas most of the Gentry already have , so We assure Our selves the rest of you will give Us cleer testimony of your service and obedience , which we will never use otherwise then for the defence of the true Orthodox Religion professed and setled in Queen Elizabeths time , and confirmed by the Authority of the Statutes of this Realm , the defence of the Laws and Fundamentall Constitutions of this Kingdom ( as the justest Measure and Rule for Our Prerogative , and your Liberties and Rights ; ) and lastly , for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom . As for Our own Zeal to the Protestant profession , We refer all the world to Our daily exercise of , and Our Declarations concerning it , and execution of the Laws against the Papists ; so likewise We cannot but declare Our Self most heartily sorry to finde such Separatists and Schismaticks , who presume against the Law , to foment new Doctrines and Disciplines to the disturbance of Church and State . For the Law , it being the common inheritance of Our people , we shall never inforce any Prerogative of Ours beyond it , but submit Our Self to it , and give you , and all Our Subjects the fullest latitude of it , both for the liberty of your Persons , and the propriety of your estates . And for the inviolable confidence and assurance hereof , as We take God ( the Searcher of all hearts ) to witnesse Our reall intention herein , so We shall no longer desire you to stand for the defence of Our Person , Honour , and just Prerogatives , then we shall maintain the Laws of the Land , the liberty of your persons and the propriety of your Goods . And for the cleer understanding of Our Resolutions to maintain Peace , we may have the confidence and happinesse to refer ( against all malignity whatsoever ) to Our former Sixteen yeers Reign ; ( too long to dissemble Our Nature ) if in all this time We never caused the effusion of one drop of bloud , it must needs be thought , that in Our riper judgement in Government , We should never open such Issues as might drown Us and Our Posterity in them : But we are sure to have no enemies , but in the defence of the true Protestant Profession , the Right of the established Laws , and for the preservation of peace , and certainly all these must be all yours , as well as Our enemies . And to the end that this present Posture wherein we meet , should not affright you with the distempers of the times , the Example of the two Houses having made Us prepare for a Guard to Us and Our Childrens Persons , We wish you to look into the Composition and Constitution of it , and you will finde it so far from the face or fear of War , that it serves to secure you , as well as Us , from it : For Our Choice is of the prime Gentry , and of one Regiment of Our Trained Bands , which cannot be thought to oppresse the Countrey - ( being their own ) nor war with themselves . And we further assure you , We never intended to use Forraigners or disaffected in Religion : And that you may fully assure your selves of Our sole dependancy upon the love and service of Our own People , to live and die with them , We have armed these Our Subjects ; which had been most irrationall , if we had ever intended to have used Strangers : And further , you may perceive that We receive none , but such as stand cleer in Loyalty and Religion , for which reason We have caused the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy to be given them . Likewise , to prevent any distempers at home , We have , and shall put the Trained-Bands of all this Our Kingdom under the Command of Persons of honour , confidence , and affection to their Country , straitly charging , upon their Allegiance , no Officer to accept any command in them , nor Souldiers to obey any , save such as are authorized by Us . And for the prevention of any innovated power over you , you shall have Us here to govern you , and the Souldiory to protect you in peace , and to relieve you against all oppressions ; for that , as we have told you before , must arise from some great violation ( which we hope God will prevent ) and not from this preparation of our Subjects . Therefore let none of you be affrighted with vain fears ; if such a War should follow , it follows the authors home to their own doors : And such ( by the confidence of Our Person with you ) We assure Our Self you are not . Here We had left you to your fidelity and duty , had not some malicious insolence in Our former meetings sent forth most presumptuous Summons , deceiving Our people , and presuming upon Our Royall Authority ; and these present themselves as great Defenders or Religion , peace , and liberty ; Whereas they become infectious , and contagious to the people , seducing them into vain fancies and delusions , as may appear by their Warrants which we could trace to some pulpits , as We are credibly informed : And you see it were just in Us , to punish these as Authors of sedition , but that it would be too great a favour , for it would honour them with the Title of Martyrdom , for Gods cause , as they vainly pretend : But you may now see from whence this Spirit comes , that would make Us to be in the Act of destruction of Religion , Our person a disturber of the peace , and ready to introduce slavery . These here are all the forraign Forces We have , or ever shall intend to have , to act these great designes , notwithstanding the vain fears hitherto imagined . So that you see it is high time that these fancies were dispersed and driven away , that We might be repaired in Honour and Interest , and you enjoy the blessing of peace and happinesse ; the advancement whereof shall be Our study and comfort : and therefore We shall ( when you shall think it a convenient time ) ease you in the number of the Trained-Bands : And for your Billet-money , it had been long since paid , but that no part of the Subsidies ( which We passed for that purpose ) came to Our hands , and We shall not be wanting in any thing that lyeth in Us , for the full satisfaction thereof : And shall make Our Grace and Bounty to you answerable to your best fidelity and loyalty , as occasion shall be offered to Us . Imprinted first at York , and now re-Printed at London for Edward Husbands . 1642. 
A31911	----	Five severall papers delivered by the King to the commissioners at the treaty and six papers presented by them to His Majesty with an exact journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the treaty began. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31911 of text R28553 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2310). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31911 Wing C2310 ESTC R28553 10629579 ocm 10629579 45455 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31911) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 45455) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1400:11) Five severall papers delivered by the King to the commissioners at the treaty and six papers presented by them to His Majesty with an exact journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the treaty began. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 6 p. Printed by Robert Ibbitson, London : 1648. Does not contain texts of the papers. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A31911 R28553 (Wing C2310). civilwar no Five severall papers, delivered by the King to the commissioners at the treaty. And six papers presented by them to his Majesty with an exac [no entry] 1648 1904 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Five severall Papers , Delivered by the KING TO THE Commissioners at the TREATY . AND Six papers presented by them to his Majesty WITH An exact Journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the TREATY began . Die Sabbathi 23. Septemb. 1648. THese Papers are printed and published for satisfaction to the Kingdome , and to prevent the false scandals reported about the Treaty . Severall Papers signed CHARLES REX . London Printed by Robert Ibbitson . AN Exact Journall of the most remarkable passages of each day since the Treaty began . Noble Sir , ON Munday morning Sep. 18. 1648. The Lords and the rest of the Commissioners ( after prayers with the Chaplaines , who pray each of them by turnss , one , one weeke , another , another weeke Mr. Vines prayed this weeke ) they went ( but not the Chaplaines ) to the place of the Treaty , and sent word to His Majesty , that they were come and ready to waite upon His Majesty at the Treaty : ( this was about 9 a clocke in the morning . ) The Commissioners were appointed a roome neere unto the Chamber where the Treaty is , which is a withdrawing roome , ( in which is severall other roomes ) untill his Majesty calls for them . The King is in one part of the House , the other is reserved for the Commissioners when they come to the Treaty . Immediately after they were come , and word brought to the King , that the Commissioners were ready , His Majesty passeth from Sir William Hodges to the Treaty in His Coach , with the Lords and others that attend His Majesty , and His Footmen , and Coach-man , with new suites laid with broad plate silver lace , two in a Seame . His Majesty came into the Treaty Chamber , where is a large table : At the upper end whereof is a Canopy and a Chaire of State for His Majesty , where He sat downe . His Majesty being set , sent out for the Commissioners into the Treaty Chamber , who comming into His Majesties presence , stood bare to the King . His Majesty bad them sit down at the table , the Commissioners ( very modestly ) refused it at first , but His Majesty pressing them , they sat downe at the other end of the Table , but all bare both the Lords and Commons . No body at all , comes into the roome , but the King alone , and the Commissioners from the Parliament . That day they read their Commission ( to the King in the morning ) and other things in relation to the preparations of the Treaty , which they fell upon in the afternoone . The King went to dinner to His Quarters , and the Commissioners to theirs and in the afternoone fell to the Treaty againe , and made some entrance , and parted againe at night to their respective lodgings . Septemb. 18. 1648. The effect of His Majesties first paper . HIs Majesty desired the Propositions , and Copy of their Instructions . Septemb. 18. 1648. The effect of the Commissioners Papers . The Commissioners first Paper . MAy it please your Majesty ; Having made knowne our Commission to treat personally with your Majesty , upon the Propositions formerly presented at Hampton Court , as they concern the Kingdomes of England and Ireland . And this Treaty to be for forty daies , beginning this present , and to proceed in the first place upon the Propositions following in order , Viz. For recalling , and annulling all Oathes , Declarations , &c. And to receive your Majesties Answer in writing . Wherefore we pray that nothing may be understood to bee binding of either side , but what shall be so set down in writing . Accordingly wee are ready to present your Majesty a paper concerning that first proposition for Recalling Oathes , Declarations , &c. Signed by the Commissioners . His Majesties second Paper . Nothing to bee binding but what should be agreed upon in writing . The Commissioners second paper . Desiring his Majesty to give his Royall assent to this Proposition insuing : That whereas both Houses of Parliament have been necessitated to undertake a warre in their just and lawfull defence , &c. An Act of Parliament may passe , whereby all Oathes , Declarations , &c. against both or either Houses of Parliament , or against any for adhering to them , &c. to be declared null , and that publiquely intimated in all Parish Churches , in all your Majesties Dominions of England and Ireland , &c. His Majesties third paper . His Majesty desired to have the Propositions of the English and Irish entirely together , &c. The Commissioners third paper . VVe humbly Answer , That the Propositions themselves were formerly presented to Your Majesty at Hampton Court , we conceive are in Your Majesties hands , excepting that of the Court of Wards , delivered since in the Isle of Wyght , &c. what concerns our instructions , wee humbly say , that wee have no Warrant from our Houses to deliver any Copy . The Commissioners fourth paper . As to the latter part of the second paper delivered in the morning , we shall acquaint the Houses , that no agreement put in writing , be binding till the conclusion of the whole Treaty , unlesse it shall be otherwise especially agreed . Tuesday Sep. 19. THe King and the Commissioners met again in the same order that they had done the day before , and Treated both forenoon and afternoone . None of them do go to the King at all , but in the Treaty Chamber , and altogether publickly at the Table , where there are made many gallant Speechs , insomuch that His Majesty gives them this Character , That they are a company of very wise men . The King is very merry , and free , and hath such freedome that many resort to Him , to the Court to kisse His hand , but the Commissioners never go thither none of them , since the first Saturday , but daily meet His Majesty in the Treaty Chamber . That night the King and the Commissioners upon His Majesties desire , adjourned untill Wednesday night . 19 September . The Substance of His Majesties fourth Paper . CHARLES R. In Answer to your Paper of the 18th Sept. concerning the Recalling of all the Oathes , Declarations and Proclamations heretofore in all , or to be had , against both or either Houses of Parliament or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing , or executing any Office , Place or Charge by any Authority derived from them : And all judgements , Inditements , Outlawries and Inquisitions in any of the said Causes , and all Grants thereupon , made or had to be made or had , be Declared null , suppressed , and forbidden , and that this be publickly intimated in all Parish Churches , and other places needfull , within His Majesties Dominions of England and Ireland . His Majesty , &c. Concerning that expression that both Houses of Parliament have been necessitated to undertake a War for their just defence , &c. Sept. 19. The Commissioners fifth Paper . For our giving the Propositions entirely together , we finde not our selves warranted to present our desires concerning all the Propositions at once , or in any sort to Treate them but in Order , but what wee have drawne out for our owne use we shall give your Majesty to expedite the Treaty . And this draught is seperated from what concernes the Kingdome of Scotland . And this we do not in way of Treaty , but out of desire to satisfie your Majesty , &c. We humbly desire your Majesties Answer to our Paper delivered yesterday concerning the Proposition for Recalling all Oathes , Declarations , &c. And other proceedings thereupon against the Parliament , or those that acted by their Authority . Wednesday Sep. 20. MR. Recorder came hither , from London , and went with the Lords , and the rest of the Commissioners to the Treaty in the afternoone . And they sat very close , and debated matters very deep , in all which the Commissioners argued so gallantly with His Majesty , and gave such Reasons to every thing debated on , that the King admired their wisdome and gravity . That night they adjourned untill Thursday in the afternoon . But His Majesty told the Commissioners that he was not certaine , that he could then be ready , but said that he would either come to them , and proceed to Treat then , or give them reasons why he could not come that night , and then proceed to the Treaty on Friday . The busines that thus holds in Dispute is , about the matter of the fault upon whom the guilt of the blood shed these wars shall bee laid , and how as to freeing His Majesty , which His Majesty would have done . His Majesties fifth Paper . His Majestie desired to know , whither they had any power to consent to any Omissions or Alterations , if upon a debate he should give Reasons to satisfie such Omissions or Alterations . Septem. 20. The Commissioners sixt paper . Wee are ready by debate to shew how reasonable our desires are , and there will be no reason that wee should alter or recede from them . But if in the matter of this , or any other debate , your Majesty give such reasons as shall satisfie us for any omissions or alterations in the papers we sent to your Majesty , wee shall then doe therein as we are warranted by our Instructions , which we have not power to make known , as we have declared ( in a former paper of the 18 of this instant ) to your Majesty . Thursday Sep. 21. HIS Majesty could not dispatch to be ready to Answer what was before propounded by the Commissioners , and therefore put it off untill the next day . And His Majesty sent Answer by His Secretary , that Hee could not meet the Commissioners that night , and delivered in Reasons why Hee could not meet that afternoone . The Secretaries are admitted to be behind a Curtaine , where they Treate , in the time of the Treaty . There is as yet nothing denyed by the King to bee passed ; though nothing actually granted . But the great rub is not get removed . His Majesty is loath to charg Himselfe with the guilt of the blood spilt . The Commissioners are very faithfull to their Instructions . To morrow His Majesty puts in His Answer . Newport 21 Sep. 1648. FINIS . 
A31803	----	His Maiesties answer to the declaration of both Hovses of Parliament concerning the Commission of Array of the 1 of July 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31803 of text R26443 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2115). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 136 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 51 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31803 Wing C2115 ESTC R26443 09464165 ocm 09464165 43196 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31803) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43196) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:32) His Maiesties answer to the declaration of both Hovses of Parliament concerning the Commission of Array of the 1 of July 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 99 p. Printed and reprinted by His Majesties speciall command, Yorke ; Oxford : 1642. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Militia. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A31803 R26443 (Wing C2115). civilwar no His Maiesties ansvver to the declaration of both Hovses [sic] of Parliament, concerning the Commission of Array. Of the 1. of July. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 24568 6 0 0 0 0 0 2 B The rate of 2 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES ANSWER TO THE DECLARATION OF BOTH HOVSES OF PARLIAMENT . Concerning the Commission of ARRAY . Of the 1. of July . 1642. Printed at Yorke , and reprinted at Oxford by His Maiesties speciall command . Anno Dom. 1642. HIS MAIESTIES ANSWER , to the DECLARATION of both Houses of Parliament , concerning the Commission of ARRAY . HAving first received , by the published Votes and Declarations of both Our Houses of Parliament severall informations of evident and imminent danger unto Our Kingdome , from enemies abroad , and at home , and finding that Our Commissions of Lieutenancie ( although Wee did since the beginning of this Parliament grant the like for the County of Yorke , to the now Earle of Essex , with the privitie of both Our Houses of Parliament , and without exception from either ; and that the same was the meanes for defence of this Kingdome used in the happy times of that good Queene Elizabeth , and Our blessed Father , and confirmed as well by the opinions of Iudges and Lawyers , as the universall obedience of the Subjects ) were all of them , without hearing any of Our Councell learned , voted illegall , and by Our House of Peers called in to be cancelled ; And that thereupon Our Kingdome lay open and exposed to all dangerous attempts without other provision then of a late pretended Ordinance of both Our said Houses ; which ( being made without Vs , and contrary to Our expresse will declared , and after it had beene twice refused in Our House of Peeres , and after the departure of a major part of the Peeres ) was so farre from being a meanes to prevent danger , that if it should have beene admitted , it would in all probabilitie , have beene the ready way to confusion , and ruine , as being made in an unparliamentary , unpresidented , and unjustifiable way , and therefore of a most dangerous consequence , both to Vs and Our people , as well in that particular , as in the Example . Wee did therefore for the avoyding of the perill of delayes , and expence of time in disputes , issue forth such Our severall Commissions of Array into Our severall Counties , as upon great advice , Wee conceive were not only secured for , but also might well be most satisfactory unto both Our Houses , as being beyond all just exception in the point of Legality , Danger , or Inconvenience , the same having beene heretofore most deliberately agreed upon , and settled ( as Wee shall herein shew ) in , and by the care and wisedome of the Parliament , held in the fifth yeare of King Henry the fourth . And Wee expected for this Our so Princely care of Our People , and observance of Our Lawes , rather the dutifull thanks of both Our Houses , then the returne of such an Answer or Declaration as causelesly imputes to this Our so well intended and justifiable an act , not onely ( upon mis-construction and mis-application of severall Acts and Declarations in Parliament ) the taxe of illegality , but also marketh it ( upon the mis-representation of divers powers , and omission of divers Limitations in Our Commission ) with the brand of extream danger , and inconvenience thereby to Our people , and of an heavier yoke of Bondage then either that of the late Ship money , or any other charge taken away this Parliament . In all which , for the better and further satisfaction of Our well-affected people , and to save them ( if possible ) from incurring any danger either by obeying that Ordinance , or disobeying Our Commissions , ( in both which We are resolved to require a strict examination and account ) We have taken the pains to examine the said Declaration , and the Objections therein against Our Commissions . And for the better understanding of the severall particular doubts which are now raised thereupon , We hold it necessary in the first place , to set forth the true end of these Commissions , with the severall Powers and Limitations thereof , which by this Declaration are drawne into question , together with the severall mis-representations thereof in this Declaration . The Subjects being of three sorts ; Some having good estates , and able bodies ; Others , being of good estates , but impotent ; Others , able of body , but not in estate : And the service required , being for the necessary defence of our Kingdome in generall , in the time of danger . The Commissioners are to cause those of the first sort , to Arme themselves according to their degree and estate , ( and serving in Person , they are not bound by this Commission to find Arms for any others . ) Those who ( having estates ) are not able to serve in Person , are to be assessed , and may be distrained to finde Arms for others , according to the quantity of their Lands and Goods ; But with this Limitation , prout rationabiliter portare poterunt , & salvo statu suo ; that is , That they be charged but moderately , and so as they may live still , according to their former condition . As for those of the third sort , who are not able to Arm themselves , by this Commission , as it was altered by common consent in 5. H. 4. ( for it was otherwise before that time ) they are not ( as to this matter of Arming ) medled withall . And therefore this part of the Commission is mis-represented in the Declaration . Which supposeth a Power given by this Commission , to charge all men without distinction , with Arms , at the discretion of the Commissioners , without Limitation ; and those that are able , to finde Arms ; and such as are impotent , to finde men at Arms , according to the quantity of their Lands and Goods ; And also wholly omits the manner of the charging them , which is to be moderately , and so as they may still live , according to their former condition The Commission having thus , with equality , and indifferency , charged Our Subjects with provision of Arms , it further provides for their calling together , training , and exercising , not ( as it is in the Declaration ) generally at the pleasure of the Commissioners , without restraint either of time or place : ) But that they shall be called together , ad certos dies & loca quos videritis magis competentes & expedientes , & pro populo nostro minùs damnosos ; At such times and places as the Commissioners shall thinke to be most fitting and expedient , and least hurtfull unto the people . And having thus provided , for the Arming and preparing Our Subjects for defence of the Kingdome ; In the new place , the Commission gives power to the Commissioners , to leade them to the Sea-coast , or else-where ; but not at the pleasure of the Commissioners , ( as may be inferred out of the Declaration ) nor without Limitation , ( though omitted also in the Declaration ) But the Commission provides , That they are to be led to the Sea-coast , or else-where , ubi ac quoties necesse fuerit ad inimicos nostros expellend . debelland . & destruend . cum periculum immineat ; At such times and places as it shall be necessary for the expulsion , vanquishing , and destruction of Our Enemies , when there shall be imminent danger . And it further provides , in another part of the Commission , That they shall be conducted ; cum periculum imminuerit in defensione Regni & Patriae tam ad Costerum Maris , quàm alia loca ubi magis necesse fuerit , In case of imminent danger , for defence of the Kingdome and Countrey from time to time , as well to the Sea-coast , as other places where it shall be most necessary . And although notwithstanding all these limitations and cautions , it be true , That in this charging of Arms , as also for the times and places of calling together Our Subjects , and of conducting or leading them , and the dangers upon which they are to be so conducted and led , much is left to the discretion of the Commissioners ( as it must of necessity in all Commissions , where the places , times , and occasions of execution of them depend upon future accidents and circumstances , and cannot be certainly knowne , or described at the time of the issuing of the Commissions . ) Yet neverthelesse it cannot be inferred thereupon , That therefore Our Commissioners have a meere absolute arbitrary Liberty of Will to doe what they please . But that if they shall wilfully and unjustly grieve any of Our good Subjects , in exceeding or not observing Our Limitations or Directions , they are , by Law , clearely punishable by Indictment for the same : Nor are , or shall any of Our Subjects so grieved , be without remedy or reliefe . And to the end that every County , so farre as in Vs lyeth , should have cause to rest the more assured against any evill usage and abuse ; By this Commission Wee have appointed for Commissioners , such as have estates in the severall Counties , and are Persons of Honour and Reputation , who are not onely engaged to all fairnesse out of their owne interest , but also in the concernment of their Posterity , Kindred , Alliance , Friends , and Tenants , and the good affection of their Countrey , which to Persons of such Condition as they are , is of a consideration beyond their Fortunes ; So that Wee hope their forwardnesse in undertaking this trouble for the publike defence , will occasion in Our good Subjects , rather a willing obedience unto Vs , then the least distrust or jealousie of any of them . Having thus stated the substance of Our Commission , and prevented that mis-understanding , which this Declaration might have else begotten thereupon ; Wee ( in the necessary justification thereof , and vindication of Our owne Honour , against those expressions in that Declaration , which so nearely doe concerne Vs ( under the Common name of Evill Councellors ) as if Wee had violated Our Lawes , even those so lately made ; broken Our often Protestations of governing according to Law , and done that which would bring Our people into a slavery ) shall now joyne issue with Our two Houses , in every materiall part of their Declaration , both in the consideration of the pretended Danger , Inconveniency , and Illegality . And herein , first , for the pretended Danger , and Inconveniency so much urged ; Wee do deny . That this Commission is full of Danger , or Inconveniency to Our Subjects , or will bring an heavier Yoke of Bondage then the Ship-money , or any other illegall charge , taken away this Parliament ; or indeed , any Danger or Inconvenience at all . And therein Wee appeale to each good mans conscience and reasonable understanding : In a Kingdome ( as this is ) which in its fundamentall policy ( as well for its owne assurance , against the danger of Forraigne Aids , as the bad use that might bee made of great constant Forces ( whether forraigne or native ) must necessarily be defended by it selfe : What other way of defence can be imagined but by the Subject ? What more reasonable proportion of charging them can bee found ? Wherein can the Limitation of the ( otherwise Arbitrary ) Discretion be bettered ? Or how , in any one particular , can a more equall & fitting way be taken for the avoyding the grieving Our good Subjects in their own particulars ? Yet withall providing for the defence of our Kingdome in the generall , then is by this Commission ? And Wee cannot but professe Our Wonder , That since ( as Wee shall shew ) this very Commission was with so much care , both in respect of the Commissioners , and the powers of execution thereof , over the persons to be commanded , allowed , and setled in all points , to the very desires of the people ( and that in Parliament ) in the fifth yeare of King H. 4 how such Danger , Inconvenience , and Bondage , can be by Our two Houses imagined in this Act of Ours , without violating that rule , so often urged by them ( though not so properly applyed to them without Vs ) That a dishonourable thing ought not to bee imagined of the Parliament . And it is as strange to Vs , that all this should happen by this Commission , and yet that Our Subjects should , for so many yeares past , have enjoyed so many happy dayes in the reigne of Queene Elizabeth , and Our Father , both of blessed memory , under the provision of Lieutenancy , which is agreed by this Declaration to be little differing from those of the Commissions of Array in the Powers . And lastly , Wee demand , Whether the persons appointed over the Militia by Our Houses of Parliament , have not , by their pretended Ordinance or Orders , most of those powers ; nay , some greater over the Subject , in this matter of the Militia , then are in this Commission ? and how they themselves can imagine these powers to be of a better nature by their authority , then they are by Ours ? And as to this taxe of danger and inconvenience , as in the generall it did require no answer at all , ( though for the satisfaction of Our people , Wee have therein thus enlarged Our selves ) so for that particular of the Yoke of Bondage thereby , in making it heavier then that of Ship-money , since they have not shewed in what particulars , Wee shall say no more but this : That by this Commission no money at all comes to Vs , or to Our dispose ; nor is any money appointed to be raised , but onely Arms provided : And the Arms which Our Subjects are charged to beare or finde , are to bee their owne proper goods ( which Sir Richard Hutton , in his Argument in print against the Ship-money , well observed , and thereby differenced the providing of Arms , and payment of Ship-mony ) and are provided once for all , and not yearly to be renewed , as taxes for money might bee , and remaine in their owne custody , and for their owne defence as well as Ours . Wee shall now proceed unto the next generall issue , touching the pretended illegality of Our Commission of Array , and shall justifie the legality thereof by Common Law , and by the practise of former Ages conforme to it ; and by Statutes in the very point against all the severall pretences mentioned in the Declaration , whereunto Wee shall give particular Answers . And Wee shall first begin with the Common Law , whereunto the Declaration saith , this Commission is contrary ; and therein affirme , That this Our Commission is warranted by the very fundamentals of Our Government , and ( as VVee said in Our late Proclamation ) the right of issuing thereof is inherent in Our Crowne . For since ( as Wee hope none will deny ) the Kingdome must of necessity be ever in readinesse ( in time of danger at least ) by power of Arms to prevent or suppresse Rebellion at home , and Invasion from abroad ; and to that end the Subject must be armed and prepared before hand , and conducted after , as there shall be occasion : And that this cannot be done without a Command or Government , Wee desire much to know in vvhom , out of Parliament , ( for Parliaments are not alwayes , nor can bee called at all times , or meet on the suddaine ) this power can be but in Vs as the Supreame Governour ; ( as it is in all other States , be the persons of the Governours one or more , according to the forme of each State ) And can the Supreame Governour , according to his duty , and Our Selfe more particularly , according to Our Oath , otherwise afford Our people that protection which is due unto them , in maintaining to them the Lawes in the matter of Property and Liberty against private injury or oppression , As well as Our Selfe , and them , and whatsoever is deare unto any of Vs , against Enemies or Rebels , especially the just Rights and Prerogatives of Our Crowne , wherewith God hath trusted Vs , ( according to the fundamentall and well-established policy of Our State ) as well for the peoples good as Our owne honour , both which must bee preserved ; And will any man say , that by calling of Our Parliament , ( which is but a meeting of Vs and Our Subjects , ( and such they continue as well collectively in the two Houses , as they were before singly ) and a meeting in its owne nature dissolvable at Our pleasure ; and though now enlarged by Vs in time , yet not in power ) Wee are growne lesse , or departed with any thing to them either by way of abdication , or communication of Our Royall Power ? This upon the common principles of Reason and Government is so obvious to every man , that Wee shall for the present proceed no further therein , either by quotations of Acts of Parliament , or other legall authorities , ( some whereof Wee have recited in Our late Proclamations ) till Our two Houses shall give Vs some justifiable instance of some good time to the contrary . Wee come next to the continuall practice by Vs alleadged ( being alone sufficient to declare an originall fundamentall Law of Our Kingdome , or at least by a tacite consent to introduce a Law ) and to this purpose Wee shall shew that the power of granting Commissions for the defence of the Kingdome in the generall , whereunto onely Wee applyed and doe apply the opinions of Sir Richard Hutton and Sir George Crook ( not meaning therein , as neither in Our Proclamation ( as is clearely mistaken ) the present forme setled by 5. H. 4. ( which Wee Our selves declared , was made upon alteration ) though for the substance thereof Wee might have said so much , and made it good , as it appeares by the Marginall Quotations ) is warranted by the presidents in former Ages . And this practice , the Penner of this Declaration doth indeed not deny ; for having before confessed the often issuing of Commissions of Array , after 5. H. 4 in the times of H. 4. H. 5. and H. 6. ( and hee might have brought it to later times , if hee had so pleased ) he doth afterwards confesse , that divers Commissions of Array issued in divers Kings Reignes before 5. H. 4. But as to this point of practice before 5. H. 4. hee saith by way of answer , That for the most part they were warranted by particular Acts of Parliament . And yet amongst so many presidents of severall Commissions , he gives instances onely of two yeares in 13. & 14. E. 3. of Commissions of Array then issued , warranted by Act of Parliament . Which , if true , doth no more disprove the legality of other Commissions of Array , constantly issued without a Parliament , then it doth of Commissions of Oyer and Terminer ( which at the same time in 14. E. 3. together with the Commissions of Array , were appointed to issue to the same persons ) or of any other Act , which the King doth by the advice of his Parliament , though he may do it without them : rather it implyeth the legality , and the former usage of such Commissions of Array , in that it appoints such Commissions to issue , but limits not at all the particular Clauses or Powers to be inserted therein , as a thing known and usuall to be done . But the truth is , both the presidents do concerne the drawing of men out of the Kingdome to a forraign Warre ; and so are nothing to the purpose Wee have in hand . And that of 13. E. 3. is not at all a Commission of Array , but of another nature , giving power to the Lord VVake , and others to provide moneyes , and to cause certaine persons there named , who had particularly undertaken the service of the Scottish Warres , Leur arraier & appareiller d'aller vers , Newcastle : To array and prepare themselves to goe to Newcastle : ( whither they were to be brought at the charge of the Counties ) and to be there at a time appointed . Having thus set forth the continuall practice of issuing forth Commissions of Array in former ages ( whereunto Wee never found , till now , any exception , as for home-defence ) and the absolute necessity thereof , Wee doubt not but every indifferent Iudgement will easily conceive , That this power is a right Vs by by the Common Law . And the rather , when they shall consider , That a Commission of Array having beene issued by the King in 5. H. 4. The Commons in Parliament , that yeare did not except to any part thereof as illegally , no , not to the Clauses , which seemed heavy over the Commissioners ; nor did except at all to any the powers of execution thereof over the persons to be commanded , but did acknowledge the Royall assent , for the amendment , and alteration of that Commission into the now present forme , to be an Act of great grace . And herein Wee cannot but admire , that the Penner of this Declaration should urge it as a reason why the Commons in that Parliament of 5. H. 4. complained not for reliefe against the Commission in the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded , because ( as hee supposeth ) they knew that they were so clearly against the late Statute of 4. H. 4. Whereas ( if it had beene so ) they should the rather have complained , because they issued against so late a Statute , so cleare in the point , ( unlesse the policy and temper of the times be since much altered ) for in a matter of so high a nature as the powers of this Commission , which ( as this Declaration confesseth ) did surely most concerne them and the Kingdome , They were bound , as well in duty as discretion , to have sought remedy against so great a violation of the Law and Liberty ; and the rather at this time , when they thought fit to petition against part of the Commission , since an exception but to a part , especially by him , who ought to complaine against the whole , is a violent presumption of his allowance of the residue . Wee come now more particularly , to the examination of this Our Commission , as it stands by Statute-Law , and herein ( as in the matter principally insisted upon in the Declaration to be disproved ) Wee do affirme , as formerly in Our Proclamation : That this Our Commission is warranted by Parliament , in 5. H. 4. And to this purpose , Wee do observe ; that this Declaration doth confesse , That the Record in the Parliament of 5. H. 4. concerning the Commission of Array , is an Act of Parliament ; And that the Question is now onely about the meaning thereof , Whether the Parliament meant thereby , onely to take away some penall clauses touching the Commissioners ; ( as the Declaration affirmes , to which purpose onely it alloweth it for an Act ) or else to settle also the powers of execution thereof , over the persons to be commanded , as Wee affirme . And therein ( as Wee do agree ) that at the first , the Complaint of the Commons , was onely in respect of some Clauses & wordes therein , which were Greivous , and Dangerous to the Commissioners : So it cannot be denyed , but that afterwards the Copie of the Commission so complained of , was delivered by the King to the Commons , with an expresse Generall Liberty ( without any restraint ) to correct it according to their owne mindes , and thereupon the Commons did make use of that further Liberty , and corrected the Copy , in divers materiall Clauses , and Words which concerned the powers of Execution , as well as those , which concerned the Commissioners ( though the contrary be strangely affirmed by the Penner of this Declaration ) as may appeare more particularly by the clauses following , wholly omitted by him . 1. First , the Copie gives power , Ad armari faciend . omnes illos qui de corpore sunt potentes & habiles ad armand . tam illos qui de suo proprio habent unde seipsos armare poterunt , quàm illos qui non habent unde seipsos armare poterunt ; To cause to be armed , all those who have of their own thereby to arme themselves , as well as those , who have not wherewith of their owne to arme themselves . Which last Clause , concerning the Arming of those , who are able of Body , but not in Estate ( being such as are by Vs before reckoned amongst the third sort of Our Subjects ) is wholly omitted in this Commission , as it now stands corrected in 5. H. 4. 2. The Copie , as concerning the assessing , and distraining of all those who are able in their Estates , but not in their Bodies , goes therein thus ; Ad inveniend . juxta quantitatem terrarum & bonorum suorum , & prout rationabiliter portare poterunt , salvo statu suo , armaturas hominibus ad arma , & hominibus armatis , & arous , & sagittas sagittariis sic arraiatis & triatis , qui non habent armaturas arcus & sagittas de suo proprio , nec unde armaturas , arcus , & sagittas emere & providere poterunt , & ad contribuend. expensis omnium illorum qui sic laborabunt pro defensione dicti Regni nostri , tam infra dictum Com. nostrum quàm extra , quandocunque indiguerit ; Ita quòd illi qui morabuntur , &c. For the finding of Armes , according to the quantity of their Lands and goods , and as they may reasonably beare , saving their degree , for men at Armes , and men Armed ; and Bowes and Arrowes for Archers so arrayed , and trained , which have not Arms , Bows and Arrows of their owne , nor have wherewith they can buy and provide Arms , Bowes , and Arrowes ; and to contribute to the expences of all those which shall so labour for the defence of Our said Kingdome , as well within that Our County as without , whensoever there shall be need . All which , as may appeare upon the comparing , is much beyond that Commission of 5. H. 4. as it was entred after the correction . Vpon these proceedings in 5. H. 4. the corrected Copie being presented to the King , with a Prayer by the Commons ; That from thenceforth forward , no Commission of Array should issue otherwise , nor in other VVords , then was contained in the Copie so corrected , &c. An Act was thereupon made by the Kings Royall assent thereunto , by the advice of the Lords . And thus upon the whole Record it is cleare , That in the litterall Sence the Commission is fully enacted in the whole ; and We do not observe that to be denyed in the Declaration . And the Art of the Penner seems to be spent onely concerning the intent of the Parliament , in labouring to prove , That the Commons meant nothing in the Act , but the taking away the penall clauses and words concerning the Commissioners . And the Argument is drawne onely from the end of the Statute , which the Declaration saith was onely for the security of the Commissioners : And this the Penner goes about to prove : First , from the Complaint , as being no more . Secondly , from their amendment of the Copie , as being onely concerning the Commissioners . Thirdly , from the Prayer , being to the same purpose . Fourthly , out of the occasion , as supposing the Act necessary on the part of the Commissioners , not on the , part of the persons to be commanded . Lastly , out of the subsequent practice of issuing Commissions , that there never went out one agreeable with the Copie so corrected . And herein , to justifie this Our sence on this Act of Parliament of 5. H. 4. and withall , to shew the errours and mistakes of the Declaration in frame of the Argument to the contrary ; the state of the Case stands thus briefly . The Commons complained but against the Penall Clauses upon the Commissioners ( which Wee agree ) at first ; but afterwards , the King left them at liberty to correct the whole , as they pleased . And now they alter their minde , and doe not rest in correction of those Penall Clauses upon the Commissioners , according to their first desire , but ( as it is plaine upon the compare of the Copie , as it was corrected , with the Commission formerly issued , the not observing whereof was the great mistake , that doutblesse now mis-led Our two Houses ) the Commons likewise ( as wise men ) who would not wave the advantage of a proffered favour from the King , did correct the Commission also in the powers of execution over the persons to be commanded : And thereupon the corrected Copie being presented , and the Commons expecting , that even presently ( for there was then occasion ) and often afterwards Commissions of Array would ( as they did in truth ) issue forth , did pray not only for the indemnity of the Commissioners , which had bin indeed but answerable to the first complaint ; But in the first place , they made their Prayer in these Words ; That from thenceforth forward , no Commission of Array should issue otherwise , nor in other words then is contained in the said Copie ( so corrected ) This now being apparently the true state of the whole case ( cleared from all mistakes ) we think it so plaine , that it requireth no further Argument to manifest , That the intention of the Parliament , was both to settle the Clauses concerning the Powers of execution , and the Clauses concerning the Commissioners . Thus then Wee passe over to the Answer of the Objections . First then , for the first pretence , That the complaint was solely on the behalfe of the Commissioners , Wee agree it to be true , and perhaps the Commons had no further thought at the begining , nor till after an occasion given by the offer of the Liberty for a totall reformation : But then they might desire an alteration accordingly . For the second pretence , ( which destroyed , makes an end of the question ) That the Commons made no amendment in the Powers of execution over the persons to be commanded ; It is apparently mistaken , as appeares by the particular instances before mentioned . For the third pretence of the Prayer , ( which came not till after the Commission was in all points so as before corrected ) That the Commons did not desire any amendment or Declaration concerning the Powers of execution , that is also mistaken ; For having made those severall amendments , in the very first place ( before any particular desired on the behalfe of the Commisisioners ) their prayer is as generall , as their amendments , That from thenceforth forward , No Commission should issue otherwise , nor in other words , then is contained in the said Copie . For the fourth pretence , That it was unnecessary to take care of the persons to be commanded , because that the Powers of execution over them were against 1. E. 3. cap. 5. 25. E. 3. cap. 8. and 4. H. 4. cap. 13. and that the Commissions of that kind were then so lately damned in 4. H. 4. Wee Answer , That if it were so , there was the more necessity for them to complaine , as We have shewed before . But in this also , though it be needlesse , We shall herein further cleare Our Commission from those Statutes . As for the occasion of reliefe for the Commissioners more then for the persons to be commanded , We say , the Commons could not but know that there was no more occasion for the one , then for the other : For the same Law of 4. H. 4. if it had ( as is pretended by the Declaration , ) expresly damned the Commission as unlawfull in the Powers , that ( without more ) had apparently , to every common Iudgement , sufficiently secured the Commissioners against all refusalls ; And in truth , the persons to be commanded , being most of them of the lower sort , had more reason to feare the Commissioners , then the , Commissioners , being men of Power , had to feare any trouble by Fine or Imprisonment , or otherwise , from any of the Courts above , especially in a time when Parliaments were so frequent . For the last pretence of contrary practice , Our Answer is : First , We deny this ( which the Declaration affirmes ) That though many Commissions of Array did issue out after 5. H. 4. yet none of them did agree with it in words and matter : For We say , That divers Commissions were the very same , saving in those things which were necessarily , and as of course , to be changed , as ( amongst others ) may be seene in the after times of King Henry the fourth . And as unto the pretended contrary practice , Wee agree that it is true , Divers Commissions of Array did issue out , which do vary from this Statute of 5. H. 4. yet Wee deny that they must be therefore contrary to it ; For ( however upon the Commission of 5 H. 4 as it was corrected in the severall Clauses in such manner as before ) it is enacted that from thenceforth forward no Commission should issue out otherwise then is contained in that copie ; yet it is most evident notwithstanding , that the meaning of the Law could never be to tye the King to the very words of that copie ; For then at all times the Commissions must have begun with Rex , &c. and not Carolus , or Regina , and ended with the same Teste for time and place , and just the same preamble of danger , be it true or false ( whatsoever other occasion had been ) must have been meant to be expressed ; All which are absurd . And in this , as in all Acts of Parliament , as well as in Wills , the intent clearly and necessarily appearing out of the Act it selfe , is the Law , which in this case was not so much to tye to the very identicall words , as , That the King should not issue out any Commissions of Array which should exceed this which was so settled by any further penalty on the Commissioners ; nor in the powers of execution upon the Persons to be commanded ; which sence appeares in this , that in such a case it could never have been meant , That the Powers of execution of the Commission , being severall , as to Array , Assesse , Arme , Traine , Muster , and Conduct , and all these not necessary on all occasions , nor all alwayes equally fit to be entrusted to the same persons , That the King should be bound at all times unnecessarily to command the execution of them all , and equally to entrust the same persons with them all , as he must have done in case the Act had beene litterally to be expounded in each title . The truth is , many Commissions did vary , yet still were warranted , as not exceeding that of 5. H. 4. in the powers . As sometimes granting but part of them , when there was no cause to use all ; as also , some varyed on the occasion , as sometimes providing against an invasion , in this or that part onely , sometimes more generall throughout the Kingdome : And lastly , it is true that some were upon occasion of rebellion , for which there is as much cause as against a forraign enemy , for those Commissions are not against 5. H. 4. which was a president , onely for the power of execution of Commissions of Array ( whatsoever might be the necessary occasion to issue them ) And as this particular Commission sent forth in 5. H. 4. and thus after corrected , was on the occasion of the feare of the French , and therefore was upon that accident made onely as against an Enemy ; so if according to former practice the like had then issued in case of Rebellion ( in which case perhaps Rebellion had beene mentioned as the cause ) then the suppression of Rebellion might have beene inserted in this president , and then the Argument might have beene at this day used as well against the warrantablenesse of this Commission in case of Invasion . And as to the president of the Commission of Array in 6. H. 4. cited in the Declaration as not agreeing with that of 5. H. 4. neither in words or matter , We conceive it is in substance warranted by it : For there the King ( upon occasion of the French being in Piccardy , ready to besiege some of his Forts there , and hearing that they intended to come to aide the VVelch , being then in Rebellion ) sends out his Commissions into Kent , Somerset , and other Counties , to Array , Train , and Arme the Inhabitants there , to the end they may be ready , as well at the Sea-coast , as else where ; where , and as often as there shall be necessity for the expelling , vanquishing , and destroying of those enemies when there shall be imminent Danger , as in such case had beene accustomed . But he thinks not fit to give to them the power of conducting them ( which is the Commission of 5. H. 4. ) But shortly after , upon information of an intention of the VVelch to enter into England , a Commission issues to Sir Thomas Barkley touching some of these Counties and others , not , to Array and Arm the inhabitants , for that was done before , but ad supervidendum , to see that they were sufficiently arrayed , according to their estates ; and to lead them as often as it should be needfull for resistance of the Rebels . So that as Wee conceive , the powers which were put together in 5. H. 4. are here severed ; but there is nothing in either Commission which exceeds or crosses the powers settled by the Commission of 5. H. 4. Though if it did , it might prove the illegalitie of those ; but nothing against the legality of Our Commissions . And if other particular Commissions had been produced , and the differences particularly observed , Wee should have beene the better able to have applyed Our answer thereunto ; And in the meane time , Wee looke upon all such Commissions , as regulated , and warranted by this Act of 5. H. 4. and in pursuance thereof . Notwithstanding , if some Commissions can be produced , which are not warranted by 5. H. 4. Yet that will be no sufficient Argument to prove , That this of 5. H. 4 never meant to settle the Powers of Execution , for there is no doubt , but in so long a processe of time , as since 5. H. 4 there may have beene some deviation contrary unto the Act , the same having not at all times beene remembred , as perhaps also may be in the Clauses concerning the Commissioners , which yet We are sure Our two Houses will not allow as an Argument against the force of 5. H. 4. as allowing it to be an Act concerning them . We might further adde the opinion of Sir Edward Cook , ( whose great learning and affection to the Rights and Liberty of the Subject are not unknown ) who in his Treatise of the Jurisdiction of Courts ( being one of those Books since this Parliament desired , or directed by the House of Commons to be published ) expresly declares , That this Act , touching a Commission for arraying and mustering of men , is at this day of force . But if any man be yet unsatisfied with so cleare Reasons on Our part , and in Our answers , We shall conclude upon him with the authority of the whole Parliament of 7. H. 4. Rot. Parl. n. 36. within two yeares after this Our Commission was settled , when probably many of the same persons were members of both the Parliaments , Whereby it appeares that this Act of 5 H. 4. is so binding as unto all the Powers of execution over the persons to be commanded , that the Clergy ( who in former times had used to be arrayed amongst themselves by Writ or Commission to the Bishop or Arch-bishop ) were bound , as within the body of that Commission so settled by Parliament . And they thereupon , in that very Parliament of 7. H. 4. are excepted out of this very Commission of 5. H. 4. which is therein mentioned ; and it was then enacted , That from thenceforth the Clergy be not any wayes charged amongst the Laity for the making of any such Array , nor for any contribution amongst the Laity for the same . Having thus clearly settled this Record of 5. H. 4. as a full Act of Parliaments , well concerning the powers of execution over the Persons to be commanded , as the taking away of the penall Clauses over the Commissioners , There is no further necessity , as to the matter in question , to consider whether or no that this Commission in all or any part thereof be contrary to any of the former Acts of 13. E. 1. 1. E. 3. cap. 5. 25. E. 3. cap. 8. & 4. H. 4. cap. 13. so much insisted upon in the Declaration . For that in such case , the Act of 5. H. 4. being the latter had beene a Repeale of them for so much . Neverthelesse , for the further satisfaction of Our people ( as being desirous to omit nothing which may be done on Our part for the clearing of the justice of our actions ) Wee shall also examine those Statutes so farre as they are made use of in this Declaration . And therein We professe the difficulty hath been more to finde out , then to answer the inference made upon these Statutes . For the Declaration reciteth the Statute of 13. E. 1. to bee a particular Assize ( or Assessement ) of Arms , both in respect of the Kinde of Armes to be found , and the proportion of the estate of every man , after which they are to be found , downwards from 15 pounds in Lands , and 40 Marks in Goods : And reciteth the Statute of 1. E. 3. That no man from thenceforth shall be charged to arme himselfe otherwise then he was wont in the time of the Kings Progenitors ; and that no man be compelled to goe out of his Shire , but where necessity requireth , and sudden comming of strange enemies into the Realme . ( Whereupon it is taken for granted , That the Statute of 13. E. 1. was a provision of Armes for defence extraordinary , and that this Statute of 1. E. 3. was meant with reference thereunto ) And also reciteth the Statute of the 25 yeare of E. 3. ( as to be to the same effect with the former ) against the constraining men to finde men of Armes , Hoblers , or Archers , without consent and grant made in Parliament . And lastly , reciteth the Statute of 4. H. 4. ( which confirmes those two Statutes of 1. E. 3. and 25. E. 3. ) And immediately thereupon makes this conclusion which followes ; That by these Acts ( not distinctly applying the severall matters to the severall Statutes ) it clearly appeares , That the King could not , by the Law , give power to impose Armes upon the Subject , ( which the Declaration calleth sometimes finding of Armes , sometimes finding men at Armes , all of different sences ) or to compell them to be drawne out of their Counties : Which afterwards , in stating the Case , is expressed thus , That the Subject was not compellable to finde any other Arms then was declared by those Statutes , or to go out of their County , but in case of Actuall invasion by Forraigne Enemies . Against which this Commission is said to be . But for Our clearer passage in this businesse , We shall single out the severall Statutes , with the Objections ( as Wee conceive ) intended upon each of them . For the better understanding whereof We shall distinguish of the principall Termes in this question used in the Commission , and severall Acts of Parliament . First then , as for the words of Arming a mans selfe used in the Commission ( as also in the Act of 1. E. 3. ) they are litterally to be taken for the providing of Armes for a mans owne person , wherewith hee is to serve as a Souldier , either Horse-man or Foot-man , of what kinde soever ; And the finding of Armes for others in the Commission , is but the finding the bare Armes , without providing the men , and are so to be taken here , ( in whatsoever sence they may be taken else-where , ) as may clearly appeare upon the very reading . And as for the words ( finding of men of Armes , &c. ) which are the words used in the Statute of 25. E. 3. they are usually and properly enough taken for the setting forth of Souldiers , the paying of their wages , or contributing towards either of them This then being the sence of the words , Wee now proceed to the Statutes , and apply them to the two Objections ; the one against imposing of Arms , the other against carrying out of the County : And first concerning the Statute of 13. E. 1. Thereupon the Objection against the power of imposing of Armes is this . This Statute appoints a particular Assize for the kindes of Armes and Proportions , as before . But Our Commission doth give power to assesse for the kindes ( any Armes ) and for the proportions , according to each mans ability ; ( which the Declaration termes to be without limitation and at pleasure ) and so is contrary to this Statute . To this Wee answer ; That that Statute of 13. E. 1. ( besides that it is but an affirmative Statute , ) was made onely for the ordinary defence of the Kingdome , for the preservation of the peace at ordinary times ; and was not intended as a provision of Armes for defence extraordinary : but that for the publique defence in time of Danger , the King might , and must charge other Armes , and other proportions , according to the exigency of the occasion . Both which appeare together , if Wee consider that the provision in that Statute mentioned ( which might be of use for the Peace ) is very insufficient for the Service of War : For We cannot but observe the pettinesse of the Armes , even according to the use of that time ; for he that was rated highest by that Act , was to finde but a Hawberge , ( which in that place signifies a Gorget ) a Breast-plate of Iron , a Sword , a Knife , and a Horse : and others but Gisarms ( which were Pike-staves ) Knives , and other lesse weapons . And yet at that time there were men at Armes , which were Horse-men of compleat Armour , Hoblers , which were Light-horse , and there were Pikes , Lances , Pole-axes , and other weapons commonly used for Warre . And no lesse considerable is it to this purpose , That for the charge of this defence no man of what estate soever , is by this Act charged above the rate of 15 Pounds in Lands , or 40 Marks in Goods , and he that hath 15 Pounds in Land , or 40 Marks in Goods , is charged as high as the greatest : which is not to be imagined in case of provision for defence extraordinary . And to cleare this further out of this , and other Acts ; it is plain , that this very Act expresseth it selfe in these words , That every man have in his house Harnesse to keepe the peace : and appoints those who are thereby assessed , to pursue Hues and Cries after Theeves and Robbers , ( which went in those times with great strength , and in multitudes ) with their Horses and Armour . And the old Articles of inquiry upon that Statute , being made in the same Kings raigne ( and to be seen in the Statute-books ) tend onely to inquiry touching the keeping the peace : as whether all men betwixt the age of fifteen and sixty be sworn to keepe the peace , and whether they have weapons in their houses according to the quantity of their Lands and Goods , for conservation of the peace , according to the Statute . And the Statute of 2. E. 3. cap. 6. renewes this Statute of 13. E. 1. in these words : Item , As to the keeping of the peace in time to come , it is ordained and enacted , That the Statutes made in time past , with the Statute of Winchester , shall be observed and kept in every point . And strange it were to imagine , that the wisdome of a Parliament , in the matter of arming of the Subject , made no greater or better provision against an Enemy , then against a Theefe , or a Rogue . And it is not so proper to charge the Subject at all times in the same manner and proportions as in times of danger . And lastly , for further clearing this Our exposition of that Statute of 13. E 1. Wee say , That although ( as Wee have already shewed ) the Commissions of Arrayes did , from the time of making the Statute of 13. E. 1. frequently issue both before and since the Statute of 5. H. 4. yet none of those Commissions were regulated by the Statute of 13. E. 1. but either they were ( as commonly ) for arming them according to mens degrees & abilities , without mentioning the Statute of 13. E. 1. Or , where any did expresse the quality and proportion of Armes to be found , They varyed from the Statute of 13. E. 1. and appointed other kinde of Arms , and differenced and proportioned the estates of those who were to finde Armes , otherwise then is mentioned in that Statute : And sometimes with an expresse Declaration , that the Statute of 13. E. 1. was made for the conservation of the peace in a time of peace , when there was no danger of a forraigne enemie . And though some use might be made of those armes appointed by that Statute in time of danger , as well as any other weapon : yet the same was not that kind of armour , which was principally intended as fitting for such defence ; as may appeare by the presidents above cited . And the constant practice in all after ages for defence extraordinary hath ever been with other armes , and after other Proportions , as Wee beleeve will not be denyed by any man . Wee come now to the Statute of 1. E. 3. whereupon the objection stands thus : That the Statute of 13. E. 1. having made such particular assize of Arms ( as before ) for the kinds and proportions , this Statute doth ordaine , That no man from thenceforth shall be charged to arme himselfe otherwise then hee was wont in the time of the Kings Progenitors : Meaning ( as the Declaration takes it for granted ) according to that former Statute of 13. E. 1. To this Wee shall give this answer : That ( as Wee have proved before ) 13. E. 1. was never meant as of a provision for defence extraordinary : and much lesse that the Statute of 1. E. 3. could intend any such thing . And as the Penner of that Declaration cannot therein shew any expresse reference to that Statute of 13. E. 1. and can , at the most , but barely conjecture it ; so on the other side , Wee shall out of the penning and otherwise upon surer grounds conclude the contrary . For first , in this case , regularly , if not necessarily , ( where a later Statute in the substance and meaning thereof wholly depends upon a former , and must have reference thereunto ) the Parliament of 1. E. 3. would have made mention of this Statute of 13. E. 1. ( as they did thereof ) the next yeare following , when it was renued , but for keeping of the peace . Next , in wisedome it was fitting ( if so be that they had intended a further re-establishment of the particularities of the kinds and proportions of armes mentioned in 13. E. 1. ) that when they had a former Statute so punctuall therein , they should not have thus left us for a true understanding of their meaning , to a generall enquirie of the particular assize used for armes in former times . But on the contrary , the Statute referring to the former usage , in the times of the Kings Progenitors ( which being indefinitely spoken , Wee conceive , must be understood of all Kings times , as well before as after 13. E. 1. ) the usage therein meant is but Consuetudo Angliae , the Common Law : and the Parliament could not , in all probability , in the mention of so ancient an usage , intend so late a Statute as this of 13. E. 1. which was but new in the particularity of the Assize , though antient in the Rule of charging , according to the quantities of every mans Lands & Goods , the former Assizes having been also different : Nor ( considering that of Necessity , the severall kindes and proportions of Armes ever did , and must vary with the times ) could they intend , that there ever was , for the times past , or could be for time to come , any such constant rule of any such particular assize concerning Armes , whereunto they could refer , as constantly used for the times past , or that might constantly endure for time to come : neither ever was , or can there be any other constant rule , then that generall rule of the Common Law ( which can never faile ) for the assessing Armes from time to rime , for the kindes , according to the present use ; and for proportions , according to mens abilities . And it were very strange , that the Parliament of 1. E. 3 . could conceive , That ( for the defence extraordinary ) the particular kindes of Arms in 13. E. 1. especially such petty provisions , could be proper and sufficient at this time in 1. E. 3. and would so continue afterwards . And now that We have cleared this first part of the Statute of 1. E. 3. ( as concerning the Arming a mans selfe ) that it is not thereby intended , That the Subject should not be charged with Armes , otherwise then according to the Statute of 13. E. 1. We shall deliver what Our selves conceive of the meaning thereof ; And it is thus . Towards the end of the Reigne of E. 2. severall Commissions of Array , issued into severall Counties ; in execution whereof the Commissioners had much grieved and oppressed the Subjects : Insomuch , that upon complaint , speciall Commissions of Oyer and Terminer ( usuall in those times ) were sent forth for the enquiry after those grievances and oppressions . And although it doe not appeare what those were , yet since the Complaint was not against the Commissions themselves , as illegall , Wee cannot conceive otherwise , but that it was against the wilfull excesse of the Commissioners , in their surcharging the Subjects with Armes beyond their abilities of estate to beare , ( as charging a man as a Horse-man , where it had beene sufficient for for his estate to have borne Armes as a Foot man , and the like ) contrary to the Tenor of the Commission . But this course producing indeed little effect , in the time of King E. 2. partly out of the favour , which it is likely the Commissioners did finde , and partly by reason of the short remainder of His Reign , there was just occasion , both for Complaint and Reliefe in this next Parliament of 1. E. 3. And though the Particulars of the Petition in 1. E. 3. and the Answer out of which ( according to the manner of those times ) the Printed Act was made , doe not appeare , for the want of the Roll of that Parliament , yet Wee may well judge thereof upon this occasion , happening within the compasse of about one yeare before , and thereupon conclude , ( as for the true meaning of that Act ) That the provision intended to be made , was onely against the excesse of the Commissioners ; which rather justifies , then any way disproves the Lawfulnesse of such Commission . And so the sence of the Act , applyable to the Complaint , will be , That whereas the Commissioners had over-highly taxed the Subjects , the Act provided , That they should not be otherwise charged , then as they had been in the times of former Kings ; and ( according to Our Commission ) moderately , and so as they might live still according to their former condition : as in like case of other Statutes against outragious Distresses and Amerciaments . And although Wee take this to be the sence of that Statute , yet if any man shall thinke this part of the Statute of 1. E. 3. Concerning arming a mans selfe , to be the same with the words of the Statute of 25. E. 3. against constraining any man to finde men of Armes , &c. ( which is the sence of this Declaration , which makes both Statutes to be to the same effect , and makes the inference against Our power of imposing Armes upon them both ) We shall not contradict him therein , being confident to make it evident , that this Commission is no way contrary to the words or meaning of that Statute of 25. E. 3. But before Wee come to that Statute , Wee shall make one Observation upon those Statutes of 13. E. 1. & 1. E. 3. both together : and thereupon shew , that in the judgement of the whole Parliament of 4. H. 4. ( whose authority is chiefly insisted upon in this Declaration ) Our Commission is no way opposed by either of those Statutes : And it is this : It appeareth , That the late issuing of the Commissioners , complained of in 4. H. 4. ( which the Declaration supposeth were of the same nature with Our Commission , but Wee deny it ) was the occasion of the Petition of the Commons in that Parliament . In which petition , they intending to shew the illegality of those Commissions , and to obtaine ( as they thereupon did ) a confirmation of former Acts to the contrary , do recite the Statute of 25. E. 3. 18. E. 3 c. 8. and that part of the Statute of 1. E. 3. which is against carrying of men out of their Counties ; and yet neverthelesse they wholly omit this Statute of 13. E. 1. and this first part of the Statute of 1. E. 3. concerning the Arming . Whereas it is to be presumed , they would have also recited this Statute of 13. E. 1. if they had conceived the same to be ( as this Declaration sets it forth ) the certaine Assize for armes , and such a Statute whereto all the rest had reference , or any way materiall against part of these Commissions . But howsoever making use of the later part of the Act of 1. E. 3. against carrying of the Subject out of the County , they would have made use also of this part of 1. E. 3. concerning the arming , and desired a confirmation thereof , as well as of the residue ; and not thus purposely rejected it , if so be they had not , upon consideration , first resolved , that that part of 1. E. 3. was no wayes against the Commission . And now Wee come to the Statute of 25. E. 3. whereupon the Objection stands thus : By the Statute of 25. E. 3. the Subject is not to be constrained to finde men at Armes , &c. if it be not by common consent and grant made in Parliament . But by this Commission the Commissioners have power , without consent or grant in Parliament , to command those who are able of body and estate to arme themselves : and those who are impotent , but able in estate , to find Armes for others : ( which the Declaration in some places calls finding Armes , and in some places finding men at Armes ) and is therefore against that Statute . For this objection Wee need do no more then referre Our selves to Our former observation of the different sense of the severall words of Arming a mans selfe , and finding Armes for some other , which are the onely words used in the commands of this Commission , & the words , finding of a man of Armes , or other compleat Souldier , used in this Statute , and intended to be thereby prohibited : whereby it will be apparent , that arming a mans selfe , or finding bare armes for others , is not within the letter of this Statute . Neverthelesse for a more particular Answer ; 1. as to the first of these powers in Our Commission concerning Arming a mans selfe , Wee say , That this Act being against finding of men at Armes , or other souldiers , doth not any wayes intend to prohibit the compelling of men to arme themselves , ( that is , their owne persons . ) For that had beene not onely against the Common Law , whereof that Act is but declarative , but also against those Statutes of 13. E. 1. ( admitting it provided , as the Declaration supposeth , for defence extraordinary ) and against 1. E. 3. by both which Statutes it doth clearly appeare , that the Subject is in some manner compellable to arme himselfe : And the Act of 25. E. 3. is in generall against all finding of men armed at any time . So that in that sense whatsoever the occasion is ( though it be upon an actuall invasion of an enemie ) he cannot be compelled to find armes . And that exposition of the Statute would wholly take away all compulsory means of defence . Nor will it be sufficient to answer this , That the arming according to those Statutes is assented unto in Parliament , and so is within the exception of the Statute of 25. E. 3. For the consent in Parliament ( intended by this exception ) must be understood of future consent in Parliament , as well as the constraining men to finde Souldiers prohibited by the Act is meant of a future finding Souldiers . And in the exception of the Statute of 25. E. 3. There is not onely to be a consent , but also a grant in Parliament , for so the words are ( if it be not by common consent and grant in Parliament ) but in those Acts of 13. E. 1. & 1. E. 3. there is no colour of a grant made at all . And this Statute being declaratory of the Common Law , as appeares by the reason of the Act delivered in the Petition of the Commons in these words , Car cet est encountre le droit del Realme . For it is against the right of the Realme , ( which is as much as against the fundamentall liberty of the Subject ) this Statute of 25. E. 3. must bee construed as of the Common Law ; and before any Statute And secondly , as for the other part of Our Commission , which is concerning the charging those who are impotent in body , but able in estate , to finde Armes for others : If such finding of bare Armes had beene within the letter of that Statute , or the finding of a compleat Souldier by such a man , had beene within Our Commission ; yet it would have beene a harsh construction , ( and doubtlesse contrary to the intention of the makers ) by generall words , which were meant onely for provision in the generall Case , thus to have spared him in this speciall and particular Case of impotency , from contributing to the defence of the Kingdome , dome , by finding another , as in his place ; whilest he is as much , or more concerned then others , who must undergoe as much charge , and must also adventure their owne persons . And by the Common Law , whereof ( as Wee have said ) this Statute is but declarative , those who were not fit to beare Armes , were notwithstanding chargeable otherwise towards home-defence , as appeares by the Presidents already cited , and many more . And now Wee shall give the true sence of this Statute of 25. E. 3. And this will best appeare upon the end and occasion of the making ; which were these . King E. 3. having had his Treasure exhausted by the French Warres , was upon that occasion inforced to many hard pressures upon his Subjects ; So that they had severall times bin charged , with providing and setting forth of Souldiers ; and sometimes with maintaining or paying of them : and this in so excessive a manner , as that it cost a County sometimes at once a thousand pound ; And all this was done with relation onely to a forraigne War , wherein the Title of the King to France was onely in question : and nothing which directly concerned the Kingdom of England : against these there was just cause , to make provision by some Law ; especially now when the Wars were renewing : And accordingly this Statute was made against imposing such charges upon the Subjects . And what resemblance there is betweene those cases , and Our case , of charging the Subjects onely to finde Armes for themselves , or ( in case of impotency ) for another ( as in their stead ) and all but for home defence , Wee refer to every mans Iudgement . And thus Wee leave these three Statutes of 13. E. 1. 1. E. 3. and 25. E. 3. with this observation , that if it be true , ( which the Declaration takes for granted ) that they are all to the same effect , that then Our Answer to any of these three , is an Answer to the rest . Wee are now come to 4. H. 4. being the last of these Statutes , which ( in the matter of Arming ) are objected against Our Commission , as it stood at Common Law , before 5. H. 4. And herein Wee agree , that the Parliament Roll , whereupon the Statute is framed , is truly set forth in the Declaration : yet Wee conceive that , in Substance , there is no more upon the Roll , then in the Print ; though some passages may give some light for the exposition of these other Statutes of 1. E. 3. and 25. E. 3. therein confirmed . So as this Statute of 4. H. 4. being , in truth , but an Act of bare confirmation , without any additionall explanation , is already answered . But because the Declaration doth import , That the Commissions ( which issued lately before 4. H. 4. and were the occasion of that Statute , and are damned thereby , as contrary to the Acts of 1. E 3. 18. E. 3. and 25. E. 3. ) were of the nature of Our Commission , ( which yet is not indeavoured to be proved ) Wee shall also give a particular answer touching those Commissions . And herein We say , that first it doth not appeare , nor is there any reason to presume that any of those Commissions were of the Tenor of Ours ; And in case those Commissions did , amongst other Powers , containe also the Powers of Our Commission , touching the imposing Armes upon the Subject , it doth not appeare that those Commissions were particularly in those very powers held unlawfull . Both which must ( but neither will ) be proved , otherwise there can be no application . But the truth is apparently to be inferred out of the Roll , That upon those Commissions the Subjects were inforced to go , or to finde others to goe at their owne charges , not onely out of their proper Counties , but also ( upon occasion of some insurrections ) into VVales , which at that time , and ( untill the Act of Vnion 27. H. 8. ) was to some purposes , at least commonly reputed a distinct Dominion ; as appeares even by this Parliament Roll , in these words , That none of the said Commons be distrained to goe into VVales , or else-where out of the Realme , and otherwise : ( the usuall phrase in severall Acts of Parliament , being also to this day , the Kingdome of England , and Dominion of VVales . ) And such a Commission Wee may well admit to be against all those three Statutes , without impeachment of Ours . Wee shall say no more as to this Statute single , but that ( as We have observed before ) both in the Parliament Roll , and Printed Act , the first Clause of 1. E. 3. concerning arming , being purposely omitted , it shewes that the meere matter of causing the Subject to be armed , was not the grievance then complained of , or meant to be redressed . Having thus farre proceeded in Our particular Answers unto the severall Statutes of 13. E. 1. 1. E. 3. 25. E. 3. and 4. H. 4. as they were appliable to the first Objection made upon them , against Our imposing of Armes upon the Subject . Wee shall , in the next place , proceed to the Answer of the other Objection made against Our Commission , upon the Statute of 1. E. 3. and 4. H. 4. of Confirmation : ( For as to the other Statutes of 13. E. 1. and 25. E. 3. We doe not conceive , that they are , or can be meant unto this purpose . ) Hereupon the Objection is this : That by the Statute of 1. E. 3 and 4. H. 4. the Subject is not compellable to go out of His County ; but in case of the sudden coming of an Enemy , which the Declaration interprets of an actuall Invasion : But this Commission gives Power , not onely to compell the Subject to goe out of his County before an actuall Invasion ( as the case is put in the stating of it ) but ( as it is expressed in other parts of the Declaration ) without Limitation , and at pleasure . To this Objection Our Answer is , That both the sence of the Statutes , and of the Powers of Our Commission are mistaken . For first , ( as Wee have before stated it ) Our Commission gives that Power of conducting out of the County , onely against an Enemy , and for defence of the Countrey , in case of imminent danger , and but when and where it shall be most needfull ; ( And so not without limitation , and at pleasure . ) And secondly , as to the sence of the Statutes , We do deny , that the Subject is not compellable to goe out of his County , unlesse in case of an actuall Invasion , by a forraigne Enemy . And herein , though Wee have not upon this Commission necessary occasion to dispute it ; yet Wee cannot but observe , That the Declaration allowes of no necessity of compelling the Subject out of the proper County , in case of actuall rebellion , and onely against a forraigne Enemy ; the ground whereof is a mistake ( in recitall of the Statute of 1. E. 3. by the Act of confirmation of 4. H. 4. of the word , And betweene the two words , necessity and suddaine comming ; The Act of 1. E. 3. going thus , That no man be distrained to goe out of his County but where necessity requireth , and sudden comming of strange enemies into the Realme . And the Act of 4. H. 4. ( which as We have before observed , reciteth not the whole Statute of 1. E. 3. but so much thereof , as upon occasion of the late forraigne service did then concerne the present complaint ) being in these words , That none shall be distrained to goe out of their County , but onely for the cause of necessity ( Of ) sudden comming of strange enemies into the Realme . Whereas , if in this recitall the word ( And ) had been put in place of the word , Of , or before it , both had agreed , and so the sence of the Statute , as to this matter of going out of the County , had been upon 4. H. 4. as it is upon 1. E. 3. That no man be compelled to go out of the County , but in case of necesity or coming of enemies : the word ( And ) in exposition of Statutes being most frequently taken for ( Or ) according to the Subject matter , and so the Statute had excepted two cases necessity arising from within ( by actuall rebellion ) and necessity arising from abroad ( by sudden coming of strange enemies : ) this exception in both being absolutely necessary for defence of the Realm and according to the Common Law ( of which the Statute is but declarative ) and the practice both before and since . And indeed it could be no otherwise in property of speech , for there cannot be a cause of necessity of the sudden coming of enemies , but there is a necessity of defence against their coming . And in this case We are to be guided by the Statute 1. Ed. 3. as it was Originally , as it is also truly set forth in the Declaration , and agrees with all printed Statutes both in English and French , & ancient Manuscripts , all of them derived from the Originall Statute Roll which was lost before 4. H. 4. ( that which now remains being but a Transcript of a Transcript . ) Thus then , without more , We shall apply Our selves to the Objection as it is made upon the words of 1. E. 3. both in the Originall and the Recitall . And We say That the Subject is compellable to go out of his County for defence of the Kingdom , as necessity shall require , before the Landing or other Entry of the Enemy , to prevent his Landing or Entry . And for this We shall but recite the words againe ; And they are these , That no man be compelled to go out of his County , but where necessity requireth and sudden coming of strange enemies into the Realm . Wherein it seemes to Us most plaine , that these words require no such Actuall Landing , or Entry of an Enemy into the Kingdom , before the Subject is Compellable out of his County . For the words of the Act are not ( as to this point ) when the Enemy is come , but upon the coming , not within the Realm , but into the Realm . And all men know , that in ordinary Speech , a man may be said to be coming into a place when he is upon a remove to a place ; but most properly , when he is on his way , especially when he approacheth , with an intention to enter thereinto , and in such sence these words of coming into the Realm must be taken in this Statute . But in case the words ( of the enemies coming into the Realm ) might bear a doubtfull interpretation , that sence must be taken , which agrees with the Common Law before practised , Whereof this Act is but Declarative , & the constant practice of all ages since that is , That the Subjects have ever been commanded , and gone out of the County against the Enemy before any Landing or Entry . And to give this Statute of 1. E. 3. any other sence were against all Common reason , and the rules of government and defence ; which is , not to let the Enemy first come in , if it be possible to keepe him out : and it may be much more ease to prevent the coming into the Land , ( especially by Sea in opposing the Landing ) then afterwards to expell him : And it cannot be expected , that the Forces of one County alone , should be able to resist the entry of a powerfull Enemy . And lastly , as for those Commissions , which were damned in 4. H. 4. those had no resemblance to our Case , nor are warrented by the Exception of 1. E. 3. For that ( as appeares before ) the Subject was then carried out of the County not for defence of the Kingdom , as the Exception of this Statute requires , but for suppression of an Insurrection in Wales , which was not then taken as part of the Realm : and the Prayer of the Commons in 4. H. 4. made upon that Occasion , and therein grounded upon 1. E. 3. was not meerly because they were carried out of the Counties , but because they were carried out of the Realm in a Service , which was not for the necessary defence thereof . We have thus far , upon this last head of Our discourse , only Answered the Objections made upon these Statutes of 13. E. 1. 1. E. 3. 25. E. 3. and 4 ▪ H. 4. We shall now conclude this part of Our Answer ▪ with a return of all those Statutes against the Declaration , and in justification of Our Commission . First , as concerning 13. E. 1. since that ( as We have before observed ) the Statute was made only with relation to the keeping of the peace , it implies , that there is another rule in the matter of imposing of Armes for defence extraordinary . Secondly , as for 1. E. 3. ( besides Our former observation , That in all probability , the Act was made but upon Complaint against the excesse of Charging by the Commissioners , and not against the powers of that Commission , which had lately before issued , which rather justifies the Commission then otherwise . ) We further say , That if We should admit , that the Statute of 1. E. 3. That no man should be charged to arm himselfe , otherwise then he was wont in the time of the Kings Progenitors , hath any relation unto 13. E. 1. and that so the sence thereof were , That none should be compelled to finde Arms , otherwise then according to that Statute of 13. E. 1. Yet then that Statute of 1. E. 3. ( as 't is plain ) must be meant only as concerning ordinary defence ; and that as the Subject is in cafe of necessity to be carried out of the County , So in that case he may be compelled to be Armed otherwise then at ordinary times . To this purpose We note , that in the Statute there are two distinct propositions joyned together , one against the Arming of the Subject , the other against going out of the County ; And the clause which is next subjoyned is an exception Sinon pour cause de necessite , &c. Unlesse it be for necessity , and the sudden coming of strange enemies . Which exception , upon such admittance , is not only appliable to that last clause before , concerning the going out of the County , but as to the Arming : The sence thereupon also being thus ; That though in case of ordinary defence , the Subject be not compellable to bear other Arms then according to 13. E. 1. as neither to go out of the proper County ; yet for the extraordinary defence of the kingdom , in case of necessity ( wherein more must be done then ordinarily ) both , Arms are to be imposed by other rules then in 13. E. 1. and also the Subjects are to go out of the County ; For so it followeth in the next words of the Act ; which are these , And then it shall be done , as bath been used in times past , for the defence of the Realm . And this sense , upon this admittance , cleerly appeareth out of the course of former times in such cases , to which the Statute doth refer . As for 25. E. 3. ( besides that the Declaration faith it is to the same effect with 1. E. 3. and was made with relation to a forraign war , as We have observed , ) if ( as the Declaration must admit ) that the exception of finding men at Arms &c. by Common consent , and grant in Parliament , be intended as well of Acts of Parliament past as to come , then Our Commission , in the power of imposing Arms , being warranted by 1. E. 3. is also warranted by that Act of 25. E. 3. And for 4. H. 4. ( besides what We have before observed , upon the omission therein of the first part of 1. E. 3. concerning imposing of Arms , and that it applies 25. E. 3. but to a forraign war ) the generall sence , and Judgement of that Parliament , excepting then only against other Commissions , seems to allow of this ; for that otherwise , it is not to be imagined , that immediately in the same yeer , there should issue out a Commission of Array , and in the next yeer , there should issue out that other which was corrected in 5. H. 4. both of the same form , and the latter bearing Teste the day of the Summons of the Parliament of 5. H. 4. And that at that Parliament , though some amendments were made in it , yet no exception should be taken to the legality of the powers : whilest ( as the Declaration observes ) it is probable , That many of the House of Commons , and it is certain that most of the House of Lords , were members of the Parliament of 4. H. 4. and knew the meaning thereof . And thus we have answered to the full satisfaction ( as We hope ) of all indifferent Judgements , the severall Objections made against the legality of Our Commission of Array as it stood before , and at the making of the Act of 5. H. 4. and thereby proved , That Our Commission was warranted by the Common Law ▪ That the powers thereof remain untouched by the Statutes of 1. E. 3. 25. E. 3. or 4. H. 4. And that it was afterwards allowed and setled ( as a rule or pattern , whereby Commissions should issue in after ages ) by the Act of Parliament of 5. H. 4. We have yet some other Objections in Our way , which admitting the legality of Our Commission as it stood in 5. H. 4. are made against it upon some latter Acts . The first in time is upon the Statute of 4. and 5. P. & M.c. 4. which settles an assize and proportion of Men , Horses , and Arms , which every man was to finde ; which the Declaration saith was without Question , a repeale of this Statute of 5. H. 4. And accordingly , We shall take that first into consideration , For though upon the repeal of that Statute by I. Jac. c. 25. the Declaration agrees , That Our Commission , if once setled by 5. H. 4. is now again in force , Yet an inference is made from thence , That the Parliament of 1. Iac. would never have repealed that Statute of 4. & 5. P. & M. if they had thought that any such power of imposing Arms , as is in the Commission , would have been thereupon revived . The words of the Statute of 4. & 5. P. & M. cap. 2. are these . Be it enacted , &c. That as much of all and every Act and Statute concerning onely the keeping or finding of Horse , Horses , or Armour , or any of them heretofore made and provided , and all and every forfeiture or penalty concerning onely the same , shall be from henceforth utterly void , repealed , and of none effect . To this We say , first , that 4. & 5. Phil. & Mar. doth not repeal 5. H. 4. either by the words or meaning . As to the words , They extend onely to a repeal of such Acts which do appoint particular Assizes ( or Assessements ) of Arms : all which upon that Statute of 4. & 5. Ph. & M. ( which appoints a new Assize for kinde of Arms and proportions ) would be either contrary or altogether uselesse . And to that purpose the Statute speaks of repealing of Acts concerning keeping or finding of Horse , Horses , or Armour , which , as it must be meant of Acts concerning keeping or finding of Horses in particular for kind or number ; So as concerning ( armour ) in generall , it must , by the constant Rules of construction of Statutes , be meant of Acts of the like nature as the former , that is , Acts concerning the appointment of some particular armours , as a Gorget , a Brest-plate , and the like , such as were the Statute of 13. E. 1. and 33. H. 8. But this Statute of 5. H. 4. is nothing concerning the appointment of any particulars , either for the kind of Arms or proportions : but doth onely enact a Commission issuable , without commanding that it shall issue , which is referred to the Kings pleasure ( upon a lawfull occasion ) Nor doth the Commission it self mention ( as is apparent ) any particularity of Arms or proportions . And if the Statute of 4. and 5. Ph. & M. were meant of such Statutes , as speake of finding Arms in generall , it had as well repealed the Statutes of 1. E. 3. 25. E. 3. and 4. H. 4. as this Act of 5. H. 4. which no man will say was ever intended . But in truth , this Commission being in generall , doth no wayes contrary this Statute of Ph. & M. but that the particulars of the Assessement by that Act , both for the severall Kinds of Arms and proportions , might have been very well put in Execution by this Commission . For the Commission gives Power to assesse every man juxta statum & facultates , According to his degree and Ability . And this Parliament of 4. and 5. Ph. & Ma. appointing Arms sitting for defence of the Kingdom in those times , and proportions fitting ( in their Iudgements ) for the severall degrees and abilities of every man ; That Act did not thereby take away the power of the Commissioners wholly , but did only give particular rules for the kind of Arms and proportions , which the Commissioners were to observe in the execution of their power , thereby only regulating , but not destroying their powers . And if this Statute of 4. & 5. P. & M. had taken away the first Powers of the Commissioners concerning arming , yet had it not taken away the other severall and independent Powers of Arraying , Training , Mustring , or Conducting those men so furnished according to that Statute , but that they had remained to have been executed ( at least by a distinct Commission which might have been issued at pleasure for that purpose . ) And this also appears by the Statute of the same Parliament of 4. & 5. P. & M. cap. 3. ( which is in force at this day ) which being concerning mustering , hath occasion to mention , and doth expresse the old power still remaining to issue Commissions of that nature ; in these words , That if any person that shall be commanded at any time hereafter generally or especially to muster afore any such who shall have authority or commandment for the same , by , or from the King or Queens Majesty , or the heirs or successors of the Queens Majesty , or by any Lievtenant , &c. do absent himselfe , or at his appearance do not bring his best furniture of Array and Arms as he shall then have for his person in readinesse , shall be imprisoned , &c. But neither by that nor the other Statute of P. & M. cap. 2. is there any new authority given to the King to grant Commissions for Musters , but the same is admitted to continue as not repealed . And as to that point of appearing at Musters , We made use of that Statute of 4. & 5. P. & M. cap. 3 in Our Proclamation : And doe wonder how the Penner of that Declaration could imagine , We meant any such further use therein upon that Statute , as the Declaration sets forth . And here by the way We observe a mention in this Statute , of 4. & 5. P. & M. cap. 3. of a power of mustering in Lievtenants , to whom other Powers contained in Our Commission were also granted , and might have been also mentioned in this Statute , if there had been occasion . And secondly , as to this Statute of 4. & 5. P. & M.c. 2. We say , That in case that Act of 5. H. 4. had been repealed by 4. & 5. P. & M. yet this Commission had still continued in force notwithstanding any bare repeal ; for that ( as we have proved ) this commission was ( before that Statute ) warranted by the Common Law , which did still remain in force so far as it was not expresly contrary to the further particulars of that Act . And how We come to the Objection principally ▪ intended against this Commission upon the alteration of the Law at this day since 5. H. 4. wherein the case is this . The Statute of 13. E. 1 made an assize of Arms for the severall kindes and proportions according to mens severall estates . Then 5. H. 4. enacts this Commission with power to assesse men according to their abilities . Afterwards 13. E. 1. is repealed by 21. Iac. The argument hereupon in the Declaration is made thus : That the Commission , as to the finding of Arms Iuxta statum & facultates , is so grounded upon that Statute of 13 E. 1. ( which was then in force , and did enact the finding of Arms juxta statum & facultates , in manner as is therein expressed ) that that Statute of 13. E. 1. being since repealed , that Commission is likewise repealed , and become unwarrantable at this day . For answer whereunto , in the first place , We do deny that this Commission is any waies grounded upon 13. E. 1. First , for that ( as We have proved ) 13. E. 1. originally was not meant , as a provision of Arms for defence extraordinary , much lesse so intended here . Secondly , if it were for defence extraordinary , yet neither this Act of 5. H. 4. nor the Commission thereby setled , have any relation thereunto in words , much lesse in meaning . For the words , There is no mention of 13. E. 1. either in the Act or Commission , but the words of the Commission are generall , for imposing Arms secundùm statum & facultates ; According to every mans degree and ability , without limitation , of the kinde of Arms , or particular severall proportions of estates . And for the meaning , We cannot conceive it to be lesse , then according to the full extent of the words , For there is lesse reason to imagine that the Parliament of 5. H. 4. did any waies intend the assize of Arms established by 13. E. 1. then there was to imagine the like upon the Act of 1. E. 3. for that between 1. E. 3. and 5. H. 4. all kinde of Arms were more altered then betwixt 13. E. 1. and 1. E. 3. and in this space of time , Guns were come into use in England , which were both necessary to be commanded and provided against by other arms . And to avoid Repetitions , We further referre Our self , in these two particulars , to what We before observed upon the Statute of 1. E. 3. And as for any restraint of those generall words of Our Commission , by any construction of Law to the particular assize of 13. E. 1. We say , That though a subsequent particular Act may restrain the generall words of a Commission ( as We have said before ; upon the Statute of 4. & 5. Ph. & M. ) because the subsequent act , as it may take away , so it may limit any Power given either by Common Law or Statute , yet a precedent particular Act ( upon the same reason , because it hath no such power ) doth not regularly restrain the generall words of a subsequent Statute , which hath Power to controll the former ; and ( as in Our case ) where the meaning appears to be as large as the words cannot possibly restrain them . But in this We need not labour , For though the Declaration in making way for this Objection , admits the Commission , to have some colour to be legall , as grounded upon 13. E. 1. as to that part of finding Arms juxta statum & facultates : Yet it is the main and throughout ground of the Declaration , That this Commission , because it is generall , is against the Statute of 13. E. 1. and the other Statutes , and so void ; whereas , if the Commission had been restrained to 13. E. 1. then it could not have been void as contrary thereunto . But , admitting that this Commission was , by construction of Law , necessarily to be regulated according to 13. E. 1. whilest that Statute was in force , Our answer is , that neverthelesse this Commission did not fall by the repeal of that Statute . Wherein We shall admit ( which the Declaration supposeth , though by Us it is disproved ) That this Commission was not warranted at the Common Law before the Statute of 5. H. 4. and then the Case is but this . The Statute of 13. E. 1. doth appoint a particular Assize of Arms for kinds and proportions , according to this necessary rule , the arms for the kinde shall be fit for defence ; and for the proportion , shall be according to mens abilities ( for such is the Act. ) Afterwards 5. Hen. 4. doth establish this Commission , wherein there is no particular reference unto this Statute of 13. E. 1. but the rule is generall to charge Arms , for the kinds , according to the use of the time ( for that is necessarily implied ) and for the proportions , according to mens degrees and abilities : which are equall rules fit ever to continue , though the kinds and proportions , may and must alter . In this case We doe agree , That if the Commission had expressely referred to charge according to that Statute of 13. E. 1. then that Commission could have been no longer of force then the Statute had continued . For then it had been no more in substance , then if the powers had been but particular , to charge certain Arms , and in certain proportions according to that Statute . And in this sence We must agree with the Declaration , That a Commission being so grounded upon a Statute , upon the Repeal of the Statute , both fall together . But in this case , ( thus admitted ) where the Commission is generall , and if 13. E. 1. had never been , must have had its full operation , according to the words , both for the kind of Arms and proportions , and was regulated but by a bare construction of Law , both for Arms and Proportions by 13. E. 1. which the Parliament might think fit to be a rule for that time ; it seems strongly to follow , that when 13. E. 1. ( which was the only impediment why it did not work according to the extent of the words ) is repealed , the operation of the Law upon this Commission , by force of that statute , must likewise cease : and the Commission must be construed according to the words , the rather for avoiding of this mischief , that otherwise the Kingdom should be without all necessary means to put it into a posture of defence , which that Act did intend principally 〈◊〉 , perpetually to provide for . But more fully to take off this Objection , We must here remember ( what we have proved before ) that the Powers of this Commission in the latitude of the words thereof for imposing Arms , secundùm statum & facultates , according to mens degrees and abilities , was warranted at the Common Law before any Statute , and was to be executed without the direction of any particular Assize for kinds and proportions : As at this day severall like powers for assessing men both by Statute and Common Law according to their abilities , as for high ways , poor of the Parish , and the like are to be executed . These then being the Powers at Common Law , As it is cleer they are not taken away by any affirmative Statute , ( such as 13. E. 1. seems to be : ) So if We shall admit ( as strongest against Our self ) that there were any negative words in this Statute or any other Statute grounded thereupon , that the Subject should not be compellable to be armed otherwise , ( which other Statutes ( according to the ground rightly taken in the Declaration ) must necessarily fall by the repeal of 13. 〈◊〉 1. Then that Statute being repealed , the Commission thus freed of those Statutes , remains in full force as it was at the Common Law . And now that wee have passed over the Acts of Our Predecessors as well before as after the Act of 5. H. 4. We are encountred with Our own Acts , the Petition of Right , and a Recitall in an Act this present Parliament , as being both against Our Commission . Whereunto We need to say but this . That it appears out of themselves , that neither of them were ever meant to introduce a new Law : So as if ( as We have proved ) Our Commission be not against the Law , as it stood formerly , they were not Intended nor justly ought to be extended against it . But to give yet more particular and full answers thereunto ; We say , First , for the Petition of Right , it no waies extends to our Commissions of Array . The Objection made upon it stands thus . The Petition of Right sets forth , That by the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm , the Subjects have inherited this Freedom , That they should not be compelled to contribute to any Tax , Tallage , Aid , or other like charge , not set by common consent in Parliament . And after complains , That divers charges have been laid and levied upon the People by Lords Lievtenants , Deputy Lievtenants , Commissioners for Musters , Justices of Peace , and others , by command or direction from Us , or Our Privy Councell , against the Laws and free Customs of the Realm , which the Declaration alleadgeth to be the breach of those Laws . Then the words of the Petition are thus applyed , That here is a Taxe or Charge imposed upon the people , by Compelling them to find Arms by command and direction from Us , under Our great Seal , without consent in Parliament . And the meaning of the Petition is thus inforced , That it is very well known , and doth sufficiently appear , that the charges there mentioned to be laid by Lords Lievtenants , and Deputy Lievtenants , were the charging of the Subjects with Arms against Law , by colour of their Commission from Us , and consequently this Commission is against the Petition of Right . For Our cleerer answer , We shall set down the summe of the Petition , for so much as concerns the unlawfull charging of the Subject . And it is this . First , the Petition recites severall Statutes , as made against the compelling the Subject to the making or yeelding any Gift , Loan , Benevolence , Taxes , Aids , or such like Charges without Common consent in Parliament ; and next setteth forth a violation of those Statutes , by the Commissions of Loans , and Execution of them ; and that divers other Charges had been laid and levied by Lords Lievtenants , and others ( as is aforesaid ) and lastly the Prayer is substantively of it self , without any relative words , yet extends to all that was before complained of , and contains the substance of all those former Statutes in these words , That no man be compelled , to make or yeeld any Gift , Loan , Benevolence , Tax , or such like Charge without common consent by Act of Parliament . And Our answer to that part of the Prayer , amongst the rest , is , Let right be done as it desired . And Our answer to the Objection stands thus . First , that whatsoever sence any words of the Preamble may seem to import , yet without question , there is no more in this Preamble then is after contained in the Prayer : So if Our Commission be not against the Prayer , there can be no Argument against it drawn out of the Preamble , or if in truth there were more in the Preamble then in the Prayer , ( whereunto only the Royall assent extends , ) yet nothing could bindingly be concluded thereupon ( as We shall further shew upon occasion . ) This then onely rests to be considered upon this Objection ; Whether the powers , in Our Commission , to compell the Subjects , able of body and estate to Arm themselves , and in case of impotency to find Arms for others , for the necessary defence of the Kingdom , can be said to be a compelling of the subject , to make or yeeld any Gift , Loan , Benevolence , Tax , or other like Charge , contrary to the Prayer of the Petition . Upon the Case thus truly stated , it is cleere , That here is no yeelding or making of Gift , Benevolence , or Loan ; And as for making or yeelding any Tax or other like charge , though it be true , That this arming a mans self , or finding Arms for another , cannot be done without Charge : Yet We appeal to every mans understanding , whether Our Subjects can , upon this Commission , be said to make or yeeld ( for so are the words ) any Tax or other Charge against the Petition , any more , then if We command a City to repair their Walls , or a Levell ( putting the Case before any statute , to take away all colour of evasion ) to repair the Sea-banks , when they were in decay , being no particular advantage to Us , but for the Common good of themselves . The truth is , That albeit the imposing of divers charges , & commanding divers Acts drawing charges upon the Subject , though possibly for their advantage , are void in Law : notwithstanding it doth not follow that they are void as against this Petition . For the Petition of Right , as against the charges therein mentioned , is onely to be intended of Money , or other thing valuable , and to be parted with to or for Us , or Our advantage : such as are all the charges more specially mentioned in the preamble and Prayer , as that of Gift , Loan , and Benevolences , And such as were those Charges intended in the Preamble under the generall expression of divers other Charges imposed by Lord Lievtenants , &c. which We think is very well known to most Counties , to have been meer Pecuniary Payments , and which We ought to have born . And for the other charges , that is , of Taxes , Tallages , Aydes likewise mentioned , which as to this purpose are but Synonoma , and of one signification , they are meant of money or other things valuable , and for the King ; and so used in the old Statutes , and had been in former times imposed upon the people , without Act of Parliament ; and accordingly all of them are so to be expounded in the Preamble . And the Prayer of the Petition saith nothing expressely against the Commanding the Subject to do a thing which may be necessarily of expence or Charge , ( wherein the Act is onely intended , and the Charge but a necessary Incident ) but the Prayer is onely against the compelling of the Subject to yeeld , or make those kinds of charges : So as the cleer sence of the Petition , both according to the occasion of complaint therein mentioned , and the Laws whereupon it is framed , as well as the propriety of the words , is only against drawing from the Subject , either money or money-worth , by any of those particular charges therein mentioned , or any other charge of like nature ( under what specious title soever ) for the Kings advantage , which the more plainly appears , for that the charge must be yeelded or made , as upon Gift , Loan , &c. which must necessarily be intended unto some person , and no other person can be here colourably intended but the King . And if the Petition , by any construction , may extend against the commanding of any Acts , which in the execution may induce charges , yet such charges must ( according to the very words of the Petition ) be such like Charges , that is for Us or Our advantage , as the particular Charges therein mentioned , of Gift , Loan , &c. But this charging of the Subject with Arms for the necessary defence of the Kingdom cannot be said for Our particular advantage , all Our Subjects having therein a common interest . As for the meaning of the Petition inforced in the Objection from the Charges by Lord Lievtenants , and others complained against in the Preamble , sure We are that those must be such in the particular , as are after contained in the generall words of the Prayer , to which We have answered before ; And though it be to this purpose said in the Declaration , That those Charges by Lord Lievtenants and others , were meant of charging of the Subject with Arms , certainly no such thing can appear in the Petition , which speaks but only of divers charges , but names none in particular ; nor can there be any other assurance that the Houses did intend any such thing , but by Votes , wherein they onely speak : and if any such Votes had been , We doubt not but We should have found them inserted in this Declaration : And a particular complaint of so great a grievance ( as Our Commission is made to be ) would have been expressed in the Preamble of the Petition , with the Quotations of Statutes to the contrary , as was done concerning other grievances . But in truth it is well known , That about that time , upon occasion of Our wars , there were divers other charges imposed by Our Lievtenants , and others , of a far differing nature , most of which were by direction from Us or Our Privie Councell , according to the exigency of the time and some former practice . And We do beleeve , that there was at that time neither complaint or occasion of complaint against the imposing of Arms for home defence of the Kingdom . Howsoever We are sure that no such complaint was particularly represented unto Us , or Our Answer intended thereunto . And now to cleer this sence of the Petition 〈◊〉 of the judgement of both Our Houses this 〈◊〉 Parliament , We demand this Question : If so be the imposing Arms for defence be a charge upon the Subject within the meaning of this Petition , how the two Houses will justifie their Ordinance , which We are sure they will not call an Act of Parliament ; for without an Act of Parliament , no charge thereby provided against , can be imposed upon the Subject , the words being plain , That no man shall be compelled to make or yeeld any Gift , Loan , Benevolence , Tax , or other such like charge , without common consent by Act of Parliament . And now , since this Declaration hath given Us such occasion to examine Our Commission upon the Petition of Right , We shall conclude , out of that Petition , That that Parliament did conceive the powers of this Commission warrantable in every point . For it is plainly to be observed , that the Commons did then take into consideration the generall grievances of the Kingdom , more particularly , concerning Military affaires , and therein the actions of Lord Lievtenants , and Deputy-Lievtenants with their Commissions and powers , and their exceeding of their power , as expressely the billeting of Souldiers , and the payment of Billet-money , Muster-masters fees , and others of that nature , were then in dispute . And although the two Houses could not but take notice of the imposing of Arms upon the Subject by Our Commission , of Lievtenancy , & their powers to Levy , call together , Arm , Array , Train , and Muster Our Subjects inhabiting in Our severall Counties , and to conduct and lead them against all Our Enemies , and all Rebels and Traytors , from time to time , as need should require , ( in which particulars they contained the powers of Our Commission of Array : ) Yet the Complaint was not made against them , for what they did by vertue of their Commission ( no more then against the Justices of Peace , though complained of , together with the Lievtenants ) but for matters wherein they did exceed their Commission , upon the Command , or direction from Us , or Our Councell ; the Petition throughout distinguishing betwixt such Commands , or directions , and Our Commissions . So that We conclude , here was not only an admission , but an approbation of those powers , by that Parliament . We come now to the recitall in the Preamble of the late Statute made this Parliament . The words are these . For as much as great Commotions , and Rebellions have been lately raised and stirred up in His Majesties Kingdom of Ireland , by the wicked plots and conspiracies , of divers of His Majesties Subjects there ( being traiterously affected ) to the great endangering , not only of the said Kingdom , but also of this Kingdom of England , unlesse a speedy course be taken for the proventing hereof And for the raising and pressing of men for those Services . And whereas , by the Laws of this Realm , none of His Majesties Subjects ought to be impressed , or compelled to go out of His County , to serve as a Souldier in the Wars , except in case of necessity of the sudden coming in of strange Enemies into the Kingdom , or except they be otherwise bound by the Tenure of their Lands or possessions &c. ( upon which Preamble , there is , in that Statute , some provision made for a time for raising and impressing men for those Services . ) And upon this Preamble , the conclusion is made in these words , That this , Commission is directly contrary to this Declaration is so evident , that it requireth no application . To this Objection , We say , We might make Our Answer as short as the inference is , by affirming , That it is evident , that this Commission is not contrary to this recitall ; And surely We think that what We have already opened , being applyed to this Objection , would warrant that Answer . But that We may leave nothing undone , that may tend towards the full satisfaction of Our good people , We shall also give this a particular answer . First , We say , That if this recitall had been an Act , yet there were nothing in Our Commission contrary to the letter of it , for that by this Commision , no man is compellable by any speciall words to go out of his County . And the generall words , ( giving power to the Commissioners , for leading them to the Sea-coast or elsewhere ( as We have often repeated ) are with these limitations : They are to lead them , but when there is imminent Danger of enemies , for defence of the Kingdom ; and then only they are to be led to such places , as shall be necessary for the expulsion , vanquishing , and destruction of the said enemies , And this is a case of necessity both within the words of this recitall , and according to the sense of the same words , in the Statute of 1. E. 3. and 4. H. 4. ( therein meant ) as We have before shewed . And thus we might leave this Objection , but that it implies a matter of a greater consequence then plainly appears . That recitalls of the Law , in Preambles of Statutes are binding ; For in this Objection , this recitall is called a Declaration of the Law and Our Commission sard to be contrary to that Statute , and it further implies , That even in the greatest and most horrid Rebellion , the Subject cannot be compelled out of the County , for the suppression thereof . But to this We answor , That the difference is apparent , between an Act of Parliament declarative , and a recitall in a Preamble : For such an Act ( in any matter though mistaken ) being assented unto by Us , and Our two Houses , is equally binding ( as having equall authority ) with an Act introductive of a new Law , But the recitall in a Preamble , is no part of the Act ( the Royall assent being only to that , which is expressely or tacitely prayed to be enacted : ) Nor can it any wayes so much as imply Our opinion : For otherwise , Kings must be inforced oftentimes to deny a good Law , for an ill Preamble ; The consequence whereof is great in such an Act as requires expedition , where a Bill once denyed , is not regularly to be offered again in that Session of Parliament . And if it were needfull , divers mistakes , of the Law in Preambles might be produced by which We would be loath to bind our Subjects . Neverthelesse , though Preambles be not in themselves sufficient to declare Laws , yet We deny not they are of good use , though not convincing Arguments to expound them . And for Our power in the matter of Rebellion , besides what hath been said , We might also adde ( if it were materiall to this Commission , ) Preambles , Recitals , and other necessary Inferences out of other Statutes ( made since those intended in this Recitall ) which would prove , that in case of Rebellion all Our Subjects ought to assist Us , and to attend Our Person , upon Our command , for the defence thereof , whensoever We should require it . And the truth is , the occasion of this Act , now urged against Us , appears to be for the service of Ireland , and the intention of it ( for so much as is the enacting part ) was to take away all question concerning the pressing of the Subjects of England for the suppression of the Rebellion in Ireland . And so concerned forraign service , and not home defence , either against Invasion of Enemies or Rebels . And thus far the work of the Declaration hath been to overthrow Our Commission by Statutes alleadged to be directly against it . There remains yet some other Objections drawn from the opinion of former Parliaments , and the practice of Our selves and Our Predecessors , and those not directly , but by inferences . But these , as we shall shew , are so farre from concluding against Our Commission , that they rather prove the contrary . The first of these Objections is upon the Statutes of 1. Jac. c. 25. and 21. Iac. c. 28. of Repeals : And is thus , That the Statute of 4 & 5. Ph. & M. cap. 2. having repealed this Commission ( for so the Declaration supposeth ) They had shewed little care of their own and the Subjects liberty , in the Parliament of ● . Iac. to repeal that Statute thereby to revive the power of this Commission , which would have subjected the people to far greater bondage : and from thence inferreth , That it is not probable that the Parliament of 1. Jac. would have repealed , . 4 & 5 Ph. & M. As lik●wise from the Statute of 21. Iac. ( which repealed the Statutes of 13. E. 1. and 33. H. 8. ) That it is not probable , that the Parliament of 21. Jac. would have repealed those Statutes ( which in a moderate manner proportioned the Arms every man was to find in certainty : ) And suffer an Act ( meaning this of 5. H. 4. ) to continue , which established a power in the King without limitation , not only to impose Arms , but to command the persons of the Subjects at pleasure . To this We say , that both the grounds of this Objection are mistaken . For ( as We have already shewed ) neither is this Commission repealed by the Act of 4 & 5 P. & M. Nor is there any such unlimited Power given , or Bondage by it , as is pretended . And therefore Our Answer is , That it is no wonder that those Parliaments might repeal 4 & 5 P. & M. as too hard ; and 13. E. 1. & 33 H. 8. as of no use : and put the Militia of this Kingdom again wholly under the powers of this Commission , ( being so indifferent between both the other : ) And indeed the Militia did after continue under Lievtenants , who had in effect the powers given by this Commission . And now We shall return this Objection thus : That those Parliaments of 1. Jac. and 21. Iac. would have shewed little care of the safety and defence of the Kingdom to have repealed those Statutes which made provision for Arms , if they had thought there were no Law or Power left in the King to charge men with Arms for defence of the Kingdom , ( as the Declaration affirmes the Law now to be . ) But whosoever considers that at that time , and long before , the power of imposing arms , was put in execution by Lievtenants , and Deputy-Lievtenants , by authority of their Commissions ( which to this purpose are the same with Our Commissions of Array ) and that this power was not complained of in those Parliaments , must conclude it more then probable , that those Parliaments did then conceive there was a sufficient power remaining in the King to impose Arms . The next Objection , is from the opinion of the Parliament of 4. and 5. Philip & Mary , c. 3 That if Our Commission had been authorized by Act of Parliament , that Statute of Ph. & Mar. had been to little purpose , whereby the penalty of Imprisonment for ten dayes , or forty shillings is imposed upon such , as do not appear at Musters , being Summoned thereunto by the Kings Commissioners authorized for that purpose : Intimating , as that the Act of Phil & Mar. would never have been made , if they had then conceived , that We had power to grant such Commissions . To this We answer , That the particular Arms and proportions of Arms , were then before appointed by the Statute of 4. and 5. Ph. & Mar. Cap. 2. under certain penalties upon those who should be defective , and so a great part of the care of the Commissioners of Array was supplyed by the provision of that Statute ; and the Commissions of Array being not so proper , but in time of Danger , and of a larger extent , then the power of mustering , a Commission of Muster ( which is part of the power of a Commission of Array ) would then serve the ordinary turn : and for every ordinary default , but at a Muster , in a time of no Danger , the punishment by 4. and 5. Ph. & Mar. cap. 3. was great enough . And for return of this Objection , We say , ( as We observed before ) That this Statute gives no new power , to grant Commissions for Musters , but admits the power to grant such Commissions to have been in the King before that time . And whereas the Statute of 13. E. 1. appoints no other Officers but the Constables for view of arms , it appears by these Statutes of Phil. and Mar. that the King might appoint His Commissioners : which he could not , if this power of Arms had been wholly grounded upon that Statute . The Last Objection of this nature , is grounded upon the Common opinion or practice ; And is this . That the Commissions of Lievtenancy , so grievous to the people , and declared illegall in Parliament , had not been so often issued , and so much pressed upon them , if the Commission of Array , not much differing from it in power , and not at all lesse grievous to the Subject , might , by the warrant and authority of the Laws of this Realm , have supplied their room . To this Our Answer is , That it stands upon two grounds : First , That the Commissions of Lievtenancy were grievous . Secondly , That they were illegall : both which so far forth at least as to the powers wherein they did not exceed the power of this Commission ( for the other powers are not now in question ) are cleerly mistaken . For , as for the grievousnesse , we say these Commissions were such as had been long used in the happiest times of Our Predecessors , and continued to Our Time : And such grievances , as did , or might arise in the execution of these Commissions , not warranted by them , are no cause to quarrell at the Commissions themselves , more then at the Commissions of Peace , because some Justices of Peace have exceeded or abused their authority . And howsoever , Those powers wherein they exceeded not Our Commission of Array could not be grievous , as we have already shewed . And as for the illegality of those powers , We shall not , nor will Our people be satisfied by bare Votes , that they are illegall , The same being done without hearing of Our Councell , and without advising with the Iudges and demanding their opinions , ( a course which was formerly used in Parliaments , as appears even by this Record of 5. H. 4. amongst many others , but in matters of Law which have of late risen in Our Houses of Parliament , hath ( for what cause We know not ) been laid aside . ) But We again say , these powers in Our Commissions of Lievtenancies are legall , and if there be any clauses in such Comissiōs which are illegall , those clauses could not at all make the Commissions void for so much as was legall , much lesse take away Our power of granting new Commissions , omitting such clauses . But if We should , for this time , admit the grounds of this Objection , That Our Commissions of Lievtenancy had been such as this Declaration would have them , yet it is but a very inconsequent Argument , That those Commissions would not have issued , so often , and been so much pressed , if the Commissions of Array had been Legall . For the Commissions of Lievtenancy conteyned not only most of the powers of the Commission of Array , but in many things exceeded them , and were issuable in times of Peace , whereas Commissions of Array commonly issued in times of Danger only ; and so there was occasion for the one Commission , when there was none for the other . But on the contrary , ( that we may retort this Objection also , ) since that the Commissions of Lievtenancy , not much differing from the Commissions of Array in Power , ( as the Declaration saith ) and in many things exceeding them , have so often issued in the reignes of severall of Our Predecessors , & were allowed by the Judges of those times , obeyed without dispute , and not questioned in the Parliament of 1. Iac. or 21. Iac. nor were these powers wherein they agreed with the Commission of Array complained of by the Petition of Right , but rather admitted and allowed , as We have already shewed . It may very well be inferred that both the Commissions of Lievtenancy and of Array , ( as to those powers at least wherein they agreed ) were Legall and far from being any grievance to the Subject . Thus far we have proceeded in the Examination , and clearing of the Objections made against Our Commissions of Array . Upon all which Objections , we shall further observe That although the Declaration denies Our power at this day of commanding to Train or Exercise ; yet none of those objections touch any thing upon those Powers . So that if all were true which is objected , yet we should still have power ( at least by a distinct Commission ) to command Our Subjects to be Disciplined , Mustered , Trained and Exercised , with such Arms as they had in a readinesse ; for that ( as we have shewed before ) these are distinct from the power of Imposing of Arms , and may be severally granted or executed . And now upon the whole matter , the state of Our case is this . It is Voted by Our Houses of Parliament , That Our Kingdom is in imminent danger of destruction from enemies abroad , and a discontented Party at home ; and that there is a necessity to put Our people into a posture of Defence . In this case , for defence of Our selves and Our Kingdom , We have awarded Our Commissions of Array , thereby giving power to the Commissioners ( persons , We hope , beyond exception ) to cause Our Subjects to arm themselves , or , if impotent in body , to find arms for others , according to their abilities , in a reasonable and moderate proportion , and to muster and train them at convenient times and places , and afterwards , upon occasion to lead them , where there is a necessity for the defence of the Kingdom , and the Expulsion , vanquishing , and Destruction of Enemies . And We have shewed , That the Powers of these Commissions , are grounded upon the very principles of government , and that without them , We could not defend and protect Our Subjects , ( as We are bound by Our oath at Our Coronation ) That they are warranted by the Antient Common Law , allowed by the constant practice of former ages established by the Parliament of 5. H. 4. ( which caused a Copy of these Commissions to be entred upon the Roll , as a Rule or President for after times ) and are not repealed , or altered by any Statutes now in force . And yet , though this Danger , and the necessity of putting the Kingdome into a Posture of Defence , is thus agreed by both Houses ; neverthelesse , this Commission , and all others of like nature , are by their Declaration said to be illegall ; And it is thereby denied , That We have , at any time , Power to charge Our Subjects with any manner of Arms ( though for the absolute necessary defence of the Kingdom ) or that We can command them to be trained or exercised , much lesse to be led out of the County , though an Enemy be ready to enter , or though Rebels be actually up in Arms . How farre this opinion is consistent with Law , Reason , or Regall Power , the safety of Our Selves and Our Subjects , ( upon all this which We have said ) We leave to all Our good people to consider . And since Our two Houses ( denying Us this Power ) without Us , and against Our consent , have made Orders ( which they call Ordinances ) for compelling Our Subjects to be Armed , Trained , Exercised , Mustered , and conducted , and send for Our Subjects as Delinquents , and imprison them , for refusing to obey such Orders ; It is apparent , That what this Declaration saith against Our Commission , without just ground , is true indeed of those Orders , that is , That they are contrary to the Law and Customs of the Realm , destructive to the Liberty , and Property of the Subjects , and contrary to the Petition of Right ( as it is expounded in this Declaration , ) as also against other Statutes . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31803e-130 See the printed Arguments , fol. 25. 64 , &c. See 14. H. 3. in the printed Argument of Sir George Crook : a Commission to the Bishop of Rochester and others , and to the Sheriffe of Kent , to cause all men at Arms in that County to be sworne , and to assesse them what Arms they shall finde . And divers other presidents there of Arrays in the times of severall Kings . And see Cl. 14. H. 3. m. 15. Dors. the like to other Counties . And 36 H. 3. ( as appeares in the History of Matth. Paris , who lived at that time , Fol. 864. ) Rex constituit & generaliter per Angliam voce praeconiâ fecit acclamari missis super hoc brevibus ad singulos Comitatus , ut secundum pristinam Consuetudinem , arma civibus competenter assignarentur , & monstrarentur , & censerentur , ut essent sufficiontia & competentia secundum cujuslibet facultates . The King caused Proclamations to be made ( for in such cases Proclamations declaratory were not conceived in those times to be illegall ) and sent Writs into all Counties of England , That ( according to ancient custome ) Armes should be competently assessed ( or appointed ) for the people : And that they should be ( mustred ) or shewed , and inrolled , that they might be sufficient and competent , according to every mans estate . And see Pat. 48. H. 3. m. 3. Dors. & m. 7. Dors. Cl. 23. E. 1. m. 5. Cl. 25. E. 1. m. 17. Dors. in scedul . pendent . Pat. 31. E. 1. m. 20. Cl. 16. E. 2. part . 1. m. 13. Dors. Pat. 18. E. 2. m. 32. and Rot. Vascon. 18. E. 2. m. 4. 10. 27. Cl. 7. E. 3 . part . 1. m. 25. Rot. Scot , 10. E. 3. m. 8. Franc. 26. E. 3. m. 5. Cl. 44. E. 3. m. 22. Scot . 7. R. 2. m. 9. Franc. 10. R. 2. m. 24. Pat. 4. H. 4. part . 2. m. 10. Dors. And after the Parl. of 5. H. 4. See Pat. 7. H. 4. part . 2. m. 31. Dors. 11. H. 4. part . 2 m. 24. Dors. Pat. 5. H. 5. part . 2. m. 37. Dors. Pat. 8 . H. 5. m. 17. Dors. Pat. 34. H. 6. m. 8. Dorse . Pat. 9. E. 4. part . 1. m. 1. Dors. Pat. 12. E. 4. part . 1. m. 13. Dors. And very many more Commissions of Array in the severall reignes of these Princes . See Lamb . fol. 135. A Law of King Edward the Confessor . Debent enim universi liberi homines , &c. secundum feodum suum , & secundum tenementa sua arma habere , & illa semper prompta conservare ad tuitionem Regni , & servitium Dominorum suorum juxta praeceptum Domini Regis explendum & per agendum . And Libr. Rubr. Scaccarii , fol 162. the Conquerous Law in these words , Statuimus & firmiter praecipimus , quòd omnes Comites , & Barones , & Milites , & Servientes , & universi liberi homines totius Regni nostri pred. habeant , & teneant se semper in armis & equis , ut decet & oportet , &c. Upon both which it appeares , that every man , as well as the Kings Tenants , ought to have Armes according to his Lands , for defence of the Kingdome , at the Kings command . And Hoveden , Pag. 614. in Anno 27. H. 2. Deinde Henricus Rex Angliae focit hanc assisam de habendis armis in Angl. &c. King Henry the second made an assise of Armes for defence of the Kingdome , according to the difference of mens abilities , farre differing from that in 13. E. 1. And see Matth. Paris , fol. 224. A Writ of King John to summon Omnes liberos homines & servientes , vel quicunque sint , & de quocunque teneant , qui arma habere debeant , vel arma habere possint ; quod sicut , &c. sint apud Doveram , ad defendendum caput nostrum , &c. sub poena Culvertagii . Rot. Par. 13. E. 3. P. 2. N. 39. Rot. Parl. 14. E. 3. P. 1. N. 53. See Pat. 7. H. 4. part . 2. m. 31. Dors. Pat. 11. H. 4. part . 2. m. 24. Dors. Cl. 19. E. 2. n. 17. Dors. V. 18. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 11. 20. E. 3. Rot. Parl. n. 12. and others of that time . 9. H. 4. R. Parl. n. 17. 6. H. 4. R. Parl. n. 9. 1. H. 5. R. Parl. n. 17. 2. H. 4. C. 10. Stat. 2. H. 4. cap. 20. 4. H. 4. rot . Parl. part . 2. m. 10. See 11. H. 7 in the Preamble , That the Subjects , by the duty of their Allegiance , are bound to serve their Prince in his Wars , for the defence of Him and the Land , against every Rebellion , Power , and Might , reared against Him . And 11. H. 7. c. 18. Whereas every Subject , by the duty of his Allegiance , is bound to assist the King at all seasons when need shall require ; and most especially such as have by him promotion or advancement , as Grants , and Gifts of Offices , Fees , and Annuities , which are , and verily be bound by reason to give their attendance upon his Royall Person , to defend the same , when He shall fortune to goe in his Person in wars for defence of the Realm , or against his Rebels and enemies . And 5. El. cap. 5. Be it enacted infavour of Fishermen , and Mariners , That none of them shall hereafter at any time be compelled against his or their will , to serve as a Souldier upon the Land or Sea , otherwise then as a Mariner , except it shall be to serve under any Captain of some Ship or Vessell for landing , to doe some especiall exploit , which Mariners have used to do , or under any other person , having authority to withstand any Invasion of Enemies , or to subdue any Rebellion within the Realm . And see 19. H. 7. cap. 1 , 2 , & 3. E. 6. c. 2. And 4 & 5 Ph. & Mar. c. 3. 
A31921	----	His Maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of Glocester Aug. 10, 1643 with their answer thereunto. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31921 of text R39004 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2324). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31921 Wing C2324 ESTC R39004 18204607 ocm 18204607 107071 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31921) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107071) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:32) His Maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of Glocester Aug. 10, 1643 with their answer thereunto. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643. "Let the world now judge if His Majesty could have sent a more gratious message to His most loyall subjects, and whether these desperate rebells deserve any mercy, who after so many offers doe still refuse a pardon. But since their returning this rebellious answer, they have set their own suburbs on fire, which surely is not to keep the city either for the King or Parliament." Imperfect: folded, with very slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31921 R39004 (Wing C2324). civilwar no His Maiesties gratiovs message and summons to the city of Glocester Aug. 10, 1643 with their answer thereunto. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 576 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES GRATIOVS MESSAGE AND Summons to the City of Glocester AUG. 10. 1643. With Their Answer thereunto . OUt of Our tender Compassion to Our City of Glocester , and that it may not receive Prejudice by Our Army , which We cannot prevent , if We be compelled to assault it , We are personally come before it to require the same , and are gratiously pleased to let all the Inhabitants of , and all other Persons within that City , as well Souldiers as others , know , That if they shall immediatly submit themselves , and deliver this Our City to Us , We are contented freely and absolutely to pardon every one of them without exception ; And doe assure them in the word of a KING , that they nor any of them shall receive the least Dammage or Prejudice by Our Army in their Persons , or Estates ; But that We will appoynt such a Governor , and a moderate Garrison to reside there , as shall be both for the ease and security of that City and that whole County . But if they shall neglect this Profer of Grace and Favour , and compell Us by the Power of Our Army to reduce that place ( which by the help of God We doubt not We shall be easily and shortly able to doe ) they must thank themselves for all the Calamities and Miseries must befall them . To this Message We expect a cleere and positive Answer within two houres after the publishing hereof , And by these presents doe give leave to any Persons safely to repaire to , and returne from Us whom that City shall desire to employ unto Us in that businesse . And doe require all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , quietly to suffer them to passe accordingly . August 10. 1643. WEe the Inhabitants , Magistrates , Officers and Souldiers within this Garrison of Glocester : unto His Majesties gratious Message returne this humble Answere . That We doe keep this City according to Our Oathes and Alleagiance to and for the use of His Majesty and His Royall Posterity ; And doe accordingly conceive Our selves wholly bound to obey the Commands of His Majesty signified by both Houses of Parliament ; And are resolved by Gods help to keep this City accordingly . De. Wise Major . John Brewster . William Luggo . My. Singleton . Thomas Hill . Thomas Pury . John Scriven . Nich. Webb . Io. Dorney . Anth. Edwards . Iohn Halford . Toby lordan . G. Dawidssone . Robert Maxwell . Edw. Massie . Con. Ferrer . Hum Mathewes . Isaack Dobson . Edward Gray . Charles Blount . Peter Crispe . Rob. Backhouse . Ia. Harcus . Tho. Pury Iun. Rob. Stevenson . Tho. Blayney . LEt the World now judge if His Majesty could have sent a more Gratious Message to His most Loyall Subjects , and whether these desperate Rebells deserve any Mercy , who after so many Offers doe still refuse a Pardon . But since their returning this Rebellious Answer , they have set their own Suburbs on fire , which surely is not to keep the City either for the KING or Parliament . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A31928	----	By the King, His Majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of Robert Earle of Essex England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31928 of text R39011 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2340). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31928 Wing C2340 ESTC R39011 18206192 ocm 18206192 107078 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31928) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107078) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:33) By the King, His Majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of Robert Earle of Essex England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643. "Given at our court at Oxford, this eighteenth day of Aprill in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne. God save the King." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31928 R39011 (Wing C2340). civilwar no By the King, His Majesties gratious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of Robert Earle of Essex England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 686 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . ❧ His Majesties gratious offer of Pardon to the Rebells now in Armes against Him ; under the Command of Robert Earle of Essex . WHEREAS an Actuall and open Rebellion is raised , and severall Armies marching against Us , under the command and conduct of Robert Earle of Essex , and other Persons under his Commissions and authority , who falsly pretend that what they doe is by virtue of Our authority , and for Our service and so seduce many of Our weak Subjects from their duty and Allegiance into this horrid and odious Rebellion against Us . We doe therefore once more declare the said Robert Earle of Essex , and all such who by any Commission under him have levied or doe command any Souldiers , to be guilty of high Treason , and that this Rebellion is raised to take away Our Life from Us , to destroy Our Posterity , to change the blessed Protestant Religion established by the Lawes of the Land , to suppresse the Law of the Kingdom , to take away the Liberty of the Subject , and to subject both to an unlimited arbitrary power . And We doe therefore Will and Command all Our loving Subjects , upon their Allegiance , and their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , that they apprehend the said Earle of Essex , and all such who , by virtue of any Commission under him , have levied or doe now command any Souldiers in any places of this Kingdome , as guilty of high Treason . And Whereas We understand that , at this time , the said Robert Earle of Essex , and some other Commanders who have equall or independent authority from him , doe traiterously lay seige to , and intend to assault Our Towne of Reading , We , considering that the most part of those Commanders and Souldiers are seduced by specious pretexts above said , have , out of Our Princely Grace and Clemency , thought fit , and doe hereby declare , That We are pleased to grant Our free and generall Pardon as well to all Captaines and inferior Officers ( not formerly excepted in any of our Declarations or proclamations ) as to all common Souldiers now before Our Towne of Reading , or elsewhere , as to Persons seduced by the cunning and falshood of the authors of the present Rebellion : If such Captains , inferior Officers and Souldiers shall disband within Six Daies after the publishing of this Our Proclamation , so as they commit no hostile Act in the mean while . And We doe farther declare , That such Officers as aforesaid , as shall returne to their due obedience to Us , and render themselves to the Lieutenant-Generall , or other Principall Officer of Our Army , or to the Governor of that Our Towne of Reading , and be willing to serve Us , shall be entertained in Our Army , or , if they be not willing to serve , shall have Our Pardon and free Passe , provided they take an Oath never to take up Armes against Us . And that such common Souldiers as shall lay downe their Armes , according to this Our Proclamation , shall also receive Our like gratious Pardon , and be entertained in Our Service , if they shall be willing ; or otherwise , taking the aforesaid Oath , have five shillings in mony given them , and a Passe to carry them to their dwellings . But in case that Our gratious mercy to them produce not those good effects We hope for , such extremity of Punishment they are to expect , as the highnesse of so Treasonable an Act in its own nature deserves . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , the eighteenth day of Aprill in the ninteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A31929	----	His Majesties gracious proclamation to the cittyes of London and Westminster by the King. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31929 of text R4522 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2342). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31929 Wing C2342 ESTC R4522 11889786 ocm 11889786 50407 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31929) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 50407) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 527:5) His Majesties gracious proclamation to the cittyes of London and Westminster by the King. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] Place of publication from Bibliography of royal proclamations of the Tudor and Stuart sovereigns and of others published under authority, 1485-1714, 1967. At head of title "By the King". Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century A31929 R4522 (Wing C2342). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cittyes of London and Westminster. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 950 3 0 0 0 0 0 32 C The rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . ❧ His Majesties gratious Proclamation to the Cittyes of London and Westminster . WHEREAS amongst other Arts used by the Promoters of this horrid and desperate Rebellion against Us , great Industry and Subtilty hath been applyed to corrupt Our Subjects of Our Cittyes of London and Westminster , first by engaging them in Factions and Tumults to awe the Members of both Our Houses of Parliament who would not consent to their seditious Designes ; then by perswading them to Loanes and Contributions for the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Us , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of Our Person ▪ the Protestant Religion , the Lawes of the Land , and Priviledge of Parliament ( WHEREAS in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended Ordinance of the Militia : and lastly by infusing into them a desperate sense of their owne Condition , and that We are so much incensed against them for the premises , that We intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those Our Cittyes as a prey to Our Souldiers ; We do hereby declare , That We are yet farr from being so much incensed against those Our Cittyes as these men desire to be beleived , and in truth have endeavoured to make Us ; but We beleive that those Tumults were contrived by the Persons whom We have formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest People of those Our Cittyes and Suburbs without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall Cittyzens and Inhabitants , and that the Loanes and Contributions which have been since raised ( though they have passed more generally then We expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have been wrested and extorted from them by threates and menaces , and feare of plundering and violence . And therefore We do hereby offer Our free and gratious Pardon to all the Cittyzens and Inhabitants of Our said Citties of London , and Westminster for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Us before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except all those Persons whom We have excepted in Our Declaration of the 12 of August , and except Alderman Fulke and Captaine Manwaring , against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of Law , as against Traytors and Stirrers of sedition against Us ) and We doe assure them in the word of a King , that no violence shall be offered by Our Army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such ▪ that We shall not be compelled to bring Our Army against them . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells to assemble and muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Us under Our hand , or to enter into any Oath of Association for the Assistance of the Earle of Essex , how spetiously soever the same be pretended for Our safety , for since the encounter on Sunday the 22th of this Moneth where they used all possible meanes and malice to have destroyed Us , and whe●●e it pleased God to give Us so great a victory over them ( though with the losse of many worthy man ) no man can be unsatisfied in the mischiefe and malice of their Rebellion , And therefore We must , and do declare , That whosoever shall henceforward by Money , Plate , or otherwise assist the said Rebellion , shall take Armes by vertue of any pretended Ordinance , or shall enter into any Oath of association against Us , or without Our Consent , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publique Peace , a Person disaffected to Us , the Religion and Law of the Kingdom , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from Us of Our gratious Intentions towards them , We shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall Cittyzens be imployed from Our said Citty to Us , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to Us on their behalfe as shall be desired , to which We shall give a gratious and just Answer . And we do assure them and all the world , that as the Scandalls and Imputations upon Us concerning Our favouring of Papists have been groundlesse , and malitiously contrived by the Authors of this Rebellion to beget a misundertanding between Us and Our Subjects , so all the professions We have made in Our severall Declarations for the suppression of Popery , and the maintenance of the true reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England , and for the defence of the Lawes of the Land , and the just Priviledges of Parliament shall be as inviolably observed by Us , as We expect blessing from the Almighty God , and obedience from Our Subjects . ¶ Given at Our Court at Ayno this 27. of October . in the Eighteenth years of Our Raigne . God save the King . 
A31944	----	His Majesties late gratious message and summons to the city of Glocester Aug. 1643 with their answer thereunto. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31944 of text R39014 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2383). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31944 Wing C2383 ESTC R39014 18206259 ocm 18206259 107081 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31944) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107081) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:34) His Majesties late gratious message and summons to the city of Glocester Aug. 1643 with their answer thereunto. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643. "Let the world now judge if His Majesty could have sent a more gratious message to His most loyal subjects, and whether these desperate rebels deserve any mercy, who after so many offers doe stil refuse a pardon. But since their returning this rebellious answer, they have set their own suburbs on fire, which surely is not to keepe the city either for the King or Parliament." Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31944 R39014 (Wing C2383). civilwar no His Majesties late gratious message and summons to the city of Glocester Cug. [sic] 1643. With their answer thereunto. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 578 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES LATE GRATIOVS MESSAGE AND Summons to the City of Glocester Aug. 1643. With their Answer thereunto . OUt of Our tender Compassion to our City of Glocester , and that it may not receive prejudice by Our Army , which We cannot prevent , if We be compelled to assault it , We are personally come before it to require the same , and are gratiously pleased to let all the Inhabitants of , and all other persons , within that City , as well Souldiers as others , know , That if they shall immediately submit themselves , and deliver this Our City to Us , We are contented freely & absolutely to pardon every one of them without exception ; And doe assure them in the word of a KING , that they nor any of them shal receive the least ; Dammage or Prejudice by Our Army in their Persons , or Estates ; But that We will appoint such a Governor , and a moderate Garrison to reside there , as shal be both for the ease and security of that City and that whole County . But if they shall neglect this Profer of Grace and Favour , and compell Us by the Power of Our Army to reduce that place ( which by the help of God We doubt not We shall be easily and shortly able to doe ) they must thank themselves for all the calamities and Miseries must befall them . To this Message We expect a cleere and positive Answer within two houres after the publishing hereof , And by these presents doe give leave to any Persons safely to repaire to , and returne from Us whom that City shall desire to imploy unto Us in that businesse . And doe require all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , quietly to suffer them to passe accordingly . August , 1643. WE the Inhabitants , Magistrates , Officers and Souldiers within this Garrison of Glocester : unto His Majesties Gratious Message returne this humble Answer . That We doe Keep this City according to Our Oathes and Alleagiance to and for the use of His Majesty and His Royall Posterity ; And doe accordingly conceive Our selves wholly bound to obey the Commands of His Majesty signified by both Houses of Parliament ; And are resolved by Gods helpe to keep this City accordingly . De. Wise Major . John Brewster . William Luggo . My. Singleton . Thomas Hill . Thomas Pury . John Scriven . Nich. Webb . Jo. Dorney . Anth. Edwards . John Halford . Toby Jordan . G. Dawidssone . Robert Maxwell . Edw. Massie . Con. Ferrer . Hum. Mathews . Isaack Dobson . Edward Gray . Charles Blount . Peter Crispe . Rob. Backhouse . Ja. Harcus . Tho. Pury Iun. Rob. Stevenson . Tho. Blayney . LEt the World now judge if His Majesty could have sent a more Gratious Message to His most loyall Subjects , and whether these desperate Rebels deserve any Mercy , who after so many offers doe stil refuse a Pardon . But since their returning this Rebellious Answer , they have set their own Suburbs on fire , which surely is not to keepe the City either for the KING or Parliament . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Litchfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A31946	----	His Maiesties letter for the speaker of the Lords pro tempore to be communicated unto the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster, and the commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland and to all my other subjects of what degree, condition or calling whatsoever. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31946 of text R37606 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2388). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31946 Wing C2388 ESTC R37606 16987436 ocm 16987436 105620 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31946) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 105620) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1611:40) His Maiesties letter for the speaker of the Lords pro tempore to be communicated unto the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster, and the commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland and to all my other subjects of what degree, condition or calling whatsoever. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed for Matthew Walbancke, London : 1647. "Hampton Court 11 November, 1647." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A31946 R37606 (Wing C2388). civilwar no His Maiesties letter for the speaker of the Lords pro tempore, to be communicated unto the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 756 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES LETTER FOR The Speaker of the Lords protempore , to be Communicated unto the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of ENGLAND at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , and to all my other Subjects , of what Degree , Condition , or calling whatsoever . Hampton Court 11 November 1647. LIberty being that which in all times hath been , but especially now is the Condition , the aime , and desire of all men , condition , reason shews that Kings lesse then any should endure Captivity , yet I call God to witnesse with what patience J have endured a tedious restraint , which so long as J had any hopes that this sort of my suffring might conduce to the peace of my Kingdomes , or the hindring of more effusion of blood I did willingly undergo ; But now finding by two certaine proofes , that this my continued patience would not only turne to my personall Ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice , then furtherance to the publique good , I thought I was bound as well by naturall as polliticall Obligations , to seek my safety by retyring my selfe for some time from the publick view , both of my friends and enemies . And I appeale to all indifferent men , to judge if I have not just cause to free my selfe from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition , and who are not a shamed openly to intend the distruction of the Nobility , by taking away their negative voice , and with whom the Levelers Doctrine , is rather countenanced then punished , and as for their intentions to my Person , their changing and putting more strict Guards upon me , with the discharging most of all those servants of mine , who formerly they willingly admitted to waite upon me , do sufficiently declare . Nor would I have this my retirement mis-interpreted for , I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded peace where-ever I am , or shall be , and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more Christian Blood , for which how many tims have I Desired , press't to the Head , and yet no Eare given to me : and can any reasonable man thinke that ( according to the ordinary course of affaires there can be a Setled Peace without it , or that God will bless those , who refuse to heare their owne King , surely no , Nay J must further adde that ( besides what concernes my selfe ) unless all other cheise interests have not only a hearing but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to witt the PRESBITERIANS , INDEPENDANTS , ARMIE , those who have adheared to mee , and even the SCOTS ) I saie there cannot ( I speake not of miracles , it being in my opinion a sinfull presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe and lasting peace : Now as J cannot deny but that my personall security is the urgent cause of this my retirement . So J take God to witness that the publik peace is no less before my Eyes , and J can find no better way to express this my profession ( J know not what a wiser man may doe ) then by desiring and urging that all chiefe Jnterests may be heard , to the end each may have just satisfaction , as for example , the army ( for the rest though necessary yet J suppose are not difficult to consent ) ought ( in my Judgement ) to enjoy the liberty of their consciences , and have an act of Oblivion , or Indempnity ( which should extend to the rest of all my Subjects ) and that all their arreares should be speedily and duely paid which J will undertake to doe so J may be heard , and tha● J be not hindred from using such lawfull and honest meanes as J shall choose , to conclude let me be heard with Freedome , Honor and safety , and J shall instantly breake through this Cloud of retirement , and shew my selfe ready to be pater patre : CHARLES R : London Printed for Mathew Walbancke , 1647. 
A31948	----	His Majesties letter of instrvction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits at the last summer assize. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31948 of text R26000 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2392). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31948 Wing C2392 ESTC R26000 09312790 ocm 09312790 42707 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31948) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42707) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1304:52) His Majesties letter of instrvction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits at the last summer assize. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 6 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield, Oxford : 1642. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Judges -- Great Britain. Justice, Administration of -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31948 R26000 (Wing C2392). civilwar no His Majesties letter of instruction directed and sent to the iudges of assize of the severall circuits, at the last summer assize. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1389 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES LETTER OF INSTRVCTION DIRECTED AND SENT to the IUDGES of ASSIZE of the severall Circuits , AT THE LAST SUMMER ASSIZE . Printed , by His MAJESTIES Command , AT OXFORD , February 7. By LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversity . 1642. HIS MAJESTIES LETTER OF INSTRUCTION directed and sent to the JUDGES of Assize of the severall Circuits . TRusty and well-beloved , Wee greet you well . We call to mind , that in former times the constant Custome was , by the Mouth of the Lord Keeper for the time being , at the Court of Star-chamber , in the end of Trinity Terme , to put the Judges of Assize ( shortly after to undertake their severall Circuits , ) in mind of such things as were then thought necessary for the present , for the good government of the Kingdome . This course in Our Judgement ▪ We doe so well approve of , that although We want that oportunity which We and Our Predecessors then had , of Communicating Our thoughts to Our Iudges , for the good of Our People : yet We doe still retaine the same care for the safety and prosperity of Our good Subjects ; And much more by how much the distempers and distractions of the present times , unhappily fallen , have given Us more occasion . We have therefore thought it fit to supply this defect by these Our Letters ; wherein beside the generall care of Our Iustice committed to Us by God , and by Us delegated to Our Iudges by Our severall Commissions , We recommend unto you in your Circuit , as We shall doe to the rest of your Brethren in their severall Circuits , more especially these particulars following . First , That ye take care by all the best meanes you can , to suppresse Popery in all those Counties whither you are to goe , by putting the Lawes made against them in due execution : And that you take the like care to give a stoppe to the overhasty growth of Anabaptisme , and other Schismes , as farre as by the good Lawes of this Land you may , and to punish the delinquents with an equall hand ; and those especially of either sort , whom you shall discover to be seditiously stirrers and moters of others , to any Act of disobedience to Us , and to Our Government . And that in your Charges and otherwise , as you shall have fit opportunity , you assure Our good Subjects in Our name , and in the word of a King ( who calls God to witnesse of His integrity and sincerity therein ) That by His gratious assistance , We are constantly resolved to maintain the true Protestant Religion established by Law in this Church of England , in the purity thereof , without declining either to the right hand or to the left , as We found it at Our Accesse to the Crowne , and as it was maintained in the happy times of Queen Elizabeth , and King Iames ( Our deer Father ) both of happy memory ; and therein both to live and dye . Secondly , you shall let Our people of those Counties know , That according to Our Kingly duty and Oath , We are also constantly resolved to maintain the Lawes of this Our Kingdom , and by , and according to them , to governe Our Subjects , and not by any Arbitrary power , whatsoever the malevolent Spirits of any ill-affected to Our Person , or Government have suggested , or shall suggest to the contrary ; and that we shall also maintain the Just Priviledges of Parliament , as farre as any of Our Predecessors have done , and as farre as may stand with that Iustice which We owe to Our Crowne , and to the honour thereof . But that We may not , nor will admit of any such unwarranted power in either or both houses of Parliament , which in somethings hath been lately usurped , not only without , but against Our Royall Consent and Command ; And We require and Command you , as there shall be just occasion offered , in a legall way , that you take care to preserve Our just Right in those Cases . Thirdly , We charge you , as you tender the Peace of the Kingdom , ( in the government whereof , according to Our Lawes , you Our Judges of the Law have a principall part under Us ) that you take care for the suppressing of all Insurrections ( if any such should happen ) and of all Riots , and unlawfull Assemblies , under any pretence whatsoever , not warranted by the Lawes of the Land , and whosoever shall transgresse therein , that you let them know , that they must expect that punishment which by the Law may be inflicted upon them , and at your hands We shall look for such an accompt herein , within your Circuit , as becometh the quality of the place wherein you serve Us . Fourthly , Because these distempers of the present times , unhappily stirred up , and fomented by some , under specious , but unjust pretences , are probable to stirre up loose and ungoverned persons , under hope of impunity , as farre as they dare , to make a prey of Our good Subjects , We strictly charge and command you to take the best order you can in those Counties , that Rogues and Vagabonds , and other disorderly people may be apprehended , dealt with , & punished according to the Lawes , whereby the good and quiet People of Our Kingdom may be secured , and the wicked and licentious may be suppressed . And We Charge and Command you to give it in Charge in all the Counties whither you are sent by Our Commissions , that Watches and Wards , be strictly kept in all Parishes & Places convenient , whereby the Lawes made against such disorders may be put in due execution . Fiftly and lastly , you shall let Our People of those Counties know from Us , and by Our Command , That if they shall preferre unto Us , or unto you in Our stead , any thing wherein they hold themselves grieved , in an humble and fitting way , and shall desire a just reformation or reliefe , We shall give a gratious Eare unto them , and with all conveniency return them such an Answer , as shall give them cause to thank Us for Our Justice and Favour . And when ye shall have published Our cleer intentions to Our People in these things , least , at the first hearing , they should not so fully apprehend Our sence therein , you shall deliver a Copy of these Our Letters to the Foreman of the Grand-jury , and to any other , if any shall desire Copies of these Our Letters for their better information , you may deliver the same . And to the end that Our Service in your Circuit may not suffer through the absence of Our learned Councell ; Our will and Command is , That you assigne in every place of your Sessions some of the ablest Lawyers who ride that Circuit , to be of Councell for Us , to assist in such pleas of the Crowne , as may be most necessary for Our service , in the examination and punishment of notorious delinquents . Of all these things We shall expect that good Accompt from you , as We shall from the rest of your Brethren Our Iudges , to whom We have also written to the like purpose , ( of whose fidelity and good affections We are confident , ) as becometh Us to look for from you , and for you to render to Us , from whom you have so great a trust committed . Given at Our Court at YORKE the 5 of Iuly 1641. 
A31955	----	His Majesties letter to the gentry of Yorkshire May, the sixteenth, 1642. To our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of York, and others of this our County of York, whom it doth or may concern. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31955 of text R215108 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2402). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31955 Wing C2402 ESTC R215108 99827091 99827091 31504 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31955) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 31504) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1863:22) His Majesties letter to the gentry of Yorkshire May, the sixteenth, 1642. To our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of York, and others of this our County of York, whom it doth or may concern. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by A.N. for Humphrey Tuckey, Printed at London : 1642. At foot: "Given at Our court at York, May the 16, 1642". Reproduction of the original in the Guildhall Library, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Yorkshire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. York (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. A31955 R215108 (Wing C2402). civilwar no His Majesties letter to the gentry of Yorkshire, May, the sixteenth, 1642. To our right trusty and well beloved the gentry of York, and othe England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES Letter to the Gentry of Yorkshire , MAY , the sixteenth , 1642. To our right trusty and well beloved the Gentry of York , and others of this our County of York , whom it doth or may concern . WE have with great contentment considered your dutifull and affectionate Answer to our Proposition concerning the unsufferable affront which we received at Hull ; Wee have not beene deceived in that confidence we had in your affection , wherefore we desire you to assure the rest of your Countrymen , who through negligence were omitted to be summoned : that Wee shall never abuse your love by any power where with God shall enable us to the least violation of the least of your Liberties , or the diminution of those Immunities which We have granted you this Parliament , though they be beyond the Acts of most ( if not all ) Our Predecessours ; being resolved with a constant and firme resolution to have the Law of this Land duely observed , and shall endeavour only so to preserve Our just Royall Rights , as may enable us to protect our Kingdome and people , according to the ancient Honours of the Kings of England , and according to the trust which by the law of God and this land is put into the Crowne , being sufficiently warned by the late affront at Hull , not to transferre the same out of our power , concerning which Affront we will take sometime to Advise , which way we may usefully imploy your affections , In the mean time we shall take it well from all such as shall personally attend us , so followed and provided , as they shall think fit for the better safety of our person , because we know not what suddain violence , or affront may be offered unto us , having lately received such an actuall testimonie of rebellious intentions as Sir Iohn Hotham hath expressed at Hull : Being thus secured by your affections and assistance , we promise you our protection against : any contrary power whatsoever , And that you shall not be molested for your humble and modest Petition , as of late you have been threatned . Given at Our Court at York , May the 16 , 1642. Printed at London by A. N. for Humphrey Tuckey . 1642 
A31963	----	His Majesties letter to the major, aldermen, sheriffes, and the rest of the Common-Councell of the citty of Bristoll England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31963 of text R39015 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2412). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31963 Wing C2412 ESTC R39015 18206306 ocm 18206306 107082 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31963) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107082) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:35) His Majesties letter to the major, aldermen, sheriffes, and the rest of the Common-Councell of the citty of Bristoll England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield, [Oxford : 1643] Imprint suggested by Wing. "Given at our court at Oxford the 29. day of May. 1643." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31963 R39015 (Wing C2412). civilwar no His Majesties letter to the major, aldermen, sheriffes, and the rest of the Common-Councell of the citty of Bristoll England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 402 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES LETTER TO THE MAJOR , ALDERMEN , Sheriffes , and the rest of the Common-Councell of the Citty of BRISTOLL . TRusty and Welbeloved We greet you well . Whereas We are informed that by the power and Authority of certain Factious and Rebellious Persons in that Our Citty of Bristoll , diverse of Our good Subjects ( as namely Robert Yeomans , George Bourchier , William Yeomans , Edward Dacers and others ) of that Our Citty are imprisoned for preserving their Duty and Loyalty to Us , and for refusing to joyne in , or assist this horrid and odious Rebellion against Us , and that the said wicked and traiterous Persons , have presumed to condemne the said innocent Men to dye , and upon such their sentence notoriously against the Lawes of God and Man , they intend to execute and murther Our said Subjects ; We have thought fit to signify to you the Major , Aldermen , Sheriffes , and the rest of the body of the Councell of that Our Citty , that if you suffer this horrid and execrable murther to be committed upon the Persons aforesaid , and thereby call the just judgement of God , and bring perpetuall infamy upon that Our Citty , We shall look upon it as the most barbarous and inhumane Act that hath been yet committed against Us , and upon you as the most desperate betrayers of Us , and of the Lives and Liberties of your fellow Subjects , And We doe therefore will and Command you , not to suffer any violence to be done upon the Persons aforesaid , but that if any such be attempted against them , that you rayse all the power and strength of that Our Citty for their rescue , and to that purpose We command all Our good Subjects of that Our Citty to ayde and assist you upon their Allegiance , and as they hope for any Grace and Favour at Our hands , And that you and they Kill and Slay all such who shall attempt or endeavour to take away the lives of Our said Subjects , And for so doing this shall be your warrant . And here of you may not faile at your utmost Perill . Given at Our Court at Oxford the 29. day of May . 1643 
A31965	----	The letters from His Maiesty, and from the officers of His Majesties army, to the Earle of Essex at Lestithen, inviting him to peace and his refusall thereof England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31965 of text R17824 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2420). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 19 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 7 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31965 Wing C2420 ESTC R17824 11936259 ocm 11936259 51187 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31965) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 51187) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 229:E8, no 26) The letters from His Maiesty, and from the officers of His Majesties army, to the Earle of Essex at Lestithen, inviting him to peace and his refusall thereof England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Essex, Robert Devereux, Earl of, 1591-1646. [2], 10 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield ..., Oxford : 1644. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A31965 R17824 (Wing C2420). civilwar no The letters from His Maiesty, and from the officers of His Majesties army, to the Earle of Essex at Lestithen, inviting him to peace, and hi England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 3101 7 0 0 0 0 0 23 C The rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-01 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE LETTERS FROM HIS MAIESTY , and from the OFFICERS of HIS MAJESTIES ARMY , TO THE EARLE OF ESSEX at LESTITHEN , Inviting him to Peace , and his refusall thereof . OXFORD , Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversity . 1644. THere cannot be a better expedient for removing the calamities and miseries of this languishing Kingdom , then cleerly and plainly to informe the World , and the Consciences and understandings of all men , who they are that will not suffer the blessing of Peace to returne to us . For however the inclinations of many are so seduced , and their understandings so corrupted , that they are not , or seem not , to be convinced of the horror and odiousnesse of this Rebellion , yet none have owned so much blood-thirstinesse , so much folly & inhumanity , as to declare to the People , That Peace is not good for them , ( though they have used all possible designes and Engines of Wit , Malice , and Perjury , to involve them in a desperate and eternall Warre ) presuming that whatsoever absence there is of courage and conscience , of Religion and Loyalty , that they are yet too wise and decerning in their own interest , bare-faced to affect Famine , Ruine and Desolation , and therefore in the middest of their blood and Rapine , in the very act of invading and infesting the Kingdom with forraigne Forces , and basely betraying the Wealth , Blood , and honour of their Country to strangers , they would faine be thought solicitous and importunate for Peace . Vpon this ground , and for this reason ( how perverse soever the hearts of many are to the cleerest evidence , and how insolently soever even this overture was entertained , and since scornfully commented on ) 't is necessary to publish to the World , the last attempt made by His Majesty , to prevent the further effusion of Christian English Blood , with all the circumstances both of the sending and reception , that all men may see the difference between the spirit and temper of a just and gratious King , and of men whose Pride and Ambition have broken the bounds prescribed to them by Law and Religion ; and how hard it is for Persons who have once assumed and usurped a power too great for them , to quit and depart from that power , though they see it inconsistent with the preservation of themselves and their Country ; and that all men may confesse ( what Iudgement soever it shall please God to lay upon this miserable Kingdome ) that he , to whom he intrusted it , left no means unattempted , that either publique consultations , or private conjectures could think expedient to redeeme it from those Iudgements ; and that himselfe descended ( notwithstanding the greatest discouragement and provocation that ever Prince endured ) in his Princely and Fatherly care of his People , to all imaginable Arts and Offices , which might remove the present , or prevent the growing mischiefes . His Majesty having alwaies principally chosen ( though he hath consented to , and embraced all Councells and occasions that looked that way ) those seasons to desire and solicite for Peace , in which he might be understood to have some advantages in Warre , ( witnesse his Messages and Declarations after the Battell at Edge-Hill , after his taking of Bristoll , after the reliefe of Newarke , ) no sooner freed himselfe from the attendance of Sir William Wallers Army ( having routed a considerable part of it , taken tenne Peece of Cannon , and some principall Officers prisoners ) and put himselfe into the head of an Army much superior in common understanding to the force he was to contend with ; then he considered how to prevent that effusion of blood , which a Battell would produce , and to procure such a Peace , as seemed to be wished by those , with whom he was to fight , and was the same he had alwayes desired . It was too evident upon so many , and a very late refusall , that such an overture would meet with nothing but scorne and insolence at Westminster , where without forme or Liberty of debate , Councells , and Resolutions are imposed by the fury and violence of those , who are too much concerned in the guilt and benefit of the Rebellion , to submit themselves to the old Lawes and Government . And many were of opinion that the Earle of Essex himselfe was so conscious of being made an instrument of so much misery and devastation to his Country , so sensible of the condition of the Nobility , Gentry , and Commons of England , of the Religion , Lawes , and Liberties of the Kingdome , by this Invasion of the Scots , that he would willingly embrace any opportunity to relieve and redeeme himselfe , and his fellow Subjects from that thraldome , and captivity he could not but see designed for them , and to preserve the Religion , Lawes , and Priviledges of Parliament , which he was bound and trusted even by his Commission of Generall to defend , and which he saw without a speedy Peace could not be preserved . Hereupon His Majesty having drawne His Army to Liskard within very few miles of the Earles Forces , on the sixth of August vouchsafed to send a Letter , all written with His owne Royall Hand , to the Earle of Essex ( then at Listithen ) in these words . ESSEX , I have been very willing to believe , that when ever there should be such a conjuncture as to put it in your power to effect that happy settlement of this miserable Kingdome , ( which all good men desire ) you would lay hold of it . That season is now before you , you have it at this time in your power to redeeme your Country and the Crowne , and to oblige your King in the highest degree , ( an Action certainly of the greatest Piety , Prudence and Honour ) such an Opportunity as perhaps no Subject before you hath ever had , or after you shall have . To which there is no more required , but that you joyne with Mee heartily and really , in the setling of those things which we have both professed constantly to be our only aimes . Let us doe this , and if any shall be so foolishly unnaturall as to oppose their Kings , their Countries , and their own good , we will make 'em happy ( by Gods blessing ) even against their wills . The only impediment can be want of mutuall Confidence , I promise it you on my part , as I have endeavour'd to prepare it on yours , by my Letter to Hertford from Evesham . I hope this will perfect it , when ( as I here doe ) I shall have engag'd unto you the word of a King , that you joyning with me in that blessed worke , I shall give both to you and your Army such eminent markes of My Confidence and Valour , as shall not leave a roome for the least distrust amongst you , either in relation to the publique , or to your selfe , unto whom I shall then be Liskard AUG. 6· Your faithfull Friend . Jf you like of this , hearken to this bearer , whom J have fully instructed in particulars , but this will admit of no delay . This Letter was delivered by the Lord Beauchamp ; the Earle having read it , Master Richard ( who attended on the Lord Beauchamp ) told him , that he was to desire a safe passe for Mr Harding to come to him , who had authority from His Majesty to make particular Propositions in order to Peace ; his Answer was , he would not permit Mr Harding to come to him , neither would he have any Treaty with the King ; whereupon Mr Richard replyed , that he was commanded from His Majesty to let him know his very earnest desire of Peace , to prevent that ruine and desolation which would inevitably ensue this unnaturall Warre ; that the Peace His Majesty desired , should be established by the settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the Lawes of the Land , the Liberties of the Subject and the Priviledges of Parliament , and that the Earle might be assured that this was His Majesties Reall Intention , His Majesty would give any security He could propose , as well by the Trust , Power , and Confidence he would put in himselfe , as by any other the most solemne way of engagement that could be devised . The Earle seeming not moved with what was said to him , was then desired to returne an Answer to His Majesties Letter , he replyed he would make none , and so turned away . This strange neglect of His Majesty and His Message , produced no other effect with His Majesty then an opinion , that there could be no reason , for a man to refuse all that he pretended to desire , but onely a doubt in the security of the promise , which no man could so well aske , as His Majesty himselfe could offer , and therefore His Majesty was pleased , that they by whose assistance he was principally to manage the Warre , should be his security for a Peace ; and so the next day after His Majesty understood what reception his Letter had , this other , under the hands of the chiefe Officers of His Army , was sent to the Earle of Essex , in these words . MY LORD , WEE having obtained His Majesties leave to send this to your Lordship , shall not repeat the many gratious Messages , Endeavours and Declarations which His Majesty hath made , and have been so solemnly protested in the Presence of God and men , That we wonder how the most scrupulous can make any doubt of the reall , and Royall Performance of them . But we must before this approaching Occasion tell your Lordship , that we bear Armes for this end only , to defend His Majesties knowne Rights , the Lawes of the Kingdome , the Liberty of the Subject , the Priviledge of the Parliament , and the true Protestant Religion against Popery and Popish Innovations ▪ And this being the professed Cause of your Lordships taking Armes , We are confident , that concurring in the same Opinions and Pretences , We shall not by an unnaturall Warre weaken the maine strength of this Kingdome , and advance the Designe of Our common Enemies , who long since have devoured Vs in their hopes . My Lord , the Exigent of the time will not suffer Vs to make any laboured Declarations of Our Intentions , but onely this , That on the Faith of Subjects , the Honour and Reputation of Gentlemen and Souldiers , We will with Our Lives maintaine that which His Majesty shall publiquely Promise in order to a bloodlesse Peace , nor shall it be in the Power of any private Person to divert this Resolution of Ours , and the same We expect from you ; And now We must take leave to protest , That if this Our Proffer be neglected , ( which We make neither in feare of your Power , nor distrust of Our owne , but onely touched with the approaching miseries of Our Nation ) That what Calamities shall oppresse Posterity , will lie heavy on the Soules and Consciences of those that shall decline this Overture ; which We cannot hope so seasonably to make againe , if this Conjuncture be let goe ; And therefore it is desired that your Lordship , and six other Persons may meet Our Generall to morrow ( at such an indifferent Place as you shall think fit ) attended with as many ; or if you shall find That any way inconvenient , to come in Person , That then your Lordship will appoynt such or so many to meet with the like number from hence , that may consider of all means possible to reconcile these unhappy differences and misunderstandings that have so long afflicted the Kingdome . And for the Security of your Lordship , and those that shall come with , and be employed by your Lordship , We doe engage our Faith and Honour , and doe expect the same from your Lordship , desiring withall your very speedy Answer , which must be a guide to our Proceedings . Concluding , that if this shall be refused , we shall hold our selves justified before God and Men , whatsoever shall be the successe , so we rest From the Army the 8. of August . 1644. Your Lordships humble servants MAURICE . Tho. Wentworth . Lindsey . Lo. Hopton , Northampton . Cleveland . Tho. Blagge . Joseph Bamfeild . Anth. Thelwell . Joh. Owen . Tho. Stradling . Robert Howard . John Stocker . Edw. Porter . Gil. Armestrong . Rich. Nevell . Tho. Pigat . Jo. Browne . Ad. Scroope . Amy Pollard . Ia. Hamilton . Rich. Thornhill . Io. Topping . Ja. Dundasse . Giles Strangewayes . R. Smith . Iames Cary . Brainford . Percey . Jacob Asteley . Rich. Cave . Bar. Stewart . Barnard Asteley . Theo. Gilby . Will. Leighton . Will. Murrey . Tho. Blackwell . Tho. Bellingham . Richard Page . Bar. Jenckes . Hen. Miller . Rich. Fielding . Tho. Weston . Paul . Smith . G. Mouldsworth . Phil. Honywood . Tho. Culpeper . William Leake . Jo. Luntler . Io. Monck . Cha. Fawlke . Rich. Samuell . Arth. Slingsby . Geo. Goring . Joseph Wagstaffe ▪ Tho. Basset . Char. Lloyd . Geo. Lisley . Will. Saint Leger . Hen. Lunde●ford . Barth. Fell . Hen. Shelley . Tho. Paulet . Thom. Kyrton . Anth. Brochet . Devery Leigh . David ▪ Stringer . Ja. Mowbray . Cha. Compton . Ed. Nott. Alex. Standish . Io. Ridech . Io. Steward . Io. Gambling . Io. Grienvile . Arth. Heningh●● . Iames Haswell . Will. Maxwell . This indeed procured an answer , ( which His Majesties could not ) but such a one as would not suffer the bleeding wounds of this poore Kingdome to be closed up : the Earle hath onely power to kill , murder , and destroy : none to save , cherish , and protect , or to joyne with those that can . The Answer was this . MY LORDS , IN the beginning of your Letter you expresse by what Authority you send it . I having no Power from the Parliament ( who have employed me ) to Treat , cannot give way to it without breach of Trust . My Lords , I am ▪ Lestithen , Aug. 10. 1644. Your humble servant , ESSEX . For his Highnesse Prince MAURICE , and the Earle of FORTH . Let the World now Judge , without looking back upon that blessed flourishing condition this Kingdome enjoyed , before these men frighted our Peace from us , at a time when we wanted nothing but gratitude to God and the King , to acknowledge the fullest measure of happinesse that ever Nation was possessed of ; onely reviewing those very gratious Messages and Sollicitations on His Majesties part for an Accommodation from that at Nottingham to this present ; I say , let the World Iudge who they were that procured this Warre , and who they are that will not suffer the Warre to have an end ; who it is that endeavours and desires to preserve the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and who to confound and destroy it with all Licence , Impiety , and Prophanation ; who it is that would maintaine and defend the Lawes of the Land , by which the Liberty and Property of the Subject is established , and who it is that cancells all those Lawes , and subject's the freeborne Subjects to the most unlimited , lawlesse , arbitrary power and servitude that ever Christian State groaned under ; lastly who it is that labours to uphold and vindicate the Priviledges of Parliament , and who to dissolve and pull up Parliaments by the rootes , by usurping an unnaturall power not belonging to Houses of Parliament , and confounding that power which in truth doth belong to them , with admission of Forreigners and Strangers , and abridging themselves of their owne Rights , by which onely Parliaments can consist . If there be Courage and Conscience enough to take these things to heart , and the preservation of these be indeed the end and resolution of all good men ( and without the preservation of them no happinesse is to be hoped for ) they will in a peremptory and constant love of Peace joyne with those who endeavour Peace , and not suffer men who grow fat ●nd rich with the blood and spoiles of their Brethren , and whose greatnesse and authority cannot be preserved but by these distractions , to sacrifice their poor Country to their owne Pride , Covetousnesse and Ambition . However let the Contrivers of this most unnaturall and unparalelld Rebellion assure themselves , however God may permit them to be instruments of his Vengeance upon this unhappy Kingdome , that as he hath already shewed his Iudgements in a very exemplary manner upon many of the principall of them , so he will not suffer one of them to live to receive the fruit and benefit of his prosperous wickednesse . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31965e-90 Lord Brook . Sir Iohn Hotham . M. Hambden . M. Pym . M. Fiennes . M. Arthur Goodwin . M. Iohn Hotham , &c. 
A31966	----	Majesty in misery, or, An imploration to the King of kings written by His late Majesty King Charles the First in his durance at Carisbrook Castle, 1648. 1681 Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-12 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31966 Wing C2422 ESTC R26592 09506307 ocm 09506307 43356 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31966) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43356) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:7) Majesty in misery, or, An imploration to the King of kings written by His late Majesty King Charles the First in his durance at Carisbrook Castle, 1648. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Wither, George, 1588-1667. 1 sheet. [s.n.], London : 1681. In verse. Not actually written by Charles I, and often wrongly attributed to George Wither--NUC pre-l956 imprints. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Poetry. 2005-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Majesty in Misery , Or an Imploration to the KING OF KINGS ; Written by His late Majesty King Charles the First , in his durance at Carisbrook Castle , 1648. GReat Monarch of the World , from whose arm springs The Potency and Power of Kings , Record the Royal Woe , my Sufferings . And teach my tongue , that ever did confine Its faculties in truth's Seraphick line , To track the treasons of thy foes and mine . Nature and Law by thy Divine Decree , The only work of righteous Loyalty , With this dim Diadem invested me . With it the sacred Scepter , purple Robe , Thy holy Unction , and the Royal Globe , Yet I am levell'd with the life of Job . The fiercest furies that do daily tread , Upon my grief , my gray discrowned head , Are those that owe my bounty for their Bread. They raise a War , and christen it the cause , Whilst Sacrilegious persons have applause , Plunder and Murther are the Kingdom 's Laws . Tyranny bears the Title of Taxation , Revenge and Robbery are Reformation , Oppression gains the name of Sequestration . My Loyal Subject who in this bad season Attended me , ( by the Law of God and Reason ) They dare impeach and punish for High-Treason . Next at the Clergy do their furies frown , Pious Episcopacy must go down , They will destroy the Crozier and Crown . Church-men are chain'd , and Schismaticks are free'd , Mechanicks preach , and holy Fathers bleed , The Crown is crucified with the Creed . The Church of England does all Faction foster , The Pulpit is usurpt by each Imposter ▪ Extempore excludes the Pater Noster . The Presbyter and Independent's Seed , Springs from broad blades to make Religion bleed , Herod and Pontius Pilate are agreed . The corner Stones misplac'd by every Pavier ▪ With such a bloody Method and Behaviour , Their Ancestors did crucifie our Saviour . My Royal Consort from whose fruitful Womb , So many Princes legally have come ▪ Is forc'd in Pilgrimage to seek a Tomb. Great Britain's Heir is forced into France , Whilst on his Father's Head his Foes advance , Poor Child ! he weeps out his Inheritance . With my own Power my Majesty they wound , In the King's name the King himself 's uncrown'd , So doth the dust destroy the Diamond . With Propositions daily they inchant , My Peoples Ears , such as due Reason daunt , And the Almighty will not let me grant . They promise to erect my Royal Stem , To make me great , t' advance my Diadem , If I will first fall down and worship them . But for Refusal they devour my Thrones , Distress my Children , and destroy my Bones , I fear they 'll force me to make Bread of Stones . My Life they prize at such a slender rate , That in my absence they draw Bills of Hate , To prove the King a Traitor to the State. Felons attain more Priviledge than I , They are allow'd to answer e'er they die ; 'T is death to me to ask the reason why . But sacred Saviour with thy words I woo Thee to forgive , and not be bitter to Such as thou know'st do not know what they do For since they from the Lord are so disjoynted , As to contemn the Edict he appointed , How can they prize the Power of his Anointed ? Augment my Patience , nullifie my Hate , Preserve my Issue , and inspire my Mate , Yet though we perish , bless this Church and State ▪ Vota dabant quae bella negarunt . London , Printed Anno Domini 1681. 
A31972	----	A message from the royall prisoner at Windsor to the kingdome of Scotland and His Majesties resolution, concerning the ordnance and impeachment of high treason against his royal person, by the Parliament and army, and His Majesties speech and prayer, upon receipt of the intelligence, of their chusing commissioners, for bringing him to a speedy tryall, dated from Windsor the 3. of January, 1648 ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31972 of text R35854 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2434). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 12 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31972 Wing C2434 ESTC R35854 15565337 ocm 15565337 103820 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31972) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103820) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1184:25) A message from the royall prisoner at Windsor to the kingdome of Scotland and His Majesties resolution, concerning the ordnance and impeachment of high treason against his royal person, by the Parliament and army, and His Majesties speech and prayer, upon receipt of the intelligence, of their chusing commissioners, for bringing him to a speedy tryall, dated from Windsor the 3. of January, 1648 ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. Printed for W. Fielding, London : 1648. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A31972 R35854 (Wing C2434). civilwar no A message from the royall prisoner at Windsor, to the kingdome of Scotland; and His Majesties resolution, concerning the ordnance and impeac England and Wales. Sovereign 1649 1943 6 0 0 0 0 0 31 C The rate of 31 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2006-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A MESSAGE FROM The Royall Prisoner at Windsor , to the Kingdome of Scotland ; And His Majesties Resolution , concerning the Ordnance and Impeachment of High Treason , against His Royal Person , by the Parliament and Army , and His Majesties Speech and Prayer , upon receipt of the Intelligence , of their chusing Commissioners , for bringing Him to a speedy Tryall . Dated from Windsor the 3 of January , 1648. Liknwise , a Declaration from Gloucester-shire , VVorcestershire , and Hereford-shire , concerning the King , and His Tryall ; And a Declaration of the Ministers of Lancashire , touching his Majesty , and the Army ; Delivered in their Pulpits to their severall Congregations . royal blazon or coat of arms LONDON , Printed for W. FIELDING , 1648 A MESSAGE From the Royall prisoner at WINDSOR TO The Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the dangerous proceedings of the Lord Gen : Fairfax and the Army against his Majesties person . Right Honorable , HIs Majesty hath received intelligence from Westminster , that the Generall Councell of the Army are resolved to bring him to a speedy tryall , and to that , have drawn up the Bill of Attainder and Charge against him , for profecuting the same ; all which his Majesty doth very ill rescent ; for , ( with a sad and melancholy heart , and tears trickling down his sacred cheekes ) he saith , That his conscience begins to dictate sad and dismall apprehensions to his memory , and that he much feareth , the Clouds begin to gather to a head , for the eclipsing and evacuating the splendor and glory of his dayes : However , hee hath made his peace with God , and is resolved to undergoe the crosse and afflictions of this transitory life , be it with losse of Life , or Imprisonment . Yesterday by another expresse from London , the King received a further confirmation of the proceedings of the Lords , Commons , and his Excellency , touching the Orddance of attainder , for impeaching him of high treason , who after receipt thereof , betook himself to private meditation , and as it is said , besought the Lord in prayer , for the space of two hours , humbly imploring his sad and miserable condition , and desiring of the Lord , to inspire his heart with wisdom and understanding , and to inable him to stand firm in the presence of all those , who are now acting and contriving things of so great consequence against him , and also , that he may have both power and knowledge , to answer to all the objections , clauses and particulars , which shall be exhibited against him . Which done , his Majesty withdrew from his privy chambed , and took a walk upon the Territs of the Castle , who fixing his eyes towards London , was seene to lay his hand upon his breast , , uttering many sad and mournfull expressions . His Majesty hath had some conference with one Mr. Sanders , who intimates , that he desireth to heare his Charge , and to be brought to a speedy tryall . We hear that the Royall prisoner Duke Hamilton hath sent a message to Scotland , purporting the affairs of England between King , Parliament , and Army : the rest of the Royall party begins to bewayl their sad and deplorable conditions , and some have vowed , that if once they could escape this present Net of Justice , they would enter into protestation , never to incur the like penalty for the future . Windsor 3 Jan. 1648. Jan : the third , The Commons communicated the Ordinance ( for tryall of the King ) to the house of Peers for their concurrence , which was assented to . And for the better confirmation of the present trvall , and foundation thereof , and prevention of the like for the future , the House declared , viz. Resolved , That the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament do declare , and adjudge , That by the fundamentall Laws of this Realm , it is treason in the Kings of England for the time to come , to levy Warre against the Parliament and Kingdom of England . The Commons appointed to consider of drawing up of a charge against , and consider of the manner of the Tryall of his Majesty , reported an Ordinance this day to the house , for attainting him of high-Treason , and for trying him by such Commissioners as should be nominated in the body of the said Ordinance . The house having read it the first time ordered to have it read again to morrow morning at ten a clock . The charge runs thus , That Charles Stewart hath acted contrary to his trust , in departing from the Parliament setting up his Standard making a war against them , and thereby been occasion of much blood●hed and misery to the people , whom he was set over for good : That he gave Commissions to Irish Rebells , &c. and since was occasion of a second war , &c besides what done contrary to the Liberties of the Sbuject , and tending to the destruction of the Fundamentall Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom , &c. The Bill of Attainder runs high , against his person , charging him with high treason : His tryall will be at Westminster , and his Majesty is expected to be there on Mund●y next . The further resolution of the Army touching the King . HIs Excellency , and the General Councell of the Army have fully resolved upon their debates , touching the tryal of the King , and are resolved to bring him to a present tryal , the manner of it is as followeth , viz. 6 Lords , forty Commons , and ten Colonels , Lieutenant colonels , and Majors , who are to receive Instructions ( as Commissioners ) Ior managing and prosecuting of the Bills of Attainder and Impeachment against the person of the King ; and are resolved to establish and confirme a true and lasting Government within this Kingdome , and that the best they can imagine for a Common-wealth , which containeth these particulars , viz. 1 The Magistrate to have power in things civill and naturall . 2 The Subject to be free , submitting to the Civill Lawes . 3 No toleration for Popery nor Prelacy . 4 None to be forced to fight in War against their will ▪ &c. And the Generall Councell have further resolved and declared , That the Parliament shall not proceed against any persons to give Judgment , but according to what is Law , Rason , and Equity . And for the better facilitating and establishing of a true and lasting peace within this Nation , the Generall Councel of the Army have passed the remaining part of the Articles for an Agreement of the People , and are determined speedily to consider of a forme of conclusion and subscription to this Agreement as to the Officers of the Army . Summons are also sent to the Prince of Wales , and the Duke of York , to require their present appearance , and to desist from their Engagement , in acting against this Kingdom , and involving their place of Nativity in another bloudy and intestine War , and a day is prefixed , for their return , that in case they refuse to yeeld obedience to the said Summons , then to be declared against as Enemies to the peace of this Kingdom , and to be degraded of all Titles and Honours , belonging to either of them . Yet notwithstanding , we have one precious Flower and Blossome to six our eyes upon , viz. the Duke of Gloucester , ( the Kings youngest Son ) who in all probability , will speedily be advanced to great Honours and Dignities , to the great admiration of the whole Kingdom . Yesterday the Committee reported the Ordinance of Attainder against Charles Stuart , and the names of such Commissioners as should try him , which are , the Earl of Denbigh , Earl of Pembroke , E. of Kent , E of Mnlgrave , E. of Nottingham , and Lord Grey of Wark . Of the House of Commons , the Lord Munson , L. Lisle , L. Grey of Groby , Lieu. Gen. Crumwell , M. G. Skippon , Com. Gen : Ireton , Sir Henry Mildmay , Sir Iohn Danvers , Col. walton , Col : Moor , Col : Boswell , Col : Rossiter , Col : Ven , Col : Thorney , Col : Lassels , and about 30 Members more . Of the Army that are not members of the House of Commons , the L. Gen. Fairfax , Col : Whalley , Col : Rich , Col : VValler , Col : Tomlinson , col : Scroop , Col : Sanders , Col : Pride , col : Twisleton Col : Huson , Col : Barkstead , Col : Horton , Col : Desborough , Col : Dean , and Col : Okey . Of the City of London , Alderman Pennington , Alderman VVoollaston , Ald : Fooks , Ald : Gibbs , and Alderman Andrews . The Judges are , the Lord chief Justice Rolls , chief Justice of England , Justice St. Iohn , Lord chief Justice of the Common-pleas , and Lord chief Baron VVild . And two out of all the 40 Counties throughout the Kingdom , all which commissioners , who are to fit as a Jury , are to consist of 150 , and any 20 of them are to be a C●mmittee for tryall of the King , and to give sentence against him . By this Ordinance the Commissioners are limited to a moneths time , to make a finall determination of the businesse , the place of tryall is said to be at Westminster . A message is said to be sent from the Parliament , to the severall Counties of the Kingdom of England , concerning the tryall of the King , for satisfaction of the people . Letters this day from severall Counties in the West of England purports , That the Knights , Gentry , and Commonalty ▪ of Gloucester-shire , Somerset shire , Hereford-shire , and Worcester-shire , have declared their unanimous resolutions to comply with the Army , for the setling of the peace of this bleeding and distracted kingdom , and executing of speedy and impartiall Justice upon the grand Delinquents of this kingdome , and that all of them may bee brought to a speedy tryall , to answer to their Charge and Impeachment exhibited against them ▪ But from the North letters say , That the Clergy in those parts cannot rescent the proceedings in the South , especially the Black-coats of Lancashire , who doe openly declare in Pulpit to their severall Congregations , That the wayes of the army are inconsistent with the word of God , and that their Designs tends to nothing more , then the subversion of Religion , Government , and Law ; But some of the Grandees are silenced , and taken into custody by the well affected of that County . FINIS . 
A31974	----	His Majesties message sent to both Houses of Parliament January 20. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31974 of text R39016 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2439). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31974 Wing C2439 ESTC R39016 18206325 ocm 18206325 107083 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31974) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107083) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:36) His Majesties message sent to both Houses of Parliament January 20. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. Imperfect: torn, with slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31974 R39016 (Wing C2439). civilwar no His Majesties message sent to both Houses of Parliament. January 20. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 467 2 0 0 0 0 0 43 D The rate of 43 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ His Majesties Message sent to both Houses of Parliament . January 20. 1641. HIs Majestie perceiving the manifold distractions which are now in this Kingdom , which cannot but bring great inconvenience and mischiefs to this whole Government ; In which as His Majestie is most chiefly interessed , so He holds Himself by many Reasons , most obliged to do what in Him lies , for the preventing thereof ; Though He might justly expect ( as most proper for the duty of Subjects ) that Propositions for the Remedies of these Evils , ought rather to come to Him then from Him ; Yet His fatherly care of all His people being such , that He will rather lay by any particular respect of His own Dignity , then that any time should be lost for prevention on of these threatning Evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament ; doth think fit to make this ensuing Proposition to both Houses of Parliament : That they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all those particulars , which they shall hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of His Majesties ●ust and Regall Authority , and for the setling of His Revenue ; As for the present and fu●e establishment of their Priviledges ; The free and quiet enjoying of their Estates and fortunes ; The Liberties of their Persons ; The security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England ; And the setling of Ceremonies , in such a manner as may take away all just offence . Which when they shall have digested , and composed into one entire body , that so His Majestie and themselves may be able to make the more clear Iudgement of them ; it shall then appear by what His Majestie shall do , how far He hath been from intending or designing any of those things , which the too great Fears and Iealousies of some Persons seem to apprehend ; And how ready He will be to equall and exceed the greatest Examples of the most indulgent Princes in their Acts of Grace and Favour to their People . So that if all the present Distractions ( which so apparantly threaten the ruine of this Kingdom ) do not ( by the blessing of Almighty God ) end in an happy and blessed Accommodation ; His Majestie will then be ready to call Heaven and Earth , God and Man to witnesse , that if hath not failed on His part . ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A31983	----	His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament upon his removall to the city of York England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31983 of text R23982 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2452). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31983 Wing C2452 ESTC R23982 07937228 ocm 07937228 40547 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31983) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 40547) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1201:22) His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament upon his removall to the city of York England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 broadside. By Robert Barker, and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641. At head of title: Huntington 15 Martii, 1641. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. A31983 R23982 (Wing C2452). civilwar no Huntington 15 Martii, 1641. His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 610 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT HUNTINGTON 15o Martii , 1641. ❧ His Majesties Message to both Houses of Parliament , upon His removall to the City of York . HIs Majestie being now in His Remove to His City of York , where He intends to make His Residence for sometime , thinks fit to send this Massage to both Houses of Parliament . That He doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of Ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by His Majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by His absence , He having all that passion for the reducing of that Kingdom , which He hath expressed in His former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then He hath indeavoured to do by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as He hath been moved unto by His Parliament ) Therefore if the Misfortunes and Calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them ( though His Majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) He shall wash His hands before all the World , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious Work . And that His Majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between Him and His Parliament , He thinks it necessary to Declare , That as He hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , that He hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of His own , which He hath been informed hath Trencht upon their Priviledges , so He expects an equall tendernesse in them of His Majesties known and unquestionable Priviledges ( which are the Priviledges of the Kingdom ) amongst which , He is assured it is a fundamentall One , That His Subjects cannot be Obliged to Obey any Act , Order , or Injunction to which His Majestie hath not given His consent : And therefore He thinks it necessary to publish , That He expects , and hereby requires Obedience from all His loving Subjects , to the Laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order , or Ordinance ( to which His Majestie is no Partie ) concerning the Militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws , His Majestie being resolved to keep the Laws himself , and to require obedience to them from all His Subjects . And His Majestie once more recommends to His Parliament the substance of His Message of the 20th of Ianuary last , that they compose and digest , which all speed , such Acts , as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges ; The free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes ; The Liberties of their Persons ; The Security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England ; The maintaining His Majesties Regall and just Authority , and setling His Revenue ; His Majestie being most desirous to take all sitting and just wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between Him and His Parliament , in which He concerves His Greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A31993	----	His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31993 of text R39018 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2468). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31993 Wing C2468 ESTC R39018 18206348 ocm 18206348 107085 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31993) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107085) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:37) His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed for Francis Coules and Thomsas Banks, London : [1642] At head of title, under the royal arms: Huntington 15 ̊Martii. 1641. [i.e. 1642]. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31993 R39018 (Wing C2468). civilwar no His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York England and Wales. Sovereign 1652 583 1 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HUNTINGTON 15o Martii . 1641 : ¶ His Majesties Message to both Houses of Parliament , upon His Removall to the City of YORK . HIs Maiesty being now in His Remove to His City of Yorke , where he intends to make His Residence for some time , thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament ; That He doth very earnestly desire , That they will use all possible industrie , in expediting the businesse of Ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a Concurrence by His Maiesty , that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by His absence , He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdom , which He hath expressed in His former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it then He hath endeavoured to do by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as He hath been moved unto by His Parliament ) therefore , if the misfortunes and Calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his Maiesty shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their suff●rings ) He shall wash his hands before all the World , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious Work . And that His Maiestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between Him and his Parliament , he thinks it necessary to Declare , That as he hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parlament , that He hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of his own , which he hath been informed hath Trencht upon their Priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in then of his Maiesties known and unquestionable Priviledges ( which are the Priviledges of the Kingdome ) amongst which he is assured it is a fundamentall One , That His Subjects cannot be Obliged to Obey any Act , Order , or Iniunction , to which his Majesty hath not given his consent : And therefore He thinks it necessary to publish , that he expects , and hereby Requires Obedience from all His loving Subjects to the Laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order , or Ordinance ( to which His Maiesty is no Partie ) concerning the Militia , or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws , his Maiesty being resolved to keep the Laws himselfe , and to require Obedience to them from all his Subjects . And His Maiestie once more recommends to his Parliament the substance of His Message of the 20th of Ianuary last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such Acts , as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges ; The free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes ; The Liberties of their Persons ; The security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England ; The maintaining his Maiesties Regall and iust Authority , and setling his Revenue ; His Majesty being most desirous to take all fitting and iust wayes which may beget a happie understanding between him and his Parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . London Printed for Francis Coules . and Thomas Banks . 
A31994	----	His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of Yorke England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31994 of text R39019 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2471). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31994 Wing C2471 ESTC R39019 18206363 ocm 18206363 107086 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31994) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107086) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:38) His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of Yorke England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed by Robert Fowler, London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] At head of title, under the royal arms: Huntington 15 ̊Martii, 1641. [i.e. 1642]. Reproduction of original in the Societies of Antiquaries Library, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31994 R39019 (Wing C2471). civilwar no His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of Yorke England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 597 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms HUNTINGTON 15o Martii , 1641. ❧ His Majesties Message to both Houses of Parliament , upon His removall to the City of Yorke . HIS Majestie being now in His Remove to His Citie of Yorke , where he intends to make His Residence for some time , thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament . That He doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industrie in expediting the businesse of Ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by his Majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by His absence , He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdome , which he hath expressed in his former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then he hath indeavoured to doe by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as he hath beene moved unto by his Parliament . ) Therefore if the Misfortunes and Calamities of his poore Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them ( though his Majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) He shall wash his hands before all the World , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious Worke . And that his Majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding betweene him and his Parliament ; He thinks it necessary to declare , That as he hath beene so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , that he hath beene ready and forward to retract any Act of his owne , which he hath beene informed hath trencht upon their priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his Majesties knowne and unquestionable priviledges , ( which are the priviledges of the kingdome ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall one ; That his Subjects cannot be obliged to obey any Act , Order , or Injunction , to which his Majestie hath not given his consent : And therefore he thinkes it necessary to publish , That he expects , and hereby requires Obedience from all his loving Subjects , to the Lawes established ; and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order , or Ordinance , ( to which his Majestie is no Partie ) concerning the Militia , or any other thing , to doe or execute what is not warranted by those Lawes , His Majestie being resolved to keep the Laws himselfe , and to require obedience to them from all his Subjects . And his Majestie once more recommends to his Parliament the substance of his Message of the 20th of Ianuary last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such Acts , as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges ; The free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes ; The Liberties of their Persons ; The Security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England ; The maintaining his Majesties Regall and just Authority , and setling his Revenue : His Majestie being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes , which may beget a happy understanding betweene him and his Parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . London , printed for Robert Fowler . 1641. 
A31999	----	His Majesties message to the House of Peeres, Aprill 22, 1642 whereunto is added His Majesties answer to both Houses of Parliament concerning the petition and reasons to forbeare his intended iourney to Ireland, presented the 18 of Aprill (by the Earle of Stamford, Sir Iohn Culpepper, Chancellour of the Exchequer and Anthony Hungerford, Esquire) and returned the 22 of the same, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A31999 of text R35982 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2483). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A31999 Wing C2483 ESTC R35982 15585248 ocm 15585248 103953 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31999) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103953) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:37) His Majesties message to the House of Peeres, Aprill 22, 1642 whereunto is added His Majesties answer to both Houses of Parliament concerning the petition and reasons to forbeare his intended iourney to Ireland, presented the 18 of Aprill (by the Earle of Stamford, Sir Iohn Culpepper, Chancellour of the Exchequer and Anthony Hungerford, Esquire) and returned the 22 of the same, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed by T. Fawcet for J.H., London : 1642. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A31999 R35982 (Wing C2483). civilwar no His Maiesties message to the House of Peeres, Aprill 22, 1642. His Majesty having seen a printed paper, entitled A question answered how law England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 445 1 0 0 0 0 0 22 C The rate of 22 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ His Maiesties Message to the House of Peeres , Aprill 22. 1642. HIs Majesty having seen a Printed Paper , entituled , A Question answered how Law are to be understood , and obedience yeelded ; ( which Paper He sends together will this Message ) thinkes fit to recommend the consideration of it to His House o● Peers , that they may use all possible care and diligence for the finding out the Author , and may give directions to His learned Councell , to proceed against Him and the publishers of it , in such a way as shall be agreeable to Law and the course of Justice , as persons who endeavour to stirre up Sedition against His Majesty . And His Majesty doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular Interest ( as well as the publike government of the Kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such Licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw His Subiects strict obedience from the Lawes established , by such Seditious and Treasonable distinctions . And of Doctrines of this nature His Majesty doubts not but that their Lordships will publish their great dislike , it being growne into frequent Discourse , and vented In some Pulpits ( by those desperate Preachers , who are the great Promotors of the distempers of this time ) That humane Lawes doe not binde the Conscience ; which being once believed , the civill Government and peace of the Kingdome will be quickly dissolved . His Majesty expects a speedy account of their Lordships exemplary justice upon the Authors and Publishers of this Paper . Whereunto is added His Maiesties Answer to both Houses of Parliament , Concerning the Petition and Reasons to forbeare his intended Iourney to Jreland . Presented the 18. of Aprill ( by the Earle of Stamford , Sir Iohn Culpepper , Chancellour of the Exchequer , and Anthony Hungerford Esquire ) and returned the 22. of the same , 1642. HIs Maiesty hath thought something of the Petition , and is much unsatisfied with many of Your expressions therein : His Maiesty will shortly send His Parliament , a particular Answer , but for the present you are to tell them , that as He resolved to doe nothing concerning his Jrish Journey , before He should receive Their Answer , so now He will not proceed further therein , untill they shall heare , further from Him againe . London , Printed by T. Fawcet , for J. H. 1642. 
A32006	----	His Maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both Houses of Parliament, for Ireland, sent the twenty fourth of February, 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32006 of text R41769 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2502). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32006 Wing C2502 ESTC R41769 31360611 ocm 31360611 110748 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32006) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110748) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:16) His Maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both Houses of Parliament, for Ireland, sent the twenty fourth of February, 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed for Iohn Franke, London : MDCXLII [1642] Printed within ornamental border. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. A32006 R41769 (Wing C2502). civilwar no His Maiesties most gratiovs answer to the proposition of both Houses of Parliament, for Ireland, sent the twenty fourth of February, 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 247 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES MOST GRATIOVS ANSVVER To the Proposition of both houses of Parliament for Ireland sent the Twenty fourth of February 1642. HIs Maiesty being Glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the Calamity of his ; distressed Kingdome of Ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good Subjects of this Kingdome hath graciously considered the Overture made by both Houses of Parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answere . That as he hath offered and is still ready to venture his owne Royall person for the recovery of that Kingdome , if his Parliament shall advise him thereunto , so he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service , by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there . And therefore ( relying upon the wisedome of this Parliament ) doth consent to every proposition now made to him , without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing of that Kingdome , by exasperating the Rebells , and rendring them desperate of being received into Grace , if they shall returne to their obedience . And his Majesty will be ready to give his Royall assent to all such Bills as shall be tendred unto him by his Parliament for the confirmation of every particular of this proposition . LONDON , Printed for Iohn Franke . MDCXLII . 
A32009	----	The King His Majesties most gracious speech made to the lord maior the recorder and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and reknown city of London upon Thursday November the 25, 1641. And his message to the Lords concerning the trayned bands with theirs and the House of Commons petition to His Majesty and his royal answer by the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Bristow : with the examination of divers of the Irish apprehended as suspitious persons : and orders from the High Court of Parliament concerning the suppressing of papists : as also another order for the recalling of the trayned bands to their daily attendance as formerly, Nov. 27, 1641. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32009 of text R24817 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2521). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32009 Wing C2521 ESTC R24817 08602384 ocm 08602384 41438 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32009) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 41438) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1250:11) The King His Majesties most gracious speech made to the lord maior the recorder and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and reknown city of London upon Thursday November the 25, 1641. And his message to the Lords concerning the trayned bands with theirs and the House of Commons petition to His Majesty and his royal answer by the Earle of Warwicke and the Earle of Bristow : with the examination of divers of the Irish apprehended as suspitious persons : and orders from the High Court of Parliament concerning the suppressing of papists : as also another order for the recalling of the trayned bands to their daily attendance as formerly, Nov. 27, 1641. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. [6] p. Printed for W.R., London : 1641. Summaries only. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A32009 R24817 (Wing C2521). civilwar no The King His Majesties most gracious speech, made to the Lord Maior, the Recorder, and the rest of the aldermen of this honourable and rekno [no entry] 1641 1264 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE KING HIS MAIESTIES Most Gracious SPEECH , Made to the Lord Maior , the Recorder , and the rest of the Aldermen of this Honourable and renowned City of London , upon Thursday , November the 25 , 1641. And his Message to the Lords , concerning the Trayned bands , with Theirs , and the House of Commons Petition to His Majesty . And His Royall Answer by the Earle of Warwicke , and the Earle of Bristow . With the Examination of divers of the Irish , lately apprehended as suspitious Persons . And Orders from the High Court of Parliament , concerning the suppressing of Papists . As also , another Order for the recalling of the Trayned bands , to their daily Attendance , as formerly , Nov , 27 , 1641. London , Printed for W. R. 1641. FIVE MOTIONS Moved Jn the House of PEERS , FIrst , for the removeing of Papists from the Court . 2. For taking them quite off of all places of Command whatsoever , in their severall Counties : as Lieutenants , Deputy Lieutenants , Indges of Lyer , and Terminer , and Iustices of the Peace , &c. 3. For confining them to the severall places of their abode , and within five miles thereof . 4. To restraine them from London , and from within-ten miles of the Court , wheresoever . 5. For taking away from them Licences , formerly granted , and to restraine the Grant of them for time to come ; according to severall Propositions , sent up to their Lordships , by the House of Commons . THE EXAMINATION OF Divers Irish apprehended as suspitious persons . THE House of Commons being informed of some Irish people lately come over ; which were held to be suspitious persons , who lodged at one Mr. Rosses in Rosemary Lane : wherupon order was given for the serch of the said house , and the bringing of such Irish , as should be there found in the house : to the end they might be examined what account they could give for their repaire hither . And notice was given to the house of eight Irish men , and three women that were taken , and brought thither by vertue of their warrant ; whereupon Order was given for their safe custody , and a Committee was appointed to meet in the Inner-Chamber of the Court of Wards , and to examine them : Then the Irish being thither brought before them , were examined what occasions they had hero in London , and whether they brought , received , or sent away Letters into Ireland , since their arrivall : but they were found to repaire hither onely for Necessities sake . And one of them in his Examination being demanded of what Religion he was , answered , a Protestant : and being asked how long he had beene so , answered , three weekes : and being further demanded how he came so lately to be converted , having bin a Papist all his life-time before : he answered , that he was taken one night in the watch , and they converted him , which caused a smiling . After their Examination , it was ordered , that they should be sent unto the Gate-house . But after their Report , being delivered into the House by the Committee : upon consideration thereof , they gave order for their discharge . And it was likewise ordered , that their Host , Captaine English , an Irish-man : upon Information , that he had bin lately in Spaine , should be brought before the same Committee to be examined : who when hee came , did answer very crosly ; and being asked what Country-man he was , said , his name was English , and the like Answers he made to other Questions ; for which peremptorinesse , he was turned over to the Lord chiefe Justice to bee further examined , with specification , that good baile should be taken for his forth-comming . THE Kings Maiesties Speech to the Lord Major , Recorder , and Aldermen of LONDON . HIS Majesty expressed his gracious acceptance of their Loyaltie , and Obedience , and that he was throughly possessed by that Dayes Action , of the Truth of their Affection towards him , as became good Subjects : and though he had heretofore doubted thereof ; yet now finding to the contrary , hereafter they should find Him to beare in mind their loves : and promised them to governe , according to the Lawes of the Land ; and especially , he would have great care for the maintaining of the true Protestant Religion : according to the purity it was established by his late famous predecessors , Queene Elizabeth , and his Royall Father King James And for that part of London-Derrie , which had not long since bin given to him by Law , Hee would most freely confirme , and settle it on them againe ; so soone as the present jars , and rebellion in Ireland is quieted . And for what other requests they had made to him , he would have them in mind , and satisfie them therein , with all conveniencie . HIS Majesties Message , to the Lords House , by the Lord-Keeper . His Majesty was expected at the Lords House on Friday last ; and great preparation was made for his comming ; but because he came not , it pleased his Majesty to send a Message by the Lord-Keeper , as followeth . THat his Majesty thought it fitting , that the Trayned bands should be discharged , having long attended on both houses : not onely in respect that it was a great burden unto them , but also that he hoped , that there was no cause of danger , which might require their attendance any longer . When the Lords had received this Message , they sent word thereof to the House of Commons . The Answer of the House of Commons . The House of Commons returned a Message to the Lords , desiring them to joine with them in petitioning to his Majesty , that they might be continued for some few dayes longer , till the affaires of the House were better setled . The Lords joyned with them , and sent to his Majesty to Hampton Court , to move him therein . They who carryed the Message to the King , were the Earle of Warwicke , and the Earle of Bristow . His Maiesties Answer , THe Lords brought this Answer from His Majesty , that he was pleased that the Trayned Bands should be continued for foure or five dayes longer ; till such time as the House of Commons had delivered up their Reasons , for longer continuance of them : and that on Tuesday next , he would be there himselfe , and then receive them . Die Saturni . Novemb. 27. 1641. An Order for the recalling of the Trayned Bands to their daily Attendance againe . To the Captaines of the Court of Guard . THis is to require and command your Attendance , as formerly , till further Order shall be by his Maiesty , and the House taken therein . FINIS . 
A32012	----	Newes from Scotland, His Maiesties manifest touching the Palatine cause and act of Parliament concerning the same : read, voiced, and past in the Parliament of Scotland, the 6 day of September, 1641. His Majesties manifest touching the Palatine cause England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32012 of text R10776 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2525). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 16 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32012 Wing C2525 ESTC R10776 12827626 ocm 12827626 94296 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32012) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94296) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 255:E171, no 17) Newes from Scotland, His Maiesties manifest touching the Palatine cause and act of Parliament concerning the same : read, voiced, and past in the Parliament of Scotland, the 6 day of September, 1641. His Majesties manifest touching the Palatine cause England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Scotland. Parliament. [1], 7 p. by T. Favvcet for T. Bates ..., London : 1641. First published : Edinburgh in Scotland : by Robert and Iames Brysons, 1641? Royal arms on t.p. Imperfect: portions of imprint poorly inked. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Maximilian -- I, -- Elector of Bavaria, 1573-1651. A32012 R10776 (Wing C2525). civilwar no Newes from Scotland. His Maiesties manifest touching the Palatine cause. And Act of Parliament concerning the same: read, voiced and past in Scotland. Sovereign 1641 2721 13 0 0 0 0 0 48 D The rate of 48 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2002-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion NEWES FROM SCOTLAND . His MAIESTIES Manifest touching the PALATINE Cause . And Act of Parliament concerning the same . Read , voiced and past in the Parliament of SCOTLAND , the 6. day of SEPTEMBER . 1641. And published by his Majesties speciall Command . C R First Printed at Edinburgh in Scotland by Robert and Iames Brysons . And now Printed at London by T. FAVVCET for T. BATES , and are to be sold at his Shop in the Old Bayly . 1641. His Majesties Manifest . CHARLES by the grace of God , King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. To all to whom this present Manifest shall come greeting . TO the end that the Endeavours of our late deare Father King JAMES of blessed memory , and our proceedings since his Death in the cause of our deare and onely Sister , Brother in law , Nephewes , Electors , and Princes Palatine of the Rhyne may not be forgotten , or pretendedly unknowne , wherein we have studied , and laboured nothing more then the Peace of Christendome , and the avoyding the effusion of innocent blood , by seeking the restitution and reestablishment of the Electorall house of Palatine in their ancient Rights , Dignities , and Possessions within the Empire , out of which they have beene by violence and force of Armes , and other undue proceedings expelled and banished , contrary to the ancient Lawes and Constitutions of the Sacred Empire Wee have thought fit for the Vindication of our owne Honour , to call to mind and to publish to the world , both a summary Relation of our Actions and endeavours past , and our present resolutions in the same cause . IT cannot be unknowne to all the Princes and Estates of Europe and more particularly to those who have had any interest or relation to the publique affaires of Germany , how both Our self , and our Father have , during these twenty yeares past , by many and severall Embassages , Treaties , and other negotiations , to our great expence & charges , both with the late Emperor Ferdinand , the K. of Spaine , and other Princes , and Estates of the Empire , endeavoured by all friendly and treatable meanes to procure the restitution and reestablishment of Our said deare Sister , Brother in law , and Nephewes , in their antient Rights and Possessions , as the onely and possible way to settle a good and firme Peace in the Empire , and consequently with all Princes interested therein , without which it is impossible to expect or hope for a good , durable , and honest pacification of those troubles which have already almost rent and consumed , and involved all the Princes of Christendome in a most bloody and destructive Warre . And for a cleare demonstration of Our syncere intentions , not onely our owne pious inclination , and care of the publique peace , hath induced Us to omit divers occasions whereby wee might by such power as God hath put into Our hands , have prevented the violences and oppressions used to our said Sister and Nephewes ; But wee have been led on , and invited thereunto by divers promises , assurances , and reversall Letters , both from the late Emperour , and King of Spaine ; and other Usurpers of the Inheritances of the Electorall House Palatine , that they would at last in contemplation of our Meditations , hearken and incline to a just and honest Peace by the restitution of the Estates and Dignities of our deare Sister and Nephewes , whereby we have beene drawne not onely to passe by our owne and the publique interest , and to forbeare to ingage our Armes in so just a cause , but also have procured by our Fathers and Our authority , the withdrawing , and disbanding of the Forces of Count Mans●elt out of the Palatinate , and advanced divers Truces and cessations of hostility or defence , onely to prepare the way of amiable Composition , according to the hopes and promises to that end given Us , and particularly have caused the Surrender and deposition of some places of strength into the hands of the late Infanta of Spaine , upon reciprocall assurance of a finall pacification or restitution . But what effects all these Our peaceable and Christian endeavours have produced , and how all Our pious Negotiations have beene eyther delayed or deluded ; thereby and by processe of time to roote and establish the usurpations of the House Palatine , and our Patience and Piety thereby abused , is so manifest by the continuall oppression of our said deare Sister & Nephews ; that we are forced to protest that there hath beene nothing succeeded to our desires or hopes , but a resolution of despaire of ever obtaining by the wayes of Iustice , Treaty or Amity , that which hath beene so often promised to , and expected of the Lovers of Christian peace . Notwithstanding we having lately received advice from Our deare Uncle the King of Denmarck , that at last by his mediation and procurement the present Emperor and Duke of Bavaria , have condiscended to a treaty to be held at the Dyet at Ratisbone , upon the 6. day of May last past , for the reviewing and resetling of the controversies of the House Palatine , as a preparation and inducement to a generall peace and Amnistia through the whole Empire ; And that he with some of the Electors of the Empire is accepted as Mediator of the said cause , and hath deceived strong and pregnant assurances of a better inclination and disposition towards the re-establishment of the Electorall Family in their Rights and Dignities ; And to that end hath procured convenient safe conduct from the Emperour to our Nephew and his Brethren , freely to come in person , or to send their Deputies to that Dyet at the time and place appointed , with all other clauses requisite for their safeties , going , abiding , or comming from thence , and there to plead the Iustice of their owne cause , and that in prosecution thereof , he hath instructed and dispatched his Ambassadours to assist either in person , or by the Deputies of our Nephews , at the said Treaty of Pacification , and hath desired us herein to comply with him by sending our Ambassadours qualified and instructed to the same purpose of procuring a good , and setled peace within the Empire , according to the intimation of the Princes Electors signified to him by their Letters , thereby desiring us to assist in the present Assembly at Ratisbone . To which end our Nephew the Prince Electour Palatine having resolved by our Counsell and advice to send his Deputies according to the invitation and hopes intimated of a good issue to be expected by the amiable way of treaty and composure . We also have thought fit not to be wa●ting to so good a design so concurrent to our own , & the desires of so many Princes , and in some hope of better fruits then hitherto all our endeavors have produced ; Have resolved to make this our last legall by the way of treaties , and to lend our Ambassadours to the Emperour , and other Princes in the said Dyet assembled : And to that purpose have given him full power and instructions to contribute all our authority to the procurement and settlement of a good and blessed peace , by the reestablishment and restuittion of the possessions and dignities of our said deare Sstier , Nephewes , and Electorall Family , without which no peace can either be honest or secure . Hereby exhorting and desiring all other Kings , Princes & States , our Friends Allyes , ●nd Co●federates , who shall either be present at the said Dyet , or shall have their Ambassadours , or Deputies there , that they will be assisting to the Iustice of so good a cause , and ●o great a blessing as the restoring of peace to the almost desolate Estate of Germany . But because we may have just cause to doubt by many experiences of our former endeavours tha● the issue and fruit of this meeting may not be answerable to our just expectation , but rather that it may produce contrary effects to the prejudice of the Iusticers Rights of our said Nephewes and their Familie ( which God forbid ) we are hereby forced to protest against all Acts , Sentences , Conclusions , or determinations whatsoever , which shall or may be had , made , or declared either in confirmation of the oppressions , and all usurpation past , or any additions thereunto for the future , as invalid and of no power or effect . In which case ( being contrary to our desires and expectation ) we also further protest and ●●clare that we will not abandon neither our owne nor the publique interest , nor the Cause , Rights , and just preten●es of our deare Sister , and Nephewes , and other Princes , and States involved within their oppressions : But that we will use and imploy all such force , and power wherewith God hath inabled us both by our owne armes , and the helpe and assistance of all our allyes and friends , to vindicate our owne honour , the publique peace and redresse of the injuries , usurpations , and oppressions of our said dearest Sister and Nephewes , and their now illustrious Familie . And hereby as we doe professe to use all our endeavours and power to promove a happy and desired peace , for the consolation of the distressed Empire ; so we doe appeale to Almighty God , the Inspector of the hearts of all Princes , and to the world Spectators of all our just actions , that we will be innocent before God and the world of all the evils that may ensue , if these our last hopes shall be delayed or abused . At Edinburgh the 10.20 . of August , 1641. THe Kings Majesty having seriously recommended this his Manifest to the consideration of the estates of Parliament of this his Majesties ancient and native Kingdome . They after mature deliberation , doe unanimously approve the same ; And his Majesties pious and just resolutions therein exprest : And with most hearty affections answerable to the nearenesse of their interest in that Princely Family of the Elector Palatine , declare that in case his Majesty doe not prevaile by this present treaty , they will joyne and concurre by their advice and assistance in a Parliamentary way in the prosecution of his Majesties designes for his house and the advantage of his Royall Sister , and Nephewes , who are descended of that Royall Stemme , which by the succession of an hundred and eight Kings , hath swayed the Scepter over this Kingdome . Read , voiced , and past in Parliament the twenty eight day of August , 1641. The humble Remonstrance of the Estates of Parliament to his sacred Majestie concerning the Prince Electour Palatine . MOst gracious Soveraigne , we the Estates in Parliament , representing the body of this your Majesties ancient and native Kingdome , doe in all humility presume to remonstrate to your sacred Majesty , the true sence and feeling , the whole Country have had , and doe more and more take to heart of the manifold sufferings , your Majesties Sister , and her Princely children the Prince Electour Palatine and his Brethren and Sisters , have endured these many yeares by-gone in the defrauding and debarring of them from their lawfull estate , and possession , wherein your Majesties who●e Dominions ( but more particularly this your Majesties native Kingdome ) are so farre concerned , that according to their power and abilities , they are obliged by bonds of duty , Nature , and Christianity , to use all lawfull and ord●nary meanes for obtaining them to be restored to their antient Inheritance and Dignities . The many by-gone ●ets and continuall delayes , notwithstanding of all the faire dealing used by your Majesties late Royall Father , and your Selfe , giveth us more and apprehensive grounds of feare , that the present Treaty at Ratisbone shall produce no better effects then the former have done . In consideration whereof , We are forced in name of the whole Kingdome , humbly to represent how necessary and expedient it is , that your Majesty will be graciously pleased with advice and consent of Us the Estates of Parliament , to enact and ordaine , That no Leavies , either of Armies , Regiments , Companies , or Recrewes of Sou●diers , be licen●●at , or warranted to bee sent out of this Kingdome , till a resolute answere returne from the said Dyet at Ratisbone concerning the said Prince Elector , at the least while the first day of Aprill next ; To the effect his Highnesse affaires and businesse may be the better furthered and advanced , during which space , all Leavies and Recrewes of Souldiers , would be discharged to be uplifted , or sent out of the Kingdome . The 4. of September . 1641. Read in the presence of his Majestie , and Estates of Parliament , and hereupon his Majesty with the advice of the Estates , ordaines an Act to be drawne up , which was accordingly done . Like as his Majesty doth promise , that He will give order , that no Scots Souldier shall bee Shipped or have passage at Barwicke , Workington , White-Haven , Newcastle , or any other Sea-port in England , during the time aforesaid . WHereas it hath beene humbly remonstrated to his Majesty by the Estates of Parliament ; Therefore it is Statute and ordained by our Soveraigne Lord with advice of the said Estates , that there be a restraint of all Leavies and recrewes of Souldiers to be sent out of this Kingdome , till a resolute answer from the Dyet at Ratisbone , concerning the Prince Electour at least while the first day of Aprill next . To the effect , the Prince Elector his affayres and businesse may be the better furthered and advanced , during the which time our Soveraigne Lord with advice aforesaid , discharges all Leavies and Recrewes of Souldiers within this Kingdome , to the effect aforesaid : And during that time inhibits and discharges all Skippers , Saylours , and Masters of Ships to transport any Souldiers from this Kingdome beyond Seas to any forraigne Kingdome or Countrey , under the paine of 40. pounds for each Souldier so transported toties quoties ; And ordaines these presents to be intimate to all his Majesties Lieges by publique Proclamation at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh Peere and Shore of Leeth , And all Sea-Ports of this Kingdome needfull , whereby none may pretend Ignorance . And for the better observation of the promises , hereby gives warrant expresse command to all searchers at Sea-ports to looke carefully and search all Ships before they loose or make sayle and to stop , and impede all the said Souldiers from going out of the Country under the paine of an hundreth pounds to the searcher in case of negligence in the execution of the power hereby committed to them . It is alwaies declared that such Officers who have served abroad , and have now beene employed for the Countrey , and shall have the Generall his passe are not comprehended in this present Act , but expresse excepted forth thereof . Read , voiced and past in Parliament the sixt of September , 1641. FINIS , 
A32013	----	Orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by His Maiesty and by him delivered to his generall His Excellence the Earle of Nevvcastle with the said Earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32013 of text R4905 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2530). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32013 Wing C2530 ESTC R4905 12415800 ocm 12415800 61646 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32013) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61646) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 248:E127, no 23) Orders and institvtions of vvar, made and ordained by His Maiesty and by him delivered to his generall His Excellence the Earle of Nevvcastle with the said Earles speech to the army at the delivery and publishing the said orders prefixt. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 8 p. Printed for J. Johnson, [London] : 1642. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Newcastle, William Cavendish, -- Duke of, 1592-1676. England and Wales. -- Army. Military law -- England. A32013 R4905 (Wing C2530). civilwar no Orders and institutions of vvar, made and ordained by His Maiesty, and by him delivered to his generall His Excellence the Earle of Nevvcast England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 2361 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 B The rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ORDERS AND INSTITVTIONS OF VVAR , Made and ordained by His MAIESTY , And by Him delivered to His Generall His EXCELLENCE The Earle of NEVVCASTLE . With the said Earles Speech to the Army at the delivery and publishing the said Orders prefixt . Printed for J. Johnson . 1642. Orders and Institutions of War . INprimis , it is by us ordered , That no Colonell Captaine or other Officer or souldier , shall be admitted into our service , but such as shall take the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance . 2. No Papist of what degree or quality soever shall be admitted to serve in our Army . 3. All Colonels are commanded to have a speciall care that the due service of God be performed in their severall Regiments , by the Chaplains to each Regiment every Sunday twice , except some contingent occasion of moment be a lawfull impediment for their forbearance . 4. All Colonels , Lievtenant Colonels , Captaines and other inferiour Officers are commanded to represse all disorders in their severall quarters , as they will answer the contrary to our Councell of War if the default be found in them . 5. Whosoever shall presume to sweare or blaspheme the name of God in our quarters ; for the first offence shall suffer twelve houres imprisonment ; for the second , he shall suffer foure and twenty houres durance ; and for the third he shall be whipt and cashiered our Army . 6. Whatsoever souldier shall be found drunke and so neglect his duty , shall be punished at the discretion of our Court of War , according to the haynousnesse of the fact , and the detriment arrived by his default to our service . 7. What Captaine or other Officer that shall inflict punishment , or strike any souldier without good cause of offence given ; for such punishment or blow shall upon complaint made receive censure from his superiours . 8. What Captaine or other superiour Officer or inferiour , that shall detaine the souldiers pay after 't is delivered to him by our Treasurer or his subordinate Officers , upon complaint made shall make full repayment of such moneyes and then be cashiered our service . 9. Wheras there is and hath been in most services divers enormous abuses committed in Musters by Muster-Masters , Commissaries and Officers for that purpose , making their Companies seem compleat by men hired out of other Companies : We doe therefore command all Colonels , Captains , and other Officers , to take especiall care that their Companies be full , and no such enormities committed : Every Muster-Master so offending being lyable to Capitall punishment , and every man so hired shall suffer death , for his second offence ; for his first , lye in Irons during ours or our Generals pleasure . 10. What souldier soever that shall presume to steale from or plunder any of our good Subjects in his march , or in any Towne where he is billeted , shall suffer death , if the thing so stolne or taken be above the value of twelve pence , if under , he shall be punished according to the discretion of his Officers . 11. Whosoever shall wilfully act any murder upon the persons of any of our good subjects , souldier or other shall suffer death . 12. Whosoever shall force or ravish any woman within our quarters , or any other place , shall suffer death . 13. Whosoever draweth any sword in the presence of our Generall to doe any harme with it , shall lose his hand . 14. Whosoever draweth his sword when his Colours are flying , or upon any march , he shall be harquebuser'd : if it be done in the place where he is billeted , he shall onely lose his hand and be banish'd our quarters . 15. Whosoever draweth his sword in the quarters after the watch is set , with intention of mischiefe to any , shall suffer death . 16. No man shall hinder our Provolt-Marshall or his inferiour Officers from execution of any charge given them by our Generall , who presumes to doe it shall suffer death . 17. All that is to be published and made knowne to all men , shall be openly proclaimed by sound of Drum or Trumpet , that no man plead ignorance for the neglect of his duty . Who so is found disobedient shall be punish'd as the fault is of importance . 18. No man shall presume to make any Alarum in the quarter , or shoot off his Musket in the quarter but shall be severely punish'd . 19. After advertisement is given to set the watch , he that shall absent himselfe without some lawfull cause , shall be punish'd with Irons . 20. He that is found sleeping upon his watch in any place of danger shall be harquebuser'd . 21. He who shall come off the watch where he is appointed to stand , or he who shall drinke himselfe drunke so long as he hath the guard shall be harquebuser'd . 23. Whosoever repaires not to his Colours when he heares the Trumpet sound or Drum beat shall be punish'd with Irons . 24. Whensoever a march is beaten , every man shall follow his Colours , neither shall any through presumption stay behinde without leave , upon feare of punishment . 25. If any stay behind in a mutinous fashion he shall be punish'd with death . 27. He who doth run from his Colours in the field , shall be punish'd with death ; and if any other souldiers kill him in the meane time , he shall be free . 28. When occasion of service is , he who doth first run away , if any can kill him he shall be free . 29. What Regiment or Company shall begin any mutiny , the first beginner shall be punish'd with death , and the rest that consent to him shall be punish'd according to the discretion of the Councell of War . 30. Whosoever souldier or other that shall directly or indirectly hold intelligence with the enemy , or disclose any of our secrets to them or any of them , shall as traytors be punish'd with death . 31. What Regiment of Horse or Foot shall treat with the Enemy , or enter into any league with him without our leave or our Generals , shall be punish'd with death . 32. Whosoever shall give over any of our Townes to the Enemy that may be defended against them , unlesse in case of necessity shall be punish'd with death . 33. No man shall presume to send any challenge to any other of his fellowes , nor to fight any duell in the quarters or without , upon paine of death . 34. They who shall hold any manner of conference with the Enemie , without licence from our Generall , shall be punished with death . 35. Every one that shall not be contented with that quarter which is assigned him shall , be accounted a Mutiner . 36. If any cast away any of his Armes , either in the field , or in the quarters , he shall be whipt thorow the quarters , as an example to others . 37. Hee who doth pawne any of his Armes , or any Amunition whatsoever , or any other necessaries whatsoever used in the field , for the first & second offences shall be whipt thorow the quarters , for the third time he shall be punish'd as for other theft : Also he that bought them , or took them to pawne , be he souldier or victualler , or other , shall lose his money , or be punished as he who pawn'd or sold them . 37. No man shall presume to set fire on any towne , village , house , barne , out-house , haystacke , or Mill of any of our Subjects , whoever shall be found guilty of any such crime , shall suffer death without mercy . 38. No man shall presume to wrong any who hath our Warrant or our Generalls for his safe passage , be he friend or enemie , upon paine of death . 39. He who doth beat his Hoste or Hostis , or any of their servants , the first and second time , shall be put in Irons ; the third time he shall be punished at the discretion of our Officers . 40. None shall presume to wrong any man that brings necessaries to our quarters , nor take his horse from him by force , whosoever doth , shall be punished with death . 41. No souldiers shall come to the muster , but at what day and houre they are commanded : no Colonell nor Captaine shall presume to muster his men without command from our Generall . 42. If any Horse-man doe borrow either Horse , Pistoll , Saddle or Sword to muster withall , so much as is borrowed , shall be forfeited , and he that doth it shall be put out of our service , and he that lendeth them shall forfeit one half to the captain , the other half to the Provost . 43. If it can be proved that any Horse-man doe spoyle his Horse willingly of purpose , to returne home , he shall be held a coward , lose his Horse , and be turned out of the service . 44. No souldier whatsoever , Horse or Foot , shall be cast off by his Captaine , or any inferiour Officer , without consent of the Colonell . 45. No Colonell nor Captaine shall licence any souldier , either Horse or Foot , to depart the field without leave of the Generall , as he will answer the same , and incurre our displeasure . 46. Any Souldier , Gentleman or other , that shall be maymed , or lose any limbe in this our present service , shall have a competent pension allowed him to subsist upon during his life . 47. If any Captaine , or other Commander , doe lend his souldiers to any other Captaine , it shall be done in the presence of our Muster-masters , that so our service be not neglected . 48. All our Souldiers We doe hereby strictly require to avoid all quarrells and offences one to another , to give due obedience and fit respects to their Captaines , Lievtenants , Ensignes and other inferiour Officers . 49. We also require , and strictly command all Ensignes , Lievtenants , Captaines , to give the same respects to our officers of the field ; as Serjeant-Majors , Lievtenant-Colonells and Colonells . 50. As we expect they and all the rest of our Army by our expresse command , doe the right Honourable , Our trusty and welbeloved Cousen and Councellor , William Earle of Newcastle , his Excellence , whom wee have constituted and ordained Generall of all our present Forces . 51. And we doe hereby will and require our said trusty and welbeloved Cousin and Councellour , William , Earle of Newcastle , his Excellence , our Generall , so constituted and ordained , to see all these , and all other our Ordinances of war whatsoever , put in execution by his immediate officers , that so our Cause may succeed prosperously , and We , with the Almighties assistance , be victorious over all our Enemies . His Excellence , the Earle of Newcastle's SPEECH to his Colonels , and other Commanders , at his receiving the charge of Generall , and the precedent Orders from his Majestie . LOrds and Gentlemen , my Noble Friends and fellow Souldiers , I could have heartily wished , that either the Earle of Lindsey , who before commanded you , had evaded his untimely destiny ; or th●● his sacred Majesty had beene pleased to have conferr'd the successive managing of this office to one of better abilities then my selfe but since I am invested with this charge , I shall study to demeane my selfe like a faithfull Subject to my Prince , a true legitimate sonne to my mother the Common-wealth , and a just and loving Chiefe to you all ; to use incouragementss to men of fortitude , is an implicit diminution to their valours . I shall not therefore so much undervalue yours , as to intrude an exhortation upon your courages , onely I shall desire you will keepe those men under your commands free from disordiers , performing with all care and diligence , these Institutions which I now as your Generall am ingaged to deliver to you from his sacred Majesty : we are here in our owne Countrey , a sad and lamentable affaire it is in Armes , and must imploy our hands against our selves , our brothers ; if we must fight , I make no doubt of your deportement in the affaires of war , but could heartily wish , and so I hope you doe all wish with me , that we might be happy in a faire and sudden attonement between his Majesty and his high Court of Parliament ; 't is not improbable , but it may be effected , if not , I hope you will all fight as valiantly as I shall leade you on resolutely , and ( if it so please God ) bring you off with safety . FINIS . 
A32019	----	By the King, a proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of armes by the souldiers of His Majesties army, for the keeping of them fixt, and bringing all armes hereafter into His Majesties magazines England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32019 of text R39021 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2544). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32019 Wing C2544 ESTC R39021 18206524 ocm 18206524 107088 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32019) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107088) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:41) By the King, a proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of armes by the souldiers of His Majesties army, for the keeping of them fixt, and bringing all armes hereafter into His Majesties magazines England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1642. "Given at our court at Oxford this tenth day of March, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32019 R39021 (Wing C2544). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of armes by the souldiers of His Majesties army, for the keeping of them fixt, England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 673 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ❧ A Proclamation against the spoyling and loosing of Arm 's by the Souldiers of His Majesties Army , for the keeping of them fixt , and bringing all Armes hereafter into His Majesties Magazines . WHEREAS We have not received that satisfaction We expected ( Notwithstanding Our many Proclamations and orders made for the Government of Our Army , and particularly against the loosing , selling away , and spoyling of Our Armes , by the Common-Souldiers , and for the keeping them fixt ) But on the Contrary finding those abuses and neglects still to Continue , and encrease ; We are therefore once more enforced , and doe hereby straitly require and Command all Colonells , Lieutenant-Colonells , Serjeant-Majors , Captains , and other Officers of Our Army , whom it may concerne , forthwith , or within four daies after the publication hereof , to returne to Us , Our Councell of Warre , or to the Serjeant-Major-Generall of Our Army , a true accompt of the number and quantity of Armes in each Company and Regiment of Our Army attested by the Colonell , Lieutenant-Colonell , Serjeant-Major , or Captain of each Company , and if any Armes , shall hence forward be found unfixt , by the negligence of the Souldier , the reparation thereof shall be made good out of his or their Entertainments , and this course We will constantly to be continued and put in practice , the care and oversight whereof to be committed to the respective Quartermaster of each Regiment ( or some other fit person appointed by the Colonell ) whom We command , once in Fourteen daies , to take a view of all the Armes of the Regiment , and to see Our Commands therein fully obeyed ; and for the more speedy execution thereof , Our will is , that each Colonell make Choyce of two able Gunsmiths to be imployed therein , on whom We intend to settle an Allowance fitting for the same . And to the end the losse of Armes may not be so frequent ( to the prejudice of Our service ) as formerly , Our farther pleasure is , that each Captain upon the returne of the Certificate of the number & quantity of the Armes of his company , stand Charged to Us by Indenture ( in the office of Our Ordinance ) for such numbers certified , which Armes are to be made good out of his Entertainment , if hereafter they shall be wilfully or negligently made away by His Souldiers . Lastly , Our Will and Command is , That all Armes bought , or provided by Us , or by any Person for Our Service , as likewise all Armes borrowed in any Counties hereafter , or taken from the Rebells , or persons disaffected to Our Service , be first brought into Our Magazines , and from thence , as We shall direct , be destributed , and given out for Our service . To Our Pleasure herein declared , We Require full and speedy obedience to be given by all Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , and that it may be the more fully put in execution , Our farther Pleasure & Command is , That this be read within foure daies after the publication , at the head of every Regiment and Company , that so all Our Officers and Souldiers , whom it may concerne , may take notice of it , and observe the same , as they and every of them will avoyd Our high displeasure for their neglect , of any the least particular herein mentioned . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , this Tenth day of March , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Raigne . God Save the King . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer of the University . 1642. 
A32024	----	By the King, a proclamation commanding all His Majesties subjects and servants that have any office, place, or fee, of his guift or grant, forthwith to give their attendance upon his person England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32024 of text R39025 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2552). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32024 Wing C2552 ESTC R39025 18206619 ocm 18206619 107092 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32024) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107092) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:43) By the King, a proclamation commanding all His Majesties subjects and servants that have any office, place, or fee, of his guift or grant, forthwith to give their attendance upon his person England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643 [i.e. 1644] "Given at our court at Oxford the twenty second day of March, in the ninteenth yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32024 R39025 (Wing C2552). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation commanding all His Majesties subjects and servants that have any office, place, or fee, of his guift or grant, f England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 554 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation commanding all His Majesties Subjects and Servants that have any Office , Place , or Fee , of His Guift or Grant , forthwith to give their attendance upon His Person . WHEREAS by a Statute made in the Eleaventh year of Our Royall Progenitor King Henry the seaventh , all Our Subjects ( other then those that are excepted in that Act ) having any Offices , Fees , or Annuities of Our guift or grant ( besides their common bond of Allegiance ) are bound under the penalty of loosing and forfeiting their Offices , Fees and Annuities , to give their Attendance upon Us , when We shall fortune to goe in the Warres in Our own Person , for the defence of the Realme , or against Rebells for the subduing and suppressing of them : And whereas diverse of Our Subjects that have Offices , Fees or annuities of Our guift or grant , and diverse of Our Meniall Servants , who by their Places and Offices ought at all times to give their attendance upon Our Person , have neglected their attendance in the time of this Rebellion , when We have been engaged in the Warre in Our own Person ; some upon pretence of leave , or dispensation from Us , and some upon other pretences , which We shall no longer permit , as well in regard of Our Honour , as Our safety , being resolved to goe in Person , for the subduing and repressing of the Rebells in Armes against Us : We have therefore thought fit to publish this Our Proclamation , and doe hereby Command and Require , all Our Subjects and Servants whatsoever , that have any Offices , places , Fees , or Annuities from Us or of Our guift or Grant ( other then such as are in present Service or imployment in Our Armies , or are otherwise imployed in Our speciall service by our immediat Command ) forthwith to repair to Our Court at , Oxford , and give their Attendance upon Our Person there with all convenient speed , and at the farthest , before the twentieth day of Aprill next comming , any leave or dispensation , or pretence of Licence from Us , of any other pretence or excuse whatssoever notwithstanding letting them hereby know , that in case they shall faile in their attendance at the day before prefixed , contrary to Our Cormmand published in this Our Proclamation , or shall notafterwards continue their Service and Attendance upon Us according to their duties , they shall incurre Our just displeasure , and We shall hold their Fees and Annuities as void and determined , and dispose of their Places and Offices to others , as lost and forfeited by their absence . And We doe hereby revoke and recall all licences , leave or dispensations for absence formerly granted or obtained . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the twenty second day of March , in the Nineteenth yeare of Our Reigne . 1643 GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A32025	----	By the King, a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32025 of text R39027 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2554). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32025 Wing C2554 ESTC R39027 18206629 ocm 18206629 107094 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32025) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107094) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:44) By the King, a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1644. "Given at our court at Oxford, the eight day of May, in the twentieth yeare of our reigne. 1644." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32025 R39027 (Wing C2554). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation commanding the due execution and observance of certaine orders lately published concerning contributions England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 453 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation Commanding the due Execution and Observance of certaine Orders lately Published concerning Contributions . WHEREAS certaine Contributions or Weekly Rates and Payments have been agreed to be answered to Us by the Inhabitants of divers Counties in this Our Kingdome of England , for and towards the support of Our Armies , raised for the just and necessary defence of Us and Our good Subjects in the Time of this Rebellion : in the Assessing of which Contributions and payments , as also in the demeanour of Our Souldiers towards those who pay the same , divers abuses and injuries have been discovered to the great disheartening of Our good Subjects in their undertakings for Us , and the manifest prejudice of Our Affaires . For the removing and remedy whereof , Certaine ORDERS have been framed and composed by the Advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Oxford , and presented to Us , which We doe well approve , and have caused the said ORDERS to be published in Print , in a Book intituled , ORDERS Presented to His MAJESTY by the Advice of the Lords and Commons Assembled at OXFORD , for the more Indifferent Rating and Levying of Moneys to be raised by way of Contribution , and to prevent the disorders of the Souldiers of His MAJESTIES Armies and oppression of other His good Subjects . We doe therefore by this Our Proclamation Declare and Publish Our Will and Pleasure to be , That the said ORDERS shall be strictly observed by all Persons whatsoever , and be duely put in execution . And We doe hereby Charge and Require all Our Commissioners intrusted or authorized by Us touching the said Contributions and payments within the severall and respective limits of their Commissions ; And all Majors , Sheriffes , Bayliffes , Constables , and other Our Officers , and all other Our Subjects whatsoever , whom it may concerne , that they conforme themselves thereunto . And We doe hereby likewise straitly Charge and Command all Officers and Souldiers of Our Armies , That they submit and yeeld obedience to the said ORDERS , and that they presume not in any sort to act or doe any thing contrary to the same , as they will answer their contempt therein at their perills . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Eight day of May , in the Twentieth years of Our Reigne . 1644. GOD SAVE THE KING . ¶ Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1644. 
A32026	----	By the King, a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the county of Oxford, and for punishing all stragling souldiers and others, robbing, and plundering the country England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32026 of text R39028 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2555). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32026 Wing C2555 ESTC R39028 18206650 ocm 18206650 107095 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32026) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107095) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:45) By the King, a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the county of Oxford, and for punishing all stragling souldiers and others, robbing, and plundering the country England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643 [i.e. 1644] "Given at our court at Oxford this fourteenth of February, in the nineteenth year of our raigne." Imperfect: folded, with very slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32026 R39028 (Wing C2555). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation commanding the due observation of the desires of the commissioners for the contribution of the county of Oxford, England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 532 7 0 0 0 0 0 132 F The rate of 132 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation Commanding the due observation of the Desires of the Commissioners for the Contribution of the Country of Oxford , and for punishing all stragling Souldiers and others , Robbing , and Plundering the Country . WHEREAS the High-Sheriffe , and other the Commissioners for Contribution of this Our County of Oxford , have lately by their humble Petition acquainted Us with the many and frequent Insolencies offered the Inhabitants thereof by the Souldiers , and others pretending themselves to be of Our Army , as in taking away Horses from the plough , robbing by the High-way , wasting and destroying of Corn , and other personall Injuries dayly offered unto them : And likewise that Free-Quarter is frequently taken where the Contribution is paid , We thereupon in tender Commiseration of their sufferings , and being most ready to satisfie their just requests , were gratiously pleased to give Order , That the Desires of the Commissioners for the weekly Loan , for the supply of the Horse of Our Army , from this Our County of Oxford , should be forthwith published in Print , for the better information of the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , the which We do hereby strictly charge and Command all the said Officers and Souldiers punctually to observe , and not to infringe them , or any of them at their perils . And for prevention of the like violences and outrages hereafter ; We do farther require and authorise the Lord-Lieutenant-Generall of Our Army , to ordain and allow such a fit person as the Commissioners shall make choyce of to be a Provost-Marshall , who with a sufficient Guard of Twenty persons shall constantly scoure the Country , and apprehend and punish by Marshall-Law all stragling and wandring Souldiers , and all such as shall any kind offer any violence to the Inhabitants , according to such directions as he shall from time to time receive ●rom the Lord-Lieutenant-Generall . And to the end Our good Subjects of this County may find the effect of Our Care ●or their preservation ; We do farther require the Lord-Lieutenant-Generall , to name and appoint a Court of War to ●it Constantly every Wednesday and Saturday with the Commissioners , to hear and give redresse to their just Com●laints ; to which Court of Warre the Provost-Marshall is likewise to give a weekly accompt of his proceedings . This ●…ur grace and favour We Command shall be forthwith put in execution , and therefore Our Pleasure is , That it be pub●●shed in all the Hundreds , Townes , and Parishes of this County , and annexed to the late printed Desires of the Commissi●ners , that so it may be hence forward duly observed by all the Officers , and Souldiers of Our Army , at their perills . Given 〈◊〉 Our Court at Oxford this Fourteenth of February , in the Nineteenth year of Our Raigne . GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1643. 
A32027	----	[A proclamation commanding the muster master generall ...] England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32027 of text R39029 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2556). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32027 Wing C2556 ESTC R39029 18206659 ocm 18206659 107096 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32027) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107096) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:46) [A proclamation commanding the muster master generall ...] England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n., [Oxford : 1643] Title and imprint suggested by Wing. At head of fragment: ... punished with death. No muster-master shall receive or ... In ms. at foot of fragment: Part of a broadside issued at Oxford by Ch. I. Imperfect: fragment. Best copy available for photographing. "Given at our court at Oxford, this eleaventh day of Novemb ..." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32027 R39029 (Wing C2556). civilwar no [A proclamation commanding the muster master generall ...] England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 225 13 0 0 0 0 0 578 F The rate of 578 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion 〈…〉 punished with death . No Muster-master shall receive of● so testified upon paine of the losse of his place , and further himselfe to the Muster , or to be enrolled in the Muster Ro● birth or habitation upon paine of death . To which We h● shall after twenty dayes from the publication hereof , be 〈◊〉 Horseman without a Sword or Pistoll . Nor that any N● Muster-master or his Deputies , and attested under their ha●●spective Garrisons and Commands without Licence of th●●ther punishment as is mentioned in the said Articles . All 〈◊〉 Generall , and his Deputies , and all Officers and Souldiers of 〈◊〉 inflict the penalties therein mentioned with severity upon 〈◊〉 And because the Officers and Souldiers of the Foot of Our ●bled chearefully to performe the same . We are gratiously ●taines of Foot of Our Army , shall every of their receive t● common Souldiers each foure shillings weekly , the other t● upon accompt . And the Officers and Souldiers of Horse , 〈◊〉 of the Contributions . This Our Pleasure We command 〈◊〉 Troop and Company of Our Army , and to be fully obeye from time to time to receive a strict accompt of every Person● Given at Our Court at Oxford , this Eleaventh day of November God save 〈…〉 
A32029	----	By the King, a proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of Stafford and Derby England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32029 of text R39031 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2561). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32029 Wing C2561 ESTC R39031 18206711 ocm 18206711 107098 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32029) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107098) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:47) By the King, a proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of Stafford and Derby England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1642 [i.e. 1643] "Given at our court at Oxford, this sixth day of March, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng England and Wales. -- Royal Navy. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32029 R39031 (Wing C2561). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of Stafford and Derby England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1193 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation concerning His Majesties NAVY . WHEREAS Wee by Our Gratious Proclamation , bearing date the tenth of November now last past , freely offered Our Grace , Favour , and Pardon to all Seamen , Sailers , Mariners and other Watermen , who having been formerly seduced by some Traiterous and Seditious Persons , were this last yeare used as Instruments , to detaine Our Ships from Vs ; yet under this Proviso neverthelesse , that they did speedily returne to their Obedience and Loyalty , and did not from thenceforth presume to serve in any of Our ships detained from Vs , or otherwise to serve against Vs by Sea or Land , or by Loane , Contribution , or otherwise to assist the Army raised against Vs , or to Assemble or Muster themselves in Armes , without authority derived from Vs , or enter into any Oath of Association , for opposing Vs or Our Army , as by the said Proclamation more at large may appeare . And whereas afterwards , We by another Proclamation , bearing date the tenth of February now last past , did again admonish all Our Subjects of the quality before mentioned , and also all Our Officers , Victuallers and Servants of all sorts belonging to Our Ships or Navy , that they should from thenceforth , forbear to intermeddle in the Graving , Rigging Furnishing , Manning , or Serving of , or in Our ships , by the direction of Robert Earle of Warwick , or any other , without Our speciall direction and Warrant , upon the paines , in the said last Proclamation mentioned , as by that Proclamation it may also at large appeare . And whereas We have bin informed , that some wicked & seditious Persons intending to seduce Our good Subjects , and with false-hoods to abuse them , that they not knowing the truth , might still be misled ( as formerly they have been ) to serve the Wicked designes , and Treasonable practices of such as are in Rebellion against Vs , have given out and published , That whatsoever is intended for the preparation and setting out of the Navy in the Spring now approaching , is done by Our speciall direction and expresse Warrant , which is utterly false , We not having any purpose or reason to trust our Navy , or any of Our Ships in their hands and power who have given so cleer a testimony of their former disloyalty unto Vs , and of their endeavours to destroy Vs and Our Kingdom : We doe therefore hereby Publish and declare , That we have not given , nor doe intend to give any such command , direction or consent , that any of Our Ships , or any other Ships of this Our Kingdom , shall be Prepared , Victualled , Rigged , Man'd , or set to Sea , by , or under the Command or Conduct of the Earle of Warwick , or any other Person or Persons whatsoever , by any pretended authority from one or both the Houses of Parliament , without and against Our consent and expresse Command . And We doe further give notice hereby to all Our Subjects , whom it may any wayes concerne , that as We are and ever shall be carefull to the utmost of Our Power to protect Our Good Subjects from the Malice of Ours and their Enemies , either at home or abroad , and to that end shall use all the just means We possibly can to restore them to their former Peace , whereby they may enjoy the comfort of the true Protestant Religion in the integrity thereof , the Freedome of the known Lawes , the Liberty of their Persons , and Propriety of their Estates , and just priviledges of Parliament , whatsoever is malitiously and slanderously suggested to the contrary , so We will by the due course of Law , vindicate Our Honour with a just indignation against and upon all those who from henceforth , after so many gratious admonitions and offer of Free Pardon for what is past , ( which We doe now again gratiously and freely renew ) shall wilfully and malitiously presume to give assistance in any thing to the said Earle of Warwick , or any other , who upon any specious , but false pretences , shall endeavour in this yeare now ensuing , to Prepare , Rigge up , Victuall , Furnish , Manne , or set forth any of Our own Shippes , or any other Shippes of Warre , appertaining to any others , without Our Warrant under Our hand and Seale ; We being well assured , that under the pretence of making a defence for the Kingdome against some imaginary forraigne Enemy ( where in truth We know not of , or have cause to suspect any such ) the purpose of the Contriver of these Rebellious Actions , is manifest to be in the first place wickedly and traiterously to convert Our Navy , and the Navy of the Kingdom to the destruction of Vs and of Our Crown , and good Subjects , and to make themselves Masters thereof , if they can therein prevaile ( as We hope by Gods blessing they shall not ) and if they prevaile not , then by the Convoy of those Ships to convey themselves and those who goe with them into some forraigne parts , with a purpose that neither themselves nor those who serve them shall returne to their native Country , to whom they have been so professed Enemies , and by this means to rob the Kingdom of the Shipping which is the defence thereof ; And that these are the undoubted intentions , if the former Acts of Hostility against Vs performed the last yeare , by some of those Ships set out under the name of the said Earle , and by the authority of the two Houses of Parliament , were not sufficient to satisfy Vs and all others , The late barbarous Actions of , and by some of those Ships , within a very few daies now past at Burlington Bay in Our County of Yorke , to the hazard of the life of Our dearest Consort the Queene , at the time of Her landing there ( if God in his great mercy had not protected and delivered Her ) not casually but purposely committed , will give sufficient testimony thereof to all the World , to the perpetuall shame of the Actors and Abettors thereof , For which in due time they must expect their just reward . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , the sixth day of March , in the eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . 1642 . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the University . 1642. 
A32030	----	By the King, a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of Buckingham and Bedford, and other counties, under the name of the Earle of Essex, or by his pretended authority England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32030 of text R39033 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2562). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32030 Wing C2562 ESTC R39033 18206745 ocm 18206745 107100 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32030) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107100) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:48) By the King, a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of Buckingham and Bedford, and other counties, under the name of the Earle of Essex, or by his pretended authority England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643. "Given under our signe manuall at our court at Oxford, this seaventh day of Iune, in the nineteeth [sic] yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Essex, Robert Devereux, -- Earl of, 1591-1646. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32030 R39033 (Wing C2562). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation concerning some illegall warrants lately issued into severall places in our counties of Buckingham and Bedford, England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 425 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation concerning some illegall Warrants lately issued into severall places in Our Counties of Buckingham and Bedford , and other Counties , under the name of the Earle of Essex , or by his pretended Authority . WE have lately seene some Warrants sent abroad under the name of Robert Earle of Essex now in actuall and open Rebellion against Us , and under the names of Sr Peter Temple , Sr William Andrews , Thomas Terrell , and others , who ayde and assist the said Earle in his Rebellion , commanding diverse Inhabitants of those Counties to send in Horses , Armes , Uictualls , and Money , towards the maintenance of the Army raysed under the Command of the said Earle against Us , and intimating that if those to whom those Warrants are directed , shall refuse to obey the same , they shall be reputed as Enemies to their Country , and be proceeded against accordingly . We wonder that any should be so bold , as to make such Warrants and publish them , they being utterly illegall and Trayterous ; We shall wonder if any shall be so weake to be seduced by such Impostures , as to lay aside their Duty and Alleagiance to their King , for feare to displease those who casting away the feare of God and men , are in Rebellion against their Soveraigne . But least any should be seduced , and hoping that some may beware of , and so avoyd the danger they may suddainly fall into , in yeelding to these to illegall Commands , and so become partakers in the Crimes , and runne into the danger of the forfeitures which attend them , We have thought it fitt to declare , and We doe hereby publish and declare , That whosoever shall seduce others , or suffer themselves to be seduced in giving obedience to any such Warrants , Commands , or Perswasions , that they doe thereby incurre the Crime of High Treason , as ayders , and assistants to those Rebells , and must expect to undergoe the penalties and forfeitures justly due for the same . Given under Our Signe Manuall at Our Court at Oxford , this seaventh day of Iune , in the nineteeth yeare of Our Reigne . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A32031	----	By the King, His Majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the citty of Worcester England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32031 of text R39034 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2565). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32031 Wing C2565 ESTC R39034 18206843 ocm 18206843 107101 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32031) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107101) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:49) By the King, His Majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the citty of Worcester England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] Imprint suggested by Wing. "Given at our court at Oxford, this fourteenth day of December, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32031 R39034 (Wing C2565). civilwar no By the King, His Majesties proclamation concerning the bringing in of armes to his magazine in the citty of Worcester England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 458 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ His Majesties Proclamation concerning the bringing in of Armes to His Magazine in the City of Worcester . WHEREAS We are informed , that severall Persons in Our County of Worcester , who by Law ought not to have Armes , have underhand provided themselves of great Quantities , and that both they , and other Persons have in their hands great store of Armes sold , lost and left in that County , by Our Army , and by the Army of the Rebells , under the Command of the Earle of Essex , which Armes it highly concernes Our Safety and the Peace of that County , in a time of so great Danger and Distractions , that especiall Care be taken , least they remaine in unknowne hands , and so be in danger to be imployed against Us , and Our good Subjects ; Therefore Our Will and Pleasure is , and We doe hereby charge and Command all such of Our Subjects in Our County of Worcester , who by Law ought not to have Armes , and all such who have in their Custody any Armes either for Horse or Foot belonging to any of the Souldiers of Our Army , or to the Army under the Command of the Earle of Essex , or were sold or lost by them , That they faile not to bring them in , within fowre dayes after this Publication of Our Pleasure , to Our to Colonell Sandys ; or to such Magazine at Worcester , and deliver them to Colonell Sandys ; or to such Persons as he shall appoint And hereof We require them not to faile , as they desire not to give Us any Testimony of their ill Affection to Us , and as they will answer the contrary at their uttermost perills . And this Our Proclamation We require the high Sheriffe of that Our County to cause to be read in all Churches and Chappells within the same ; That notice of this Our Pleasure may be taken by Our Subjects , and speedy Obedience given thereunto . And We require that Our high Sheriffe to search the Houses of all such of Our Subjects , as he shall have cause to suspect to conceale such Armes as aforesaid , and to seize the Armes and Persons of all such , who upon search and examination , shall appeare to have beene disobedient to this Our Command . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , this fourteenth day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A32037	----	By the King, a proclamation declaring His Majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation, and an invitation to all his loyall subjects to joyne together for his assistance therein England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32037 of text R39047 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2577). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32037 Wing C2577 ESTC R39047 18207606 ocm 18207606 107115 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32037) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107115) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:53) By the King, a proclamation declaring His Majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation, and an invitation to all his loyall subjects to joyne together for his assistance therein England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., [Reprinted at Oxford] : 1644. Bracketed imprint information suggested by Wing. "Given at our court at Chard the 30. day of September 1644." Imperfect: stained, with partial loss of imprint. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32037 R39047 (Wing C2577). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties resolution for settling a speedy peace by a good accommodation, and an invitation to all England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 1116 2 0 0 0 0 0 18 C The rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . A Proclamation declaring His Majesties Resolution for settling a speedy Peace by a good Accommodation , and an Invitation to all His Loyall Subjects to joyne together for His Assistance therein . AMongst : the many Troubles wherewith ( for more then two yeares last past ) We have beene involves , nothing hath more afflicted Vs , then the reall sense of our Subiects sufferings , occasioned by this most unnaturall Warre ; And the chiefe of Our Care hath beene ( and by Gods assistance shall still be ) to settle them in a happy Peace , with that freedome of enioying the exercise of their Religion , Rights and Liberties , according to the Lawes of this Kingdome , as they or any of their Ancestors enioyed the same in the best times of the of the late Queene Elizabeth , or Our Royall Father . And as we have allwayes profest in the sincerity of Our heart , That no successe should ever make Vs averse unto Peace , so have We alwayes when God hath blest Vs with any eminent Victory , sollicited the Members of both Houses of Parliament remaining at Westminster by frequent Messages for a Treaty conducing thereunto : and in particular upon Our late Victory over the Earle of Essex his Army in Cornwall ( which We wholly attribute to the immediate hand of God ) We presently dispatcht a Message to them to desire a Treaty for Peace and Accommodation ; of which , as likewise of that former Message for Peace , which We sent them from Evesiam the fourth of July late , We have yet received no answer . And therefore have resolved with Our Army to draw presently towards London , and Our Southern and Eastern Counties , not looking upon those parts as Enemies to Vs , and so to suffer by the approach of Our Army , or the disorders thereof ( which We will use all possible meanes to prevent ) but as Our poore Subiects oppressed by power ( of which We rest assured the greater part remaine loyall to Vs ) and so deserving Our protection . And We hope that at a nearer distance of place there may beget so right an understanding betweene Vs and Our People , that at length We may obtaine a Treaty for Peace , and a full , free and peaceable Convention in Parliament , and therein make an end of these umhappy differences by a good Accommodation . In which We hereby assure all Our People upon Our Royall Word , and the Faith of a Christian ( which is the greatest Security We can give them ) that We will insist onely upon the setling and continuance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , Our owne undoubted Knowne Rights , the priviledges of Parliament , and Our Subiects Liberty and Property , according to the Lawes of the Land , and to have all these setled in a full and free Parliament , whereby the Armies on both sides may be presently disbanded , this Kingdome may be secured from the danger of a Conquest by Forraigne Forces , all Strangers now in Armes may returne to their owne Countreys , and Our poore Subiects be forced of those grievous burthens , which by reason of the late Distractions , have ( much against Our will ) too much pressed them . And to the end Our Subiects may no longer be missed by false pretences , We doe desire all of them , as well in Our owne Quarters , as where the Rebells have usurped a power , to take into serious consideration the duty and loyalty which by the Law of God and their Oath of Allegiance they owe unto Vs , and more particularly that part thereof which concernes the defence of Our Person , and assistance of Vs against Rebells , and such as rise in Armes against Vs , which they may find plainely set downe in the Statute of the II. yeare of King Henry the 7. Cap. I. And We doe hereby require Our Subiects within Our owne Quarters thorow or neare which We shall passe , by that duty they owe to Vs and their Country , that they forthwith prepare themselves with the best Armes they can get , to be ready , and to ioyne , and go along with Vs in this present Expedition ( We resolving to take speciall care to place them under the Command of Gentlemen of Quality of their owne Countreys , to their good content and satisfaction . ) And We likewise require and authorize all Our good Subjects , as well the Trayned Bands as others of Our City of London , and Our Southern and Eastern Counties , to choose their owne Commanders and Leaders amongst those Gentlemen and Citizens that are of approved loyalty to Vs , and Lovers of the Peace of their Country , and upon Our approach towards those parts , to put themselves into Armes , and march in warlike manner to assist Vs in this good worke , and free themselve from the Tyranny of their fellow Subiects , under which they groane , Commanding and authorizing them to seize such places of Strength in those Southerne and Easterne Counties as the Rebells have possessed themselves of ; to oppose with force of Armes such persons as shall resist them in obeying these Our Commands , and to apprehend and secure the persons of all such as shall endeavour to continue this Rebellion , and to hinder the setling of the Peace of this Kingdome in a full and free Convention of Parliament ; ( the onely visible meanes left , by the blessiing of God , to redeeme this Nation from utter ruine ) wherein We will afford Our utmost protection and safety unto all Our Subiects that shall give Obedience to these Our Commands . And as We doubt not but that all Our good Subiects will come chearefully to Our assistance for so good an end ( beyond which We doe not requre it ) so We trust that God , who hath hitherto wonderfully preserved Vs , will crowne this action with happy successe , for his glory , and the welfare of this poore Nation . Given at Our Court at Chard the 30. day of September1644 . God save the King . P●●●●●● 〈…〉 by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversitie . 1644. 
A32038	----	[A proclamation declaring our purpose] England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32038 of text R39048 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2579). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32038 Wing C2579 ESTC R39048 18207673 ocm 18207673 107116 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32038) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107116) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:54) [A proclamation declaring our purpose] England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. Bracketed title information suggested by Wing. "Given at our court at Beverley the eighth day of July, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign. 1642." Imperfect: original printed as a broadside in two sheets; first sheet lacking. Best copy available for photographing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32038 R39048 (Wing C2579). civilwar no [A proclamation declaring our purpose] England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 957 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion 〈…〉 Whereupon , We being very sensible of this extream dishonour to Vs , That a Town of such importance , and so neer to the place of Our present Residence , should be thus fortified , kept , and maintained against Vs , That the Port and Passage by Sea should be defended against Vs by Our own Ships , under the conduct of the Earl of Warwick , who being legally discharged by Vs of his employment at Sea , by Our Revocation of the Commission formerly granted by Vs to the Earl of Northumberland , and by Our Command signified unto him under Our own hand , to deliver the commmand of Our Ships into the hands of another person named by Vs , hath , notwithstanding Our said Commands ( to which the Earl of Northumberland paid a dutifull obedience ) presumed not only to dispossesse Vs of Our said Navie , but to employ it against Vs , and to take Prisoners such of Our Captains as expressed a loyalty to Vs according to their Oaths , and the duty of Subjects ; And that a Ship of Ours lately imployed for Our particular service into Holland , and returning from thence with some of Our proper Goods , hath been chased by them as an Enemie , and inforced , for her safetie , to put into a small Creek within six Miles of that Town , and there to run on ground , to the great hazard of Our said Vessell ; and that both Our Ship and Goods there were yet remaining in danger to be surprized by Our own Subjects , We took a Journey on Wednesday the sixth of this Moneth from York towards the said Creek , to take a view of Our said Ship and Goods thus exposed to danger ; We having just cause to fear that Sir John Hotham , and others of his Confederacie , would ( for Our good , and the good of the Kingdom ) make prize of these also ; and by the oportunitie of that journey , We Our Selves are now fully informed of the certaintie of those things , which We had before received but from the relation of others ; and there received a lamentable Petition of Our Subjects of those parts , complaining of the unheard of Insolence and Barbarisme of Sir John Hotham , and desiring Our just and necessary protection of them from those cruell Oppressions . Vpon all which considerations , that We may at length , after this long patience , do that right to Our Honour , Our Crown , and Royall Dignitie , and to Our good Subjects in generall , and those of and near to Our Town of Hull in particular , which We had reason to have expected from Our two Houses of Parliament ; but have failed of the fruit of Our long expectation , by the malice of some ill-affected spirits amongst them , who studie nothing more then by false pretences to amuse and abuse Our good people , We have taken this Resolution , by Gods blessing , and the Assistance of Our good Subjects , to force Sir John Hotham and all that shall take part with him in the unjust and treasonable defence of the Town of Hull against Vs , to that obedience which is due by Subjects to their Liege Lord and Soveraign , and to resist the Assistance intended to Sir John Hotham from Our said County of Lincoln and other places adjoyning , if they shall attempt it . And to this purpose We will and require all Our loving Subjects to yeeld their best assistance of what kinde soever , to so necessary a defence of Our Person , and just vindication of so great an injury offered unto Vs , to the dishonour of this Nation . And We do declare , That whosoever shall give Vs their cheerfull help at this time , and to this purpose , either with Men , Horse , Arms , or Money , to be brought , sent , or conveyed unto Vs , We shall look upon it as a Service never to be forgotten . And this We publish to all Our Subjects , and to all the World , that they may truly understand the cleering of Our Intentions herein , as We shall do in all other things concerning our Government ; And that We do and ever shall maintain those Resolutions We have professed so often , and so seriously by Our former Declarations ; That We will continue and defend the true Protestant Religion as it is by Law established in the Church of England , the Laws of the Land , the Rights and just Liberties of Our Subjects , equally to and with Our own just Prerogative , and the true Priviledges of Parliament , and never infringe any Act consented to by Vs this Parliament : And that We have not , nor ever had the least thought of making war upon Our two Houses of Parliament , as hath been slanderously and maliciously published . And these things , not Our Words onely , but all Our Actions shall make good . And in this Resolution and the just Observation thereof We shall both live and dye . Given at Our Court at Beverley the eighth day of July , in the eighteenth yeer of Our Reign . 1642. ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A32040	----	By the King, a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time, in the garrison of Oxford England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32040 of text R39050 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2589). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32040 Wing C2589 ESTC R39050 18207706 ocm 18207706 107118 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32040) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107118) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:55) By the King, a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time, in the garrison of Oxford England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1645 [i.e. 1646] "Given at our court at Oxford, this third of February, in the one and twentieth yeare of our reigne. 1645." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32040 R39050 (Wing C2589). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation for preventing of disorders in the night-time, in the garrison of Oxford England and Wales. Sovereign 1645 613 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for preventing of Disorders in the Night-time , in the Garrison of OXFORD . WHEREAS We have been informed , that many and great Disorders have been , and are frequently Committed in this Garrison of Oxford both in the Evenings , and in the Night time . And the Lords and Commons of Parliament here Assembled at Oxford have besought Us , That by Our immediate Warrant and Command , such Disorders may for the future be prevented and supprest , And that all persons of what degree or quality soever they be , may be inhibited and restrained from committing the like hereafter . We have therefore thought fit to publish this Our Proclam●●●●● and do hereby straitly charge and command all Heads of Colledges and Halls within this Our University of Oxford , and all Inhabitants in Houses opening into any Street , Lane , or place of Common passage within this City and Garrison of Oxford , that every Evening upon shutting in of day-light , and when the Nights shall be dark , they cause Lights to be hung up before their Colledges , Halls , and dwelling Houses respectively , towards or into the Streets , Lanes , and Common Passages , to continue burning till the Tap-too be beaten . And that no Person or Persons of any degree or quality soever , shall after the beating of the Tap-too , stay or continue in any Taverne , Victualing-house or Ale-house , or in any other house or place , where Wine , Ale , Beere , or Victuals shall be sold or retayled , unlesse it be such Person or Persons as are , or shall be Lodged or Quartered in any such house ; And farther , That no keeper of any Taverne , Victualing-house , or Ale-house , shall permit or suffer any Person or Persons whatsoever , to continue eating or drinking in any such House , after the time aforesaid ; And if any Person or Persons being in any such House , shall after the time aforesaid refuse to goe or depart from thence : then the Master or Keeper of any such House , shall make the same knowne at the Maine-Guard , to the end , that by assistance from thence , such Persons may be removed and carryed to the Guard ; And in case he shall not crave such assistance , the Master or Keeper of the House , aswell as the Persons so refusing to depart , shall be taken and carryed to the Guards , and punished according to their demerits . And farther , We doe hereby Charge and Command all Persons of what degree whatsoever , that after the beating of the Tap-too , They repaire to , and keep within their Lodgings , without noyse or disturbance in the Streets . And We doe Charge and require the Governour of Our said Garrison Oxford , That he cause these Our Orders and Commands to be straitly and punctually observed , and to punish all such as shall offend or doe to the contrary , by putting them in Guard or otherwise , as is used in Garrison Townes in time of Warre , without any Connivance or distinction of Persons whatsoever . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , this Third of February , in the One and Twentieth yeare of Our Reigne . 1645. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Universitie , 1645. 
A32042	----	By the King, a proclamation for preventing the plundring, spoyling, or robbing of any His Majesties subjects, and for restraining of stragling and idle people from following the army, as likewise for supplying His Majesties army with necessary provisions during their march England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32042 of text R225752 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2590). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32042 Wing C2590 ESTC R225752 18207909 ocm 18207909 107121 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32042) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107121) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:56) By the King, a proclamation for preventing the plundring, spoyling, or robbing of any His Majesties subjects, and for restraining of stragling and idle people from following the army, as likewise for supplying His Majesties army with necessary provisions during their march England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1642 [i.e. 1643] "Given at our court at Oxford, this seventeenth day of March, in the eighteenth yeare of our raigne." Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32042 R225752 (Wing C2590). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for preventing the plundring, spoyling, or robbing of any His Majesties subjects, and for restraining of stragli England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 995 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for preventing the Plundring , Spoyling , or Robbing of any His Majesties Subjects , and for restraining of stragling and Idle People from following the Army , as likewise for supplying His Majesties Army with necessary provisons during their March . WHEREAS by Our gratious Proclamation of the twenty fifth of November last past , We took notice of the great misery and ruine falling , and likely to fall upon Our good Subjects ( if not timely prevented ) by the Plundring , Spoyling and Robbing of their Houses , and taking from them their Mony , Plate , Housholdstuffe , Horses , Cattell , and other goods , in detestation of which barbarous , and unlawfull proceedings , and in tender commiseration of the sufferings of Our People , We did then declare , That if any either Officer or Souldier of Our Army of Horse or Foot should from henceforth , Plunder , Spoyle , or Robbe , any of Our People , or take from them any of their Mony , Plate , Housholdstuffe , Horses , or other Cattell , as likewise any Victuall , or Commodities going to , or from Our Markets , upon complaint made thereof , the Commander , or Officer in Chiefe of such Quarter where the fact was committed , was required to proceed against any such Offendor , by the Law Martiall , without favour or connivance , and to cause him or them , so offending , to be executed without mercy ( as in and by the same Proclamation more at large appeareth , ) Notwithstanding which , to the great and heavy grievance and oppression of Our People , We find that Our Commands therein have not been ( as We expected ) streightly observed . And having lately received Information that the greatest part of these Plunderings and Robberies committed on Our people , especially by the taking away of Horses and other Cattell in the severall Marches and expeditions of Our Forces , are committed and done by Persons no way listed , or imployed in Our service , or under any Command , and by Voluntiers out of other Troopes , not commanded upon present service , following Our Army for Spoyle and Pillage ; We doe therefore charge and Command all persons whatsoever , but such as are or shall be licensed by the superior Officers of Our Army , or such of Our good Subjects as shall offer their service for Our assistance , and be received into Our Army upon their March , or as shall be of such Forces , as shall be sent upon any expedition , that they forbeare to follow , or attend Our Army or forces , or to take away any Mony , Plate , Goods , Horses or Cattell from any of Our Subjects whatsoever . And if any shall offend , Spoyle , Robbe , Pillage , or Plunder , in the least kind , contrary to this Our Proclamation , or take any Horse , Mony , Plate , or other goods , from any of Our Subjects without especiall warrant of their superior Officer then commanding Our said Army , We doe require and Command all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , and all other Our Officers and loving Subjects , to apprehend him or them so offending against this Our Proclamation , and to bring them before the Commander in chiefe of such Army or Forces , whom We require and authorize forthwith to cause him or them , so offending , to be hanged without mercy , and to see that restitution be made to such person , or persons , as received such losse by the taking away any of their goods or Cattell , in the best manner Our Commander in chiefe , or such Officer shall be able to performe ; This We require and Command to be fully and in every part obeyed , that thereby Out good subjects may be freed from misery and ruine , or the least apprehension thereof , and may without any interruption proceed in following their severall callings and professions , to the welfare and happinesse of Our Kingdom and Our Army , and that the officers thereof may have the reputation of doing Iustice , and giving help and assistance to Our people . And Our further will and pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be publiquely read in all Churches and Chappells of this Our Kingdom , and in the heads of all Our Regiments of Horse , Foot , and Dragooners . And as We have published this Our Proclamation for the protection of the Goods and Estates of all Our loving Subjects , so we expect that all such Counties , Hundreds , Townes , and Villages in , or neere which any part of Our Army shall happen to be Quartered upon their March , shall upon warrants from the superior Officer , or from the Commissaries of Our Army , furnish and supply Our forces , so passing through or neere them , with all necessary provisions of victualls and other accommodation both for Horse and Foot , ( for which they are to give tickets or receipts , which We shall carefully pay when God shall enable Us , ) that so the Souldier for want of necessary provisions may not have any pretence to offer any injury to any of Our good Subjects , whose ease and security shall alwaies be Our principal care , Given at Our Court at OXFORD , this Seventeenth day of March , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Raigne . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1642. 
A32044	----	By the King. A proclamation for the adjournment of part of Michaelmas terme. Proclamations. 1643-10-05. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32044 of text R213849 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2597). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32044 Wing C2597 ESTC R213849 99826115 99826115 30507 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32044) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30507) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 1774:26) By the King. A proclamation for the adjournment of part of Michaelmas terme. Proclamations. 1643-10-05. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield printer to the university, Printed at Oxford : [1643] "Given at His Majesties court at Oxford, ths fifth day of October, in the nineteenth yeare of His Majesties reigne". Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A32044 R213849 (Wing C2597). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the adjournment of part of Michaelmas terme. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 885 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . A Proclamation for the Adjournment of part of Michaelmas Terme . HIs MAJESTY , to His great and unexpressible griefe , finding the Rebellion of the City of London , and the distraction of the whole Kingdome ( occasioned principally by that means ) to continue , whereby it will be extreamly inconvenient both for Himselfe and to all His good Subjects to make their repaire to the Cities of London and Westminster to the Terme , to be held at Westminster in such manner as it was wont for the whole Terme , Doth by this His Royall Proclamation Order , Appoynt and Declare , That the Court of Chancery , and all proceedings in that Court of what kinds or sorts soever , The Receipt of the Exchequer , and of the first Fruits and Tenths , and of the Dutchy of Cornwall , and the whole Court of Exchequer , ( except only the Office of Pleas in that Court ) and the Court of Exchequer Chamber , the Court of the Du●chy of Lancaster , the Court of Wards and Liveries , and the Court of White-Hall , or Court of Requests , shall be held and continued at His Citty of Oxford in the County of Oxford , ( where His Majesties residence now is , and for this Winter season is like to be ) for and during the whole Terme of St Michaell now next ensuing . And that all the said Courts not before excepted , and the said Receipts , shall remain and continue , and be held at the said City of Oxford , untill His Majesty shall otherwise determine thereof and Declare the same . And His Majesty doth farther Declare , That He doth resolve that the Courts of Kings-Bench , and Common-Pleas , and the Pleas between Party and Party in the Office of Pleas in the said Court of Exchequer , shall upon and from the first day of the first Returne of Michaelmas Terme next , commonly called Tres Michaelis , be adjourned untill the fist Returne of that Terme commonly called Octabis Martini ; and that the said fist Returne called Octabis Martini , and the sixth and last Returne called Quindena Martini shall be held at the City of Westminster in the usuall places where formerly they were held , and the residue of the said first Returne of Tres Michaelis . The second Returne of the said Terme called Mense Michaelis , the third Returne of the said Terme , called Crastino Animarum , and the fourth Returne called Crastino Martini , shall be wholly omitted , and all appearances at any of the said second , third , and fourth Returnes to be at and on the said fist Returne called Octabis Martini . All which His Majesty signifieth to all and singular His Officers and Ministers of the said severall Courts and Receipts , and to all other His loving Subjects of this His Realme , to the intent that they and every of them who should performe any service there , or shall have any suit or other occasion to attend in any of the said Courts of Chancery , Exchequer Chamber , Court of Exchequer ( other then in the Office of Pleas there ) or the Receipt of the Exchequer , and First Fruits and Tenths , or Dutchy of Cornwall , or in the Court of the Dutchy of Lancaster , Court of Wards and Liveries , and Court of Requests , may take notice thereof , and give their attendances at the said City of Oxford as aforesaid , and not elsewhere , & that such of them as have cause or command to appeare in any of the said Courts or Kings Bench , or Common-Pleas , or Court of Exchequer in the Office of Pleas there , may also take notice thereof , & give their attendances accordingly , without danger of for forfeitur , penalty , or contempt to be incurred towards His Majesty , or prejudice to themselves in that behalf . And His Majesties pleasure is , That the Essoynes for the said first Returne Tres Michaelis shall be kept at the usuall times in the said Courts of Kings Bench and Common-Pleas , and Writs of adjournment shall be directed to the Iustices of the said two Courts of Kings Bench and Common-Pleas and Barons of the Exchequer respectively , Willing and Commanding all and every His Majesties Officers , Ministers , and Subjects to whom it doth or shall appertaine , to observe and keep their Assemblies and Appearances , with all their Returnes and Certificates , in His Majesties said Courts accordingly , and to give their severall and respective attendances , and to doe their respective Offices and Duties in every behalfe , as if they were particularly named , and as they will answer the contrary at their perills . Given at His Majesties Court at Oxford , this fifth day of October , in the Nineteenth yeare of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the University . 
A32045	----	By the King, a proclamation for the assembling the members of both Houses at Oxford, upon occasion of the invasion by the Scots England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32045 of text R39056 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2599). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32045 Wing C2599 ESTC R39056 18207944 ocm 18207944 107124 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32045) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107124) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:57) By the King, a proclamation for the assembling the members of both Houses at Oxford, upon occasion of the invasion by the Scots England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643. "Given at our court at Oxford, the 22th day of December, in the nineteenth yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32045 R39056 (Wing C2599). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the assembling the members of both Houses at Oxford, upon occasion of the invasion by the Scots. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 939 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the Assembling the Members of both Houses at Oxford , upon occasion of the Invasion by the Scots . WHEREAS We did by Our Proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of June last , upon due consideration of the miseries of this Kingdom , and the true cause thereof , warne all Our good Subjects no longer to be misled by the Votes , Orders , and pretended Ordinances of One or Both Houses , by reason the Members do not enjoy the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament , which appeares by severall instances of Force and Violence , and by the course of their proceedings mentioned in Our said Proclamation , and severall of Our Declarations : since which time Our Subjects of Scotland have made great and Warlike preparations to enter and invade this Kingdome with an Army , and have already actually invaded the same , by possessing themselves , by force of Armes , of Our Towne of Barwick , upon pretence that they are invited thereunto by the desires of the two Houses ; the which as we doubt not all Our good Subjects of this Kingdome will look upon as the most insolent Act of Ingratitude and disloyalty , and to the apparent breach of the late Act of Pacification so solemnly made between the Kingdomes , and is indeed no other then a designe of Conquest , and to impose new Lawes upon this Nation , they not so much as pretending the least provocation or violation from this Kingdom so We are most assured that the Major part of both Houses of Parliament doe from their soules abhorre the least thought of introducing that Forraigne Power , to encrease and make desperate the miseries of their unhappy Country . And therefore that it may appeare to all the world how far the Major part of both Houses is from such Actions of Treason & disloyalty , and how grossely those few Members remaining at Westminster have and do impose upon Our People , We do Will and require such of the Members of both Houses , as well those who have been by the Faction of the Malignant Party expelled for performing their duty to Us , and into whose roomes no Persons have been since chosen by their Country , as the rest who have been driven thence , and all those who being conscious of their want of Freedom , now shall be willing to withdraw from that Rebellious City , to assemble themselves together at Our City of Oxford , on Munday the twenty second day of January , where care shall be taken for their severall Accommodations , and fit places appointed for their meeting , and where all Our good Subjects shall see how willing We are to receive Advice for the Preservation of the Religion , Lawes and safety of the Kingdome , and , as farre as in Us lyes , to restore it to its former Peace and Security ( Our chiefe and only end ) from those whom they have trusted , though We cannot receive it in the place where We appointed . And for the better encouragement of those Members of either House to resort to Us , who may be conscious to themselves of having justly incurred Our displeasure by submitting to , or concurring in unlawfull actions ; And that all the World may see how willing and desirous We are to forget the Injuries & Indignities offered to Us , and by an Union of English hearts , to prevent the lasting miseries which this Forraigne Invasion must bring upon this Kingdome , We doe offer a free and Generall Pardon to all the Members of either House , who shall at , or before the said twenty second day of Ianuary appeare at Our City of Oxford , and desire the same , without Exceptions : which considering the manifest Treasons committed against Us , and the condition We are now in , improved by Gods wonderfull blessing to a better degree then We have enjoyed at any time since these Distractions , is the greatest instance of Princely and Fatherly Care of Our People that can be expressed , and which Malice it selfe cannot suggest to proceed from any other ground . And therefore We hope , and are confident , that all such who upon this Our gratious Invitation will not returne to their duty and Allegiance , shall be no more thought Promoters of the Religion , Lawes and Liberty of the Kingdome ( which this way may be , without doubt , setled and secured ) but Persons engaged from the beginning , out of their owne Pride , Malice , and Ambition , to bring confusion and desolation upon their Country , and to that purpose ( having long since contrived the Designe ) to invite and joyne with a Forraigne Nation to ruine and extinguish their owne , and shall accordingly be pursued as the most desperate and malitious Enemies of the Kingdome . And Our Pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chappells within this our Kingdome , and Dominion of Wales . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , the 22th day of December , in the Nineteenth yeare of Our Reigne . 1643. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A32049	----	By the King. A proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in His Majesties armies, and the City of Oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. Proclamations. 1644-04-08. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32049 of text R213850 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2616). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32049 Wing C2616 ESTC R213850 99826116 99826116 30508 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32049) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 30508) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 1774:27) By the King. A proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in His Majesties armies, and the City of Oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. Proclamations. 1644-04-08. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1644. Dated at end: Given at our court at Oxford, the eight of April. 1644. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. eng Swearing -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A32049 R213850 (Wing C2616). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 788 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the further restraint of Prophane Swearing and Cursing , and the better observing of Prayer and Preaching in His Majesties Armies , and the City of Oxford , and in all other part of the Kingdome . WHEREAS , by Our Proclamation dated the 13th day of Iune last past , We did strictly Charge and Command all the respective Officers of Our Army , to cause all Our Military Orders against Blasphemy , Oathes and other Scandalous Actions against the Honour and Service of God , to be duly and severely put in execution ; which Our Command , if it had been well observed , and the Lawes of Our Realm touching those offences duly executed , ( as in duty to God and Us they ought to have been ) there had not been that Liberty taken by those of Our Army , and other persons in the Kingdome , of dishonouring the Sacred Majesty of God , by horrible Oathes and Execrations to the high provocation of God's wrath against themselves and this whole Nation ; We therefore out of Our tender care of the honour of God ( to whose glory we shall ever devote Our Crown ) and in token of Our hatred and detestation of this monstrous impiety , do by this Our Proclamation strictly Charge all Commanders and Officers of Our Armies , and of all Our Garrison Townes , to see that all Our Military Orders for the repressing of Prophane Swearing and Cursing by Souldiers , be duly and severely executed for the time to come , and Exemplary punishment done upon offenders therein , to the terror of others , Which that they may know is by Us expected at their hands , We do hereby require all Commanders and Officers in Our Armies , and Garrison Townes and all who do or shall attend Us in Our Court , to be vertuous examples in their own persons to all Souldiers and others , by abstaining from all such prophanations , as they desire the blessing of God upon Us , upon themselves , and the whole Land ; which if they shall neglect to perform , We do hereby Declares , That all such persons in Our Court , Armies , or Garrison Towns as shall appear to Us to be notorious offenders in this kind , We will in some publique way set a Character of disgrace upon them , that they may appear to the whole world to be offensive both to God and Us . And We do further hereby strictly charge and Command all Justices of Peace in the severall Counties of this Kingdome , and all Majors , Justices of Peace , Bayliffs , and head-officers in all Cities and Townes Corporate within the same , that they cause the Statute made in the 21. yeare of the Raign of Our late Father of blessed memory , for the prevention and Reformation of Prophane Swearing and Cursing to be put in due execution , and that the forfeiture of Twelve-pence for every offence belevied according to that Statute , and particularly in our City of OXFORD , where Our Court now is , wherein We strictly charge and require the Major , and Justices of Peace of Our said City ( of whom We will require a strict account ) to take especiall care of the punishment of all offenders in that kind , and that children and others , of whom the penalty of Twelve-pence cannot be Levied or had , be whipped or set three houres in the Stocks , according to the form of that Statute . And for the future prevention of these and the like offences so opposite to the glory of God by planting his true fear in the hearts of all men , We do lastly charge and Command , That Divine Service and Sermons ( according to the Doctrine and Liturgie of the Church of England Established by Law ) be duly and constantly used in all Our Armies and Garrison Townes , and in all Churches and Chappells throughout this Realm . All these Our Commands We require forthwith to be printed , and published at the head of every Regiment of Our Army , and in all Garrison Townes , and in all parish Churches within this Our Realm . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Eighth of April . 1644. GOD SAVE THE KING . ¶ Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the University , 1644. 
A32050	----	By the King. A proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of Oxford Proclamations. 1643-06-03 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32050 of text R224051 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2621). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32050 Wing C2621 ESTC R224051 99834654 99834654 39158 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32050) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 39158) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1809:2) By the King. A proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of Oxford Proclamations. 1643-06-03 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1643. At head of title: royal arms with initials "C R". Dated at end: Oxford, this third day of June, in the nineteenth year if His Majesties reigne. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library, Oxford. eng Great Britain -- History -- Horses -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A32050 R224051 (Wing C2621). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the redresse of certaine grievances complained of by the inhabitants of the county of Oxford. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 548 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING ❧ A Proclamation for the redresse of certaine Grievances complained of by the Inhabitants of the County of OXFORD . WHEREAS Complaint hath been made to His Majestic on the behalf of the Inhabitants of this County of Oxford , that although they have agreed to a great weekly Contribution by way of Loane towards the Provision of His Majesties Horse , yet in many parts of this County , they suffer in these particulars following , wherein they humbly pray to be releived . First , That the Souldiers do put their Horses into the standing-corne , and do eate and spoile it , which will be an utter undoing to the owners , if it be not remedied . Secondly , They turne their Horses into their Meddowes , and mowing-grasse , whereby they shall have no Hay to keep their Cattell the next winter , refusing other grasse fit for them . Thirdly , Whereas there is 3s 6d by the week allowed for a Souldiers Dyet , in many places a Souldier , a Woman , and a Child , or a Boy , be all billetted and dyeted at the same rate , as for one man . Fourthly , Many of them refuse to give Tickets , when they have been billetted a moneth , or six weeks in a place , and some who do give Tickets , will not make them so perfect , as that the Master of the family can have allowance thereof , when it is brought to the Sheriffe or other Collectour . Fifthly , Where Souldiers are quartered in a Parish , and sometimes one or a few houses receive them , as the Quarter-Master appoints it , they who receive them can have no contribution from them of the same Parish or Liberty , who receive either none , or a fewer number , whereas the charg being borne by all of ability indifferently , it would be the easier , and the more equall . His Majestic taking these things into His Princely consideration , doth give His approbation of the reasonablenesse of them all . And being willing to case His good Subjects in all things which He can , and the necessity of the times will permitt Doth now declare His Royall Pleasure and Command that these things above written , and complained of , be from henceforth reformed . & doth require the Commanders and Officers of His Army , as much as in them lyeth , to see the same observed , and that whosoever shall offend therein must expert to receive punishment strictly , according to the quality of his offence , and that both the Inhabitants of the County , and the Souldiers may take the better notice hereof and observe it , His Majestie doth command that this be forthwith Printed and Published in every Church and Parochiall Chappell within this County . Given at His Majesties Court in OXFORD , this third day of June , in the nineteenth yeare of His Majesties Reigne . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A32054	----	By the King. A proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by Parliament for disbanding the armies Proclamations. 1641-07-06. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32054 of text R217253 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2634). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32054 Wing C2634 ESTC R217253 99828944 99828944 33377 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32054) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 33377) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1984:12) By the King. A proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by Parliament for disbanding the armies Proclamations. 1641-07-06. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty: and by the assigns of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641. At end of text: Given at His Majesties palace at westminster the sixt day of July, in the seventeenth yeer of the reign of our Soveraign Lord Charles by the grace of God King of England, Scotland, France, and Ireland, Defender of the Faith, &c. God save the King. eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. A32054 R217253 (Wing C2634). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the speedy payment of the monies assessed by Parliament for disbanding the armies. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 438 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation for the speedy payment of the Monies assessed by Parliament for Disbanding the Armies . WHereas for the present raising of great sums of money for the speedy disbanding of both the Armies ( a matter of high Concernment in the happy setling of Peace between His Majesties two Kingdoms of England and Scotland ) an Act hath been lately made and published by Authority of this present Parliament , entituled , An Act for the speedy provision of Monies for Disbanding the Armies , and setling the Peace of the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland : Whereby it is enacted , That all and every person and persons of the severall Ranks and Degrees mentioned in the same Act , shall for the purpose aforesaid , contribute and pay the severall sums of Money set down and appointed by the said Act : And howsoever His Majestie ( out of the experience of the forward Affections of His loving Subjects towards him , and the publike good of both Kingdoms ) can no way doubt of their alacrity and readinesse herein : Yet for a more speedy and generall publishing of the said Act to all His people , whereby the said Money may be leavied and paid within the respective times limited by the said Act , He hath thought fit ( by advice of His Parliament ) to make this publike Declaration therein , That all manner of persons of what degree , condition , or quality soever , according to the tenour and intent of the said Act , do without delay make payment of the severall sums appointed and assessed by the said Act , at such dayes and times , and to such persons , and at such places as are limited by the said Act , under the pains and penalties therein provided and expressed , and to be further punished according to the Law , and the merit of their offences in a businesse of such consequence to the publike . Given at His Majesties Palace at Westminster the sixt day of July , in the seventeenth yeer of the Reign of our Soveraign Lord CHARLES by the grace of God King of England , Scotland , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , &c. ❧ God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL 1641. 
A32057	----	By the King, His Majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, to raise any forces without His Majesties consent, or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against His Majesty England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32057 of text R226399 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2643). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32057 Wing C2643 ESTC R226399 14756732 ocm 14756732 102726 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32057) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 102726) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1566:29) By the King, His Majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, to raise any forces without His Majesties consent, or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the rebellion against His Majesty England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield, [Oxford : 1643] At head of title: C.R. "Given at our court at Oxford, this sixteenth day of February, in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne". Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32057 R226399 (Wing C2643). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties proclamation forbidding all his loving subjects of the counties of Kent, Surry, Sussex, and Hamp-shire, to raise England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1049 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C.R. BY THE KING . His Majesties Proclamation forbidding all His loving Subjects of the Counties of Kent , Surrey , Sussex , and Hampshire to raise any Forces without His Majesties Consent , or to enter into any Association or Protestation for the assistance of the Rebellion against His Majesty . WHEREAS We have been informed of certain Propositions agreed upon by some seditious Persons of Our severall Counties of Kent , Surry , Sussex and Hampshire , for an Association betwixt the said Counties , to raise an Army of 3000 Foot , and 300 Horse , and great summes of Money for the maintenance thereof , and an Invitation to Our good Subjects of that County , to enter into a Protestation to assist them in this odious and unnaturall Rebellion ; We doe hereby Declare for the satisfaction of all our loving Subjects of those Counties , and that they may not be seduced from their Obedience by the cunning and subtilty of those men , That the entring into such an Association and Protestation , and raising of men or contributing Money upon the same , is an Act of high Treason , and an endeavour to take away Our Life from Vs : And We do therefore straitly Charge and Command all Our loving Subjects whatsoever upon their Allegiance not to enter into any such Association or Prorestation , and such , as by colour of such Authority have assembled together , that they immediately disband and repaire to their Houses . And We doe once more renew Our offer of a free and gratious Pardou to all Our Subjects of Our said foure severall Counties , excepting those whom We before excepted in Our severall Proclamations concerning those Our Counties , against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Persons guilty of high Treason ; And whom We doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Justice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody . And Our Expresse Pleasure is , and We doe hereby Will and Command all the severall Tenants of the Persons excepted in Our Proclamation for those foure Counties of Kent , Surrey Sussex , and Hampshire , and all other Persons who are any wayes indebted unto them , and all the Tenants to any other Person of any of the said Counties , who is now in Actuall and open Rebellion against Us , or who after the publishing of this Our Proclamation shall contribute to the maintenance of the Armies now in Rebellion against Us , under the conduct of Robert Earle of Essex , or of any other Person or Persons , or that shall joyne in any such traiterous Association or Protestation , That they forbeare to pay any Rents or Debts due to the said severall Persons , but detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the Peace of the Counties , and the reparation of such Men who have suffered by the violence of the others . And if any Souldier or Souldiers now under Command against Us in either of Our said foure Counties , shall within six dayes after the publishing of this Our Proclamation , apprehend and bring before Us , or any Officers of Our Army , or any other Our Minister of Justice , so that the Person apprehended be kept in safe Custody , the bodies of any of the Persons so excepted by Us , or of any of the Commanders or Officers now in Rebellion against Us in any of the said foure Counties , such Souldier or Souldiers , besides their Pardons , shall receive such liberall Rewards by Pensions , or otherwise , as their severall services in respect of the qualities of the Persons so apprehended shall deserve . And , if any Commander or Officer ( except the Persons before excepted ) now in Rebellion against Us , in any of the said foure Counties , shall within five dayes after this Our Proclamation published , being convinced in his Conscience of his damnable Offence against God and Us , in assisting this odious Rebellion , returne to his Alleagiance and repaire to Our Army , and commit no hostile Act in the meane while against Us , We shall not onely Pardon him , but so far imploy him as his quality and demeanour shall deserve . And We doe hereby require all Our loving Subjects of what degree or quality soever , within Our said foure severall Counties , upon their Allegiance , and as they tender the cause of God , the Protestant Religion , being invaded and threatned to be rooted up by Anabaptists , Brownists and Atheists , of Us , and Our Posterity ( Our Life being sought after by this Rebellion , and of themselves , the Law and Liberty of the Subject being in apparent hazard to be subjected to an Arbitrary Lawlesse power , of a few Schismaticall , factious , and ambitious Persons ) to assist Us in Person , or with the Loane of Money , Plate , and Horses , in this Our great necessity . And having said thus much out of Our tender Regard of Our Subjects of those our Counties ; If they shall henceforward be guilty of the premises : And shall either by Loane or contribution assist the said Army of Rebels , assemble and muster themselves in Armes withour Authority derived from Us under Our Hand , or shall enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Us and Our Army , and so compell Us to send part of Our Forces thither to reduce them to their Obedience ; they must Answer the miseries that must follow , to God , and their Country . And Our Pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be Read in all the Parish Churches and Chappels in the said foure severall Counties . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this sixteenth day of February , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the KING . 
A32064	----	A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Chester England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32064 of text R40798 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2665). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32064 Wing C2665 ESTC R40798 19320111 ocm 19320111 108609 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32064) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108609) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:20) A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Chester England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By L. Lichfield ..., [Oxford : 1642] At head of title: By the King. "Given at our court at Oxford, the ninth day December, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32064 R40798 (Wing C2665). civilwar no A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Chester England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 620 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His County of Chester . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry , and Importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious Persons in Our County or Chester , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only beene drawne to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent , ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money , and Horses , towards the Maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are gratiously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County , to the Power and Faction of their Seducers ; Who , We beleeve , by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these Actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Chester , for all offences concerning the Premisses committed against Vs , before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , except Sir William Brereton Knight , against whom Wee shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against a Traytour and Stirrour of Sedition against Vs , And whom Wee doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend , and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided , that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution , to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour , or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12th of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the Premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Vs , as an Enimy to the publike Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And Wee doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe , Commissioners of Array , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County , under what pretence soever , without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand . And We likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either Command the Traine Bands of that Our County , or make any Leavies in the same , by vertue of Our Commission under Our Great Seale , or Signe Manuall . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , the ninth day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God s : ave the King . 
A32067	----	A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Lancaster England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32067 of text R40799 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2672). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32067 Wing C2672 ESTC R40799 19320204 ocm 19320204 108610 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32067) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108610) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:21) A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Lancaster England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By L. Lichfield ..., [Oxford : 1642] At head of title: By the King. "Given at our court at Oxford, the ninth day December, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32067 R40799 (Wing C2672). civilwar no A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Lancaster England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 617 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His County of Lancaster . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry , and Importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious Persons in Our County of Lancaster , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only beene drawne to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent , ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money , and Horses , towards the Maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are gratiously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County , to the Power and Faction of their Seducers ; Who , We beleeve , by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these Actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Lancaster , for all offences concerning the Premisses committed against Vs , before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , except George Booth , and Richard Holland Esquires , against whom Wee shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law as against Traytours and Stirrers of Sedition against Vs , And whom Wee doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend , and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided , that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution , to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour , or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation or in Our Declaration of the 12th of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the Premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Vs , as an Enemy to the publike Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And Wee doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe , Commissioners of Array , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County , upon what pretence soever , without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand . And We likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either Command the Traine Bands of that Our County , or make any Leavies in the same , by vertue of Commission under Our Great Seale , or Signe Manuall . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , the ninth day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A32068	----	A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Lincolne, and of his citty of Lincolne, and county of the same citty England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32068 of text R40800 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2673). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32068 Wing C2673 ESTC R40800 19320232 ocm 19320232 108611 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32068) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108611) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:22) A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Lincolne, and of his citty of Lincolne, and county of the same citty England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By L. Lichfield ..., [Oxford : 1642 or 1643] At head of title: By the King. "Given at our court at Oxford, the twelfth day Ianuary, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Proclamations -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32068 R40800 (Wing C2673). civilwar no A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Lincolne, and of his citty of Lincolne, and co England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 854 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His County of Lincolne , and of His Citty of Lincolne , and County of the same Citty . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry , and Importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious Persons in Our County of Lincolne , and Citty of Lincolne , and County of the same , very many of Our weake & seduced Subjects of those Our Counties and Citty , have not only beene drawne to exercise the Militia . under colour of pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent , ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate Money , and Horses , towards the Maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; And also have raised and gathered together armed Men in those our Counties and Citty , and doe Muster and Train them without Warrant or authority from Vs . We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are gratiously pleased to attribute the said Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of those places , to the Power and Faction of their Seducers ; Who , We beleeve , by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these Actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And therefore We doe hereby offer Our Free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of our said County of Lincolne , and Citty of Lincolne , and County of the same , for all offences concerning the Premisses committed against Vs , before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , except Sir Edward Ascough , Sir Christopher Wray , Sir Anthony Irby , Knights , Thomas Hatcher , and Thomas Grantham , Esquires , against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of Law , as against Traitors and stirrers of sedition against Vs , and whom we doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects to apprehend and keep , or cause to be kept in safe custody till Our plesure be farther known . Provided , that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person who after the publishing of this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane , or Contribution , to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army or to succour , or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12th of August last . But We do declare , That whosoever shall henceforth be guilty of the Premisses , or of either of them , or shall give obedience to any warrants concerning any Musters , Levies , or Contributions for Levies whatsoever , under any pretence of authority whatsoever , either from the said Sir Edward Ascough , Sir Christopher Wray , Sir Anthony Irby , Thomas Hatcher , Thomas Grantham , or from any other Person or Persons whatsoever , without Our expresse consent declared under Our great Seale or Signe Manuall , shall be esteemed by Vs as an Enemy to the publike Peace , a Person dis-affected to Vs , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And Wee doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe of Our said County of Lincolne , the Sheriffes of Our said Citty , all Iustices of the Peace , and all other our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County of Lincolne , Citty of Lincolne , or County of the same under what pretence soever , without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand . And We likewise will and require them , and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either Command the Traine-Bands of that Our County of Lincolne , Citty of Lincolne , or County of the same Citty , or make any Levies in the same by vertue of Commission under Our Great Seale or Signe Manuall . And lastly our expresse pleasure and Command is , That this Our Proclamation be published and Read in all the Churches and Chappells within Our said County of city of Lincolne , Citty of Lincolne , and County of the same , by the Parsons , Vicars , or Curates of the same . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Twelfth day of Ianuary , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A32070	----	By the King, a proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of Stafford and Derby England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32070 of text R36115 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2678). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32070 Wing C2678 ESTC R36115 15607187 ocm 15607187 104086 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32070) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104086) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:39) By the King, a proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of Stafford and Derby England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1642. "Given at our Court at Oxford this five and twentieth day of March in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Reproduction of original in the Societies of Antiquaries Library, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32070 R36115 (Wing C2678). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his counties of Stafford and Derby England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 673 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Royal coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His Counties of Stafford and Derby . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill affected and seditious Persons in Our Counties of Stafford and Derby , very many of Our Weak and seduced Subjects of those Our Counties have not only been drawn to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ; ) but have made contributions of Plate , Mony , and Horses , towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Us , and have at last actually themselves taken Armes against Us ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are gratiously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of those Our Counties to the power and faction of their Seducers , who , We believe , by Threats , Menaces , and false informations , compelled and led them into those Actions of Undutifulnesse and Disloyalty towards Us ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gratious Pardon , to all the Inhabitants of Our said Counties of Stafford and Derby , for all offences concerning the premises committed against Us , before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , except Sir Iohn Gell , and Sir William Brereton Knights , against whom We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitors and Stirrers of Sedition against Us , And whom We doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody , till Our pleasure be farther known . Provided that this Our grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation , shall presume by Loane , or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Us under Our hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Us and Our Army , or to succor or entertain any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the twelfth of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the Premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Us , as an enemy to the publique Peace , a Person disaffected to Us , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdom , and guilty of High Treason , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their Perills . And we doe hereby require Our High-Sheriffes , Commissioners of Array , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers & loving Subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons , as shall presume to make any Leavies in those Our Counties , under what pretence soever without Authority derived from Us under Our hand . And We likewise Will and Require them and every of them to be Assistant to all such as shall either Command the Traine-bands of those Our Counties , or make any Leavies in the same by virtue of Commission under Our great Seale or Signe Manuall . And Our Pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation shall be read in all the Parish Churches and Chappells within those Our Counties of Stafford and Derby . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , this five and twentieth day of March , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1642. 
A32071	----	By the King, a proclamation proclaimedin [sic] London the ninth of Iune England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32071 of text R39151 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2683A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32071 Wing C2683A ESTC R39151 18240453 ocm 18240453 107219 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32071) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107219) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:61) By the King, a proclamation proclaimedin [sic] London the ninth of Iune England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n., [London : 1642] Imprint suggested by Wing. "Given at our court at Yorke the 27 day of May, 1642." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32071 R39151 (Wing C2683A). civilwar no By the King, a proclamation proclaimedin [sic] London the ninth of Iune England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 586 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . A Proclamation Proclaimed in London the ninth of Iune WHeras by the Statute made the seventh Yeare of King Edward the first , The Prelats Earles , Barons , and ommonalty of the Realme , affirmed in Parliament , that to the King it belongeth , and His part it is by Royal Seigniority straitly to defend wearing of armour , and all other Force against the Peace , at all times when it shall please Him , and to punish them which shall doe contrary , according to the Lawes and usages of the Realme ; and hereunto all subjects are bound to aide the King as their Soveraign Lord at all seasons , when need shall be . And whereas we understand , that expresly contrary to the said statute , and other good lawes of this our Kingdome under colour and pretence of an Ordinance of Parliament , without our consent , or any commission or warrant from Vs ; the Trained Bands , and Militia , of this Kingdome have been lately , and are intenbed to be put in Arms , and drawne into Companies in a warlike manner , whereby the peace and quiet of Our subjects is , or may be disturded : Wee being desirous by all gracious and faire admonitions to prevent , that some malignant persons in this Our Kingdome , do not by degrees seduce Our good subiects from their due Obedience to Vs , and the Lawes of this Our Kingdome , subtilly endeavouring by a generall combustion or confusion , to hide their mischievous designes and intentions against the Peace of this Our Kingdome , and under a specious pretence of putting Our Trained Bands into a posture , draw and engage Our good subjects in a warlike opposition against Vs , as Our towne of Hull is already , by the Treason of Sir Iohn Hotham , who at first pretended to put a Garrison into the same , onely for Our Security and Service . We doe therefore by this our Proclamation expresly charge and command all Our Sheriffs , and all Colonels , Lieutenant-Colonels , Serjeant-Majors , Captains , Officers , and Souldiers belonging to the trained bands of this our Kingdome , and likewise all high and petty Constables , and other Our officers and subjects whatsoever , upon their allegiance & as they tender the Peace of this Our Kingdome , Not to Muster , Leavy , raise or March , or to summon or warne upon any warrant , order , or Ordinance from one or both Houses of Parliament ( whereto We have not , or shall not give Our expresse consent ) any of our Trained bands , or other Forces , to Rise , Muster , March , or Exercise , without expresse Warrant under Our Hand , or Warrant from Our Sheriffe of the County , grounded upon a particular Writ to that purpose , under Our great Seale . And in case any of Our Trained Bands shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this our Command , We shall then call them in due time to a strict account and proceed Legally against them as violators of the Lawes , and Disturbers of the peace of the Kingdome . Given at Our Court at Yorke the 27 day of May , 1642. 
A32072	----	By the King a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade between our city of London and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction given by vs. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32072 of text R225680 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2687). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32072 Wing C2687 ESTC R225680 09506323 ocm 09506323 43357 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32072) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43357) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:8) By the King a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade between our city of London and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction given by vs. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed by Leonard Lychfield, Oxford : 1643. At head of title: C.R. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. A32072 R225680 (Wing C2687). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade between Our citty of London and other parts of this Our kin England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1062 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. ❧ By the KING . ❧ A Proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of Trade betweene Our City of London , and other parts of Our Kingdome , untill other direction given by Vs . WHEREAS out of Our tender Care to Our City of London , and in hope to reduce them to their due obedience to Us , We by Our Proclamation , hearing date at Our Court at Oxford the eight day of December now last past , did Declare Our Royall Pleasure to be , That there should be no stop or interruption to any of Our loving Subjects , as they should travell to Our City of London with any Cloaths , Wares , or Marchandize , but that they should freely and peaceably passe without any let , trouble or molestation whatsoever ; Which Grace and Favour unto them , have in these many Moneths wrought this contrary effect , That above all other paths of this Our Kingdom A prevalent faction of that City ( which over-rules the whole ) hath so far joyned with , and in that horrid Rebellion , that it hath denounced war against the whole Kingdom , by violent opposing all the possible wayes to Peace ; and so that City formerly famous for their Loyalty , and Love to their Sovereigns , is now become the head of that Traiterous faction , and the receptacle of all such as are disaffected to Our Goverment , and the Lawes of the Kingdome : and not only willingly consents and submits to all burthens and impositions laid upon them , for the support and maintenance of the Rebellious Armies raised against Us , but malitiously prosecutes and pursues all such who are but suspected to wish well to Our Service . And when We pitying the desperate and deplorable condition of Our People , were gratiously pleased to desire a Treaty for an Accommodation , and propounded that whilest that Treaty should continue , there might be a cessation of Armes , and a free Commerce for all Our loving Subjects in all parts of Our Kingdome , that so the benefits of Trade and Commerce being injoyed , Our good People might bee the more in love with Peace , yet this motion thus proceeding from Us was neverthelesse by speciall incitation from the City of London ( which by the Grace of Our said Proclamation enjoyed the said advantage of the whole Kingdome ) scornfully neglected by the enemies of Peace , and all entercourse interdicted to Our City of Oxford , the present place of Residence for Our Court and Army , and that restraint is continued upon all those who are thought to be serviceable , or but well affected to Us : We therefore being thereunto enforced out of this necessity , and finding that the Trade and Commerce of the Kingdome , which ought to be maintained for the publicke benefit of all Our good People , is by this meanes inverted only for the advantage of those Places , and Persons which cherish this Rebellion , the Goods and Merchandise of such who are thought well affected to Us being seised when they are brought , to London , have thought it fit and reasonable to revoke and recall that Our former Act of Grace and Favour . And by this Our Proclamation , We doe publish and Declare to all Our Subjects , That whosoever of them , either in their persons shall from henceforth travell unto Our City of London , without License from Our Selfe , or one of Our Principall Secretaries of State , the Generalls , or Lieutenant-Generalls of Our Armies , or the Governours of any of Our Townes , Castles , or Forts , or with their Goods , Catle , Victuall or Merchandize of any sort whatsoever , shall from henceforth travell unto , or for Our said City of London or Suburbs thereof , without Our expresse Licence for the same under Our Signe Manuall , shall adventure the same at their own Perills , We being resolved by all possible means to seize the same ; And that all those who from any parts of this Our Kingdome shall furnish or serve Our said City of London or Suburbs thereof , either by Sea or Land , with any Victualls , or other Provisions , or with any Merchandize to maintaine them or their Trade , as long as they shall obstinately stand out in Rebellion aagainst Us , We shall esteem as persons disaffected to Us , and to Our Government , and as Ayders & Assisters to the Rebells , and shall accordingly deale with them , and proceed against them : And that this restraint shall continue upon them untill such times as the inhabitants of the said City , finding their errors , shall returne to their due obedience unto us , straitly commandaig all the Officers of Our Armies , and all other Our Officers , Ministers , and loving Subjects in all places through which any Person , Goods , Cattle , Victuall , or Merchandise shall passe or be convesed towards the said City of London , to apprehend the persons , and seise and detaine the Goods , untill upon speedy notice to us they shall receive Our further directions : We hereby assuring them they shall receive part of such Goods so seised in satisfaction and for their reward . But for the continuing of the generall Trade and Commerce of the Kingdome , and the Manufactures thereof ( which We desire to uphold and advance ) We leave all Our Subjects to trade freely in , and unto all other parts , and if and unto all other Ports , or Havens of this Our Kingdome , not being in actuall Rebellion against Us ; and from those Ports to Trade with their Merchandise freely into any other Parts whersoever beyond the Seas , being in amity with Us , without any restraint whatsoever . Given under Our Signe Manuallat Our Court at Oxford this seventeenth day of Iuly , in the nineteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the KING . Oxford , Printed by Leonard Lychfield , 1643. 
A32073	----	By the King, a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of London and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction is given by us England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32073 of text R26593 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2688). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32073 Wing C2688 ESTC R26593 15607280 ocm 15607280 104087 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32073) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104087) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:8 or 1588:40) By the King, a proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of London and other parts of our kingdome untill other direction is given by us England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Printed by Leonard Lychfield, Oxford : 1643. "Given under our signe manuall at our court at Oxford this seventeenth day of Iuly in the nineteenth year of our reigne." Reproductions of originals in the Huntington Library and the Societies of Antiquaries Library, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32073 R26593 (Wing C2688). civilwar no C. R. By the King. A proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of trade betweene our city of London, and other parts of our k England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1063 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 B The rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. ❧ By the KING . ❧ A Proclamation prohibiting from henceforth all entercourse of Trade betweene Our City of London , and other parts of Our Kingdome , untill other direction given by Vs . WHEREAS out of Our tender Care to Our City of London , and in hope to reduce them to their due obedience to Us , We by Our Proclamation , bearing date at Our Court at Oxford the eight day of December now last past , did Declare Our Royall Pleasure to be , That there should be no stop or interruption to any of Our loving Subjects , as they should travell to Our City of London with any Cloaths , Wares , or Marchandize , but that they should freely and peaceably passe without any let , trouble or molestation whatsoever ; Which Grace and Favour unto them , have in these many Moneths wrought this contrary effect , That above all other parts of this Our Kingdom A prevalent faction of that City ( which over-rules the whole ) hath so far joyned with , and in that horrid Rebellion , that it hath denounced war against the whole Kingdom , by violent opposing all the possible wayes to Peace ; and so that City formerly famous for their Loyalty , and Love to their Sovereigns , is now become the head of that Traiterous faction , and the receptacle of all such as are disaffected to Our Government , and the Lawes of the Kingdome : and not only willingly consents and submits to all burthens and impositions laid upon them , for the support and maintenance of the Rebellious Armies raised against Us , but malitiously prosecutes and pursues all such who are but suspected to wish well to Our Service . And when We pitying the desperate and deplorable condition of Our People , were gratiously pleased to desire a Treaty for an Accommodation , and propounded that whilest that Treaty should continue , there might be a cessation of Armes , and a free Commerce for all Our loving Subjects in all parts of Our Kingdome , that so the benefits of Trade and Commerce being injoyed , Our good People might bee the more in love with Peace , yet this motion thus proceeding from Us was neverthelesse by speciall incitation from the City of London ( which by the Grace of Our said Proclamation enjoyed the said advantage of the whole Kingdome ) scornfully neglected by the enemies of Peace , and all entercourse interdicted to Our City of Oxford , the present place of Residence for Our Court and Army , and that restraint is continued upon all those who are thought to be serviceable , or but well affected to Us : We therefore being thereunto enforced out of this necessity , and finding that the Trade and Commerce of the Kingdome , which ought to be maintained for the publicke benefit of all Our good People , is by this meanes inverted only for the advantage of those Places , and Persons which cherish this Rebellion , the Goods and Merchandise of such who are thought well affected to Us being seised when they are brought , to London , have thought it fit and reasonable to revoke and recall that Our former Act of Grace and Favour . And by this Our Proclamation , We doe publish and Declare to all Our Subjects , That whosoever of them , either in their persons shall from henceforth travell unto Our City of London , without License from Our Selfe , or one of Our Principall Secretaries of State , the Generalls , or Lieutenant Generalls of Our Armies , or the Governours of any of our Townes , Castles , or Forts , or with their Goods , Catle , Victuall or Merchandize of any sort whatsoever , sshall from henceforth travell unto , or for Our said City of London or Suburbs thereof , without Our expresse Licence for the same under Our Signe Manuall , shall adventure the same at their own Perills , We being resolved by all possible means to seize the same ; And that all those who from any parts of this Our Kingdome shall furnish or serve Our said City of London or Suburbs thereof , either by Sea or Land , with any Victualls , or other Provisions , or with any Merchandize to maintaine them or their Trade , as long as they shall obstinately stand out in Rebellion against Us , We shall esteem as persons disaffected to Us , and to Our Government , and as Ayders & Assisters to the Rebells , and shall accordingly deal with them , and proceed againsst them : And that this restraint shall continue upon them until such times as the inhabitants of the said City , finding their errors , shall returne to their obedience unto us , straitly commanding all the Officers of Our Armies , and all other Our Officers , Ministers , and loving Subjects in all places through which any Person , Goods , Cattle , Victuall , or Merchandise shall passe or be conveied towards the said City of London , to apprehend the persons , and seise and detaine the Goods , until upon speedy notice to us they shall receive Our further directions : We hereby assuring them they shall receive part of such Goods so seised in satisfaction and for their reward . But for the continuing of the generall Trade and Commerce of the Kingdome , and the Manufactures thereof ( which We desire to uphold and advance ) We leave all Our Subjects to trade freely in , and unto all other parts , and in and unto all other Ports , or Havens of this Our Kingdome , not being in actuall Rebellion aagainst Us , and from those Ports to Trade with their Merchandise freely into any other Parts wheresoever beyond the Seas , being in amity with Us , without any restraint whatsoever . Given under Our Signe Manuallat Our Court at Oxford this seventeenth day of July , in the nineteenth year of Our Reigne . 〈…〉 God save the KING . Oxford , Printed by Leonard Lychsield , 1643. 
A32075	----	By the King, a proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes, and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates of our good subjects, by colour of any orders or pretended ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32075 of text R171190 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2690). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32075 Wing C2690 ESTC R171190 18240490 ocm 18240490 107220 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32075) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107220) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:62) By the King, a proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes, and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates of our good subjects, by colour of any orders or pretended ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford : 1643. "Given at our court at Oxford, the seventh day of Aprill, in the nineteenth yeare of our raigne." Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32075 R171190 (Wing C2690). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any weekly taxes, and seizing or sequestring the rents or estates England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1154 7 0 0 0 0 0 61 D The rate of 61 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation prohibiting the assessing collecting or paying any Weekly Taxes ▪ and Seizing or Sequestring the Rents or Estates of Our good Subiects , by colour of any Orders or pretended Ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament . WHEREAS divers Orders or pretended Ordinances have been contrived in the name of one or both Houses of Parliament for taxing Our Subjects and leavying Monyes to support the Rebellion ; All which and all other waies of imposing upon Our People to whatsoever intent or purpose , without Our Royall assent are cleerly unlawfull , and unwarrantable , and so by severall Proclamations and otherwise have beene declared by Vs , And We do hereby declare the same unto all Our good Subiects ; and in particular by Our Proclamation of the eight of March last , We did forbid ( amongst other things ) the Assessing . Collecting , and paying the weekly Taxe imposed upon Our good Subiects , and their Estates by one of the said pretended Orders or Ordinances ( which in three Months exceedeth the Svmme of the great Subsidie of 400000 l. ) And neverthelesse We are given to understand the same is forceably levyed , and by Colour thereof diverse of Our good Subiects imprisoned , and destrained , and great Violence , Spoyle , Rapine And Plundering committed upon them , and their Estates in diverse Counties and places of this Our Kingdome ; And that by another pretended Ordinance , the whole Estates reall & personall of diverse of Our Subiects most of them not named , but described , and distinguished by marks of Loyalty , are ordained to be Seized & Sequestred for maintaining a Warr against Vs , and their Tenants discharged of their Rents , and protected against forfeitures penalties , and dammage with other clauses importing power to dissolve Contracts , and make and marre Lawes at Pleasure , which We are informed is also endeavoured to be executed ; And all which ( whatsoever is pretended ) do tend apparantly to the Destruction of Vs and Our Posterity , ( whose lives have been attempted to be taken away ) the subversion of the Established Protestant Religion the Lawes of the Land and the Liberties and Propertyes of Our Subjects , and the utter Ruine of Our whole Kingdoms . We do therefore strictly charge and Command all Our loving Subiects whatsoever not to submit to the said pretended Orders & Ordinances , or any of them , or to the weekly Taxes imposed as aforesaid , or to any such seisures or Sequestratious as aforesaid nor to presume to be assistant thereunto , by Assessing , Taxing , Levying by distresse , or otherwise or Collecting any such weekly Taxes or making any such Seisures or Sequestrations , or by information or procureing books of Accompt , or Rentalls or by any other wayes or meanes giving any intelligence of any such Estates reall or personall , or values thereof , But to their utmost power to resist all such Acts of iniustice & Violence . And We do hereby command the Tenants & Debtors of all Our Subjects , whose Estates are intended to be seised & sequestred to pay their Rents and Debts to their Landlords & Creditors , notwithstanding such seisure or sequestration . And We do farther prohibit all person , as well Aliens as Denizens that they presume not to intermedle in the buying , receaving disposing the Goods or Cattell of any of Our Subjects , that shall be seised , sequestred , distrained , or taken from them by pretence of the said Orders , or Ordinances for such weekly Taxes , or such seisures or sequestrations as aforesaid , or otherwise plundered . All which doth tend to the aid , and assistance of a Warre against Vs , which by the known Lawes of the Land are Acts of high Treason ; And We do declare , and publish ▪ That to adhere to Our enemies giving them aid and Comfort , is high Treason nominally declared by the Statute of the 25. of Edward the 3d● and that We intend to give Order for seizing the Estates of such as shall Rebelliously disobey Vs herein , to the intent they may remaine in safe Custody , untill the Offenders can be brought to Legall tryall , which shall speedily proceed as they shall be apprehended , and delivered into the hands of Justice ; And We do hereby will and Command , the Tenants and Debtors of those , who shall execute , or be a assisting unto , or shall voluntarily submit unto the said Orders or Ordinances for the said weekly Taxes , or such seizures , or sequestrations as aforesaid , that they not only forbear to pay their Rents , or Debts , but detain the same towards the maintenance of the Peace of the Counties , and Reparation of such as have suffered by the violence of the Army in Rebellion against Vs : Such course being already taken against such as have according to their Allegiance assisted Vs ; and as We have declared , That whosoever should loose his life in this Our defence , the Wardship of his Heire should be granted by Vs , without Rent or Fine so on the other side , we doe publish and declare , That whosoever shall excecute or be assisting to , or voluntarily shall submit unto the said orders , or Ordinances shall receive no benefit by Our Instructions of Grace , But We will be fully answered to the utmost which shall be due to Vs by Law , and dispose of such Wardships as shall seeme best to Vs , Willing and commanding all Sheriffes , Majors , Bailiffes , Iustices of Peace Constables , and other Our Officers , and loveing Subjects whatsoever , upon their Allegiance , and the severest pa●nes that by the Law may be inflicted upon them , not only to obey and observe carefully these Our Commands , but to be aiding and assisting to the utmost of their power , to all such persons as shall require their Assistance or protection in this behalfe and to resist and repell by force of A●mes , all such as shall oppose this Our Legall Command . And Our Will and Command is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Church●● and Chappells in this Our Kingdom . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , the seventh day of Aprill , in the nineteenth Yeare of Our Raigne . God Save the KING . Printed at O●ford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A32076	----	A proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both Houses of Parliament England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32076 of text R40801 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2692). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32076 Wing C2692 ESTC R40801 19320281 ocm 19320281 108613 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32076) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108613) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:23) A proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both Houses of Parliament England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By L. Lichfield ..., [Oxford : 1642] At head of title: By the King. "Given under our signe manuall at our court at Oxford, the sixteenth day of December, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Customs administration -- Great Britain -- History. Customs administration -- Law and legislation -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A32076 R40801 (Wing C2692). civilwar no A proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both Houses o England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 720 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ❧ A Proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of Customes , and other Maritime Duties upon the late pretended ORDINANCE of both Houses of Parliament . WEE have made so many Declarations of Our Royall Intentions concerning the preserving of the Religion and Lawes of this Land , That Wee think it not fit often to repeat , Though by Gods grace We seriously intend never to decline or depart from the same . But this seems most strange unto Us , that whil'st ( especially at , and about London ) Our just and legall Commands are not obeyed , other Orders and Ordinances , ( for which there is no legall foundation ) which not only discountenance , but overthrow the Lawes of the Land that settle Religion , and were the fences of the Subjects property , are submitted unto and obeyed by many of Our weaker Subjects : And amongst these a blind obedience hath been yeelded unto the pretended Ordinance , for setling Customes without an Act of Parliament , when an Act this Parliament ( received from Us , and so understood by Us , as one of the greatest graces the Crowne ever conferred on the Subject ) declares , no Custome is due without an Act ; and all such Persons as receive the same incurr the forfeiture of a Premunire . This We thought would not have found obedience from the Merchant , who understood what his owne benefit was thereby , and could not be ignorant how penall it was in him to breake this Law ; especially when he found he paid his Custome for support of an unnaturall Warr against his Prince , and to foment an intestine and Civill dissention which hath already , and may in the future produce so many Evills upon this poore People . But upon the menances and usage some received that denyed it , We find since a more generall Obedience in such as Trade , then We expected , though We understand by it the Trade of the Kingdom is much lessened . Neverthelesse We thought not fit until this present , by any of Our Proclamations to prohibite the same , because We hoped before this time , We having so often and by so many means endeavoured the same , some happy understanding might have been between Us and both Our Houses of Parliament . But at present finding that the monyes arising from these Duties , are a great part of the fewell that maintaines this fire , and supports this unnaturall Rebellion against Us , and heightens the Spirits of such as have no Spirit to Peace , unlesse they may destroy Us , Our Posterity , and the setled Government both of Church and State ; We doe hereby Declare and Proclaime to all Our People of what sort soever , That whosoever henceforward shall , by vertue of the pretended Ordinance of Parliament , pay any Monyes for Custome or other Dutyes therein mentioned , other then to Our proper Ministers , what is due to Us by the known Lawes of the Kingdome , That We will proceed against him or them in due time , as an ill-affected person or persons to the Peace of this Kingdome , and as such as endeavour ( as much as in them lyes ) to hinder a true Intelligence betwixt Us and Our People . And for such person , or persons as shall continue to require or receive the same contrary to the Statute made this Parliament , We shall likewise proceed against them according to the penalty in the said Act , And because ( though the Law ought to have been every mans prohibition ) We did not , until this time , forbid the same , We doe hereby grant Our free Pardon to all such as formerly having either paid , or received these Customes , shall henceforth refuse the same , And to no other . ¶ Given under Our Signe Manuall at Our Court at Oxford , the sixteenth day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of our Reigne . God save the King . 
A32077	----	A proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and ponndage [sic], and other impositions upon merchandises, under colour of the late pretended ordinance of both Houses of Parliament England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32077 of text R40802 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2694). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32077 Wing C2694 ESTC R40802 19320309 ocm 19320309 108614 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32077) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108614) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:24) A proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and ponndage [sic], and other impositions upon merchandises, under colour of the late pretended ordinance of both Houses of Parliament England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By L. Lichfield ..., [Oxford : 1642] At head of title: By the King. "Given under our signe manuall at our court of Oxford, the sixteenth day December, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Tonnage fees -- Great Britain -- History. Tonnage fees -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Great Britain. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A32077 R40802 (Wing C2694). civilwar no A proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of tonnage and ponndage [sic], and other impositions upon merchandises, under colour of t England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 771 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ A Proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of Tonnage and Poundage , and other impositions upon Merchandises , under colour of the late pretended ORDINANCE of both Houses of Parliament . WEE have made so many Declarations of Our Royall Intentions concerning the preserving of the Religion and Lawes of this Land , That Wee think it not fit often to repeat , Though by Gods grace We seriously intend never to decline or depart from the same . But this seems most strange unto Us , that whil'st ( especially at , and about London ) Our just and legall Commands are not obeyed , other Orders and Ordinances , ( for which there is no legall foundation ) which not only discountenance , but overthrow the Lawes of the Land that settle Religion , and were the sences of the Subjects property , are submitted unto and obeyed by many of Our weaker Subjects : And amongst these a blind obedience hath been yeelded unto the pretended Ordinance , for setling the Receipt of Tonnage and Poundage , and other impositions upon Merchandises , without an Act of Parliament , when an Act this Parliament ( received from Us , and so understood by Us , as one of the greatest graces the Crowne ever conferred on the Subject ) declares , no such Paiments are due without an Act ; and by that Act it is provided , that all such Persons as receive the same incurr the forfeiture of a Premunire . This We thought would not have found obedience from the Merchant , who understood what his owne benefit was thereby , and could not be ignorant how penall it was in him to breake this Law ; especially when he found he was to pay those duties for support of an unnaturall Warr against his Prince , and to foment an intestine and Civill dissention which hath already , and may in the future produce so many Evills upon this poore People , contrary to the true intention of the said Act. But upon the menaces and usage some received that denyed it , We find since a more generall Obedience in such as Trade , then We expected , though We understand by it the Trade of the Kingdom is much lessened . Neverthelesse We thought not fit untill this present , by any of Our Proclamations to prohibite the same , because We hoped before this time , We having so often and by so many meanes endeavoured the same , some happy understanding might have been between Us and both Our Houses of Parliament . But at present finding that the monyes arising from these Duties , are a great part of the fewell that maintaines this fire , and supports this unnaturall Rebellion against Us , and heightens the Spirits of such as have no Spirit to Peace , unlesse they may destroy Us , Our Posterity , and the setled Government both of Church and State ; We doe hereby Declare and Proclaime to all Our People of what sort soever , That whosoever hence forward shall , by vertue of the said pretended Ordinance of Parliament , pay any Monyes under the names of Tonnage and Poundage , or other impositions upon Merchandise , other then for Customes to be paid to Our proper Ministers , which are due to Us by the known Lawes of the Kingdome , That We will proceed against him or them in due time , as an ill-affected person or persons to the Peace of this Kingdome , and as such as endeavour ( as much as in them lyes ) to hinder a true Intelligence betwixt Us and Our People . And for such person , or persons as shall continue to require or receive the same , contrary to the Statute made this Parliament , We shall like wise proceed against them according to the penalty in the said Act. And because ( though the Law ought to have been every mans prohibition ) We did not , untill this time , forbid the same , We doe hereby grant Our free Pardon to all such as formerly having either paid , or received these Customes , shall henceforth refuse the same , And to no other . ¶ Given under Our Signe Manuall at Our Court at Oxford , the sixteenth day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A32078	----	A proclamation requiring all His Majesties tenants within the counties of Oxford and Berks to pay their severall rents, and other yearely payments, at the citty of Oxford England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32078 of text R40803 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2695). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32078 Wing C2695 ESTC R40803 19320345 ocm 19320345 108615 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32078) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108615) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:25) A proclamation requiring all His Majesties tenants within the counties of Oxford and Berks to pay their severall rents, and other yearely payments, at the citty of Oxford England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By L. Lichfield ..., [Oxford : 1642/3 i.e. 1643] At head of title: By the King. "Given at our court of Oxford, the eleventh day of January, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint suggested by Wing. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Rent charges -- Great Britain -- History. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A32078 R40803 (Wing C2695). civilwar no A proclamation requiring all His Majesties tenants within the counties of Oxford and Berks to pay their severall rents, and other yearely pa England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 349 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation requiring all His Majesties Tenants within the Counties of Oxford and Berks to pay their severall Rents , and other yearely payments , at the Citty of Oxford . WHereas there are severall Rents , Tenths , and Arreirages of Rents , now due and payable to the King and Queenes Majesties , by diverse and sundry Tenants , Collectors , and others , within Our foresaid Counties , which should have been paid by the said Tenants , Collectors , and others at the Audit held at Maydenhead for the said Counties in October last , but by Our Command , and for Our service were deferred . And We now considering that , by reason of the present distractions of this Kingdom , the said Rents , Tenths , and arreirages of Rents , cannot be more conveniently paid for Our use then at our Citty of Oxford , where We now are ; Our Royall will and pleasure therefore is , and We doe hereby charge and command , That all such Tenths , Rents , & Arrerages , of Rents , which are now due unto Vs , and ought to be paid to Our Receiver of Our foresaid Counties of Oxford and Berks , for Our use , be duly paid unto Michaell Hollman Esq Our Receiver-Generall for the said Counties , or to his Deputy , at Mr Richard Pulleys chamber in Saint Iohns Colledge in Oxford , within tenne daies next after the date of this Our Proclamation : And they are to bring with them their last Acquittances for their Rents , and Tenths formerly paid by them . Willing and commanding the due performance of this Our Proclamation by all Person or Persons whom it may concerne , as they will answer the contrary at their Perills . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Eleventh day of Ianuary , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A32105	----	His Maiesties royall declaration and protestation to all his loving subjects in England being a full satisfaction to all the whole world against all aspersions which have lately been cast upon His Majesty, that he is popishly affected, to the great dishonour of His Majesty and the withdrawing his loving subjects from him : together with his gracious resolution for the maintenance of the true Protestant religion the laws and liberties of the subject with the just priviledges of Parliament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32105 of text R26009 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2763). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32105 Wing C2763 ESTC R26009 09316429 ocm 09316429 42716 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32105) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 42716) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1305:8) His Maiesties royall declaration and protestation to all his loving subjects in England being a full satisfaction to all the whole world against all aspersions which have lately been cast upon His Majesty, that he is popishly affected, to the great dishonour of His Majesty and the withdrawing his loving subjects from him : together with his gracious resolution for the maintenance of the true Protestant religion the laws and liberties of the subject with the just priviledges of Parliament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [6] p. Printed by Leonard Litchfield, Oxford : [1642?] Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A32105 R26009 (Wing C2763). civilwar no His Maiesties royall declaration and protestation, to all his loving subjects in England. Being a full satisfaction to all the whole world, England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 2533 6 0 0 0 0 0 24 C The rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-03 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES ROYALL DECLARATION AND PROTEST●TION , TO all his loving Subjects in England . BEING A full satisfaction to all the whole world , against all aspersions which have lately been cast upon His Majesty , that he is Popishly affected , to the great dishonour of his Majesty , and the withdrawing His loving Subjects from him . TOGETHER , With His Gracious Resolution for the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion , the Laws and Liberties of the Subject , with the just Priviledges of Parliament . Published by His Majesties speciall Command . OXFORD , Printed by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the famous University . His Majestyes Royall Declaration , and Protestation to all his Loving Subjects in England . IT is a wonder that We so just , so pious , and mercicifull in our words and intentions should not be believed in all our Declarations and Protestations : certainly it is impiety to be so full of infidelity towards the words of a King , some whereof we have here drawne out of our own severall writings , that all the world may see Our faire expressions , of our self and the just end of all Our actions , and how unjustly both have been interpreted . First concerning Our being affected to Popery , We protest in the word of a King , and call the searcher of all hearts to record , that We intend not the alteration of the true professed and established Protestant Religion , the Lawes of the Kingdome , the know●e libertie of the Subject , the right and just Priviledges of Parliament . Of the Lawes his Majesty saith thus : A new power hath been assumed to interpret and declare Lawes without Us , by extemporary votes , tending to a pure arbitrary power : Ordinances , and Orders were pressed upon the people as Lawes , and their obedience required to them . His Majesty saith further , We doe beleeve , and accordingly professe to all the world , that the malignity of this designe ( as dangerous to the Lawes of this Kingdome , the power of the same , and the Liberties of all Our good Subjects , as to Our self , and Our just Prerogative ) hath proceeded from the subtill informations and evill Counsells of ambitious turbulent Spirits , disaffected to Gods true Religion , and the unity of the Professours thereof , Our Honour and safety , and the publick peace and prosperity of our people . His Majesty addeth further : But how fautly soever others are , we shall ( with Gods assistance ) endeavour to discharge Our duty in the uprightnesse of heart . The King goes on further in declaring his own candor and uprightnesse , together with affronts offered unto Him , saying thus they endeavour to turn this government into a new Eutopia of Religion , and therefore We are resolved to change none of Our trusty Officers , till they appear to have behaved themselves otherwise then they ought to have done , and bee evicted by legall proceedings to have done so . We were ever willing that Our Parliament should debate , resolve , and transact such matters as are now proper for them , and we heartily wish that the course of Law be no wayes diverted , much lesse disturbed . Moreover we call God to witnesse that as for our Subjects sakes all rights are vested in Us , so for their sakes as well as for Our own , we are resolved not to quit them , nor to subvert ( though in a Parliamentary way ) the ancient , just constitution of the Government of this Kingdome , nor to make Our self of a King of England , a Duke of Venice , and this of a Kingdome , a Republick . Besides the Kings Majesty saith further , Nolumus leges Angliae mutari , We promise that We will be as carefull of preserving the Lawes in what doth concern Our subjects , as in what most concerns our self , for We professe to believe that the preservation of every Law concerns Us . We have by many of Our messages to you by Our voluntary promise to you , so solemnly made never to pardon any popish Priest by Our strict Proclamation which lately published in this point , sufficiently expressed Our zeal herein . We wil also with constancy maintain ( while We live ) The Protestant Religion in its purity and glory , not onely against all invasions of Popery , but also from the irreverence of Schismaticks , and Separatists , wherewith this Kingdome of late , and Our City of London abounds , to the great dishonour and hazzard , both of Church and State . To conclude , We conjure you , and all men to rest satisfied with the truth of Our professions and the reality of Our intentions . And then We shall receive much more in the hope of a full & constant happines of our people in the true Religion , and under the protection of the same by a blessed union between Us and Our Parliament , & so much desired by Us , then in any increase of Our own Revenue , which beyond former grants of Our Subjects when most wealthy , could by our Parliament be settled upon Us . Thus We in all our Protestations and Messages desire the good of the Kingdome , before Our own private interest . His Majesty saith further , We professe before and declare to all the world , that we alwayes have and did abhorre all such designes , but that all Our endeavous ( according to Our many Professions ) did and shall ever tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliament , the Liberty of the Subject , the Lawes , Peace and prosperity of this Kingdome . In a Letter from His Majesty to both Houses of Parliament , the conclusion you may reade thus . If all these present distractions ( which so apparently threaten the ruine of this Kingdome ) do not ( by the blessing of almighty God ) end in a happy and blessed accommodation , his Majesty will then be ready to call heaven and earth , God and man to witnesse , that it hath not failed on his part . I am confident that you expect not I should give a speedy answer to this strange and unexpected Declaration , that in the distraction of this Kingdome , you should think this way of addresse more convenient , then that proposed by my message the 20 of January last to both houses : as concerning the grounds of your feares and jealousies , I will take time to answer particularly , and doubt not but I shall do it to the satisfaction of the whole world . God in his good time will discover the secrets and bottomes of all plots and treasons ; and then I shall stand right in the eyes of my people . God so deale with me and mine , as all my thoughts and intentions are upright , for the maintenance of the true Protestant profession , and for the observation , and preservation of the Lawes of this Land , and I hope God will blesse and assist those Lawes for my preservation . When we duly weigh the dishonour which will perpetually lie upon this Kingdome , if full and speedy relief be not dispatched , We could not , nor cannot think of a better way to discharge Our duty to Almighty God , for the defence of the true Protestant Profession , or to manifest Our affection to Our three Kingdomes , then by ingaging Our Person in this Expedition , as many of Our royall Progenitours have done even in Forraigne parts , upon causes of lesse importance and piety , with great honour to themselves , and advantage to this Kingdome . For the danger of Our Person , We conceive it necessary and Worthy of a King , to adventure his life to preserve his Kingdome , neither can it be imagined , that We will fit still , and suffer Our Kingdome to be lost , and Our good Protestant Subjects to be massacred , without exposing Our Person to the utmost hazzard for their reliefe and preservation . God , in his good time , We hope , will so informe the hearts of all Our good Subjects , that We shall recover from the mischiefe and danger of this distemper , on whose good pleasure We will wait with patience and humility . For the bringing up of the Army to London , as we have heretofore ( by no other direction then the testimony of a good conscience ) called God to witnesse we never had or knew of any such resolution ; so upon the view of the Depositions now published with that Declaration , it is not evident to Us , there was ever such a designe , unlesse very loose discourse or argument be instance enough of such a designe . And if no better effects then losse of time , and hindrance of the publike affaires have beene found by Our Answers and Replies , let all good men judge , by whose default , and whose want of duty such effects have beene . And We call Almighty God to witnesse , all Our complaints and jealousies , which have never been causelesse , nor of Our Houses of Parliament , but of some few schismaticall , factious , and ambitious spirits : Our deniall of the Militia , Our absenting Our Selfe from London , have beene the effects of an upright and faithfull affection to Our English Subjects , that We may be able , through all the inconveniences We are compelled to wrastle with , at last to restore their Religion , Lawes , and Liberties unto them . Wee desire Our actions may no longer prosper , or have a blessing from God upon them and Us , then they shall be directed to the glory of God in the maintenance of the true Protestant profession , to the preservation of the property and liberty of the subjects in the observation of the Lawes , and the maintenance of the Rights and Freedome of Parliament , in the allowance and protection of all their just priviledges . We would have you to be assured , that We never intended the least neglect unto you in any former Summons of the county , Our love , as well as Our protection , extending to all Our Subjects ; but as you are a great body , time and conveniency must be observed in your assembling . That you may know the generall reasons of Our being here , you must understand , that when We found it neither safe nor honourabl● to expose Our Person to the tumultuous and licentious proceedings of many ( which to this day are unpunished ) who did disorderly approach neere Our Court at White-Hall , Wee trusted this part of Our dominions chiefly to reside in , where , as most of the Gentry already have , so Wee assure Our Selfe , the rest of you will give Us cleere testimony of your service and obedience , which We will never use otherwise then for the defence of Our orthodox Religion , professed and setled in Queene Elizabeths time , and confirmed by the authority of the Statutes of this Realme , the defence of the Lawes and fundamentall Constitutions of the Kingdome ( as the justest measure and rule for Our Prerogative , your Liberties and Rights ) and lastly , for the preservation of the peace of this Kingdome . As for Our owne zeale to the Protestant profession , we refer all the world to Our daily exercise of , and Our Declarations concerning it , and execution of the Laws against the Papists , so likewise We cannot but declare Our Selfe most heartily sorry to finde such Separatists and Schismaticks , who presume against Law , to foment new doctrines and disciplines , to the disturbance of Church and State . For the Law , it being the common inheritance of Our people , We shall never inforce any Prerogative of Ours beyond it , but submit Our Selfe to it , and give you and all Our Subjects the fullest latitude of it , both for the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your estates , and for an inviolable confidence and assurance hereof , as We take God ( the searcher of all hearts ) to witnesse Our reall intention herein , so We shall no longer desire you to stand for the defence of Our Person , Honour , and just Prerogatives , then We shall maintaine the Lawes of the Land , the liberty of your persons , and propriety of your goods . For the resort of Papists to the Court , His Majesties great care for the prevention thereof , is notoriously knowne , that when he was informed two or three of his Guard were of that Religion , he gave speciall direction , with expressions of his displeasure , that they should bee immediately discharged , and provided , that no person should attend on him under that relation , but such as tooke the oath of Allegiance and Supremacie . There having been many rumours spread , and informations given , which may have induced many to believe , that We intend to make war ●gainst Our Parliament . We professe before God , and declare to all the world , that we alwaies have and doe abhorre all such designes , and desire all Our Nob●●● and Councell , who are 〈…〉 place , to declare whether they have not been witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose , whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsells that might reasonably beget a belief of any such designe ; and whether they be not fully perswaded , that We have no such intention , but that all Our endeavours ( according to Our many professions ) tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just priviledges of Parliament , the Liberty of the Subject , Peace and prosperity of this Kingdome . The God of heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those judgements which hang over this Nation , and so deale with Us and Our posterity , as We desire the preservation and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the Law , and the Liberty of the Subject , the just Rights of Parliament , and the peace of the Kingdome . FINIS . 
A32109	----	His Maiesties speciall command under the great seale of England to the Lord Major of the honourable city of London dated Decemb. 9, 1641 : for the speedy sending of precepts into severall wards of the city : to suppresse the tumultuous and unlawfull assemblies and riotous disorders both in the city of London and VVestminster : vvith a relation of the riotous assemblies, mutinous vproares and disorders made and committed by a company of Brownists or Seperatists within the city of London and VVestminster : also in what manner they entred into St. Georges church where one of them made a sermon on Sunday Decemb. 12 : vvhereunto is added the riotous insurrection and rebellion of some prisoners in New-gate condemned to dye on Munday December 13, 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32109 of text R11307 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2772). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32109 Wing C2772 ESTC R11307 13117136 ocm 13117136 97760 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32109) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97760) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 256:E179, no 19) His Maiesties speciall command under the great seale of England to the Lord Major of the honourable city of London dated Decemb. 9, 1641 : for the speedy sending of precepts into severall wards of the city : to suppresse the tumultuous and unlawfull assemblies and riotous disorders both in the city of London and VVestminster : vvith a relation of the riotous assemblies, mutinous vproares and disorders made and committed by a company of Brownists or Seperatists within the city of London and VVestminster : also in what manner they entred into St. Georges church where one of them made a sermon on Sunday Decemb. 12 : vvhereunto is added the riotous insurrection and rebellion of some prisoners in New-gate condemned to dye on Munday December 13, 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. [2] p. Printed for John Thomas, London : 1641. "His Maiesties speciall command" is lacking in filmed copy. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. A32109 R11307 (Wing C2772). civilwar no His Maiesties speciall command under the great Seale of England· To the Lord Major of the Honourable City of London, dated Decemb. 9. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 1754 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2002-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-08 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES Speciall Command under the great Seale of ENGLAND . To the Lord Major of the Honourable City of London , dated Decemb. 9. 1641. For the speedy sending of Precepts into severall wards of the City . To suppresse the Tumultuous and unlawfull Assemblies , and Riotous disorders both in the City of London and Westminster . VVith a Relation of the Riotous Assemblies , Mutinous Vproares , and disorders , made and committed by a company , of Brownists or Seperatists within the City of London and VVestminster . Also , in what manner they entred into St. Georges Church , where one of them made a Sermon , on Sunday Decemb. 12. VVhereunto is added the Riotous Insurrection and Rebellion of some Prisoners in New-gate condemned to dye , on Munday December 13. 1641. LONDON , Printed for Iohn Thomas , 1641. By the Major . WHereas our Soveraigne Lord the King having received information that many Riots & unlaw full assemblies are daily made at the City of Westminster and within the City of London , against his Majesties peace and quiet of his people for repressing & punishing whereof hath directed his writ under the great Seale of England , dated the 9. of this instant December unto the Justices of peace within this City , and Sheriffes of the same thereby strictly commanding them to put in execution according to the duty of their places , the Statute made and provided against such Riots , Routs , and unlawfull assembly ; Therefore for the better prevention & timely repressing of any tumults , Riots , Routs , or vnlawfull assemblies that may at any time hereafter be attempted , made or committed within this City or the Liberties thereof , These are in his Majesties name to charge and command you that forthwith upon receipt hereof , you cause his Majesties command aforesaid to be notified by some of your common Councell men , Constables or other discreet persons vnto every housholder within your Ward , charging every of them at their vttermost perill from henceforth not to permit any of their Apprentises or servants to have the Liberty of going abroad to make any Tumults or vnlawfull meetings and assemblies within this City or elsewhere upon any pretence whatsoever , and by themselves to the vttermost of their power and best endeavour to hinder and let the committing of any such offences for the preseruation of his Majesties peace and the quiet government of this City , which at this present doth suffer much reproach through the great disorder , tumults , and vnlawfull assemblies daily made and committed within that same . And further that you make knowne unto the Masters and servants , that if they or any of them shall be found to offend in the premisses . Then they are to be proceeded with according to the Lawes in this case made , as you will answer the contrary at your perils . This 9. of December . 1641. Michell . A Relation of the disorders , mutinous assemblies , vprores , and distractions , committed by many Schismaticall people , but especially by the Brownists or Separatists of this Kingdome . HOw many Sects , and Schismes , are lately sprung up heere in this Kingdome , that they ( like the plagues of Egypt ) have over-runne the Land , but namely the Brownists or Seperatists , beare the greatest sway , to what a height of impudency , and Insolencie , have they aspired unto , being upheld by too many of that sect , they like the Philistins bring their , Goliah to fight their Battells , but there is no doubt but there will arise a David of truth , to beare downe their violent and Phantasticall Doctrine , by which so many people are seduced , these are those Sectarists that will abide no degrees in Schooles , all humane Learning must be layd by , Accademies are to them abhominable . Hence come those violent outrages , and sacrilegious disorders committed in the Church , even in time of Divine service , and the hubbubs , and strange Tumults raised , where reverend silence ought to be used , by laying violent hands upon the Ministers in divers places and Parishes within this City , impudently ascending into their Pulpits , assuming to themselves the power of preaching , others rending the Surplices from their backs , they hardly escaping in their persons from being torne in peeces , and that when the Psalme hath beene singing , and the Preacher ready to goe up into the Pulpit , to deliver his Sermon , likewise by rending of the Rayles about the Communion Table chopping them in peeces , and burning them in Church-yard , and this to be done without Commission or order , in a rude and riotous manner , as if wee lived vnder no government ; how many Riotous assemblies and Routs by their concourse and disorderly meetings in severall places of the Cities of London & Westminster , committing such insolencies and outrages at severall times , as if Justice and authority had no power over them , to the great scandall and defamation of the Government of this City and Kingdome . Witnesse their tumultuous assembling and flocking to the Parliament at divers times , with their vndecent gestures and irreverent speeches in Westminster Hall , and other places , for which to instance , there was 4. men brought before the House of Commons Nov. 30. 1641. for making a hubbub in the Hall , crying downe Antichrist and the Bishops , and saying , if they could not be heard , they would have a farre greater number the next day to back them , and the like . Likewise the next day many hundred of Citizens flocking to the houses of Parliament , and called upon the members , as they passed from their houses , to suppresse Bishops , crying aloud , no Bishops , no Bishops , calling them the limbes of Antichrist . On Wednesday Sir Iohn Strangwaies made a complaint that he was assaulted by 100 in the streets , & had received offensive words , whereupon the House fell into consideration for suppressing and repelling of tumults , and disorders of that nature . This evening the Citizens begun to rayse the like clamour againe , but being intreated to forbeare , and depart home to their houses , the tumult ceased for that time . Againe , on Friday Decemb. 4. many hundred of Citizens and Brownists flocked to Westminster armed with Swords and staves , as if they came to besiege the Parliament-house , whereupon the Trayned Bands was raised , and ceazed upon them , not knowing otherwise , but that they came against the Parliament-house , to that their plea was , they came to defend the truth , but it was very true , that many of them were committed to prison . Vpon Friday notice was given to the Parliament , how that their number was so great , so that instantly there was warrants sent unto each Constahle , to command sufficient men with Swords and Halberds , to guard the Parliament-house . On Sunday last Decemb. 12. was a great assembly of these Brownists gathered about St. Georges Church in Southwarke , and one of their Preachers a Cobler by profession violently went up into the Pulpit , & made a Sermon above an houre long , whom they assisted , untill all the Constables thereabouts had raised ayd to suppresse these tumultuous outrages . After this he went from thence to St. Olaves Church neere the Bridge , with all his illitterate audience after him , thinking to make another Sermon there also , but being prevented , and that they could not get into the Church , this Preaching Cobler stood up in the Church Porch , and made a Sermon to them all . These and the like disturbances and distractions I hope the King and Parliament will take into their grave considerations and pious care , that the peace of this Church and State , may not be clowded nor eclipsed by these mists and errours of darkenesse and ignorance , and let it bee the Prayer of all good Christians , that these AEgyptian Locusts , that swarme in every corner of this City and Kingdome , may be expelled , that we may enjoy the light of the Gospell . The Riotous insurrection and Rebellion of the condemned Prisoners which was to suffer on Munday the 13. of December . THe Sessions of Goale delivery being finished upon Friday last , the parties Delinquent were sent ( according to their severall offences ) back againe to the place of imprisonment from whence they came , with the 7. severall Iesuites , who were accordingly condemned for their severall Treasons , according to the Statute thereupon provided , where till Sunday after dinner they were all reasonably quiet , but afterwards they grew tumultuous by throwing of stones and other like stuffe , upon the Passengers in the streets , who in great multitudes were then gaping up at the Prison , and after a Sermon that night , all departed . On the next morning early Mr. Maccalee the new visitor of the said prison came to them , with an earnest request to know whether they were prepared to dye and also to receive the Sacrament , which they all did really confesse , so that the said Iesuites might suffer with them , who after some admonitions to them , he expected their appearance in the Chappell , but presently they stood upon their guard , and would not dye without them , upon which they having got strength and stood in defiance , till Captain Geeres with his Trayned Band came to suppresse them , then the Sheriffes resolved to smother them , and provided a quantity of wet Hay , which being fired did smoke them up , after that the Armed men entred the prison and they were all taken and bound in chaines and lye ready to suffer according to their demerits , and wait the time of their execution . FINIS . 
A32110	----	His Ma'ties speech, [brace] & [brace] the Queenes speech England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32110 of text R39153 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2777). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32110 Wing C2777 ESTC R39153 18240519 ocm 18240519 107221 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32110) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107221) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:63) His Ma'ties speech, [brace] & [brace] the Queenes speech England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Henrietta Maria, Queen, consort of Charles I, King of England, 1609-1669. England and Wales. Parliament. House of Commons. Reasons of the House of Commons, to stay the Queenes going into Holland. 1 broadside. s.n.], [S.l. : 1641. Includes: The reasons of the House of Commons, to stay the Queenes going into Holland / delivered to the Lords, at a conference the 14. of July, by John Pym Esquire ; and delivered the 15. to His Majestie, in presence of both Houses, by my Lord Bankes. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. A32110 R39153 (Wing C2777). civilwar no His Maties speech, & the Queenes speech, concerning the reasons of the House of Commons, to stay the Queens going into Holland. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 1006 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Maties Speech , & The Queenes Speech , Concerning the Reasons of the House of Commons , to stay the Queenes going into Holland . ❧ The Kings Speech . MY Lords , and Gentlemen ; nothing but extreame necessity shall make me willing at this time for to give consent unto the Queenes going out of the Land ; and I shall be very sorry if the case stand so , that she should be forc't to goe to preserve her health , and I give unto both Houses many thanks , for the care they have of my Wives health and contentment : therefore I desire there may be a Committee of both Houses here to morrow , at three a clock , to attend my Wife , with these Reasons which have now been read to me . The Reasons of the House of Commons , to stay the Queenes going into Holland : Delivered to the Lords , at a Conference the 14. of July , By John Pym Esquire ; And Delivered the 15. to his Majestie , in presence of both Houses by my Lord BANKES . THere is great cause to doubt , lest the Papists have some designe upon her Majesties Journey , because the House hath beene informed , that divers of them have sold off their Lands to a good value , and used other meanes to get ready money . 2. It is observed some of them have beene very diligent , gathering great quantities of Gold . 3. It is informed , that more than an ordinary number of Papists are gone beyond Sea already , and those of the better sort . II. The great number of English fugitives now beyond the Seas , who by their late designes and practises , are knowne to be full of malice to the State , and will no doubt , seeke all opportunities of accesse to , her Majesty ; and as much as they can labour to infuse into her such evill Counsels , as may trouble the peace of the Kingdome , whereof at this time there is more danger , because the affaires of the Kingdome are not yet fully settled , and upon disbanding of the Army , all parts are like to abound with Souldiers , and such others as will be apt to be provoked to tumults and seditions ; especially in the time of the Kings absence in Scotland . III. That the House of Commons have received information of great quantity of Treasure in Jewells , Plate , and ready Money , packt up to be conveyed away with the Queene , not onely in such a proportion , as the present occasions with due respect to her Majesties Honour , may seeme to require , but a farre greater quantity , and that divers Papists and others , under pretence of her Majesties goods , are like to convey great summes of money , and other Treasures beyond the Seas , which will not onely impoverish the State , but may be imployed to the fomenting some mischievous attempts , to the trouble , of the publique peace . IV. That as it will be a great dishonour to the State , if her Majesty should not be attended and furnished sutably to her quality , so it will be a very heavie burthen in this time of great necessity and occasions of other publique charges , if shee shall be provided in so Royall a manner , as shall be fit for her Majesty , and the honour of the King and Kingdome . V. That because we understand by Sir Theodore Mayerne , that the chiefe cause of her Majesties-sicknesse , and distempers , proceed from some discontent of her minde ; the House of Commons have thought good to declare , that if any thing within the power of Parliament may give her Majesty contentment , they are so tender of her health , both in due respect to his most Excellent Majesty , and her selfe , that they will be ready to further her satisfaction in all things , so farre as may stand with that publike , to which they are obliged . VI . That the Commons conceive it will be some dishonour to this Nation if her mtie. . should at this unseasonable time go out of the Kingdome , upon any griefe or discontent received here , and therefore we shall labour by all good meanes to take away , and prevent all just occasions of her Majesties trouble , in such manner , as may further her content , and therein her health , which will be a very great comfort , and joy to our selves , and the rest of his Majesties loving Subjects . The Queenes Speech , July 21. 1641. VVHen the Parliament did th' other day expresse their Affections to me , in taking into consideration the journey which I had resolved on for the recovery of my health , and represented a desire of my stay , with a tender care of removing all occasions of my indisposition , I could not then give a positive answer , such as I desired for their satisfaction , because I knew not that my health would give way unto it ; but since that time I have resolved to venture my health , and ( for complying with their desires ) not to goe , since my presence here , will be acceptable unto them ; and that they conceive it will be for the good of the Kingdome : For I desire nothing more , than to let you see , that I shall in all things be ready to gratifie them , and to serve the State , though ( as I then said ) with the hazard of my life . Printed in the yeere 1641. 
A32111	----	The Kings Maiesties speech, as it was delivered the second of November before the vniversity and city of Oxford together with a gratulatory replication expressed by that learned man Doctor William Strode, orator for the famou [sic] Vniversity of Oxford. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32111 of text R21616 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2778). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32111 Wing C2778 ESTC R21616 12406817 ocm 12406817 61418 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32111) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61418) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 248:E126, no 31) The Kings Maiesties speech, as it was delivered the second of November before the vniversity and city of Oxford together with a gratulatory replication expressed by that learned man Doctor William Strode, orator for the famou [sic] Vniversity of Oxford. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Strode, William, 1600 or 1601-1645. 7 p. [s.n.], London : Novemb. 9, 1642. Originally published: Oxford : 1642? Another issue lacks "Novemb. 9" in imprint. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. A32111 R21616 (Wing C2778). civilwar no The Kings Maiesties speech, as it was delivered the second of November before the Vniversity and city of Oxford. Together with a gratulatory England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1169 15 0 0 0 0 0 128 F The rate of 128 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2003-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-08 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2003-08 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE KINGS MAIESTIES SPEECH , AS It was delivered the second of November before the Vniversity and City of OXFORD . TOGETHER With a gratulatory Replication expressed by that learned Man Doctor William Strode , Orator for the famou● Vniversity of OXFORD . First printed at Oxford , and now re-printed at London , 1642. Novemb. 9. The Kings Maiesties Speech . As it was delivered the second of November , before the Vniversity of Oxford . TOGETHER With a gratulatory Replication expressed by that learned Man Doctor William Strode , Orator for the famous Vniversity of OXFORD . IT brings great comfort unto me , that I am now almost in the heart of my Kingdome ; and it brings more comfort unto me , that I am now in the hearts of my subiects . I would to God we had all one heart in earnest , that so neither my Kingdomes should suffer , nor I complaine . You see what is daily committed against me ( who am indeed the father of your Countrey ) and I am most sory , that any par of my Kingdome should owne those subiects ( who in pretence of religion ) should lament it , and destroy it . I come not here as a Cunquerour but as your Soveraigne , and beleeve me , there is not a drop of blood hath fallen from a true royall subiect , but I have symp●thized with it ▪ All the blood is lost , doth but open my wounds the wider , and 〈◊〉 sorry th●t you doe not understand it . Beleeve me on ●●e word of a Prince , on the word of your Sove●●igne , there i● nothing more deare unto me then Re●igion , the Religion of my father and the Royall Queene his predecessor , a religion which ever from her owne fl●me● hath arised more pure , and multiplied . This is my businesse to you , in which I hope I shall satisfie both God and you ▪ And since I have left the warre behinde me , take peace and the day while you see it ▪ I see the clouds make hast to overcome it . The Scep●er is and must bee mine , Vnite your selves to maint●ine so honourable , so iust a cause , and what one hand cannot infringe , let many maintaine : You ha●e God for your cause , you have me for hi● second ; and since both are together , who can oppose us : You have seene the first and second victory , which the iustice and mercy of God hath beene pleased to bestow upon me . In the first we have taken prisoners and slaughtered the chiefest of their men , which was the sinewes of victory . In the second , we have taken all their treasure , which is the sinewes of warre . Warre and Victory , Victory and Warre and since the first is come unto us by necessity , I hope the second will bee devolved to us and to ours by inheritance . Gentlemen , my heart doth bleed to see the losse of so many of my people , and where warre cannot preuaile upon me , piety hath done . I bleed in your wounds , and am much overcome to heare my selfe a Conquerour . Give me your hearts , and preserve your owne blouds . The heart of a Prince is kept warme with the blood of his subiects : the blood of the subiects being not to be preserved , were it not loyally entertained into the heart of the Prince . The movings of my Lord of Essex , did never trouble mee , I have offered my selfe in a quiet and inoffensive march , which I have found as open as it was in my progresse . I have indeavoured after a desired reconciliation , and I hope ere many daies passe over , to see it accomplished . It shall be a great happinesse unto mee , if through the many troubles and trauailes of my life , I can distill at last the Soveraigne Balme of peace into the desperate wounds of my distracted Kingdome . The Speech of the Vniversity Orator to gratulate his Majesties comming unto Oxford . HIgh words cannot reach the ioy that your presence hath created in our hearts , which doe blesse our eyes for so desired an obiect . Learning doth acknowledge the mercy of Heaven in bringing your Maiesty to give voyce to the dumbe Academy , and renue the Muses , slaine by that Briareus of ignorance , which breathes nothing but Religions destruction . Our Oxford hath now throwne off all clouds of discontents , and stands cleare , guilded by the beames of your Maiesties Royall presence . The burden cast on me , is my ioy , or rather the ioy of the Academy , extaside into a learned amazement , and raptured into speech to see your Maiesty . All gratulation cannot comply with our thoughts , to shew the pleasure our fancie takes to behold your Maiesty . See Royall King , how Oxford , beauteous in her age , doth kneele , making teares of ioy a Sacrifice , and begging to be protected from threatned ruine . Shall the Spring of learning bee dam'd up ? while ignorance doth teare and rend the Muses Garlands , as would both contemne and destroy Schollers : For no enemy can learning have , unlesse it bee the ignorant . Your Royall Maiesty is by descent , a protector of learning , and borne ( as your Father was ) to bee the glory and defender of the Muses . This may strongly invite your love , wherein wee are already happy in some degrees . But wee feare a malignant enemy should violate our cleare Minerva , and banish from her both maintenance and glory . Pure zeale doth make them seeke with one blow to destroy both learning and Religion , now bleeding and wounding by schismaticall heads , and expecting cure from your Royal Maiesty . Yet our feares are great , and grounded upon the unhappy fate of learning , which is despised of precise Schollers that weare black onely to mourne for the decease of learning . But ioy cannot imagine the time discreet for a iust reproose , and therefore I must tell what pleasure doth refresh and water our thirsty Garden , rather then complaine of scorching heate of persecution . Our memory must not be active in striving to manifest sorrow incompatible with our present ioy . Enlarge rhy selfe therefore Oxford : and let not any griefe so blinde thy heart to a stupid peace , but let loud gratulations wound the aire with reporting welcome to our Gracious King CHARLES . 
A32113	----	His Maiesties speech at Leicester, to the gentlemen, free-holders, and inhabitants of that county, July 20 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32113 of text R39154 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2781). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32113 Wing C2781 ESTC R39154 18240547 ocm 18240547 107222 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32113) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107222) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:64) His Maiesties speech at Leicester, to the gentlemen, free-holders, and inhabitants of that county, July 20 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Imprinted at Yorke, and re-printed at London by Alice Norton, [London] : 1642. Royal arms with initials at head of title. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32113 R39154 (Wing C2781). civilwar no His Maiesties speech at Leicester, to the gentlemen, free-holders, and inhabitants of that county. July 20. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 493 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R royal blazon or coat of arms His Maiesties Speech at Leicester , to the Gentlemen , Free-holders , and Inhabitants of that County . July 20. GENTLEMEN , SInce I have found my presence so very acceptable amongst my good Subjects in these Northern parts , and that the Errors and Mistakes amongst them , have wholly proceeded from mis-information , and are removed with more satisfaction , and ease to them then they were received ; I hold it a piece of my duty , to take the utmost pains I can , fully to inform and undeceive my People ; and rather to prevent Crimes , then to punish them : In this Errand I am come to you , amongst whom there hath not beene the least misunderstanding , to shew you , That I doe not suspect any malice in the Place , or in the People , though persons of as ill dispositions have been busie in it , and amongst you , as in any County in England , & such who have taken as great pains to do mischief , and to bring Confusion as good men should for peace & happines : Though t is as true , that very many worthier persons amogst you have appeared of contrary affections , which I shal always acknowledge : I am come to you in a time too , when nothing could invite me to such a Iourney , but my Affection to , and good esteeme of you ; having sent such Propositions for Peace and Accommodation to my two Houses of Parliament , that I hope to have no other use of your affections , but in your Prayers ; being sure they will submit to them with allacrity , if the unexcusable Enemies to the Peace of the Kingdome be not strong enough to prevaile : And then you will finde your selves so much concerned ( for I have required nothing that with more Iustice can be denied me ( if it be duly weighed ) then my Crowne , or my Life may be taken from me ) that I shall not need to aske your assistance : I know you will bring Horse , Men , Money , and Hearts worthy such a Cause . Your Religion , your Liberties , your Lawes ( which I will defend with my life , I meane the good knowne Lawes of the Land , not Ordinances without my consent , which till within these twelve Moneths was never heard of from the Foundation of this Kingdom ) will be the Quarrell : And in such a Cause the taking away my Townes , Ships , Armes , and Money from me , shall not dishearten me : The Concurrence and Affection of my People with Gods blessing will supply and recover all . Imprinted at Yorke , and re-printed at London by Alice Norton , 1642. 
A32120	----	His Majesties speech on the scaffold at White-Hall on Tuesday last Jan. 30 before the time of his coming to the block of execution and a declaration of the deportment of the said Charles Stuart before he was executed to the great admiration of the people : and a proclamation of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament to be published throughout the Kingdoms prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be King of England, Ireland or the dominions thereof : also A letter from the north to a member of the Army containing the declaration and resolutions of the Northern Army touching the late King of England and the lofty cedars of the city of London. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32120 of text R29203 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2792B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32120 Wing C2792B ESTC R29203 10856298 ocm 10856298 46125 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32120) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 46125) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1419:23) His Majesties speech on the scaffold at White-Hall on Tuesday last Jan. 30 before the time of his coming to the block of execution and a declaration of the deportment of the said Charles Stuart before he was executed to the great admiration of the people : and a proclamation of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament to be published throughout the Kingdoms prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be King of England, Ireland or the dominions thereof : also A letter from the north to a member of the Army containing the declaration and resolutions of the Northern Army touching the late King of England and the lofty cedars of the city of London. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 6 p. Printed for R.W., [London] : [1649]. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Executions and executioners -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. A32120 R29203 (Wing C2792B). civilwar no His Majesties speech on the scaffold at White-Hall on Tuesday last, Jan. 30. Before the time of his coming to the block of execution; and a Charles I, King of England 1649 1896 8 0 0 0 0 0 42 D The rate of 42 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties SPEECH On the Scaffold at WHITE-HALL On Tuesday last , Jan. 30. Before the time of His coming to the Block of Execution ; And a Declaration of the Deportment of the said Charles Stuart , before He was executed , to the great admiration of the People . AND A Proclamation of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , to be published throughout the Kingdom ; prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be King of England , Ireland , or the Dominions thereof . ALSO A Letter from the North , to a member of the Army ; containing the Declaration and Resolutions of the Northern Army , touching the late King of England , and the lofty Cedars of the City of London . Imprimatur THEODORE JENNINGS : Printed for R.W. for general satisfaction of the people . A Letter from the North , containing the Declaration and Resolutions of the Northern Army , and the Inhabitants of Yorkshire , concerning the executing of Iustice upon Charles Stuart , late King of England , and the cutting off the lofty Cedars within the City of London , and elsewhere , who have been promoters of the bloudy and tyrannicall design of the Royall party , against the free-borne people of England . Endeared Sir , Yours of the 6. instant I received ( together with your papers therein inclosed ) and according to your ardent expresly intimated , I shall here indeavour to satisfie your expectation , in communicating those particulars , which are most observable in these parts , viz. As for your present proceedings , in order to the executing of Justice , it is the object whereon our eyes are fixed , our hearts thirsting after Justice and Righteousnesse ; considering , that Judgment truly denounced , is as a Crown of glory to all those who indevour to walk in the direct path of Truth and Holinesse ; And seeing that God hath bin pleased ( out of the abundance of his love ) to open a doore of deliverance to his people on earth , for the bringing them out of the snare of tyranny , and Norman oppression . We doe therebore beseech our noble Se●ars in the South to use their utmost endeavours , in carrying on this great work of Liberty and Freedom , for the true and impartiall executing of Justice , and establishing of Peace and Righteousnesse . For , we are confident , that if Justice bee not speedily executed , that both you and we shall perish , the wrath of the Almighty Jehovah , being ready to issue forth in streames of Vengeance from the Canopy of Heaven against the unrighteousnesse of Heaven , for acting against the known Lawes and Will of God , and standing in opposition against the most glorious splendor of the true light of the Gospel of Jesus Christ . In consideration whereof , We the Officers and Souldiery in the Northern Brigade , do unanimously desire ( euen from the superiour to the inferiour ) that Justice may be speedily executed , and that the tottering and corrupted pillars of the Common-wealth of England , may be immediatly cut off and hewen down , as well the persons of Princes , as either Lords or Commoners ▪ In order thereunto , and for the impartiall executing thereof , it is the sense of the Officers and Souldiery in these parts , to live and dye , aad stand and fall with you for the performance thereof , protesting to leave no meanes unassayed , for the clearing of Englands putrified channell , which ebbes and flows ( in a prerogative and usurping way ) both in Church and State : And not onely we alone , but the honest and free born Denizons in the East and West-Ridinr of this County , have mutually resolved to live and dye with us in prosecution of the same ; who upon a meeting near Leeds , on tee 19 of this instr . declared their Resolutions , and entred into protest●tion , to sacrifice lives and fortunes in the defence of Parliament and Army , for the obtaining of Justice , Liberty , and Freedom , together with the common Rights of the people of England . And do desire , th●t impartiall Justice may ( without detraction of time ) be forthwith executed upon the person of the King , and that the lofty Cedars of the City of London , and else-where , may bee lopt and taken down , wdo have ayded and assisted him in this unnatural tyrannicall , and bloudy war , and promoted the Designes of the adverse party , against the well-affected of this Kingdom . Since which Declaratory Expressions from the said well-affected party , the spirits of malignancy have been much abated in these parts : But in Lancashire , Westmerland , and Cumberland , the Coles of Enmity are a kindling , and ready to break forth into n●w flames of Discord and Contention , the Clergy stirring up the people in their pulpits , and using all meanes possible to incite them to an Engagement against the Parliament and Army , declaring , That all their Actions and Designes tends only to the extirpation of Religion and Government , and to erect a new Government , according to the will of their own hearts , telling them ; that they shall not only be deprived of their most lawfull and dread Soveraign , but also of their just Rights , Liberties , and Estates : But ( we doubt not ) but a speedy Glister will be administred to these inveterate and putrified Caterpillars , and to give them a strong purgation and Vomit , in recompense of all their infective Language , and quack-salving Cordials to the people . We hear that divers Agents from Scotland have dispiersed themselvs throughout severall counties in these parts , agitating with the Royal party for a new commotion , telling them , that 40000. horse and foot will bee ready before the 16. of Feb. to make an inrode into England , in behalf of their King and Covenant ; but it s believed , a second English storm ( if a fourth invasion bee made ) will soon expiate all their Scottish Mists , which is all at present , from Your obliged , and most feruent friend , Peter Michael Wakefield 24 Ian. 1648. An Act or Proclamation , prohibiting the proclaiming of any person to be King of England or Ireland , or the Dominions thereof . WHereas Charles Stuart King of England , being for the notorious Treasons , Tyrannies , and Murthers committed by him in the late and unnaturall and cruell wars condemned to death ; whereupon , after execution of the same , several pretences may be made , and Title set on foot unto the Kingly Office , of the apparent hazard of the publike peace : For prevention thereof , Be it Enacted and Ordained by this present Parl ▪ and by authority of the same , That no person or persons whatsoever de presume to proclaim , declare , publish , or any way promote Charles Stuart , Son of the said Charles , commonly called the Prince of Wales , or any other person to be King , or chief Magistrate of England , Ireland , or of any the Dominions belonging to them , or either of them , by colour of inheritance , succession , election , or any other claim whatsoever , without the free consent of the people in Parl. first had , and signified by a particular Act or Ordinance for that purpose , any Statute , Law , Usage , or Custome to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding . And be it further enacted and ordained , and it is hereby enacted and ordained , That whosoever shall contrary to this Act , proclaim , declare , publish , or any way promote the said Charles Stuart the Son , or any other person to be King or chief Magistrate of England , Ireland , or of any the Dominions belonging to them , or to either of them , without the said consent in Parliament signed as aforesaid , shall be deemed and adjudged a traytor to the Common-wealth , and shal suffer pains of death , and such other punishments , as belong to the Crime of high Treason . And all Officers , as wel Civil as Military , and all other well affected persons , are hereby authorized and required forthwith to apprehend all such Offenders , and to bring them in safe custody to the next Justice of peace , that they may be proceeded against accordingly . H. Scobel , Cler. Parl. D. Com. The substance of his Majesties Speech , to the Officers of the Army , at the place of Execution , on the Scaffold at White-Hall , on Tuesday Ian. 30. 1649. HIs Majesty having received Sentence of Death from the High Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall , a Scaffold was ordred to be forthwith erected and set up against White-hall , one end thereof adjoyning to the said Banqueting house at White Hall , being the place appointed for execution ; and upon Tuesday being the 30. of Jan. ( about one of the clock in the afternoon ) his Majesty was guarded from his Palace to the said place of execution , by divers Officers of the Army , who came with a most pleasant , and undanted courage to the Scaffold , being attyred in a black Sute and Clo●k , with his blew Ribbon and a george over his shoulders attended by Dr. Juxson , late Bishop of London ; and upon his Majesties coming towards the Block , He fixed his eyes thereon , not seeming to be danted in the least ; saying , That He was willing to sacrifice His life , for the liberty and freedom of His people , and to dye as a Martyr of the people of England , by changing this corruptible C●owne of Misery , to an incorruptible Crown of Glory , and that Hee was never guilty of the spilling of any bloud , except the E. of Straffords ; which done , His Majesty kneeled down upon the Scaffold , and went to prayers with the Bishop , and having prepared himself for death , he cast off his Cloak , giving his George and Ribbin to Dr. Juxson , and stript himself of his Dublit , who being in his Skey-colour wastcoat , the Executioner came unto him , and folded up the hair of his head under his white cap ; after which , his Majesty came to the block , and casting his eyes to Heaven , kneeled down , the Executioner immediatly doing his office , who severed his head from his shoulders at one blow ; which being taken up into a Scarf , the Body and it was both carryed off from the Scaffold to White-Hall . FINIS . 
A32124	----	His Maiesties speech to both houses of Parliament, July the 5th 1641 with Mr. Speakers speech, before the King, in the vpper house of Parliament, July the 3, 1641, concerning the passing of three bills, 1. poll-money, 2. Star-chamber, 3. high commission. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32124 of text R13562 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2797A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32124 Wing C2797A ESTC R13562 12097695 ocm 12097695 54009 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32124) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54009) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 863:21) His Maiesties speech to both houses of Parliament, July the 5th 1641 with Mr. Speakers speech, before the King, in the vpper house of Parliament, July the 3, 1641, concerning the passing of three bills, 1. poll-money, 2. Star-chamber, 3. high commission. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Lenthall, William, 1591-1662. [2], 6 p. [s.n.], London : 1641. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. A review by the King of his recent concessions to Parliament and a similar review by Speaker Lenthall of Parliament's concessions to the King. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32124 R13562 (Wing C2797A). civilwar no His Majesties speech. To both houses of Parliament, July the 5th 1641. With Mr Speakers speech, before the King, in the Vpper House of Parli England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 1522 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-07 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-07 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-10 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES SPEECH , To both houses of PARLIAMENT , JULY the 5th 1641. WITH Mr SPEAKERS SPEECH , Before the KING , in the Vpper House of PARLIAMENT , Iuly the 3d , 1641. Concerning the passing of three Bils , Viz. 1 Poll-Money . 2 Star-Chamber . 3 High Commission . London Printed 1641. THF KINGS SPEECH To both Houses of Parliament , the fifth of Iuly , 1641. I Come to doe that office which I did on Saturday last , to give determination to these two Bills : But before I doe it , I must tell you that I cannot but be very sensible of those reports of discontent , that I heare some have taken , for not giving my Assent on Saturday last . Me thinkes it seemes strange that any one should thinke I could passe two Bills of that importance as these were , without taking some fit time to consider of them , for it is no lesse then to alter in a great measure , those fundamentall Lawes Ecclesiasticall and Civill , which many of my Predecessours have established , &c. If you consider what I have done this Parliament , discontent will not sit in your hearts ; for I hope you remember that I have granted that the Judges hereafter shall hold their places , Quam diu bene se gesserint . I have bounded the Forrest , not according to my right , but according to the late Customes , I have established the property of the Subject , as witnesse the free giving , not taking away the Ship-money . I have establishing by Act in Parliament the property of the subject in Tunnage and Poundage , which never which never was done in any my Predecessours times , I have granted a Law for a Trienniall Parliament , and given way to an Act for the securing of monies advanced for the disbanding of the Armies , I have given free Course of Justice against Delinquents , I have put the Law in Execution against Papists . Nay , I have given way to every thing that you have asked of me , and therefore me thinkes you should not wonder if in some thing I begin to refuse , but I hope it shall not hinder your Progresse in your great Affaires . And I will not sticke upon triviall matters to give you Content , I hope you are sensible of these beneficiall favours bestowed upon you at this time . To conclude , you know ( by your consent ) there is a prefixed time set for my going into Scotland , and there is an absolute necessity for it , I doe not know but that things may so fall out , that it may be shortned ; Therefore I hope you will hasten the dispatch of those great businesses that now is necessary to be done , and leave triviall and superficiall matters to another meeting . For my part I shall omit nothing that may give you just contentment , and study nothing more then your happinesse , and therefore I hope you shall see a very good Testimony of it by the passing these two Bills . Le Roy Le veult . This done , his Majestie said as followeth : viz. I have one word more to speake unto you , and take now an occasion to present to both Houses , that whereby I hope all the world shall see that there is a good understanding betweene me and my people . It is concerning my Nephew , the Prince Elector Palatine , who having me and the King of Denmarke to give to a writing concerning the Dyet at Ratisbone with the Emperour , I could not but send my Ambassadour to Assist him , though I am afraid I shall not have so good an answer as I expect , which my Newphew fore-seeing , hath desired me , for the better countenancing of the same , to make a Manefesto in my name , which is a thing of great consequence , and if I should doe it alone , without the advice of my Parliament , it would rather be a scorne then otherwise ; Therfore I doe propose it unto you , that if you should advise me to it , I doe thinke it were very fit to bee published in my name . Mr. SPEAKERS SPEECH . THe Government of a Commonwealth rests in the Rules of order , and hath so much affinity and consent with the Rules of Nature , in the government of the World , that the first copie and mutation of the one may seeme to bee taken from the originall and first modell of the other . This contemplation ( most excellent and gracious Soveraigne ) casts our eyes upon your Sacred Majesty , as that Celestiall Orbe , which never resting without the office of perpetuall motion , to cherish the lower bodies , not enriching it selfe with any treasures drawne from below , exhales in vapours from the inferiour Elements , what indue season it returnes in showres . The application makes us consider our selves , those sublunary creatures which having their essence and being from the influence of those beames ( as the flowers of the field ) open to receive the glory of the Sun . In this relation both contribute to the common good , your sacred Majestie as a Nursing Father designed to bestow on your people , the blessing of peace and unity , and we as the children of obedience returne our duties and affections in Aids and Tributes . And this compacted in one body by the ligaments of Religion and Lawes , hath been the object of admiration to the whole world . Amidst the distraction of forreigne Nations , wee onely have sate under the shadow of our Vines , and dranke the wines of our owne Vintage . But your crafty adversaries , perceiving that the fervent profession of your owne Religion and firme observation of our Lawes , have beene the pillars of our prosperity , By subtile insinuations , pretending a Politike necessity to admit of moderation in our Religion , to comply with forraine Princes , and suggesting it a principall in the rule of Soveraignty , to require and take into , aske & have , that it must be postulare by power , not petere by Lawes , and keep this misery of warre and calamity , betweene Nation and Nation , and put us in the posture of gaze to the whole world . But when wee behold your sacred Majesty discended from the Royall loines of that glorious King , which by his wisdome and Policie , first ingrafted the white Rose and the Red , upon the same stock , and sheithed the sword that had pierced the bowels of so much Nobilitie , glutted with the blood of people , and then laid the first hopes of the happy union between the Nations . When our thoughts refresh themselves with that happy memory of that religious King your gracious Father , on whose sacred Temples both Diadems were placed , wrethed about with this motto , Faciam eos ingentem unam , we cannot but believe that God and Nature ( by a lineall succession from those Fathers of peace ) hath ordained you that lapis Angularis upon which the whole frame settles , and put into the hands of you sacred Majestie , the possibility and power to firme and stablish this happy union betweene your Kingdomes , and so raise your memory a Statue of glory and wisdome from generation to generation . In all this length of time , the assurance of this Union and peace hath been the chiefe object of our desires , Our Purses have beene as open as our hearts , both contributing to this great work , manifested by so many Subsidies already presented , sufficient in our first hopes for the full perfection . But finding that faile , have againe adventured upon your peoples property , and in an old and absolute way , new burnisht by the hand of instant necessity , expressed to the World the heart of a loyall people , and howsoever guided with a new name of tranquility and peace to your Kingdome , that with more case the people may disgest the bitternesse of this Pill , yet still our hearts had the same aime and object . A gift sutable to the necessity of such vast extent that time cannot parallell it by any example . And by which , if your sacred Majesty vouchsafe your Royall assent , wee shall not doubt you may soone accomplish those happy effects that may present your wisdome the object of wonder , and your policy to bee admired amongst the Nations . FINIS . 
A32125	----	His Majesties speech to both Houses of Parliament December the second 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32125 of text R11360 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2798). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32125 Wing C2798 ESTC R11360 13013091 ocm 13013091 96510 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32125) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96510) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 259:E199, no 37) His Majesties speech to both Houses of Parliament December the second 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 5 p. Printed by Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649 -- Sources. A32125 R11360 (Wing C2798). civilwar no His Majesties speech, to both Houses of Parliament: December the second. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 656 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2002-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES SPEECH , To both HOUSES of Parliament : December the second . 1641. LONDON : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXLI . DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QUI MAL Y PENSE HIS MAJESTIES SPEECH , To both HOUSES of PARLIAMENT , Decem. 2. 1641. My Lords and Gentlemen , I Think it fit , after so long absence , at this first occasion , to speak a few words unto you , but it is no wayes in answer to Master Speakers learned Speech : Albeit I have staid longer then I expected to have done when I went away , yet in this I have kept my promise with you , that I have made all the haste back again , that the setling of my Scotch affairs could any wayes permit , in which I have had so good successe , that I will confidently affirm to you , that I have left that Nation a most peaceable and contented People ; so that although I have a little misreckoned in time , yet I was not deceived in my end . But if I have deceived your expectations a little in the time of my return , yet I am assured that my expectation is as much and more deceived in the condition wherein I hoped to have found businesses at my return . For since that before my going I setled the Liberties of my Subjects , and gave the Lawes a free and orderly course , I expected to have found my People reaping the fruits of these benefits , by living in quietnesse , and satisfaction of minde : But in stead of this , I finde them disturbed with Jealousies , Frights , and Alarms of dangerous Designes and Plots ; in consequence of which , Guards have been set to defend both Houses : I say not this as in doubt that my Subjects affections are any way lesned to me in this time of my absence , for I cannot but remember , to my great comfort , the joyfull reception I had now at my entry into London , but rather as I hope that my presence will easily disperse these fears . For I bring as perfect and true affections to my people as ever Prince did , or as good Subjects can possibly desire . And I am so far from repenting me of any Act I have done this Session for the good of my people , that I protest , if it were to do again I would do it , and will yet grant what else can be justly desired for satisfaction in point of Liberties , or in maintenance of the true Religion that is here established . Now I have but one Particular to recommend unto you at this time , It is Ireland , for which though I doubt not your care , yet me thinks the preparations for it go but slowly on . The occasion is the fitter for me now to mention it , because of the arrivall of two Lords from Scotland , who come instructed from my Councel there ( who now by Act of Parliament have full power for that purpose ) to answer that Demand which it pleased both Houses to make me by way of Petition , that met me at Barwick , and which the Duke of Richmont sent back by my Command to my Scotch-Councel : Therefore my desire is , That both Houses would appoint a select Committee to end this businesse with these Noblemen . I must conclude in telling you , that I seek my peoples happinesse , for their flourishing is my greatest glory , and their affections my greatest strength . FINIS . 
A32128	----	His Majesties speech to the committee the 9th of March 1641 when they presented the declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-market. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32128 of text R36117 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2801). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32128 Wing C2801 ESTC R36117 15607454 ocm 15607454 104088 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32128) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104088) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1588:41) His Majesties speech to the committee the 9th of March 1641 when they presented the declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-market. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32128 R36117 (Wing C2801). civilwar no His Majesties speech to the committee, the 9th of March, 1641. when they presented the declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-marke England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 486 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ His Majesties Speech to the Committee , the 9th of March , 1641. when they presented the Declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-market . I Am confident that you expect not I should give you a speedy Answer to this strange and unexpected Declaration ; And I am sorry ( in the Distraction of this Kingdom ) you should think this way of Addresse to be more convenient , then that proposed by my Message of the 20th of Ianuary last to both Houses . As concerning the grounds of your Fears and Iealousies , I will take time to answer particularly , and doubt not but I shall do it to the satisfaction of all the World . God , in his good time , will , I hope , discover the secrets and bottoms of all Plots and Treasons ; and then I shall stand right in the eyes of all my People . In the mean time , I must tell you , that I rather expected a Vindication for the Imputation laid on me in Master Pims Speech , then that any more generall Rumours and Discourses should get credit with you . For my Fears and Doubts , I did not think they should have been thought so groundlesse or triviall , while so many Seditious Pamphlets and Sermons are looked upon , and so great Tumults are remembred , unpunished , uninquired into : I still confesse my Fears , and call God to Witnesse , That they are greater for true Protestant Profession , my People and Laws , then for my own Rights or Safety ; though I must tell you , I conceive that none of these are free from danger . What would you have ? Have I violated your Laws ? Have I denied to passe any one Bill for the ease and securitie of my Subjects ? I do not ask you what you have done for Me . Have any of my People been transport with Fears and Apprehensions ? I have offered as free and generall a Pardon , as your selves can devise . All this considered , There is a Iudgement from Heaven upon this Nation , if these Distractions continue . God so deal with Me and Mine , as all my Thoughts and Intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession , and for the Observation and Preservation of the Laws of this Land : And , I hope , God will blesse and assist those Laws for my Preservation . As for the Additionall Declaration , you are to expect an Answer to it , when you shall receive the Answer to the Declaration it self . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A32131	----	His Majesties speech to the gentlemen at Yorke on Thursday last, being the 12. of May, 1642. Speeches. 1642-05-12. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32131 of text R225725 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2806). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32131 Wing C2806 ESTC R225725 99826916 99826916 31327 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32131) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 31327) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1845:10) His Majesties speech to the gentlemen at Yorke on Thursday last, being the 12. of May, 1642. Speeches. 1642-05-12. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) First printed at Yorke, and now reprinted at London, [London] : Maij 16. 1642. Originally published as His Majesties speech to the gentry of the county of Yorke. Reproduction of the original in the Caius and Gonville College Library (Cambridge University). eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1645 Jan. 2 -- Early works to 1800. Prerogative, Royal -- England -- Early works to 1800. A32131 R225725 (Wing C2806). civilwar no His Majesties speech to the gentry of the county of Yorke, attending his Majesty at the city of Yorke, on Thursday the 12 of May 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 619 2 0 0 0 0 0 32 C The rate of 32 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms His Majesties Speech to the Gentlemen at Yorke ; on Thursday last , being the 12. of May , 1642. Gentlemen , I Have cause of adding , not altering what I meant to say , when I gave out the summons for this dayes appearance , I little thought of these messengers or of such a message as they brought ; the which because it concernes mee in what I intend to speake , and that I desire you should be truly informed of all passages between me and the Parliament : you shall heare read , First my Answer to their Declaration of both Houses concerning Hull : The Answer of the Parliament to my Two Messages concerning Hull ; together with my reply to the same ; and my Message to both Houses , declaring the Reasons why I refused to passe the Bill concerning the Militia . All which being read His Majesty proceeded . I will make no paraphrases upon what ye have heard it were more befitting a Lawyer then a King onely this observation , since Treason is countenanced so neare Me it is time to look to my safety , I avow it was part of my wonder , that men ( whom I thought heretofore discreete and moderate should have undertaken this Imployment , and that since they came ( I have delivered them the Answer you have heard and commanded them to returne personally with it to the Parliament : ) should have flatly disobeyed me upon pretence of the Parliament Command . My end in telling you this , is to warne you of them : For since these men have brought me such a Message ; and disobeyed , so lawfull a Command I will not say what their intend of saying here is , only I did you take heed , not knowing what Doctrine of disobedience they may preach to you , under colour of obeying the Parliament . Hitherto I have found and kept you quiet , the enoying of which was a chiefe cause of my coming hither . ( Tumults & ●isorders having made me leave the South ) and not to make this a seat of Warre , as malice would ( but I hope in vaine ) make you believe . Now if disturbances doe come I know whom I have reason to suspect . To be short , you see that my Magazin is going to be taken away from me ( being mine own proper goods ) directly against my will , the ●●litia ( against Law and my Consent ) is going to be put in execution : And lastly Sir Iohn Hotham , Treason is countenanced ; all this considered , none can blame me to apprehend dangers . Therefore , I have thought fit , ( upon these reall grounds ) to tell you That I am resolved to have a Guard , ( the Parliament having had one all this white upon imaginary Iealousies ) only to secure my person , in which I desire your concurrence and assistance and that I may be able to protect you , the Lawes and the true Protestant profession from any affront or injury that may be offered , which I meane to maintaine my selfe , Without charge to the Country intending no longer to Keepe them on foot , then I shall be secured of my apprehensions ; by having satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned . First Printed at Yorke , and now Reprinted at London , Maij 16 , 1642. 
A32136	----	The Kings Majesties speech to the sixe heads, concerning the Queens going into Holland England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32136 of text R39155 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2817). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32136 Wing C2817 ESTC R39155 18240567 ocm 18240567 107223 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32136) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107223) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:65) The Kings Majesties speech to the sixe heads, concerning the Queens going into Holland England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Henrietta Maria, Queen, consort of Charles I, King of England, 1609-1669. Queens Majesties speech to a committee of both Houses at Whitehall, touching her going into Holland. 1 broadside. [s.n.], [London] printed : 1641. Place of publication suggested by Wing. Includes: The Queens Majesties speech to a committee of both Houses at Whitehall, touching her going into Holland. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32136 R39155 (Wing C2817). civilwar no The Kings Majesties speech to the sixe heads, concerning the Queens going into Holland. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 282 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ The Kings Majesties Speech to the sixe Heads , concerning the Queens going into Holland . MY Lords , and Gentlemen ; nothing but exstream necessity shall make me willing at this time for to give consent unto the Queens going out of the Land ; and I shall be very sorry if the case stand so , that she should be forc't to go to preserve her health , and I give unto both Houses many thanks , for the care they have of my Wives health and contentment : therefore I desire there may be a Committee of both Houses here to morrow , at three a clock , to attend my Wife , with these Reasons which have now been read to me . ❧ The Queens Majesties Speech to a Committee of both Houses at Whitehall , touching Her going into Holland . MY Lords , and Gentlemen of the House of Commons , I am thankefull to both Houses of Parliament , for the great care they have of my health ; and for their affections to me , hoping that I shall see the effect of it : Truely nothing but my life could move me to this consideration , and if I thought I could serve the King , and Kingdome with the hazard of my life , I would do it willingly , and I hope you do beleeve , I am so much interested in the good and welfare of this Kingdome , that I shall never in my life wish or desire any thing that may prove to the prejudice of it . July 20. Printed Anno Dom. 1641. 
A32137	----	His Maiesties speech with Mr. Speakers speech to both Houses of Parliament, at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage : being an answer to Mr. Speakers speech at the presenting thereof, 22 June, 1641. Lenthall, William, 1591-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32137 of text R41770 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2818). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32137 Wing C2818 ESTC R41770 31360613 ocm 31360613 110749 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32137) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 110749) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1736:17) His Maiesties speech with Mr. Speakers speech to both Houses of Parliament, at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage : being an answer to Mr. Speakers speech at the presenting thereof, 22 June, 1641. Lenthall, William, 1591-1662. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). s.n., [London : 1641] Place and date of publication from Wing (2nd ed.) "Mr. Speaker's speech" appears first on the sheet, and comprises most of the text. William Lenthall (1591-1662) was speaker of the House of Commons -- cf. DNB. Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng Tonnage fees -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- London (England) -- 17th century. A32137 R41770 (Wing C2818). civilwar no His Maiesties speech: with Mr. Speakers speech,to both Houses of Parliament; at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage: being an a England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 1020 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ His Maiesties Speech : With Mr. SPEAKERS Speech , to both Houses of Parliament ; At the passing of the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage : Being an Answer to Mr. SPEAKERS Speech at the presenting thereof , 22. June 1641. THat policy , most gracious and dread Soveraigne , which weighs the Prerogative of the King and property of the Subject in the same Scales , and increases the plenty of the Crowne and government of the people ; the even poysing of this Beame enables both , the one being ordained for the preservation of the other . This principle is so riveted into the hearts of your Subjects by the acts of their Ancestors , and traditions of their fore-fathers , that it hath created a beliefe in them , that their wills are bound to a due allegiance , and their fortunes and estates , as well as their duty and subjection , must bend to the commands of that Soveraigne power with which God hath invested your sacred Majesty . Compulsary obedience , advanced by the transcendent power of Prerogative , is too weake to support the right of government : It is the affections and estates of your people , tyed with the threads of obedience , by the rules of Law , that fastens safety and prosperity to the Crowne . The experiment of elder times , in the raignes of the most valiant puissant Princes , hath concluded this the soveraigne preservative against the diseases of distraction and confusion , and makes it manifest to the world , that the honour and glory of this Throne is to command the hearts of free-men . This admitted , the permission of the least diminution , or any eclypsed interposition betweene the honour and plenty of the Crowne , contracts a scorne upon the Nation . Severall Parliaments in former times have stampt the Caracter of a free gift upon the fore-front of this ayd , still offered by the people as a sacrifice of thankesgiving to the Crowne , for the safe conduct of your Merchants , and provision of the Navie , to strengthen your undoubted Dominion over the seas , which hath protected your Allyes , and is a terrour to your Enemies . Our hopes were long since to have settled this for the measure and the time , and with this to have presented to your sacred Majesty the triumphant palme of Tranquillity in all your Kingdomes : But , as a ship floating upon a rough sea , wee have beene cast upon the rocke of feare and dangers , and tossed on the billowes of distraction and distrust of Church and Common-wealth , where we yet remaine hopelesse ever to passe through that narrow channell which leads to the Haven of peace , unlesse we be speedily steered on by the hand of your sacred wisedome , care and providence . In the midst of all these troubles , and the severall opinions which have beene amongst us , no division had power to distract any one of us from the care and duty wee owe to your sacred person . And , to that end am I now sent by the Commons of England , to present this as a Marke onely , whereby your sacred Majesty may view the inward duties of our hearts , untill time and opportunity will give leave for a further expression of our duties and affections . The acceptation of this gift will glad the hearts of your people , and the approbation by the royall assent of this Bill ( being the largest for the measure which was ever given ) will joyne wings to our desires and hopes , which shall never returne without that Olive-leafe , which may declare that the waters are abated , and your sacred Majesty may have full assurance of the faith and loyalty of your subjects . His Majesties SPEECH . I Doe very willingly accept your offer made at this time , as a testimony of your love , and beginning of your dutifull affections unto mee ; And I no way doubt , but that you will performe that which you have intimated unto me , and that in due time you will performe the rest , when you have leisure . I doe not doubt likewise , but that in passing this Bill you will see a testimony of the trust and confidence I have in your affections , as also that I omit no occasion whereby I may shew that affection to my people , that I desire my people would shew to me , as in this Parliament hitherto no body can say but that I have sought occasions both to shew my affections unto them , and to remove disputes . And therefore in this particular Bill I hope you will know that I do freely and frankly give over the right which my Predecessours have ever challenged unto them ( though I confesse disputed , but yet they did never yeeld in their times ; ) Therefore you will understand this but a marke of my confidence to put my selfe wholly upon the love and affection of my people for my subsistence ; And therefore I hope that in prosecution of this , you will go on as you have said , and that , though you have rumors of jealousies and suspitions , by flying and idle discourses , that have come to my eares , concerning the ordinary way , I confesse I never understood otherwise then as having relation to the Scotish army , and preventing insurrection ; which vanished as soone as they were borne . And therefore now you see my clearnesse , I will leave that to you , and will not meddle with it one way or other , for I never had other designe but to win the affections of my people by my Justice in my Government . 
A32143	----	To the inhabitants of the county of Cornwall a letter of thanks from King Charles I of ever blessed memory, dated Sept. 10, 1643 from Sudly Castle. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32143 of text R26594 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2835). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32143 Wing C2835 ESTC R26594 09506334 ocm 09506334 43358 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32143) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43358) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1327:9) To the inhabitants of the county of Cornwall a letter of thanks from King Charles I of ever blessed memory, dated Sept. 10, 1643 from Sudly Castle. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n., [S.l : 1643] Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Cornwall (England : County) -- History. A32143 R26594 (Wing C2835). civilwar no To the inhabitants of the county of Cornwall, a letter of thanks from King Charles I. of ever blessed memory, dated Sept. 10. 1643. from Sud England and Wales, 1625-1649 : Charles I 1650 376 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Inhabitants of the County of Cornwall , A Letter of Thanks from King CHARLES I. Of Ever Blessed Memory , Dated SEPT. 10. 1643. from SVDLY Castle . CAROLUS REX , WE are so highly sensible of the extraordinary Merits of Our County of Cornwall , of their Zeal for the Defence of our Person , and the Just Rights of Our Crown , in a time when We could contribute so little to Our own Defence , or to their Assistance ; ( in a time , when not only no Reward appeared , but great and probable Dangers were threatned to Obedience and Loyalty ) of their Great and Eminent Courage and Patience in their Indefatigable prosecution of their great work against so Potent an Enemy , backt with so Strong , Rich and Populous Cities , and so plentifully furnished with Men , Arms , Money , Ammunition and Provisions of all kinds ; and of the wonderful success with which it hath pleased Almighty God ( though with the loss of some Eminent persons , who shall never be forgotten by Us to reward their Loyalty and Patience ) by many strange Victories over their and Our Enemies , in despite of all humane probabilities and all imaginable disadvantages ; that as We cannot be forgetful of so great Deserts , so We cannot but desire to publish to all the World , and perpetuate to all time the memory of their Merits , and of Our Acceptance of the same . And to that end , We do hereby render Our Royal Thanks to that Our County in the most publick and lasting manner We can devise , Commanding Copies hereof to be Printed and published , and one of them to be read in every Church and Chapel therein , and to be kept for ever as a Record in the same , that as long as the History of these Times , and of this Nation shall continue , the Memory of how much that County hath merited from Us and Our Crown , may be derived with it to Posterity . Given at our Camp at Sudly Castle the Tenth of September 1643. 
A32146	----	Trusty and well belo[ved] England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32146 of text R40808 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2842). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32146 Wing C2842 ESTC R40808 19327828 ocm 19327828 108626 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32146) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 108626) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1683:30) Trusty and well belo[ved] England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. By Robe[rt Bark]er ... : And th[e assign]es of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. At head of title: By the King. Title from first line of text. Bracketed information in title and imprint suggested by Wing. Imperfect: creased and torn with loss of print, best copy available for photographing. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32146 R40808 (Wing C2842). civilwar no Trusty and well belo[ved] England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 753 56 0 0 0 0 0 744 F The rate of 744 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King . TRusty and well belo●●●… We greet you well : VVhereas VVe understand , That Sir J … … am takes vpon him ( without any legall Authority or Powe … 〈…〉 issue VVarrants to Constables , and other Our Officers , t … … vers of Our trained Bands of this Our County , and requ … 〈◊〉 to march with their Arms , and to come into Our Town of 〈◊〉 where he hath disarmed divers of them , keeps their Arms , a … … arges the men : And whereas VVe are credibly informed , that 〈◊〉 persons , who were lately Colonels , Lieutenant-Colonels , Captains and Officers 〈◊〉 ●rayned Bands of this Our County , intend shortly to summon , and indeavour to mus●●● 〈◊〉 ●●rces of this Our County : For as much as by the Law of the Land , none of 〈…〉 Bands are to be raised or mustered , upon any pretence or authority whatsoever 〈…〉 … all VVarrant under Our own hand , or by a Legall VVrit directed to the Sherif 〈…〉 ●ounty , or by VVarrant from the Lord Lieutenant , or Deputy Lieutenants of 〈…〉 , appointed and authorized by Commission under Our Great Seal . And wh … 〈…〉 … sent there is no Lord Lieutenant or Deputy Lieutenant legally authorized to co … the Forces and trained Bands of this Our County of York , and the Commissions , … and , and Power of all Colonels , Lieutenant-Colonels , Captains and Officers of Our ●●ained Bands , ( which were derived from the Commission and Power of the Lord Lieutenant onely ) are now actually void , and of no Force and Authority . Our VVill and Comand therefore is , that you forthwith issue VVarrants under Our Hand , to all the late C●lonels , Lieutenant-Colonels , Captains and Officers who ( whiles the Lord Lieutenants Commission was in Force ) had the command the trained Bands of this Our County : A●d also to all High and Petty Constables , and other Our Officers , in this Our County , wh● it may concern charging and commanding them , and every of them , in Our Name , ●nd upon their Allgiance , and as they tender the Peace of this Our Kingdom , not to Must●● , Leavie , or Raise , or to Summon or VVarn ( upon any Pretence or Directions whatsoever any of Our trained Bands to Rise , Muster , or March without expresse VVarrant under Our Hand , or VVarrant from you Our Sheriff grounded upon a particular VVrit to that pu●pose ; which VVe also command you , not to put in Execution without Our Privity and ●●●owance , whiles VVe shall reside in this Our County . And in case any of Our traine● … ds shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this Our command , Then VVe will a 〈…〉 and you to charge and require them , to dissolve and retire to their dwellings . A … 〈…〉 due Summons from you , they shall not lay down their Arms , and depart to t … 〈…〉 . VVe will and command you , upon your Allegiance , and as you tender th … 〈…〉 d quiet of this Our Kingdom , to raise the Power of the County , and suppresse 〈…〉 e , as the Law hath directed and given you Power to do . And to the end that th … esse Command may be notified to all Our good Subjects in this Our County , so 〈…〉 may pretend hereafter to have been misled through ignorance ; VVe require you 〈…〉 … hese our Letters to be forthwith read , and published openly in all Churches an● 〈…〉 s in this Our Countie . Herein you may not fail , as you tender the safety and h … 〈◊〉 Our Person , the good and peace of this Our Kingdom and will answer the contra●● 〈…〉 perill . For which this shall be your sufficient VVarrant . Given at our Co●●● 〈◊〉 ●●●K the fifth day of May , in the eighteenth yeer of Our R●●●●●●●●… To Our trusty and welbeloved high Sheriffe of Our County of York . ❧ Imprinted at York by ROBE●●●●●●ER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the span●●●●●●es of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A32147	----	Two letters of His Majesties left upon the table at Hampton-Court the 11 of November, 1647 the one to Colonell Whaley, the other to Lord Mountague : also a letter of advice to His Majestie, subscribed by E.R. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32147 of text R35874 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2852). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32147 Wing C2852 ESTC R35874 15565655 ocm 15565655 103840 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32147) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 103840) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1184:40) Two letters of His Majesties left upon the table at Hampton-Court the 11 of November, 1647 the one to Colonell Whaley, the other to Lord Mountague : also a letter of advice to His Majestie, subscribed by E.R. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. E. R. [2], 6 p. Printed for Mathew Walbancke, [London?] : 1647. Requesting that possessions of the King be given to certain individuals. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Montagu, Edward Montagu, -- Baron, 1616-1684. Whalley, Edward, d. 1675? Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A32147 R35874 (Wing C2852). civilwar no Two letters of His Majesties left upon the table at Hampton-Court the 11 of November 1647. The one to Colonell Whaley, the other to Lord Mou England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 676 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO LETTERS Of His Majesties Left upon the Table of Hampton-Court the 11 of November 1647. The one to Colonell Whaley , the other to the Lord Mountague . Also a Letter of Advice to his Majestie , subscribed by E. R. DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENCE royal blazon or coat of arms Printed for Mathew Walbancke 1647. Hampton Court , 11 Novemb. 1647 COlonell Whaley ; I have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntington , that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under my hand ; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie , by your protecting of my houshold-stuffs and Moveables of all sorts which I leave behinde me in this House , that they be neither spoiled nor imbesled : Onely there are three Pictures here which are not mine , that I desire you to restore ; to wit my wives Picture in blew sitting in a Chaire , you must send to Mistris Kirk ; my eldest daughters Picture copied by Belcam , to the Countesse of Anglesey , and my Lady Stannops Picture to Cary Rawley ; there is a fourth which I had almost forgot , it is the Originall of my eldest daughter ( it hangs in this Chamber over the board next to the Chimney ) which you must send to my Lady Aubigny . So being confident that you wish my preservation and restitution , I rest Your Friend , CHARLES R. I Assure you it was not the Letter you shewed me to day , that made me take this resolution , nor any advertisement of that kinde ; But I confesse that I am loath to be made a close Prisoner , under pretence of securing my life . I had almost forgot to desire you to send the black Grew Bitch to the Duke of Richmond . Hampton Court 11 Novem. 1647. MOuntague , First I doe hereby give you and the rest of your fellowes thanks for the civilities and good conversation that I have had from you ; next I command you to send this my Message ( which you will finde upon this Table ) to the two Houses of Parliament , and likewise to give a Copie of it to Colonell Whaley , to be sent to send to the General : likewise I desire you to send all my saddle-Horses to my Son the Duke of Yorke ; as for what concernes the resolution that I have taken my declaratory Message sayes so much that I referre you to it , and so I rest Your assured friend CHARLES R. May it please Your Majesty : IN discharge of my duty I cannot omit to acquaint you that my brother was at a meeting last night with eight or nine Agitators , who in debate of the obstacle which did most hinder the speedy effecting of their designes , did conclude it was Your Majesty , and as long as Your Majesty doth live you would be so ; and therefore resolved , for the good of the Kingdome , to take your life away ; and that to that Action they were well assured that Master Dell and Mr. Peters ( two of their preachers ) would willingly beare them company , for they had often said to these Agitators , Your Majesty is but a dead dogg : My prayers are for Your Majesties safety ; but do too much fear it cannot be whilest you are in those hands . I wish with my soul Your Majesty were at my house in Broadstreet , where I am confident I could keep you private till this storme were over , but beg Your Majesties pardon , shall not presume to offer it as an advice ; it is onely my constant zeal to Your Service , who am Your Majesties dutifull Subject , E. R. Novemb. 9. 1647. FINIS . 
A32155	----	His Majesties two speeches one to the knights, gentlemen, and freeholders of the county of Nottingham at Newark ; the other to the knights gentlemen and freeholders of the county of Lincoln at Lincoln. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32155 of text R29205 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2866). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32155 Wing C2866 ESTC R29205 10861144 ocm 10861144 46127 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32155) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 46127) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1419:25) His Majesties two speeches one to the knights, gentlemen, and freeholders of the county of Nottingham at Newark ; the other to the knights gentlemen and freeholders of the county of Lincoln at Lincoln. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 3 p. Printed by Robert Barker and by the assignes of John Bill, London : 1642. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. A32155 R29205 (Wing C2866). civilwar no His Majesties two speeches: one to the knights, gentlemen, and freeholders of the county of Nottingham at Newark. The other to the knights, England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1132 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES TWO SPEECHES : ONE To the Knights , Gentlemen , and Freeholders of the County of Nottingham at NEWARK . THE OTHER To the Knights , Gentlemen , and Freeholders of the County of Lincoln at LINCOLN . LONDON : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . MDCXLII . DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE CR His Majesties Speech To the Knights , Gentlemen , and Freeholders of the County of Nottingham , at Newark . GENTLEMEN , YOur honest Resolutions and Affections to me and your Countrey , for the defence of my Person , and the Laws of the Land , have been , and are so notable , that they have drawn me hither onely to thank you : I go to other places to confirm and undeceive my Subjects , but am come hither onely to thank and encourage you : You have made the best judgement of happinesse , by relying on that foundation , which the experience of so many hundred yeers hath given such proofe of , The Assurance and Security of the Law : And assure your selves when Laws shall be altered by any other Authority , then that by which they were made , your foundations are destroyed ; And though it seems at first but to take away my Power , it will quickly swallow all your Interest . I ask nothing of you ( though your demeanour gives me good evidence that you are not willing to deny ) but to preserve your own Affections to the Religion , and Laws established ; I will justifie and protect those Affections , and will live and die with you in that quarrell . His Majesties Speech To the Knights , Gentlemen , and Freeholders of the County of Lincoln , at Lincoln . GENTLEMEN , IF I could have suspected your affections , or have censured the duety of this County by some late Actions in it , I should not have taken this pains to have given you a Testimony of my Affection to you , and to remove those Objections , which being raised by a Malignant Party , may , by their cunning and industry , get credit even with honest mindes . The truth is , I come to you to assure you of my purposes and Resolutions for the Defence of what ever is or should be dear unto you , your Religion , your Liberty , your Common Interest , and the Law of the Land : and to undeceive you of that Opinion , which I hear hath mis led many of you , That the pretended Ordinance of the Militia is warranted by my Consent and Authority . As I have already informed you , by my severall Declarations and Messages , that the same is against the known Law , and an Invasion of my unquestionable Right , and of your Libertie and Property , so I do now declare unto you , that the same is imposed upon you against my Expresse Consent , and in Contempt of my Regall Authoritie ; And therefore whosoever shall henceforth presume to Execute or Obey the same , I shall proceed against them , as against such who promote Rebellion , and actually leavie War against me : And I doubt not , but you will sadly consider , That if any Authoritie without and against my Consent may lawfully impose such Burthens upon you , it may likewise take away all that you have from you , and subject you to their Lawlesse Arbitrarie Power and Government : And how far they are like to exercise that Jurisdiction towards you , you may ghesse by the Insolence of Sir John Hotham at Hull , who ( being a Subject ) not only presumes to keep His Soveraign , by force of Arms , out of His Town , but murthers his Fellow-Subjects , imprisons them , burns their Houses , drowns their Land , takes them Captives , and commits such Outrages , and Acts of Hostilitie , as the most equall and outragious Enemies practise in any Countrey ; That you may see how impossible it is for your Liberties and Properties to be preserved , when your King is Oppressed , and His just Rights taken from Him . Who hath brought these Calamities upon your Neighbours at Hull , every Man sees ; and they onely can bring the same upon you . I will not beleeve you to be so insensible of the benefits you have received from me , that I need put you in minde of the Gracious Acts passed by me this Parliament on your behalfs ; And if there be any thing wanting , to the making you the happiest Subjects in the world , I am sure it is not my fault that you have not that too : Be not deceived with words , and Generall Expressions ; It is not in your power to name one Particular , which might make you happy , that I have refused to Grant : Be not frighted with Apprehensions , That this Countrey is like to be the Seat of a war ; the Seat of a war will be onely where persons rise in Rebellion against me ; that will not , I hope , be here , and then you shall be sure of my Protection . I will live and die in your Defence ; And that you may be in a Readinesse , and a Posture to Defend your selves and me , against any Invasion or Rebellion , I have Armed severall Persons of Honour , Quality and Reputation amongst you , and of your own Countrey , with a Commission of Array to that purpose : There is no honest end declared in that Ordinance , which is not provided for by this Commission , which being according to the old known Law , is fit for your Obedience , and I doubt not will finde it . In a word , I assure you , upon the Faith and Honour of a Christian King , I will be alwayes as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion , protect and preserve the Lawes of the Land , and defend the just Priviledge and Freedom of Parliament , as of my Life , or my Crown : and when I fail in either of these , I will not look for your assistance ; till then you are concerned not to see me suffer . FINIS . 
A32161	----	By the King whereas, upon summons from vs, divers gentlemen of this our county of York did attend vs upon Thursday the twelfth of this instant May ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A32161 of text R39156 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2882). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A32161 Wing C2882 ESTC R39156 18240593 ocm 18240593 107224 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A32161) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 107224) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:66) By the King whereas, upon summons from vs, divers gentlemen of this our county of York did attend vs upon Thursday the twelfth of this instant May ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Imprinted at Yorke, by Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, and reprinted at London by A.N. for I.T., [London] : 1642. "Given at our court at York, the fourteenth day of May, in the eighteenth yeere of our reigne, 1642." Other title information taken from first 4 lines of text. Imperfect: torn and folded, with slight loss of print. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A32161 R39156 (Wing C2882). civilwar no By the King. Whereas, upon summons from vs, divers gentlemen of this our county of York did attend vs upon Thursday the twelfth of this inst England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 292 1 0 0 0 0 0 34 C The rate of 34 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Royal coat of arms By the King . WHereas , upon Summons from Vs , divers Gentlemen of this our County of York did attend Vs upon Thursday the twelfth of this instant May , when Wee declared Our Resolution ( for the Reasons then delivered by Vs ) to have a Guard to secure and defend Our Person , and desired there 〈…〉 Concurrence and Assistance of the Gentry of this County . And whereas divers Gentlemen of this County , for many Reasons and Occasions , could not then appeare to receive Our pleasure on that behalfe , whereunto divers have subscribed . VVe have therefore thought good hereby to give notice as wel to those Gentlemen who were not then present , as to those who did then attend Vs , that Our Command is , That as wel those Gentlemen who are charged with Horse , as others , appeare at Yorke upon Friday the twentieth of this Moneth , in such manner and equipage as will be convenient for the guard of our person . And we require and command , That in the interim no other warrants , Order , or Command whatsoever shall distract or hinder this Our service . And we further will and command , That this Our Order be forthwith published by the Sheriffe of this Our County : For which this shall be sufficient warrant . Given at Our Court at York , the fourteenth day of May , in the eighteenth Yeere of Our Reigne , 1642. Imprinted at Yorke , by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of Iohn Bill , 1642. And reprinted at London by A.N. for P.T. 1642. 
A37862	----	The humble desires and propositions of the Lords and Commons in Parliament tendered to His Majestie, Feb. 1 and His Maiesties gracious answer and propositions, Febr. 3, 1642 [i.e. 1643]. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A37862 of text R33332 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E1698A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A37862 Wing E1698A ESTC R33332 13273339 ocm 13273339 98698 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A37862) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 98698) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1550:17) The humble desires and propositions of the Lords and Commons in Parliament tendered to His Majestie, Feb. 1 and His Maiesties gracious answer and propositions, Febr. 3, 1642 [i.e. 1643]. England and Wales. Parliament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 15 [i.e. 16] p. Printed for Edward Husbands, and are to be sold at his shop ..., London : Febr. 7, 1642 [i.e. Febr. 7, 1643] "Die Lunæ, 6 Februar. 6, 1642. It is this day ordered by the Commons in Parliament assembled that the propositions from both Houses, and His Majesties answer unto them this day received, be forthwith printed and published: H. Elsynge, Cler. Parl. D. Com." Identified on film as Wing E1555 (number cancelled). Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A37862 R33332 (Wing E1698A). civilwar no The humble desires and propositions of the Lords and Commons in Parliament, tendred to His Majestie, Febr. 1. and His Maiesties gracious ans England and Wales. Parliament 1643 303 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AN ORDER OF the House of Parliament concerning the gathering in of the Pole-moneys . Die Veneris , May 6 , 1642. ORdered that the Knights and Burgesses of every County be forth-with enjoyned to write unto the severall Sheriffs of every County , that they require all the Commissioners of their respective Counties , to make present return of all such Certificates of the Pole-mony , as have not yet bin returned according to the former Order of this House , and also be enjoyned to take into their custody the severall Certificates of every severall County already returned respectively , and to examine the true state of them , and that where they find any Certificates not returned or defective , that they forth-with give notice unto the severall Commissioners of each County inhabiting within forty miles of this City , to make their returns by the last of this instant May , & all those beyond that distance by the twentieth of Iune next , and being so by them examined , that they take a speedy course to returne the same unto the Committee for Accompts and Pole-money at such time as they shall be required by the said Committee , who have agreed to call for them with all speed , and to digest them into forme , that so they may present them unto the House , and to begin with the City of London and Westminster , according to a former Order in that case . And it is further ordered , that the Sheriffs of the severall Counties respectively doe certifie into how many severall divisions , the Commissioners of the severall Counties did divide themselves within the Counties for the collecting of the Pole-money . Printed by A. N. for Iohn Franck . 
A38428	----	Englands remonstrance to their King wherein is declared the humble desire of His Majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdome of England, to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie, now resident in the Isle of Wight : containing the very sense of all the true hearted of the kingdom, touching His Majesties royall person ... Englands petition to their King. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A38428 of text R18648 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E3039). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A38428 Wing E3039 ESTC R18648 12283326 ocm 12283326 58794 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38428) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58794) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 183:10) Englands remonstrance to their King wherein is declared the humble desire of His Majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdome of England, to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie, now resident in the Isle of Wight : containing the very sense of all the true hearted of the kingdom, touching His Majesties royall person ... Englands petition to their King. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. : port. Printed for G. Horton, and are to be sold at the Royall Exchange in Cornhill, [London] : 1648. Place of publication from Wing. Also published as: Englands petition to their King, (1643), and Englands petition to King Charles, (1648). Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. A38428 R18648 (Wing E3039). civilwar no Englands remonstrance to their King wherein is declared, the humble desire of His Majesties loyall and faithfull subjects within the kingdom [no entry] 1648 2780 15 0 0 0 0 0 54 D The rate of 54 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ENGLANDS REMONSTRANCE TO THEIR KING Wherein is declared , the humble Desires of His Majesties loyall and faithfull Subjects within the Kingdome of England , To the Kings most Excellent Majestie , now resident in the Isle of Wight . Containing the very sense of all the true , hearted of the Kingdom , touching His Majesties Royall Person ; but because the way to the Kings eare is stopt , is now sent to London , and published for generall satisfaction of the whole KINGDOME . CR Printed for G. Horton , and are to be sold at the Royall Exchange in Cornhill . MDCXLVIII . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty . The humble Remonstrance of your distressed , and almost destroyed Subjects of your Kingdom of England . Dread Soveraigne , ITs a double grief to our soules , that we should be constrained to beg for our lives at your hands , who are bound by the Law of God and Nature , and by your Oath , to preserve them , and that we should be forced to entreat you to spare our estates , liberties , & bloud , whose honour and strength depends so much upon these our enjoyments : But extremity prevaileth , and drives us to you , and c●steth us here prostrate at the feet of your Majesty : And let not your Majesty be offended , if we speak more plainly then usually becometh us ; for necessity hath no law : It is for our lives and more , and therefore blame us not to speak ; our friends , our wives , our children , our wants , our dangers , our country , our bloud , do all pierce our ears and hearts with their dayly and dolefull cryes : Oh that our requests could find as quick accesse to yours . Surely ! its impossible your Majesty should be ignorant of the dolefull conditions your two Kingdoms are in ; Doe you not know th●t our houses have beene plundered , and the fruit of our long labours taken from us ; that men who have heretofore relieved hundreds of the poor , have not left them a bed to ly on , food to sustaine them , or a house to put their heads in ? And the poore they were wont to relieve , are forced to become souldiers that they may rob us by authority . Know you not how many thousand distressed soules cry to God day and night , in their anguish and m●sery , while they see you the Father of their Countrey , having no compassion on them ? Oh! where is now your Majesties ancient clemency ? You were wont if we lost our estates by Pyrats , or but a house by fire , to grant Your gracious Letters Patents for our relief ; but now the souldiery rob us of all , and hav burnt our houses to the ground , & this not only for obtaining victory in heat of fight , but upon deliberation afterwards . Know you not how our bloud is spilt and the dead bodies of your subjects yea many of your Nobles scat●ered as dung on the face of the Earth ? Have not your eyes seen it , and your eares heard the groanes of the wounded gaspe for life ? Is all this nothing in your eyes ? To whom should your people go but to your Majesty in this our distresse ? We have tryed all other known means , and professe in the sight of God , we know none but your Majesty , under God , that can deliver us , without more bloud and desolation ; and the world knows it is in your hands , you may do it if you will ; and doe it easily , and do it with encrease of your honour , safety and happinesse . What if it were to part with something of your right , yet should not your Majesty do it to save the life of your people , srow whom , and for whose goo , You first received it ? Dread Soveraign , We beseech you consider , what hath your Parliament and People done , that deserves all this from You ? Is it because your Parl. relieved us from oppressing Courts , and illegall taxations ? Was it not with your own consent ? and is it not your glory to be King of a rich and free people ? Is it because they prosecute Delinquents ? Why , to what ends are your Courts of Justice else ? and are not they your chiefest Court ? And can those be friends to you , and worth the defending , that are enemies to your Kingdoms ? For your Forts and Navy , are they not yours for your Kingdoms good ? And is not your Parliament , the Kingdom Representative ? We know your Majesty cannot mannage them in your owne person , but by your Ministers , and those chosen by Councell ; and can You or the Kingdom possible judge any more able , impartial , and faithfull to advi●e you in this then your Parliament ? They medled not with it , till absolute necessity constrained ; till they saw Ireland in rebellion , the Rebels threatni●g England , the same spirits as malignant and active at home , and their own lives and the Kingdome in present apparent jeopardy , and your Majesties consent to their Bill denyed . We cannot possibly conceive what your Parliament can do now to remedy any of these miseries ; they humbly seek your consent in vaine ; the offenders legally proceeded against are defended from them , yea those that your Majesty hath proclaimed such ; that is denied them which is yeelded to every the lowest court of Iustice they desire nothing more then your presence and concurrence ; and we know if humble Petitions or loyall affections would procure it there would not have been so long a distance . Neither is there any visible means left , but either give up our states ▪ Liberties and Religion to the dispose of your two-long tryed secret Councel , and make your Majesties meere will the onely Law and so betray their Countrey , and the trust committed to them ; ( which God forbid ) or else defend us by the sword . And for us your people , what have we done that we are made a common spoile ? Would your Majesty desire us perfidiously to betr●y them whom we have trusted ; and desert them that have been so faithfull to us ? and to kill them whom we have chosen to save us ? and destroy those who are our selves representatively ? Then should we be the disgrace of the Engl●sh Nation , the reproach of our posterity , the very shame of nature , and should presently expect some strange judgement of God , according to the strangenesse of our offence . It s true , we were forced to take , Antidotum contra Caesarem or rather to save our throats from the violence of desperate persons about You ; But we beseech you call not this bearing Arms against you , it may be against your wil , but if her ofore your followers were more respective of your royall authority established by Law , more truely tender of your person then we ; then let not God prosper our proceedings , but cause us to fall before them , and give us up into their hands . We are fallen upon by the cruell , and because we would not dye quietly & without resistance , we are accused as traytors and enemies to your Majesty . We beseech your Majesty , consider in the presence of God , if your own Father and King had run upon you with his drawn sword whether would you have suffered death without resistance , or have taken the sword pro tompore ou● of his hand ; & yet neither be a verse to his honour & person , or his propriety in his weapon . Doth not nature teach us the preservation of our soules ? will not the eye wink without deliberation ? and the smallest worm turne back if you tread on it ? And beside nature , we have frequent presidents in sacred Writ , for even more then defensive resistance of Transcendent Monarchy , 1 Sam. 14.44 , 45. But if all this were nothing , yet we know your Majesty hath passed and Act for the continuance of this Parliament : and sure that Act must needs mean a Parliament with its power and authority , and not the meer name and carkasse of a Parliament ; It s not only that they shall stay together in London , and doe nothing , or no more then another Cour● ; but that they continue your chief Councel , your chief Court , and have sole legislative power , which are your Parliaments peculiar properties . And if your Majesty hath enacted the continuance of a real Parliament in its power , who seeth not that you have thereby joyned with them your Royall Authority , though not your person . Doth not your Majesty in your Expresses oft Mention your selfe a part of the Parliament ? and that the Head without which the Body cannot live ? and is the Parliament valid without your authority ? Therefore , if your Majesty have formerly withdrawne from them your Royal Authority , then you have broke your own Laws ; which we dare not judge after so many solemn Protestations to maintain and rule by the known Laws . Wherefore , we hope your Majesty must needs discerne that wee fought not against you , but for your known establisht Authority in Parliament . And we hope your Majesty will not deny them to be your entire Parliament ; for is the Act recalled whereby they were established ? If not , how can they cease to be your Parliament ? neither let the fault be laid on part of them ; for we all know the major part hath the Authority of the whole ; and if it were the minor part , why did not , or doth the major over-vote them . And we beseech your Majesty , blame us not to think our Religion and all lyes at the stake while we look back by what a train Popery had been almost brought upon us by that party , and see them still the chief in favour and when so many Papists English and forreign have been in Arms against us , and know no one Papist in the Land that is not zealous in the cause . Wonder not , Dread Soveraign , if we hardly believe that those who would so cruelly have destroyed us , should be most zealous in fighting for the Protestant Religion . Blame us not , we beseech you , to fear , while we see no contradiction appear to Mounsieur de Chesne his book , sold openly for many yeers , not in Paris onely , but in London , and read at Court , which records your Maj. Letter to the Pope , promising to venter Crown , and all to unite us to Rome again . Dread Soveraign many Princes have gone astray through strength of temptation , and after have been happy in repenting and returning ; Oh that the Lord would make it your case , and glorifie his mercy on you and us , in making knowne to you the thing concerning our peace , and not his justice in hardning you to destruction : that it may never be read in our Chronicle by the Generations to come , that England had a Prince who lived and dyed in seeking the desolation of his people , and the Church of God . Your Majesty knoweth there is a King and a Judge above you ; before whom You must very shortly stand and give account of your Government ; We desire you in the presence of that God , to think , and think seriously , and think again how sad it will be , to have all this bloud charged on your soule ; Can your Maj. think of this when you are dying ? Can those Councellours that have set you on then bring you as safely off ? Your Maj. may despise wha● we say , an● judge us your enemies because we tell you the truth , & speak as dying men in the sorrow of our soules ; but you cannot so put by divine justice , or quiet conscience at the last : As true as the Lord liveth , your Maj. will one day know that Blasphemers and Flatterers are not your friends ; but plain dealers , who do assure you , the ways you have taken , tend to the utter ruine and destruction of your Kingdome . And can your heart endure , or can your hands be strong in the day the Lord will reckon with you for his people committed to your charge ? O think of the low condition your Majesty is now in , how your friends have left and forsaken you ; and in stead of commanding three Kingdoms , confin'd to a petty Island . Suppose you now heard the bloud of your people already spilt , crying in your ears , & saw the many thousands yet living a life worse then death , lying in their sorrows at your feet , crying for pitty , help , O King help , or we lose our liberties , laws , lives and Religion ; help , that you● Self and Royall Posterity be not Princes of an impoverished desolate Nation : helpe as ever you would have God help you in the day of death and judgment , when your Self shall cry for help and pitty ; helpe , that deliverance come not some other way , while you and your Fathers house are destroyed . The Lord God of our hopes , who hath for our sins most justly afflicted us in You , give Your Majesty a discerning eye , a holy and tender heart , to yeeld to the Desires of your distressed Subjects , To return to and concur with your Parliament , that God and Man may forget your mistakings , and you may be the blessed●st Prince that ever reigned in our Land , the terrour of your reall enemies , the joy of your people , and the glory of posterity ; Such shall be the dayly and hearty prayers of Your Majesties loyall ( however esteemed ) Subjects , &c. POSTCRIPT . GOod Friend , We would have you know this Remonstrance was intended only for his Majesties view , but because plain dealing is seldome well taken , and his Majesty so guarded from the requests of his Subjests , we are therefore forced to submit it to your common view , and to turn it out , in hope his Majesty may light of one Copy , and seriously read it , and lay to heart the distresse of the miserable : if you censure it as the work of some few discontented persons , Know you it is the sense of the North and North west of England , and if you will promise us freedome , and hopes of successe , wee 'l soon return it you with the hands of 1000000. If you condemn us for speaking too plainly , know that misery makes men forget good manners , and dying men use not complements ; We are in the case of the Lepers , If we sit still we perish ; therefore , we will move in the way of hope , and go in to the King , though it be not according to law , and if we perish we perish . Yet know , we will come far short of the plainnesse of better persons and times , 2 Sam. 12.7 . 1 King. 18.18 . &c. &c. &c. Febr. 16. 1647. Imprimatur , GILBERT MABBOT . FINIS . 
A39625	----	Five matters of state, which hath lately hapned between His Majesty, and His High Court of Parliament ... This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A39625 of text R22451 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing F1112). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A39625 Wing F1112 ESTC R22451 12060851 ocm 12060851 53227 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39625) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 53227) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 67:23) Five matters of state, which hath lately hapned between His Majesty, and His High Court of Parliament ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. [8] p. Printed for F. Coules, and T. Bates, London : 164[2] Subtitle: First, His Majesties demands to the gentry of Yorke-shire concerning the towne of Hull ... Secondly, the humble answer of those who petitioned to His Majesty the thirtieth of April, and divers other knights and gentlemen of that country. Thirdly, the humble answer of the gentry of the county of Yorke. Fourthly, a letter sent from Hull, to the Right Worshipfull the High Sheriffes of York-shire ... Fifthly, the htmble [sic] petition of the gentrie, ministers, and freeholders of the countie Palatine of Chester, presented to His Majestie at York, 1642. Reproduction of original in Yale University Library. Date of publication from Wing. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A39625 R22451 (Wing F1112). civilwar no Five matters of state, which hath lately hapned between His Majesty, and His High Court of Parliament. First, His Majesties demands to the g [no entry] 1642 2269 11 0 0 0 0 0 48 D The rate of 48 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion FIVE Matters of State , which hath lately hapned between his Majesty , and his high Court of PARLIAMENT . First , His Majesties Demands to the Gentry of Yorke-shire , concerning the Towne of Hull , answered by two severall parties . Secondly , The humble Answer of those , who petitioned to his Majesty the thirtieth of April , and divers other Knights and Gentlemen of that Country . Thirdly , the humble answer of the Gentry of the County of Yorke . Fourthly , A Letter sent from Hull , to the Right Worshipfull the high Sheriffes of York-shire , together with the Gentrie of that Countie , now attending his Majesties pleasure at York . Fifthly , The htmble Petition of the Gentrie , Ministers , and Freeholders of the Countie Palatine of Chester , presented to his Majestie at York . 1642. London , Printed for F. Coules , and T. Bates . 164● . His Majesties demands to the Gentry of York-Shire , concerning the Towne of Hull , Answered by two severall parties . WEe conceive that the substance of His Majesties proposition unto us the 30. of April consisted in two particulars , First , to know , Whether wee would defend his Majesties Royall Person from violence , or no , according to our duties . Secondly , To have our advice concerning his Majesties not being admitted into his Towne of Hull , and how his Majesty may be vindicated in his honour for that affront , and how he may be put into the possession of his owne . The humble Answer of those who Petitioned your Majesty the 30. of April . and divers other Knights and Gentlemen . May it please your most Excellent Majesty , WEe shall be ready to defend his Majesties person from violence , by all such waies , as the Law and our duties bind us . And for the meanes to uindicate your Majesties honour , and to put you into possession of your owne , Wee conceive that the best advice , that we can offer unto your Majesty is , humbly to desire you to hearken to the Counsels of your Parliament , who ( we assure our selves will bee carefull of your Majesties person and honour , and to whom your Majesty hath already bin pleased to direct a message to that purpose . The humble Answer of the Gentry of the County of Yorke . ACcording to Your Majesties Command to Your Majesties proposition , we professe our willingnesse , as in duty wee are bound to defend your Majesties Sacred person against all Forraigne and Domestick attempts , to the uttermost of our power , and as our allegiance binds us , And for the keeping of your Majesties honour , touching the businesse of Hull , Your Majesty being pleased to commend it to Your Parliament , the high Counsell of Your Kingdome , wee doe humbly crave pardon that wee doe not interpose : But forasmuch as Your Majesty may looke for a particular satisfaction at our hands , wee humbly and heartily professe that wee shall be ready to serve Your Majesty in the same and all other occasions , with our lives and fortunes , as farre as your Majesty shall bee pleased legally to enable and command us . To the Kings most Excellent Majestie : The humble petition of the Gentrie , Ministers and Free-Holders of the Countie Palatine of Chester , and of the Inquests serving at the Assizes for the body of the said Countie . Presented to his Majestie at Yorke , May 7. 1642. Humbly sheweth , THat though our heart-breaking griefes have beene many and great , through a lively apprehension of our wofull distractions , which have beene of late much encreased by this long night of your absence from your great Councell , yet we have had some surviving reliques of hope , that the sighs and grones the teares and prayers of so many dutifull and well affected Subjects from all parts might ( in time ) have been accepted , and at length have proved powerfull to have melted your royall brest into compassion , and with ( such a loving and pleasant violence ) might have won you to embrace againe with all tendernesse , your whole Kingdom as it is at this present represented in Parliament . But now we lament , that even those hopes appeare to us gashly , as breathing their last , having little vigour remaining in them to uphold our hearts , for our sorrowes are doubled , our feares multiplyed , by the report of your Majesties resolutions , to undertake a dangerous voyage into your Kingdome of Ireland , whereon wee look with much wonder & astonishment ; far be it from you ( dread Soveraigne ) to blame our hearts , which ( guided by the strength of Law and dutie ) cannot consent to a journey so perillous , by which your Royall Person ( wherein wee challenge so great an interest , that it is no more Yours than ours ) shall undergoe varietie of dangers by sea and land , wind and waters , having no difference betwixt a King and his meanest vassall . And if God ( the Guardian and preserver of Princes ) shall safely waft you over , what valuable securitie can bee given us of Your life , being amongst such Popish , barbarous , and cruell Rebels as ( having banished the sense of all Religion , Pietie , and Humanitie , and rejecting God , and you their King from raigning over them , ) do continue to murther daily your innocent and Protestant Subjects , of all ages , sexes , and conditions , and which they would perswade the world they doe act by Your Authoritie , Approbation . and Command , thereby heaping vengeance upon their owne heads , and rendring them uncapable and unworthy the thoughts of the least grace and favour ; let Your Iustice , we beseech Your Majesty , have its proper work upon them , and your mercie upon us , by granting our most humble prayers to these particulars : To comfort our hearts by your residing where you may with best conveniencie consult with your great Councell before you thus hazard your Person and your people . To consider to what danger hereby you expose us to the Popish faction , when your Majestie shall leave us naked , and not put into a posture of defence , to repell the rage and attempts of the enemies to our Religion , when wee have too just cause to feare , that they do but wait for an opportunitie to bring to birth their Cruell Conceptions . And what so great advantage can they hope for , as would be this of Your absence . To advise whether this journey would not much retard the intended reliefe for Ireland since ( upon the first rumour ) many who were minded to subscribe thereto , doe demur in their proceedings , and others wish they might recall what they have subscribed . Not to ●eprive us at once of that poore remainder of hope we have to reap further good by the endevors of Your Parliament , whereof we shall despaire . when Your Presence shall be wanting to infuse life in their Prop●sals and Conclusions . To beleeve that a j●urney to White-Hall will be the more f●r Your Honour and safetie , and far more acceptable to your truest Subj●cts than a voyage to Ireland . To view at our humble entreaty that part of King Davids story , who being resolved in person to war against his owne Rebels , acquainted the people with his intention , in these words of resolution , I will go with you my selfe also , but his best Subjects ( that were ready to hazard their lives for him , would not suff●r him to venture his regall Person , which was to them so perillous ) opposed him in th●se tearmes , Thou shalt not go forth : neither did David reject them as presumptuous , knowing that their confident expression in that particular , was the issues of their dutie and love , but gave them this mild and satisfactorie reply , ( which we humbly beg may be your Majesties answer to your Parliament : Vs , and all other your good Subjects ) What seemeth you best , that will we doe . So shall we eve● pray , &c. A Letter sent to the Right Worshipfull the high Sheriffe , and the rest of the County of Yorke , now attending his sacred Majesties Pleasure . Gentlemen , NOw ( if ever ) stand fast , quit your selves as Fathers of your Country , let it appeare before God and all the World , that truly generous blood runs in your vienes ; Evidence in Gods Name , your heartiest loyalty and dearest affection to his most sacred Majesty . But while you remember the King , forget not the Kingdome for the Lords sake ; put not asunder those things which God hath so neerely joyned together , Oh consider the Honour , the cause of God , the good successe of this present Parliament , your lives , Lawes , Liberties , your temporall , your spirituall welfare lye all bleeding this day at your own feet , and earnestly supplicate your best assistance . Tell Vs We beseech you ; shall we dye and you live ? Can it possibly goe well with you , while ill with Vs ? Is it not your own cause and quarrell ? nay , Gods and the Kings which wee maintaine ? Stand you not as much interessed and as deeply ingaged to appear , for God and the Kings honour as we our selves were disposed to recriminate , we could anathomize before God and man the worthlesnesse of those unreasonable , men who seem the great Zealots , not only for the ruine but the ecclipsing of the glory of this blessed Parliament . But our intent onely is , to beg that at your hands which in Justice you dare not , and in charity ; ( we are sure ) ought not to deny us , and that 's your help and utmost indeavour in this nicke of our ( we had almost said your ) greatest necessity . Be assured there was never a greater prize in your hands then at this time . In poore Hull are imbarked two of the richest Jewels in the world . Gods truth , and Christendomes Peace : each of which in valuation far exceed a Kings Ransome . We delight not in a needlesse & superfluous expence of words , and therfore we shall in short tel you , what wee or rather God expects his day at al your hands . viz. That you ( and that with instance ) petition his most Excellent Majesty , to vouchsafe the influence of his Royal favour and gracious presence to his Great Councell , the High . Court of Parliament , the only way , ( in humane apprehension ) to stanch the bleeding wounds of Ireland , and distracted England . That you now help the Lord against the mighty . That with as humble boldnesse you manifest your extreame unwillingnesse to come in an hostile way against us , least you bring guiltles blood upon your own heads , and kindle such a fire in England , as wil never be quenched : Assure your selves , that without much caution and greatest circumspection , you may raise up such a spirit as will not be conjured down again in haste . Worthies Ponder we beseech you our present but sad condition , set your selves before Gods awfull bar , make our case your owne . Let your consciences speake , would you betray so great a trust committed to you , by so great a Councell ? would you that we should wound through your sides heaven and Earth ? what you shall attempt against us , wil in the reflection result upon God , the King , the Church , the State , your selves ; Would you to satisfie a good King set open the Gates , and with the same curtesie gratifie a very bad company , who seeke nothing lesse then either the safety of his Majesties Royall Person and Posterity ; or the security of his Dominions ▪ and Liegepeople ? Would you have us wash our hands in your dearest blood ? in sum ; would you have us render you the people of the Kings wrath ? Wee are confident you would not ; Do then ( according to the primordiall Law ) as you would be done unto . Strike in we beseech you effectually whilst you have time ●●t not God upon another course of deliverance , least the honour of York-shire be laid in the dust for ever . Oh! give us in this great streight , reall restimony of your affections ; and you shall for ever have the acknowledgement of the reall obligations of all . Your affectionate friends and humble Servants in the port Town of Hill . FINIS . 
A39631	----	Five remarkable passages which have very lately happened betweene His Maiestie and the high court of Parliament ... This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A39631 of text R22428 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing F1120). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 17 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A39631 Wing F1120 ESTC R22428 12621179 ocm 12621179 64518 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A39631) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64518) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 251:E146, no 1) Five remarkable passages which have very lately happened betweene His Maiestie and the high court of Parliament ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 5, [3] p. Printed for F. Cowles and T. Bates, London : [1642] Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. (from t.p.) five passages "1. The humble petition of the gentry and commons of York presented to His Majesty, April 22. 1642. 2. His Majesties message sent to the Parliament April 24. eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1645 Jan. 2. Church of England -- Clergy. Clergy -- Registers. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Yorkshire (England) -- History -- Sources. A39631 R22428 (Wing F1120). civilwar no Five remarkable passages, which have very lately happened betweene His Maiestie, and the high court of Parliament· 1. The humble petition of [no entry] 1642 2236 4 0 0 0 0 0 18 C The rate of 18 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Five remarkable passages , which have very lately happened betweene His MAIESTIE , And the High Court of PARLIAMENT . 1. The Humble Petition of the Gentry and Commons of York , presented to His Majesty , April 22. 1642. 2. His Majesties Message sent to the Parliament ▪ April 24. 1642. concerning Sir Iohn Hotham's refusall to give His Majestie entrance into Hull . 3. The Parliaments resolution concerning the said Sir Ioh. Hotham 4. A Declaration from both Houses of Parliament concerning the stopping of passages between Hull and the Parliament . 5. The true Catalogue of all the names of the Divines approved of by both Houses of Parliament , for each severall County in this Kingdome of England and Wales ; as fit persons to be consulted with by the Parliament , touching the Reformation of Church-Government , and the Liturgie . Together with an Order from both Houses to the same effect . 28. of Aprill 1642. London , Printed for F. Cowlet , and T. Bates . Die Sabbati , 9 April . 1642. THe Lords and Commons doe declare , that they intend a due and necessarie reformation of the government & Liturgie of the Church , & take away nothing in the one or other , but what shall be evill , and justly offensive , or at least unnecessarie and burthensome : And for the better effecting thereof , speedily to have consultation with godly and learned Divines . And because this will never of it selfe attaine the end sought therein , they will therefore use their utmost endevours to establish learned and preaching Ministers , with a good and sufficient maintenance thorowout the whole Kingdome , wherein many dark corners are miserably destitute of the meanes of Salvation , and many poore Ministers want necessarie provision . H. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. Die Martis 26 April . 1642. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , That the Sheriffs of the Counties of York and Lincolne , and likewise the Lords Lieutetenants of the said Counties , and in their absence , their Deputies allowed by Parliament , and the Iustices of Peace , and all other his Majesties Officers , shall suppresse all Forces that shall be raised , or gathered together in th●se Counties , either to force the towne of Hull ; to stop the passages to , and from the same ; or in any other way to disturb the peace of the Kingdome . Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , That this Orde● shall be printed and published forthwith . Io. Browne Cler. Parl. To the Kings most Excellent Majestie . The humble Petition of the 〈◊〉 and Commons of the Countie of YORK . Most Royall Soveraigne : ENcouraged by your Majesties many Testimonies of Your gracious goodnesse to us and our Countie , which we can never sufficiently acknowledge ; We in all dutie and loyaltie of heart addresse our selves to Your Sacred Majestie , beseeching You to cast Your eyes and thoughts upon the safetie of your own Person , and Your Princely Issue , and this whole Countie , a great meanes of which we conceive doth consist in the Arms and Ammunition at Hull , placed there by Your Princely care and charge , and since upon generall apprehension of dangers from forraine parts represented to your Majestie , thought fit as yet to be continued . We for our parts , conceiving our selves to be still in danger , doe most humbly beseech your Majestie that you will be pleased to take such course and order , that your Magazine may still there remaine , for the better securing of these and the rest of the Northerne parts . And the rather because we think it fit , that that part of the Kingdome should be best provided , where your Sacred Person doth reside , your Person being like Davids , The light of Israel , and more worth than ten thousands of us . Who shall daily pray , &c. His Majesties Message sent to the Parliament , April 24. 1642. Concerning Sir Iohn Hothams Refusal to give His Majestie Entrance into Hull . HIs Majesty having received the Petition inclosed from most of the chiefe Gentry neere about Yorke , desiring the stay of His Majesties Armes and Munition in His Magazine at Hull , for the safety ( not onely of his Majesties Person and children , but likewise of all these Northern parts : The manifold rumours of great Dangers inducing them to make their said supplication ) thought it most fit to goe Himselfe in Person to His towne of Hull , to view his Armes and Munition there , that thereupon He might give directions , what part thereof might be necessary to remaine there , for the security and satisfaction of his Northerne Subjects , and what part thereof might bee spared for Ireland , the arming of his Majesties Scots Subjects that are to go thither , or to replenish his chiefest Magazine of the Tower of London ; Where being come , upon the 23 of this instant Aprill , much contrary to his expectation , he found all the Gates shut upon him , and the Bridges drawn up , by the expresse command of Sir Iohn Hotham , ( who for the present commands a Garrison there ) and from the walls flatly denyed His Majesty entrance into His said Town , the reason of the sayd denyall being as strange to his Majesty , as the thing it selfe , it being that he could not admit his Majesty without breach of trust to His Parliament ; Which did the more incense his Majesties anger against him , for that hee most seditiously and trayterously would have put his disobedience upon his Majesties Parliament ; Which His Majesty being willing to cleare , demanded of him if he had the impudence to aver , that the Parliament had directed him to deny his Majesty entrance and that if he had any such order , that he should shew it in writing , for otherwise His Majesty could not beleeve it ; which he could no way produce , but malitiously made that false interpretation according to his own Inferences , confessing that he had no such positive Order , which His Majesty was ever confident of : But his Majesty not willing to take so much pains in vain , offered to come into that His Towne onely with 20. horse , finding that the maine of his pretence lay , That His Majesties traine was able to command the Garrison : Notwithstanding , His Majesty was so desirous to go thither in a private way , that He gave warning thereof but overnight , which he refusing , but by way of condition ( which His Majesty thought much below him ) held it most necessary to declare him Traytour ( unlesse upon better thoughts , he should yeeld obedience ) which he doubly deserved , aswell for refusing entrance to his naturall Soveraigne , as by laying the reason thereof groundlesly and maliciously upon his Parliament . One circumstance His Majesty cannot forget , that his Sonne the Duke of Yorke , and his Nephew the Prince Elector , having gone thither the day before , Sir Iohn Hotham delayed the letting of them out to His Majesty till after some consultation . Hereupon His Majesty hath thought it expedient to demand Iustice of His Parliament against the said Sir Iohn Hotham , to be exemplarily inflicted on him according to the Laws , and the rather because His Majesty would give them a fit occasion to free themselves of this imputation , by him so injuriously cast upon them , to the end His Majesty may have the easier way for the chastising of so high a disobedience . The Names of those Divines that are nominated by the Knights and Brugesses of each County , for the Consultation , or Assembly . Bedfordshire . MAster Dillingham . Mr. Boldes . Buckinghamshire . Mr. Henry Wilkinson . Mr. Valentine . Berkshire . Dr. Twisse . Mr. Rayner . Cambridgeshire . Doctor Thomas Wincop . Mr. Thomas Goodwin . Cambridge University . Doctor Brounrig , Bishop . Doctor Ward . Cornwall . Master Gamon . Master Hicks . Cheshire . Master Iohn Lea. Master Thomas Case . Cumberland . Doctor Hoyle . Master Bridges . Durham . Master Iennison . Master Morton . Derbyshire . Doctor Love . Doctor Gouge . Devonshire . Master Pine . Master Whiting . Dorsetshire . Master White . Master Peele . Essex . 〈◊〉 Marshall Glocestershire . Master Mew . Master Dunning . Huntingtonshire . Master Backhurst . Master Philip Nye . Hartfordshire . Doctor Smith . Doctor Burges . Herefordshire . Master Greene . Master Gower . Kent . Master Wilson . Master Taylor . Lincolnshire . Master Tuckney . Master Coleman . Lancashire . Master Herles . Master Herrick . Leicestershire . Master Clayton . Master Gibs . Middlesex . Doctor Calibute Downing . Master Burroughs . London . Master Calamy . Master George Walker . Master Seaman . Master Caryll . Munmouthshire . Doctor Harris . Master George Morley . Northamptonshire . Master Edward Reynolds . Master Hall . Nottinghamshire . Doctor Robert Saunderson . Master Foxcroft . Northumberland . Master Iohn Iackson . Master William Carter . Norfolke . Master Thoroughgood . Master Arrow-Smith . Oxfordshire . Master Robert Harris . Master Crosse . Oxford University . Archbishop of Armagh . Doctor Stiles . Rutlandshire . Master Samuel Gibson . Master Whitaker . Somersetshire . Master Samuel Crook . Master Cunnet . Shropshire . Master Edward Corbet . Master Hildersham . Surrey . Doctor Stainton . Doctor Daniel Featley . Staffordshire . Master Francis Cooke . Master Lightfoot . Hampshire . Master Langley . Master Tisdale . Suffolk . Master Tho. Young . Master Iohn Philips . Sussex . Master Pickering . Master Henry Nye . Westmorland . Master Hall . Master Hutton . Wiltshire . Master Henry Scudder . Master Baily . Worcestershire . Master Salmay Doctor Prideaux , Bishop . Warwickshire . Master Burges . Master Vines . Yorkshire . Master Levell . Master Michlethwait . Anglesey . Master Buckley . Brecknockshire . Doctor Temple . Cardiganshire . Master Jos. Shute . Carmarthenshire . Master Nichols . Carnarvanshire . Master Thomas Gataker . Denbyshire . Doctor Rich. Flintshire . Doctor Parsley . Glamorganshire . Master Tozer . Merioneth shire . Master Sp●rstow . Pembrookshire . Master Francis Channell . Montgomeryshire . Master Ellis . Radnorshire . Doctor Hackwell . Iland of Gernesy . Master de la Marse . Iland of Iernesey . Master de Lasser . Die Martis 26. April 1642. Resolved upon the Question . THAT Sir Iohn Hotham Knight , according to this relation , hath done nothing but in obedience to the Command of both Houses of Parliament . Resolved upon the Question . That this declaring of Sir Iohn Hotham Traytor , being a Member of the House of Commons , is a high breach of the priviledge of Parliament . Resolved upon the Question . That this declaring of Sir Iohn Hotham Traitor without due processe of Law , is against the libertie of the Subject , and against the Law of the Land . Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that these Votes shallbe printed , and sent to the Sheriffes , and the Iustices of the Peace to be published in all the Market Townes of the Counties of York and Lincoln . Io. Brown Cler. Parliament . Die Martis 26. April 1642. IT is declared by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that the stopping of the passages between Hull and the Parliament , and the intercepting of Messengers imployed from the Parliament to Hull , or from any that are in the Service of the Parliament , or any Letters whatsoever sent by any to , or from the Parliament , is a high breach of the priviledge of Parliament , which by the Lawes of this Kingdome , and the Protestation , we are bound to defend with our Lives and Fortunes , and to bring the violater to condigne punishment . And hereby all Lords Lieutenants , and their Deputies authorised by the Ordinance of both houses of Parliament , all Sheriffs , Iustices , Majors , Bailiffs , Constables , and other Officers whatsoever , are required to give their uttermost aid and assistance to all that are imployed in the said Service , for their better and more speedee free and safe passage : And to apprehend all such as by colour of any warrant or other authority whatsoever , shal endevour on 〈◊〉 about to hinder any that are employed about the same , and them to apprehend , & in safe custody to send up to the Parliament . Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that this Declaration shall be forthwith printed and published . Iohn Browne Cler. Parl. FINIS . 
A40019	----	The copy of his excellency the Earle of Forth's letter to the Earle of Essex and the copy of His Majesties letter to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster, sent enclosed in the same 3 March 1643. Forth and Brentford, Patrick Ruthven, Earl of, 1573?-1651. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A40019 of text R6858 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing F1614). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A40019 Wing F1614 ESTC R6858 11798190 ocm 11798190 49331 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A40019) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 49331) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 493:5) The copy of his excellency the Earle of Forth's letter to the Earle of Essex and the copy of His Majesties letter to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster, sent enclosed in the same 3 March 1643. Forth and Brentford, Patrick Ruthven, Earl of, 1573?-1651. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 5 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield, Oxford [Oxfordshire] : 1643. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. eng A40019 R6858 (Wing F1614). civilwar no The copy of his excellency the Earle of Forth's letter to the Earle of Essex: and the copy of His Majesties letter to the Lords and Commons Forth and Brentford, Patrick Ruthven, Earl of 1643 481 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE COPY OF HIS EXCELLENCY THE EARLE OF FORTH' 's LETTER TO THE EARLE OF ESSEX : AND THE COPY OF HIS MAIESTIES LETTER TO THE LORDS and COMMONS OF PARLIAMENT Assembled at Westminster : Sent enclosed in the same 3 , March 1643. OXFORD March 7. Printed by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversity 1643. The Copy of His Excellency the Earle of FORTH' 's Letter to the Earle of Essex . MY LORD , I Have received your Letter of the 19th of the last Month , which according to my duty , I shewed to His MAjESTY , who , observing in it your Expressions concerning Peace , ( that whensoever you shall receive any directions to those that have entrusted you , you shall use your best endeavours ) is gratiously pleased to send this enclosed , which is desired may be delivered according to the directions . Your Lordships humble Servant FORTH . Oxon. March 3. 1643. C. R. OVt of Our most tender and pious senfe of the sad and bleeding condition of this Our Kingdom , and Our unwearied desires to apply all remedies , which by the blessing of Almighty God , may recover it from an utter ruine ; By the advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , We doe Propound and Desire , that a convenient number of fit Persons , may be appoynted and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed , at such Place as you shall nominate , with an equall number of fit Persons , whom We shall appoynt and authorize to treat of the Wayes and Meanes to settle the present distractions of this Our Kingdom , and to procure a happy Peace . And Particularly , how all the Members of both Houses , may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , there to Treat , consult and agree upon such things , as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true reformed Protestant Religion , with due consideration to all just , and reasonable ease of tender Consciences ; to the setling and maintaining of Our just Rights and Priviledges ; of the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament , the Lawes of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject ; and all other expedients that may conduce to that blessed end of a firme and Lasting Peace , both Church and State , and a perfect understanding betwixt Vs and Our People , wherein no endeavours or Concurrency of Ours shall be wanting . And God direct your hearts in the wayes of Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the third day of March . 1643. Superscribed , To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . 
A41374	----	The golden apophthegms of His Royall Maiesty [sic] King Charles I and Henry Marq. of Worcester both divine and morall as they were delivered upon several occasions in the time of the late unhappy war between His Majesty and the old Parliament : wherein is observable ... / written by Tho. Bayly ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A41374 of text R4827 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing G1012). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 27 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A41374 Wing G1012 ESTC R4827 13082142 ocm 13082142 97250 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41374) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 97250) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 257:E184, no 3) The golden apophthegms of His Royall Maiesty [sic] King Charles I and Henry Marq. of Worcester both divine and morall as they were delivered upon several occasions in the time of the late unhappy war between His Majesty and the old Parliament : wherein is observable ... / written by Tho. Bayly ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Worcester, Henry Somerset, Marquis of, 1577-1646. Selections. 1660. Bayly, Thomas, d. 1657? Witty apothegms delivered at several times and upon several occasions. 8 p. Printed by John Clowes ..., London : 1660. "Wherein is observable, I. The Witty sayings of the Marquess of Worcester, and his Majestys Prudent Answers thereunto. II. The notable expressions of the Marquesse upon his leaving a Bag of Gold in a poor town upon his journey towards Ragland. III. His Noble Interpretation on the Magpy that builded on the Crown that was on the Head of the Effigies of King Edward that stood over the Gate of the Castle at Carnarvan in Wales. And how they were disperced by Jack-daws who were after beaten away by Buzzards, all which he compares to Bishops, Presbyterians and Independents. IV. The Pleasant conference between the Lord Marquess and the L. Gen. Fairfax. V. Some deligtful Discourse between the Marquess and his daughter the Countess of Glamorgan. VI. The Honourable description of the Royal Oak by the Marquess, when his Majesty was playing at Bowls on Ragland Castle Green. VII. Several remarkable Passages between His Royal Majestie and the Marquesse touching Lebanon, Naboths Vine-yard, London, York, Lincoln, Troy, Ragland Castle, Naseby fight, Windsor, Alexander, Aristotle and the Lord John Somerset." Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. A41374 R4827 (Wing G1012). civilwar no The Golden apophthegms of his Royall Maiesty King Charles I. and Henry Marq. of Worcester, both divine and morall, as they were delivered up Charles I, King of England 1660 4962 6 0 0 0 0 0 12 C The rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-08 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Golden Apophthegms Of His Royall Maiesty KING CHARLES I. AND HENRY Marq. of Worcester , Both Divine and Morall , as they were delivered upon several occasions in the Time of the late unhappy War between His Majesty and the old Parliament , Wherein is observable , I. The Witty Sayings of the Marquess of Worcester , and his Majestys Prudent Answers thereunto . II. The notable expressions of the Marquesse upon his leaving a Bag of Gold in a poor town upon his journey towards Ragland . III. His Noble Interpretaion on the Magpy that builded on the Crown that was on the Head of the Effigies of King Edward that stood over the Gate of the Castle at Carnarvan in Wales . And how they were disperced by Jack-daws who were after beaten away by Buzzards , all which he compares to Bishops , Presbyterians and Independents . IIII. The Pleasant Conference between the Lord Marquess and the L. Gen. Fairfax . V. Some delightful Discourse between the Marquess and his daughter the Countess of Glamorgan . VI . The Honourable Description of the Royal Oak by the Marquess , when his Majesty was playing at Bowls on Ragland Castle Green . VII . Several remarkable Passages between His Royal Majestie and the Marquesse touching Lebanon , Naboths Vine-yard , London , York , Lincoln , Troy , Ragland Castle , Naseby fight , Windsor , Alexander , Aristotle and the Lord John Somerset . Written by THO. BAYLY Dr. in Divinity Entred and Published according to Order . LONDON , Printed by John Clowes , over against the lower Pump in Grub-street , 1660. HAving well considered the worth of these witty sayings , I shall not hold a Candle ( as it were ) to the Sun , by writing an Epistle , the work in it self being a Store-house of excelent use both for Wit and Wisdom . Apophthegm 1. Afflictions cannot be esteemed with wise and godly men any argument of sin in an innocent person , more then the impurity of wicked men is amongst good men any sure token of innocency . 2. That in the direct worship of God himself we ought to be guided by the word of God , and not otherwise , but in the form and order of Ceremonies , that indeed is solely left to the Church . 3. When the King first entered the Castle of Ragland , the Marquess kissed the Kings hand , and rising up again he saluted his Majesty with this complement , My Lord , I am not worthy : the King replyed unto the Marquess , my Lord , I may well answer you again , I have not found so great faith in Israel , for no man would trust me with so much mony as you have done : to which the Marquess replyed , I hope your Majesty will prove a Defender of the Faith . 4. Prepare for war when thou prepoundest for peace , otherwise thy peace will be hardly obtained , or too highly prized , whatever thy first Article be , let disbanding , be the last . A cunning Curre , though he wag his tail will shew his teeth , the best Treaty is with a drawn sword , and the safest peace is concluded under a Buckler . 5. When King Charls had made his repair to Raegland , after the Battell of Naseby , taking occasion thank the Marquess for some money lend his Maiesty , the Marquess returned his Majesty this answer , Sir I had your word for my money , but I never thought I should be soon repaid , for now you have given me thanks , I have all I look for . 6. The lower sort of people are desirous of novelties , and apt for change weighing Government with the scales of their own fortune , they are too sensible of evils in present , to fear worse in future , let such know they move in their particular orbs , not in the common sphere , and that the alteration in the heavens make no star greater , which way soever the change moves , a Cobler shall be but a Cobler still . 7. It is a Princely alchimy out of necessary wars to extract an honourable Peace , and more beseeming the Majesty of a Prince to thirst after Peace then Conquest . Blessedness is promised to the Peace-maker , not to the Conqueror . It is a happy State whose peach hath a peacefull hand , and a martiall heart , able both to use peace , and to manage War . 8. His Majesty being very well grounded in the true Protestant Religion , in a Discourse concerning Sectaries , said truly , That there were but two good sentences in a Sectaries Sermon , the first of necessity good , which is the Text , the second by consequent , which is the end , and thereby an end of an impertinent Discourse . 9. Sir Henry Bard , who was Lord Bellamount , coming into the Hall of Ragland , and seeing so many Tables furnished with food , and feeders , sware that his Majesty had a plot to destroy that Family first , in borrowing all the old mans money , and then in coming thus to eat up his victuals : which his Majesty hearing smiled at : but the Marquesse asked the man who made the relation unto him , of what Garrison the Lord Bellamount was Governour ; it was told his Lordship , that he was Governour of Cambden house ; the Marquesse replyed , that when the King had done as he said , that then his Majesty might go to his Garrison , and there he might have Cambdens Remains . 10. There be three sorts of Government , Monarchical , Historical , Democratical , and they are apt to fall three several wayes into ruine . The first by Tyranny , the second by Ambition , the last by tumult . A Commonwealth grounded upon any of these , is but of short continuance , but being wisely mingled , either guard the other , and makes the Government exact . 11. In the war , the King came to a Castle , and told the Lord thereof , that he thought not to have stayed with his Lordship above three dayes , but his occasion requiring a longer stay , and considering that it was a Garrison , and that his provision might be spent by so great a pressure , was willing his Lordship should take what provision the Countrey would afford for his present maintenance , and recruir : to which his Lordship answered , I humbly thank your Majesty , but my Castle will never stand long , if it leans upon the Countrey , and I had rather be brought to a morsell of bread , then any morsels of bread should be brought in to entertain your Majesty . 12. Sir Thomas Somerset , brother to the Marquesse of Worcester , had a house which they called Troy , five miles from Ragland Castle : this Sir Thomas being a compleat Gentleman of himself , delighted himself much in fine Gardens and Orchards , whereby the benefit of art the earth was made so gratefull to him at the same time , that the King happened to be at his brothers house , that it yielded him wherewithall to send his brother Worcester a present , and such an one as the time and place considered was able to make the King to believe , that the Soveraign of the Planets had new changed the Poles , and that Wales , the refuse and outcast of the fair Garden of England , had fairer and riper fruit then England bowels had on all her beds , this presented to the Marquesse , the Marquesse would not suffer to be presented to the King , by any other hand then his own , in comes the Marquesse at the latter end of Supper , led by the arm , with a slow pace , expressing much a Spanish gravity , with a silver dish in each hand filled with rarities , and a little basket on his arm , as a reserve , where making his obeysance , he thus speaks , May it please your Majesty , if the four Elements could have been rob'd to have entertained your Majesty , I think I had but done my duty ; but I must do as I may , if I had sent to Bristol for some good things to entertain your Majesty , that had been no wonder at all , If I had procured from London some goodness , that might have been acceptable to your Majesty , but here I present your Majesty ( placing his dishes upon the Table ) with what , that came not from Lincoln , that was not London , that is not York that is to be , but I assure your Majesty , that this present came from Troy : whereupon the King smiled , and answered the Marquesse , Truly my Lord , I have heard , That corn now grows where Troy Town stood , but I never thought there had grown any apricocks there before . Whereupon the Marquess replyed , any thing to please your Majesty : when my Lord Marquesse departed the presence , one told his Lordship , that he would make a very good Courtier , the Marquesse said I remember I said one thing that may give you some hopes of me , Any thing to please your Majesty . 13. The first night his Majesty came into Ragland Castle , the King desired to see the great Tower , where his Lordship did use to keep his Treasure , his Majesty spake unto Doctor Baily then standing by to fetch the Keyes ; he ran down to the Marquesse and acquainted him with the Kings pleasure , who would needs bring them to the King , and shew him the Tower himself : when the King saw the Marquesse bringing the keyes himself , he thus spake unto the Marquesse , My Lord , there are some men so unreasonable , as to make me believe , that your Lordship hath good store of gold yet left within this Tower , but I knowing how I have exhausted you , together with your own occasions could never have believed it until now I see you will not trust the keyes with any but your self : to which the Marquesse made this reply , Sir , I was so far from giving your Majesty any such occasion of thought by this tender of my duty , that I protest unto you , that I was once resolves that your Majesty should have lain there , but that I was loath to commit your Majesty to the Tower . 14. When the King first entred the gates of Ragland , the Marquess delivered his Majesty the keyes according to the ordinary custome the King restoring them to the Marquesse , the Marquesse said , I beseech your Majesty to keep them if you please , for they are in a good hand , but I am afraid that ere it be long , I shall be forced to deliver them into the hands of who will spoil the Complement . 15. King Charls coming to Ragland , when the tall Cedar of our Lebanon was brought so low , and those Sycomores flourished when the Royal Oak was in the fall of the leaf , it happened that his Majesty was at Bowls upon Ragland Castle Green , a place proudly situated , where after he had ended his Recreation , his Majesty was pleased to delight himself with observing the Countrey round about , it happened , that one Prichard , the Kings partner at bowls , presuming more upon his good bowling , then good manners , continued that familiarity that should have ended with the rubbers , shewing the King where his house stood , and told his Majesty he must look through the wood , and he might see a white thing , and that was it : moreover acquainted his Majesty what the Lord of Worcester had advised him , viz. to cut down some of those trees , that the house might plainly be discerned from the Green , whereby his Lordship when he wanted a good bowler might make a sign , and so have him at a beck : to which the King replyed , Mr. Prichard , let me give you better advise , put up more trees where the trees are so thin , that my Lord of Worcester may not see thy house at all . The Marq. of Worcester supposing the King had dreamed of this greediness , of purchasing all the Land which was near unto him , shewed his Majesty a row of trees , and told the King , that beyond that row of trees stood a pretty Tenement , and because he would not have Naboths vineyard to be an eye-sore to him , he had planted those trees to hoodwink his eyes from such temptations . Apophthegms of the Earl of Worcester . 1. The Marquess had a mind to tell the King as handsomely as he could of some of his ( as he thought ) faults , and thus he contrived his plot against the time , that his Majesty was wont to give his Lordship a visit , as commonly he used to do after dinner , his Lordship had the book of John Gower lying before him on the Table , the King casting his eye upon the book , told the Marquess , that he had never seen it before , O said the Marquess , it is a book of books , which if your Majesty had been well versed in , it would have made you a King of Kings , Why so my Lord , said the King ? Why said the Marquess , here is set down how Aristotle brought up and instructed Alexander the great in all his rudiments and principles belonging to a Prince ; and under the persons of Alexander and Aristotle , he read the King such a lesson , that all the standers by were amazed at his boldness , and the King supposing that he had gone further then his Text would have given him leave , asked the Marquess , whether he had his lesson by heart , or whether he spake out of the book : the Marquess replyed , Sir , if you could read my heart , it may be , you might find it there , or if your Majesty please to get it by heart , I will lend it you upon these conditions , 1. That you read it , 2. That you make use of it : but perceiving how some of the new made Lords fretted and bit the thumbs , at certain passages in the Marquesses discourse he thought a little to please his Majesty , though he displeased them , the men who were so much displeased already protesting unto his Majesty , that no man was so much for the absolute power of a King , Aristotle , desiring the book out of the King he would shew him one remarkable passage to that purpose , turning to that place , that had this verse , viz. A King can kill , a King can save , A King can make a Lord a knave , And of a knave a Lord also . Whereupon there were divers new made Lords slunk out of the room , on which the King said , At this rate you will drive away all my Nobilty . 2. The Marquesse travelling , was as he thought surprized by enemies , but recovering the top of a high mountain , by the advantage of the ground , he could see the enemy marching off another way , at which sight the Marquess dwelt with his eyes a little longer upon that object then the L. John Somerset his Son thought convenient , whereunto the Marquess answered , O Son , I love to see my own danger , especially when it is marching off . 3. The Earl of Worcester travelling towards Ragland , at a certain Inne in a poor town , where he lay , by the carelesness of servants left behind him 1000 l. in Gold , being hid under a bench , and forgot to be taken away , the money was never missed untill they came to their journeys end at night , and it being told my Lord that so much was missing , and where they had left it , my Lord made no other words of it but these , You talk of a cheap reckoning , but I never paid so dearly for a nights lodging in all my life : who would think that a man should leave so much money behind him in such a lowsie Inn ? On that stood by at that time told the Marquesse , that it was a hundred to one if ever he h●●●d of his money again , it was such a beggerly house , O Peace , said the Marquesse , if they will not be known of the mony , you shall see it will be a brave Inne in a short time : this mony was sent after , and very honestly restored , and delivered into the messengers hands that came for it . Being brought unto the Marquess , there was much wondering at the honesty of the woman of the house , others praised the whole town seeing it was generally known . The Marquess told them , It may be the town never saw so much mony before , and therefore they knew not what to make of it . 5. The Earl of Clamorgan , the Marquess of Worcesters eldest son , accompanied with divers of high rank and quality , as they were on their journey for Ireland , quartered in the town of Carnarvan , a Sea Town in North Wales , where they were entertained with discourse at the Table , by some of the County Gentlemen , who informed them of the falling of an old Welch Prophesie at that very time and place , which was viz. That there should come a magpy , and build her nest in the Crown , then should come a Jackdaw , and beat away the magpy , and after that there should come a Buzzard , that should beat away the Jackdaw , and then there should be seen no Crown , but that of thorns upon the Kings head , at last there should come a Band of men from a far Countrey , and take away the thorns and then the Crown should appear again : this they said , was thus hitherto accomplished , viz. Over the gate of Carnarvan Castle , there was the picture of King Edward the first , in full proportion , with a Crown upon his head , there did come a magpy , and did build her nest in the said Kings Crown , and a Jackdaw did beat away the magpy , and the Buzzard the Jackdaw : this we assure your honour to be true ; for all our Townsmen have observed it . Dinner being ended , they all went unto the Castle gate , being greedy to satisfie their eyes with the sight , as well as their ears with the Relation ; where being come they beheld the sight , the nest being disordered by the fighting of the combatants , and the materials of the nest made such a mournfull aspect , as if they had been Artificially pleated upon the Kings head . The Earl of Clamorgan could not endure the sight but straightway commanded the nest to be pulled down , the materialls of which was such , as never any bird builded her nest with , viz. White thorn : the story being related to the Marquess of Worcester , after some pause he said , that is the nick-name , which the Roundheads use to give the Bishops : and none about him guessing at his meaning , he said , as I take it , they used to call the Bishops magpies , whom they reproach for building their nests in the Crown , then came the Presbyterian Jackdawes , and beat them out , and the next thing that you shall see , will be the Independent Buzzards , which drive them away , and who comes next God knows : but asking further whether it was an open or an Imperiall Crown , answer being made that it was open , O then , said the Marquess , that was the reason the Kings Crown was too open , had it been close at top with the Crosse over head , such unlucky birds could never have come there to have built their nests . 6. Antisthines being asked of one what learning was most necessary for mans life , answered , To unlearn that which is nought . 7. The Marquess talking of an old drunken fellow , who having used his body to disorder in drinking all his life time , at last giving it over , presently dyed , Oh said the Marquess , If you take a brand out of the fire , that is throughly burnt it will fall in pieces , but if you let it ly there still , it may remain a pretty while before it turn to a●hes . 8. During the Siege of Ragland , there came a Musket Bullet in at the Window of the withdrawing room , where my Lord was used to entertain his friends with his pleasant discourses after Dinners and Suppers , which glancing upon ? little Marble pillar of the window , and from thence hit the Marquess upon the side of the head , and fell down flatted uppon the Table , which breaking in pieces the Pillar , made such a noise in the rome , that the Countess of Glamorgan who stood in the same window , run away , as if the house had been falling down upon her head , crying out O Lord , O Lord , but finding her self more afraid then hurt , she returned back again , no lesse excusing her self , as she was pleased to call it rudenesse to her Father , then acknowledging her fears to all the company : to whom the Marq. said , Daughter , you had reason to run away when your Father was knockt on the head , and pausing some while , and turning the flatted bullet round with his finger , he further said , Gentlemen , Those who had a mind to flatter me , were wont to tell me , that I had a good head-piece in my younger dayes , but if I do not flatter my self , I think I have a good head-piece in my old age , or else it would not have been musket proof . 9. There was a young and beautiful Lady , who was shewing the Marquesse , that the Colours that hung on such a Tower , was one of the Curtains of her bed . To which he replyed , Madam . I would you would set the little boy that uses to stand behind that Curtain , on the top of that Tower , that we may see whether or no he would drive away all those men with his Bow and Arrows . To which the Lady replyed , Cupid never raised a siege in his life , but he hath taken many a strong hold : Then said my Lord , I shall tell you how you shall make yours impregnable . How my Lord said the Lady ? He said unto he , Whatsoever you see a handsome young man be sure you shut your eyes , or else he will take the Fort of your Virginity , fl●ing in at your Windows . 10. The Marquess was one day reading of us a Lecture of patience in our adversity : amongst the rest of those witty Sayings which came from him , he told us that there was nothing so bad , but it was good for something ; for said he if there were no silence there would be no Musick ; for the sudden stops which are in Musick adde to the grace & perfection of the Art . Ignorance is a spur to Knowle●ge , Da●kness a Pavilion to the Almighty , A Cabbinor Drawn Chamber for us to sleep in . A Dungion for the Judge to punish his Delinquents , and a foil for the Painter to make his shadows : so are afflictions good for our instructions , and adversities for our amendments . 11. When it was told the Marquess , that some would warrant him that if he would , he might be Duke of Somerset , he made them this Reply , When I was E. of Worcester I was well to live , since I was a Marq. I am worse by one hundred thousand pounds , and if I should be a Duke , I should be an arrant Beggar ; wherefore I had rather if I might go back again to my Earldom , `then at this rate keep on my pace to the Dukedom of Somerset . 12. After much conference betwixt the Marq. and Gen. Fairfax , wherein ●any things were requested of the Gen. by the Marquess , and being as he thought himself happy in the attainment , his Lordship was pleased to make a merry Petition to the General , as he was taking his leave , viz. in the behalf of a couple of young Pigeons , which were wont to come to his hand , and feed out of it constantly , in whose behalf he desired the General that he would be pleased to give him his Protection for them , fearing the little command that he should have over his Souldiers in that behalf . To which the General said I am glad to see your Lordship so merry . Oh said the Marquess , you have given me no other cause ; for I resolved to undergo even the worst of evils you were able to lay on me before ever I took up Arms for my Sovereign , therefore wonder not that I am so merry . 12. Vespasian asked of Apollonius what was the cause of Nero's ruin ; who answered , That Nero could tune the Harp well , but in Government he did alwaies wind up the strings too high , or let them down to low . 14. Some men have so much of the Serpents subtilty , that they forget the Doves simplicity . 15. Justice should be blind and friendly , it is not by it , that those that be in Authority should reward their friends , or crosse their enemies . 16. misfortunes are not acceptable in any kind , yet those are endured with most ease , that come rather by destiny than deserving . 17. The Marquesse of Worcester , called for a glasse of Claret Wine , it was told him by his Physician that Claret wine was nought for his Gout , the Marq. replyd , what my old friend Claret ? Nay , give it me in spight of all Physicians and their Books , it never shall be said , that I forsook my friend for to pleasure my enemy . 18. When it was told his Lordship not long before he dyed , that leave was obtained by the Parliament , that he might be buried in Windsor Castle , within the great Chappel , and wherein divers of his Ancestors ly buried , with some spritlinesse he spake aloud , God bless us all , why then I shall take a better Castle when I am dead , then they take from me whilst I was alive . 19. The Marq. being weak in body , and told by some friends , that when he was dead they would Petition for mony to bury him , He replyed , Then will they appoint those to dispose of the time and manner of my burial , and you shall see that they , being it is so near the good time , will cause me to be buried according to the Directory in spite of Christmas day , upon Christmas and so they did . FINIS . 
A41891	----	A Great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of Ireland discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at Dvblin and proclaimed there Octob. 23, 1641 : vvhich proclamation was sent to the Parliament here in England, and read before the Lords and Commons in Parliament on Munday Novemb. 1, 1641 : vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand, and sent to Mr. Nicholas, Clarke of the counsell from Edenbvrgh Octob. 18, 1641. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A41891 of text R29689 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing G1680). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 4 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A41891 Wing G1680 ESTC R29689 12562162 ocm 12562162 63256 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A41891) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 63256) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 961:5) A Great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of Ireland discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at Dvblin and proclaimed there Octob. 23, 1641 : vvhich proclamation was sent to the Parliament here in England, and read before the Lords and Commons in Parliament on Munday Novemb. 1, 1641 : vvhereunto is annexed the copy of a letter written with the kings owne hand, and sent to Mr. Nicholas, Clarke of the counsell from Edenbvrgh Octob. 18, 1641. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Clarke, Nicholas, 17th cent. [2], 4 p. Printed for John Thomas, London : 1641. Reproduction of original in Cambridge University Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Sources. A41891 R29689 (Wing G1680). civilwar no A great conspiracy by the papists in the kingdome of Ireland, discovered by the lords, justices and counsell at Dublin and proclaimed there [no entry] 1641 648 1 0 0 0 0 0 15 C The rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A GREAT CONSPIRACY By the Papists in the Kingdome of IRELAND , Discovered by the Lords , Justices , and Counsell at DVBLIN and Proclaimed there Octob. 23 , 1641. VVhich Proclamation was sent to the PARLIAMENT here in ENGLAND And read before the Lords and Commons in Parliament on Munday Novemb. 1. 1641. VVhereunto is annexed the Copy of a Letter written with the Kings owne hand , and sent to Mr. Nicholas , Clarke of the Counsell from EDENBVRGH Octob. 18. 1641. LONDON , Printed for John Thomas . 1461. BY THE LORDS JVSTICES , AND Councell at Dublin in Ireland , Octob. 23. 1641. W. Parsons , Io. Burlacie . THese are to m●ke known and published to all his Majesties good Subjects in this Kingdome of Ireland , That there is a Discovery made by Us the Lords , Justices , and Councell , of a most disloyall and detestable Conspiracie intended by some evill affected Irish Papists , against the lives of Us the Lords , Justices , and Councell , and many others of his Majesties faithfull Subjects universally throughout this Kingdome , and for the seizing not onely of his Majesties Castle of Dublin his Majesties principall Fort here , but also of the other Fortifications of the Kingdome . And seeing by the great goodnesse and aboundant mercy of Almighty God to his Majesty and this State and Kingdome , these wicked Conspiracies are brought to light , and some of the Conspirators committed to the Castle of Dublin by us , by his Majesties authority , so as those wicked and Damnable Plots , are now disappointed in the chiefe parts thereof : Wee therefore have thought fit hereby not onely to make it publikely knowne for the comfort of his Majesties good and loyall Subjects in all parts of the Kingdome , but also hereby to require them , that they doe with all confidence and cheerefulnesse betake themselves to their owne defence , and stand upon their Guard , so to render the more safety to themselves and all the Kingdome besides , and that they advertise us with all possible speed of all occurrences which may concerne the peace and safety of the Kingdome , and now to shew fully that faith and Loyalty which they have alwayes shewen for the publike service of the Crowne and Kingdome , which we will value to his Majesty accordingly , and a speciall memory thereof , will be retained for their advantage in due time , and wee require that great care be taken that no Levies of men be made for forraigne Service , or any man suffered to march upon any such pretences . Given at his Majesties Castle at Dublin , 25. Octob. 1641. The Names of those Lords Iustices , and Counsellours in the Castle of Dublin , at the dating of this Proclamation . Robert Dillon . Robert Digby , Adam Loftus . Iohn Temple . Thomas Rothoram . Francis VVilloughby . Iames VVare . Robert Meridith . God save the King . A Copy of a Letter written with the Kings owne hand to Mr. Nicholas , Clarke of the Counsell , bearing date from Edenburgh , 18. Octob. 1641. I Heare it is reported that at my returne I intend to alter the Government of the Church of England , and to bring it to that forme as it is here . Therefore I command you to assure all my Servants , that J will be constant to the Discipline and Doctrine of the Church of England established by Queene ELIZABETH and my Father , and that I resolve by the grace of God ) to dye in the maintenance of it . Charles Rex . From Edenburgh Octob. 18. 1641. FINIS . 
A44155	----	A Worthy speech spoken at the Guild Hall by the Earle of Holland with the resolution of the Earle of Pembroke, Earle of Northumberland, ... : also some passages concerning His Maiesties letter to the lord major touching the carrying in of plate into Guild Hall ... This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A44155 of text R40998 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H2423). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A44155 Wing H2423 ESTC R40998 19569535 ocm 19569535 109112 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44155) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109112) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1690:3) A Worthy speech spoken at the Guild Hall by the Earle of Holland with the resolution of the Earle of Pembroke, Earle of Northumberland, ... : also some passages concerning His Maiesties letter to the lord major touching the carrying in of plate into Guild Hall ... Holland, Henry Rich, Earl of, 1590-1649. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. Printed by T. Fawcet, London : June 21, 1642. Reproduction of original in the University of Illinois (Urbana-Champaign Campus). Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A44155 R40998 (Wing H2423). civilwar no A worthy speech spoken at the Guild-Hall by the Earle of Holland. With the resolution of the Earle of Pembroke, Earle of Northumberland, Ear [no entry] 1642 1400 1 0 0 0 0 0 7 B The rate of 7 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-12 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Scott Lepisto Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Scott Lepisto Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A worthy Speech SPOKEN At the Guild-Hall by the Earle of Holland . With the Resolution of the Earle of Pembroke , Earle of Northumberland , Earle of Bedford , Earle of Holland , Viscount Say and Seyle . Sir Edward Hungerford . And Sir Thomas Barrington . Declared in their severall Speeches at the Guild-Hall , on Munday the 20. day of June , 1642. Also some passages concerning his Maiesties Letter to the Lord Major , touching the carrying in of Plate into Guild-Hall . Together with a Command from the High Court of PARLIAMENT , to the Officers of Jreland . As also the Cruelty used by the Lord Macquere to the Protestants in Jreland , one of the Rebels now Prisoner in the Tower . With severall Votes of the Lord Keeper , concerning the lawfulnesse of the Exercise of the MILITIA . Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , That these particulars shall be forthwith Printed . Jo. Browne Cler. Parl. LONDON , Printed by T. Fawcet . Iune , 21. 1642. ON Munday being the 20. day of Iune , the Earle of Pembrooke , the Earle of Northumberland , the Earle of Holland , the Earle of Bedford , the Lord Sey , Sir Thomas Barrington , Sir Edward Hungerford , and divers other members of the House of Commons came to the Guild-hall , where were assembled the Lord Maior and Aldermen , with the Common Councell of the Citie , where being seated in a discreet Order , the Lord of Holland made a worthy Speech , the effect was as followeth . 1. He endeavoured to cleere all doubts that were raised by the Letter sent from his Maiesty to the Lord Maior , withall declaring that their Actions and intentions were imployed to advance his Maiesties Honour . Likewise manifesting the great Love they had received of the Citie , giving them great thanks for the same , animating them on to a continuance and perseverance in the same , declaring how the Malignant Party by their Practises and endeavours strive to destroy and confound the very being of Parliaments , and the Liberty and propriety of the Subiect , telling them that it was their cause which the Parliament maintained , their owne , their Wives , their Childrens Lives lying at Stake , for however faire pretences seeme to cover and colour the designe , these Forraigne preparations and Domesticke Actions can portend nothing lesse then such a fatall Attempt . Severall Speeches were made by the other Members of Parliament , tending to the same purpose , which were received with generall applause , and every one departed to his habitation exceeding well satisfied , and absolutely resolved to hazard both Lives and Fortunes , for the defence of his Maiesty , and the priviledge of Parliament . Remarkable Passages concerning the Kings Majesties LETTER to the Lord Major of the City of London , touching the carrying in of Plate into Guild-Hall . ON the 18. day of this present June , the Lord Major of this City received a Letter from his Majestie , wherein he was commanded to stop the bringing of Plate into Guild-Hall , which being received by the said Lord Major , hee with all speed , was intended to publish such his Maiesties Commands , neverthelesse he thought it convenient to send for the Aldermen of the City requiring their advice , who councelled him first to acquaint the House and to show the said Letter , which councell was approved of and the Letter presented to the Parliament , who gave Order that a generall Councell should bee held that night at Guild-Hall , and that a Committee of Lords and Commons should be there to consult and determine what were most secure , and fit to be done , neverthelesse the manifold distractions and urgent occasions of greater importance tooke up so much time , that they were inforc't to put it off till a further time for a consideration thereof . The Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , taking into their serious consideration the deplorable estate of Ireland , have by an Order from both houses of Parliament , appointed that on the two and twentieth day of this instant : June , all the Commanders should meet at St. Lawrence Church at nine of the clocke in the morning , where after a Sermon , they are to repayre to Guild-hall , there to take the Protestation , and to enter into Pay . Likewise an information was given concerning the Lord Paget's Iourney towards the King , with the Coppie of a Letter sent from him , wherein was declared the reasons of his departure , which Letter being read , it was Ordered that enquiry should be made for the Printer , and that the said printed papers should be burnt . This day also a true intelligence was given , of certaine Jrish Rebels , namely the Lord Maguieres , which in the begining of this Rebellion kept Seven-score Protestants two dayes in a Church , and afterward whipt them into a River , and drowned Men , Women and Children , in a most inhumane manner , with many more cruelties of the same nature , being sent for by the Parliament , was brought to London , and now lyes in the Tower with his Comrades , waiting till Gregory shall play the Midwife , and deliver them up to the gallowes . Likewise Letters were read in the house from Ireland , declaring that the Lord Conway , with the assistance of the Scots Forces , had obtained a great victory against the Rebels , which good successe did much affect the house , many other matters of great importance tooke up the time , so that the members of the high Court of of Parliament could hardly spare so much time , as to meet at the Guild-hall , to discusse of the Letter sent from his Maiesty to the Lord Maior of this Citie . Neverthelesse the said Letter doth no way deterre the said Citizens from bringing in their Plate , and Moneys , for dayly and hourely People of all degrees , carry in what they are able to spare , with great willingnesse , to the great comfort of the Parliament , and all wellwishers to the peace of Church , and Kingdome . 1. Martii , 1642. Lord Keeper present . Both Houses Petition the King , wherein is this Clause . viz. WHerefore they are inforced , in all humility , to protest , that if your Majesty shall persist in that deniall , the dangers and distempers of the Kingdome are such , as will endure no delay ; But unlesse you shall be graciously pleased to assure them by these Messengers , that you will speedily apply your Royall Assent to the satisfaction of their former desires , they shall be inforced for the safety of your Maiesty and Your Kingdomes , to dispose of the Militia , by the Authority of both Houses , in such manner as hath beene propounded to your Majesty , and they resolve to doe it accordingly . 15. Martii , 1642. The Lord Keeper present ▪ and Voted , and Argued for this gollowing Vote , viz. That in case of extreame danger , and of his Maiesties refusall , the Ordinance agreed on by both Houses , doth obliege the People , and ought to be obeyed by the Fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdom . Thirdly , he named his Deputy Lievtenants , and sent Lievtenants names to the House of Commons , and often asked the Clerke of the Peers House for his Deputations , and commanded him to deliver them to one of his Servants ; which he accordingly did in his presence . 25. Martii , 1642. Lord Keeper present . Fourthly , he agreed to the severall forms of Deputations for the Militia . Mereurii , 15. 1642. Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , that these particulars shall be forthwith Printed and published . Jo. Browne , Cleric . Parl. 
A44992	----	The Humble petition and representation of the gentry, ministers, and others of the counties of Cumberland and Westmerland, to His Sacred Maiestie with His Maiesties answer thereunto, York, 5 Iuly, 1642. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A44992 of text R36804 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H3442). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A44992 Wing H3442 ESTC R36804 16137606 ocm 16137606 104788 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A44992) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104788) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:12) The Humble petition and representation of the gentry, ministers, and others of the counties of Cumberland and Westmerland, to His Sacred Maiestie with His Maiesties answer thereunto, York, 5 Iuly, 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. Printed by Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, York : 1642. Royal seal on p. [4]; His Majesty's answer on following p. 5-6. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Cumberland (England) -- History. Westmorland (England) -- History. A44992 R36804 (Wing H3442). civilwar no The humble petition and representation of the gentry, ministers, and others of the counties of Cumberland and Westmerland, to His Sacred Mai [no entry] 1642 1099 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The humble PETITION AND REPRESENTATION OF The Gentry , Ministers , and others of the Counties of Cumberland and Westmerland , to His Sacred MAIESTIE . With His Majesties Answer thereunto . York 5 Iuly . 1642. YORK : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . 1642. To the KINGS most Excellent MAIESTIE . The humble Petition and Representation of the Loyall and Dutifull Affections of the Gentry , Ministery , and others , your Majesties Subjects of the Counties of Cumberland and VVestmerland , whose names are hereunto annexed . Most Gracious Soveraign , WE acknowledge , with all possible Retribution of gratitude , Your Majesties Princely favour in yeelding your Royall Assent to such Bills as have passed since the beginning of this present Parliament . As for your gracious Declaration to continue the same as occasion required , for remedying the evils and perils incident to Church and State , and for your firm Resolution that the Laws of the Land should be the Rule of your Government ; But more particularly endeared to our memories is that Royall sense your Majestie expressed of our dangerous condition and impendent fears , when we stood ingaged as part of the Pledge to the Scottish Army ; and your personall recommendation thereof to the speedy consideration of both your Houses of Parliament . The former benefits we hold as the fruit of your generall care , equally extending to all ; by this you suffered your Royall Nature to be tendered with a Compassion more neerly regarding us ; for which Grace we conceive our selves tyed in a more singular and strait Obligation then the most of your other Subjects are , in which respect our just fears might have presented us too remisse in performance of this duty , after so many had gone before us , but that our paucity , and the inconsiderablenesse of these Counties for quantity and quality , with-held us thus long , untill the too visible distempers of the times justled out such fears , as now unseasonable : Our own sense is our assurance of your Gracious Government , we see and acquiesce in this truth , that your Majesties profession of the true Protestant Religion , & the exercise of it go together ; nor can we take up any more effectuall ground for a belief of sincerity . All our happinesse , and that of all Your Dominions would be compleat , and what were wanting we were in the way for , if a right Understanding were renewed between your Majestie and great Councell . It is therefore our humble desire , That your Majestie would still be pleased in your wisdome to recollect , and in your goodnesse to imbrace all good means that may tend to this happy union , whereby we may reap the true enjoyment of the long labours of your Majestie and great Councell , for the effecting whereof we shall redouble our Petition , That some place may be thought on , which may be free from exception both of danger and distrust ; and then we doubt not , but by Gods Almighty power , such wayes and means might happily be propounded , as may reconcile all differences and mistakings ; and your Majestie have full satisfaction in your Demands . And we ( as we are bound ) shall be ready , according to Our Power , with our lives and fortunes to defend your Majesties Person , Honour , Crown , and Dignity , the Religion and Laws established against all Maligners of your Majesties Royall Prerogative , and the peace and prosperity of this Kingdom . Hereunto were annexed the names of foure thousand , seven hundred , seventy and four , of the Knights , Gentlemen , and others , of the Counties aforesaid . DIEV ET MON DROIT At the Court at York , 5 Iuly . 1642. His Majestie Hath Commanded me to give this expresse Answer to this Petition . THat His Majestie is very well pleased with the Duty and Assertion of this Petition , and hath commanded me to signifie His good Acceptance of it , and Thanks for it to the Petitioners , and to assure them , That if some others had had the same sense of , and gratitude for His Iustice and favour towards them in the yeelding of His Royall assent to so many good Bills as the Petitioners have , and given as good credit to His Professions and Protestations for the defence of the Religion and Laws established as the Petitioners give , and been as ready to recollect and imbrace all good means that might tend to a happy union , and renew a right understanding between His Majestie and His Parliament , as His Majestie hath been , is , and ever shall be ; This ( by the help of God ) had been by this time a most secure , united , and happy Kingdom , free from all the present Iealousies , Distractions , and Dangers . And as His Majestie consents with the Petitioners in a most earnest desire that such a way may be discovered and pursued , which might reconcile all Differences and Mistakings , and by which He might have full satisfaction in His just demands ; so He likewise consents with them , that the choice of some place free from exception , both of danger and distrust , would be the most probable , and indeed a certain means to attain that end : which out of His great Affection to Iustice and Peace , and His Care of the Freedome , ( which is the principall Priviledge ) of Parliament , His Majestie hath often intimated , and of late seriously recommended to both Houses ; But not onely without Successe , but without Answer . His Majestie doth likewise assure the Petitioners , that He will no longer expect , that they should make good their Professions of being ready , according to their power , with their Lives and Fortunes to defend His Person , Honour , Crown , and Dignity , then He shall be ready , occording to His Power , with His Life and Fortune to defend the Religion and Laws established , against all Maligners of the Peace and Prosperity of the Kingdom . FALKLAND . FINIS . 
A45012	----	To the Kings most excellent maiestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, free-holders, and others peaceably affected in the countie palatine of Lancaster. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45012 of text R43270 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H3484). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45012 Wing H3484 ESTC R43270 27122649 ocm 27122649 109974 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45012) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109974) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1721:9) To the Kings most excellent maiestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, free-holders, and others peaceably affected in the countie palatine of Lancaster. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). by A.N. for Iohn Franke, Printed at London : 1642. Lower half of sheet contains reply to petition: At the Court at Yorke, XIth May. 1642. His Majestie hath expressly commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition ... Edw. Nicholas. Reproduction of original in Bodleian Library. eng Lancashire (England) -- History. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A45012 R43270 (Wing H3484). civilwar no To the Kings most excellent maiestie the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, free-holders, and others peaceably [no entry] 1642 700 2 0 0 0 0 0 29 C The rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Kings most excellent Maiestie . The humble Petition of the Baronets , Esquires , Ministers , Gentlemen , Free-holders , and others peaceably affected in the Countie Palatine of LANCASTER . Shewing to your Sacred Majestie , OVr heartbreaking sense & sorrow for the unhappy Rents & Distractions in your Majesties Dominions , especially in the time of the Session of so grave & godly a● Assembly ( most graciously convened by your Majestie ) endevouring the Glory of Almightie God in the Reformation of Religion , and the Honour and Weal of your Majesty , and your Realms in setling and securing of your Royall Throne in plenty and peace . But perceiving the long and remote distance of your Majesty from that Honorable Assembly to have distracted the hearts of your good Subjects , and animated the Popish and Malignant party among us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forreigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our Land , and the subduing of the Rebels in Ireland , and finding your Majesties late Resolution for that Expedition to threaten danger to your Royall Person , far more worth then ten thousand of us . We therefore your Majesties most loyall Subjects out of our zeale to Gods true Religion , your Majesties Honour and safety , and the peace and welfare of your Dominions , and out of the deep sense and apprension of our interest in the same , doe in all humility present and prostrate our selves and supplication at your Royall feet , beseeching your Majesty to return to your great Councell ( the Representative Body of your Kingdome ) in whom this Nation hath so far confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties , and in which multitude of Counsel●ours , there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby your Royall Throne may be established in Righteousnesse , and we with the rest of your faithfull Subjects shall continually prayse and pray for your prosperous and happy Reigne over us . At the Court at Yorke , XIth May . 1642. His Majestie hath expresly Commanded me to give you this his Answer to your Petition . THat this Petition ( as some others of this Nature ) is grounded upon mis-information , and ( being grieved and highly offended to see how his good People have been , and are abused by false Rumours and Intelligences ( which have procured causelesse feares , and Apprehensions ) refers the Petitioners to the Answers he hath given to the Declaration presented to him at New-Market , and to the Petition presented to him the 26. of March last at Yorke , wherein his Majesty faith , you will cleerely perceive that he is not gone , but driven from his Parliament ; His Majesty likewise for your further information of His proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration his two Messages and Declaration concerning Hull , and his Message touching the Reasons of his refusall to grant the Militia : all which when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your County , he doubts not but that you will rest very well satisfied of his constant Resolution for the maintaining of , and governing his People by the Law of the Land , his unmoveable resolution for the maintenance , and defence of the true Protestant profession , and the Suppression of the Barbarous Irish Rebellion : And his Majestie faith , that he beleeves you may then find reason to Petition the Parliament to Comply with his Majesties just Desires and gracious Offers , which is the only way safely and speedily to Cure the present distractions of this Kingdome and ( with Gods Blessing ) to put a happy end to the Irish Rebellion , for the effecting whereof ( as his Majestie hath often said ) he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazard of his Person or Fortune . Edw. Nicholas . Printed at London by A. N. for Iohn Franke . 1642. 
A35762	----	A discription of Tangier, the country and people adjoyning with an account of the person and government of Gayland, the present usurper of the kingdome of Fez, and a short narrative of the proceedings of the English in those parts : whereunto is added, the copy of a letter from the King of Fez to the King of England, for assistance against his rebellious subjects, and another from Grayland to His Sacred Majesty Charles the Second : with divers letters and passages worthy of note / translated from the Spanish into English, and published by authority. 1664 Approx. 149 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 45 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A35762 Wing D1151 ESTC R12756 12846198 ocm 12846198 94431 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A35762) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 94431) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 711:4) A discription of Tangier, the country and people adjoyning with an account of the person and government of Gayland, the present usurper of the kingdome of Fez, and a short narrative of the proceedings of the English in those parts : whereunto is added, the copy of a letter from the King of Fez to the King of England, for assistance against his rebellious subjects, and another from Grayland to His Sacred Majesty Charles the Second : with divers letters and passages worthy of note / translated from the Spanish into English, and published by authority. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Charles II, King of England, 1630-1685. Ghaylān, Aḥmad al-Khāḍir ibn ʻAlī, d. 1673. Teviot, Andrew Rutherford, Earl of, d. 1664. [6], 84 p. : port. Printed for Samuel Speed ..., London : 1664. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Tangier (Morocco) -- History. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-06 Ali Jakobson Sampled and proofread 2006-06 Ali Jakobson Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A Guyland , alias GAYLAND , the Present Vsurper of the kingdome of FEZ ▪ A DESCRIPTION OF TANGIER , The Country and People adjoyning . WITH An Account of the Person and Government OF GAYLAND , The present Usurper of the Kingdome of FEZ ; And a short Narrative of the Proceedings of the English in those Parts . Whereunto is added , The Copy of a Letter from the King of FEZ to the King of ENGLAND , for Assistance against his Rebellious Subjects ; And another from GAYLAND to his Sacred Majesty CHARLES the Second . With divers Letters and Passages worthy of Note , Translated from the Spanish into English , And Published by Authority . London , Printed for Samuel Speed , at the Rainbow in Fleet-street , near the Inner Temple-Gate . 1664. of Affrica and America , where an Acre of Ground is a Barony , and a Rood a Dutchy , as yeilding that Wealth with a few weeks pains , that cannot be 〈…〉 for 〈◊〉 Ages Industry . 3. Because this place , and the Country round about , is like to be that Renowned Scoene of Action , which will render us considerable in this last Age to the world . The French do intend to make themselves famous for seeking out a convenient footing in this Country : no doubt but we shall be so , for keeping ours . It is a pleasure to go over his Majesties Dominions at home , in Cambden , Speed , &c. O what satisfaction is it then to go along with his Acquists , and travel with his Conquests abroad ! to see how carefully he provides for Trade ; how providently he secures the Sea ; how zealously he promotes our interest and honour . Here you will see , First , the situation , improvement , strength and advantages of Tangier , that hath within 100 years cost 20 millions of money , and the lives of one million of men . Secondly , the nature of the Country round about it . Thirdly , the Government of it ; together with its ancient Kings before this late Usurpation ; and their Correspondence , Embassies and Letters to the Kings of England . Fourthly , the present Usurpation by Gayland : whereunto is added , a Discourse of his Person , Government , Revenue , Discipline and Policy . Fifthly , the Transactions between him and the Earl of Tiveot in Barbary , and his Sacred Majesty in England ; where are the Letters that passed between them concerning Peace and Accommodation . And Sixthly , here is the humour and temper of those people with whom we have to do there ; together with their Customes and Manners . There have been whole Volumes written of this Place ; as , 1. That of Hanno a MS. that was preserved for no less then 1400 years , and an hundred years ago printed by the Noble Stephanus . 2. That of Alcazar , kept now in the Tower of Tetuan . And , 3. That of Leo Affricanus , written by him as he travelled that Country in the Hegeira 953 , and in the year of our Lord 1528 , and translated into English by Mr. Robert Pary of Cambridge , in the year 1600. And , 4. That of Abaf●i vel Mammuled , whereof there are but two Copies now in the World ; one is kept by the Governour of Morocco , and the other by the Grand Seignior ; it being death for any Man to take a Map of that Country without their leave . But I have not observed so much satisfaction within so narrow a compass , so many particulars in so little a Volume , in my life ; especially considering that the Book is an outlandish one , and the Author a Spanyard ; then whom none go a greater way about , either to do what they say , or to say what they see . You are to take notice , that the Geography and History are Translated by one hand , and the Letters by another ; but both very exactly compared with the Original , and transmitted to the world upon the Faith and Honour of very ingenious persons . Here is in the Original an exact Account of the whole Kingdome , as to all the remarkable particulars in it : but we thought fit onely to take its general Delineations , together with its chief Ports and Towns , and the places nearest Tangier , as most peculiarly concerning us , whether as we possess that place , or trade that way . I will adde no more , but that I must needs think that we are very happy now adays , since Printing is so much improved , that the meanest person need bestow no more pains then a few hours reading to take that view of the world which hath cost others many years travelling : And that my Lord Rutherford Earl of Tiveot communicated to a * Friend of his a little before his going over the last time , his Designe of either publishing a new Description of that Country , or Translating this , or compleating Leo Affricanus . We can do no more then perform the second , wishing heartily that so knowing , so observing , and so publick-spirited a Person had lived to have done the first . A DESCRIPTION OF TANGIER . TANGIER or Tangis , is one of the greatest and the very antientest City in Fez. Great it s now ; thrice as great , say the most skilful Surveyors it hath been ; so antient , that we find it was built by those Canaanites fled from the face of Josuah ; there being an Inscription left , and two Pillars , whereon it is engraven to this purpose ; Nos fugimus a facie Josuae praedonis filii Nave : that is to say , We here are the Inhabitants of the Land of Canaan , that fled before the face of Josuah the Son of Nun. We have heard much of Hercules his Pillars , but here one of them is to be seen , on a Hill within seven Miles of the place , as the other is over against it in Spain : for here Hercules is reported to have slain the Gyant Anteus , that the oftner he fell , the oftner he rose again , and could never be Conquered as long as he could touch his Mother Earth . So considerable is this place , that Claudius and other brave Romans , drew here many Legions that they lost before the place ; which they at last gained , and gave a new Name , viz. Julia T●aducta ; yet in spite of that Fa●e that devolved the World upon that great City , t is Corner of it returned at once to its old Liberty , and antient Name , that it retains unto this day . When the Romans could do no good , the ingenuous Portuguez guessing there was a shorter Cut that way than that which they knew formerly to the Indies , and yet that that Cut could not be securely passed without an interest and hold in that Country ; Vasquez Gama attempts the Expedition 1497. and with so much success , that he found the Streights of Gibralta , but lived not either to instruct or encourage others to make use of , or improve his noble discovery . Yet he found the Continent large , the Sea Towns strong , the Inhabitants numerous ; and breaking in to some Sea Ports , spoyled them until he came to the Atlantique , where he dyed . None could second him but a Prince , and Henry Duke of Visco doth it as far as his Estate or Credit goeth ; he consults the experience of all the Sea Commanders , sends for the Astronomers and Navigators , peruseth all the Cosmography that was then in the World ; he sets out , and is tossed along the waters , until he finds a Promontory , or an Head of Land , hanging out to the Sea ; this he called presently , The Cape of Good Hope : yet he fails , at once the Love and Grief of that Coast . Jo. the 2d . seconds him , and under the Conduct of Degola 1500. gets in to the Princes Island , takes Angola , I mean the City so called , and with the assistance of Bartholomew Diaz gets in to Quilon , Mosambique , and Melinde , with the King of the last whereof he made a League , and with his help and direction found Port Caliculo , and that way to the East-Indies ; but he dyeth too , and his Enterprize with him . A Vasquez had the honour to begin this discovery , and a Vasquez hath the honour likewise to compleat it . He therefore , Almeda , and Albu-quierque , finding their way clear to the Indies , but not safe through the Streights as long as those Moors Possessed the Maritime Forts , they destroy Hamar , ruine Bazre , take Arzilla , and after much expence of Bloud and Treasure under Alphonso the 5th . win Tangier ; hard it was to win this Town which was the very strength of Fez. the Mistress of the Sea , the Key of the Inland-Countrey , the Sanctuary of all Male-contents and Enemies . Sometimes we have 60000 , sometimes 80000 , sometimes an 10000 , yea sometimes 200000 before it ; Besides the noblest Voluntiers . Once there the two Kings of Morocco and Fez. the Princes of Ezhagger , Asgarre , Benj. Jessen , Alcazaer , 3000 Nobles , 6000 well Horsed Gentry , all in Gold and Silver ; and that we may see the Christians Care was not less to keep , than the Infidels were to regain it . Sebastian King of Portugall draws out 80000 Foot , 20000 Horse , to which Stukely a Prince at least in Conceit , who had 6000 men given him to reduce Ireland to the obedience of the Pope , & the King of Spain , and was Created by his Holyness to that purpose , no less than Marquess of Lempster , Earl of Weaford , Lord Rosse added his Fortunes , and in one day all four Princes , viz. Sebastian , Stukely , Mahomet , and Abdemelech , fell therewith no less than 126000 men . Upon Sebastians death , the Spaniards had the place , with the Kingdome of Portugall , untill the Revolt 1640. when this City , with that Kingdome , returned to its wonted obedience . Tangier , say the Inhabitants , was by Seddei the Son of Had , compassed about with walls of Brass , and the roofs of them covered with Gold ; for the building whereof , he exacted great tributes of the Cities of the World , believe it who can . It s distance from the Streights of Gibralter is 30 miles , and from the City of Fez. 150. it hath been alwayes a Civill , Famous , and well-peopled Town , and very stately and sumptuously built , the Field thereto belonging not very Fertill , or apt for health ; howbeit not farr off are certain vallies continually watred with Fountains , which furnish the said City with all sorts of Fruits in abundance : without the City also grows certain Vines albeit upon a sandy soil . The Country was well inhabited untill such time as Arzilla was surprised by the Portugals ; for then the Inhabitants being dismayed with Rumors of Wars , took up their bag and baggage and fled unto Fez. Whereupon the King of Portugall his Deputy at Arzilla sent one of his Captains thither , who kept it so long under the obedience of the King , till the King of Fez. sent one of his Kinsmen also to defend a Region of great Importance near unto the Mountains of Gum●ra , being Enemy to the Christians . Twenty five years before the Portugal King wan this City , he sent forth an Armada against it , hoping that the City being destitute of aid , while the King of Fez. was in Wars against the Rebels of Mecnase , would soon yeild it self ; But contrary to the Portugals Expectation , the Fessan King concluding a suddain Truce with them of Mecnase , sent his Counseller with an Army , who encountring the Portugals , made a great Slaughter of them , and among the rest slew their General , whom he caused to be carried in a Case or Sack unto new Fez. and there to be set upon an high place where all men might behold him . Afterward the King of Portugal sent a new supply , who suddenly assailing the City in the night , were most of them slain , and the residue enforced to flee ; But that which the Portugal King could not bring to pass with those two Armadas , he atchieved at length ( as is aforesaid ) with small Forces , and little disadvantage ▪ In my time Mahomet King of Fez. left no means unattempted for the recovery of this City ; but so great alwayes was the valour of the Portugals , that he had ever ill success . These things were done in the Hegeira 917. which was in the year of our Lord 1508. Some 12 miles from Tangier was Casor and Ezzagor , in an open and pleasant place , over against the Coast of Granada , but surprized by the Portugez ; And notwithstanding many attempts by the King of Fez , what with money ( which is the first offer they alwayes make ) and what with men to recover it , it is utterly lost and ruin'd . Within 13 mile of Tangier is Tettuan , called so from Tet teguin , or one Eye , because of the one Eyed Woman that had the command over it , under the Goths ; fourscore and fifteen years . It was desolate after the Portugals first Invasion , until it was rebuilt by Almandaly , who fortified it with a Wall and a Ditch , from whence he cruelly molested Septa , Casor and Tangier , upon the Coasts whereof he made dayly Incursions and Inroads , putting all Christians he took to work in his Forts by Day , and lye in Sackcloath and Fetters within the deepest Dungeon in the Night . Some 40 miles off is Arzitta a fair Town , between which and Tangier if that correspondence could be kept which was designed by Pedro Navarro , the Trade and Government of that place would lye at our mercy , the Portugals having shewed us an example how we might surprize their Forts , as they did that of Narangia , by a stratagem 1486. take their Isles , as they did Getria with a Fleet 1463. demolish their Cities , as they did Bafra and Homari . Round about Tangier are the wild but fruitful Mountains Chebal , Rahina , Beni-how , Beni-Chestev , whither the Moors fled and seated themselves since the Portugez took Tangia or Tangier , from whence they made such Invasions even into those Mountains , that the Infidels were hardly able to live there ; till of late by the neglect of the Portugez they have been able to build Forts and strong holds in those high places , from whence they infest us at pleasure , having two advantages , whereof the first is their Warlikeness , and the second their Woods . 1. This place stands very convenient to secure and advance the Indian commerce as far as those places where there are more riches than were ever yet discovered unto the World. 2. It commands the Barbarians within , who could never look the Portugez in the Face til of late . 2. And all Nations without , who must ask its leave to pass to and fro the Streights , to the great Treasury of the World : The Authority of that Town well managed , may make the Masters of it Arbitrators of the Interest of Europe . 3. It may be a Free Port , or a kind of a Sound , to which all Nations on this side the Line may be glad to have addressed themselves . 4. It will be a great relief and security to our Merchants in their long Voyages to the Indies . 5. In that place there may be bred as in a Seminary , such Souldiers and others as may be inured to the temper and way of that Country , and therefore may be in a capacity to carry on our Interest in those Coasts as far as Justice and honour will give way , yea & we may draw thence a Regiment or two of Veteranes , upon any occasion at home . No man knoweth but themselves , what advantage the Hollanders enjoy , and the French promise themselves from one or two Towns upon any of these Coasts . The Christians had another excellent Harbour upon the Mediterranian , called Bedis , or Velles de Gumern , which Ferdenand King of Castile took , by shutting it up , with two Forts that commanded it , and kept it two years , until it was betrayed by a false treacherous Spaniard ( who slew the Governour , because he had taken his Wife from him ) into the Moors possession , and all the Christians were slain , not a man escaping , save only the Spanish Traytor , who , in regard of his Treason , was greatly rewarded both by the Governour of Bedis , and also by the King of Fez. Anno 1520. True , it is a wild kind of Harbour , lying open to the Sea , without any windings or high-land-shelter ; so that let the wind blow from what Compass it will , the Ships riding there are exposed to the sury of it ; and upon the dragging of an Anchor , Wracks do commonly follow upon the adjoyning Strand ; but that is to be remedied by a Moll , such as that in Weymouth , of two Furlongs Compass ; that may be raised by the Shoar , some twenty yards high , within which the Ships may ride safe and quiet . The Lawful Government of this Country by Kings . THE Xeriff of Fez , whose Dominion reacheth from Capo Boiudor to Tangier , N. S. and from the Atlantique to the River Melvia ; the fairest , fruitfullest , best inhabited , and most civil Port of all Africk ; and likewise the most trafickable , as well in reference to the passage that way to the Indies , as to the Commodities there afforded : hath continued his Government from the year 1508. to this day , after this manner . A subtle , learned and ambitious Mahumetan , Benumotto , 1508. boasting his descent from Mahomet , laid a Design in Numidia , where he lived , to possess Mauritania , Tingitania , while the Moors and Portuguez were at Variance : To this end , he sent his three Sons on Pilgrimage to Mella and Medina , that returning thence with a great Fame for their Religion , the people might reverence them , as they did , when they went up and down as men ravished with Contemplation , alwayes crying Ala ! Ala ! The cunning Father sends them to the King of Fez , where they had no sooner got into esteem , than they desired to display their Banners against the Christians . The Kings Brother smelt the Design , and asked the Xeriff ; If these holy men conquered the Christians , who should conquer them ? But their pretended holiness carried it , first for a Commission from the King , and then for a whole multitude of men , that followed the devout men , giving them a Tenth of their Estate for the Cause : With these men they poysoned the King of Morocco , set up Xeriffo , and his Son ; who , with the assistance of the Christian Renegadoes , over-ran the whole Country ; whereof 1. Amet , 1542. 2. Mahomet , 1549. 3. Abdalla , 1557. 4. Abdalla , 1572. 5. Mahomet the Second , who was murthered , 1590. 6. Hamet Abdalla , 1599. 7. Maly Shecti , 1603. 8. Sidon , who rebelled against him , 1607. 9. Hamet Abdall , 1623. against whom a Hermit stirred up the people . 10. Misil Tira , 1628. who writ to King CHARLES the First of glorious memory , for assistance against the Rebells , to this purpose . A Letter from the King of Fez and Morocco , to the King of England . WHen these Letters are so happy as to come to thy Renowned Majesties pure hands , I wish the Spirit of the Righteous God may direct thy mind , to consider , that Regal Majesty is given men , to reward the good , and punish the bad : for we are the Servants of the Creator , to do good to the World , that it may bless us : for we are like those Coelestial Bodies , that have our Reverence for our Beneficence ; which I speak not as if I would instruct thee , whose mind is so clear , and whose apprehension is so quick , that thou art one of the great Gods greatest Viceroy that is in Europe , There are a Company of Rebells and Pirates , that molest thy People , and are too hard for me ; if thou wilt assist me , and right thy self against them , thou wilt be as glorious as the Sun , and thy Name shall perfume all Ages , who shall sing thy Virtue equal to thy Power . Thy God is a Lyon of the Tribe of Juda , and a Prince of Peace ; One that seeks Peace through War : Thy Father was a Peace-maker , by his Power , as well as his Counsel . Thy God increase thine happiness , and thy dayes . Fez 1131. Hegerin 1633 : 10. Myralla Shin , 1642. who was judged to death in that fatal year 1648. 11. Mahomet A●dalla , against whom Aguiland , or Gayland , hath managed a Rebellion to this day , after this manner . First , Finding the People under a very great discontent , because of the Christian Invasions on the one hand , and their own Kings Oppressions on the other ; Particularly , 1. Because there was an Order , That every man that married a Wife , should bring her to Court , and there offer her Virginity to the In●idells Lust . 2. Because there was a Licence to drink Wine , contrary to Mahomet's Law. 3 , Because the King being weak , was about to Treat with the Christians , about building of Forts in those Countries , contrary to the Fundamentalls of their Religion . He stirs up the Puritan Mahumetans , I mean the Zealots of that way , whereof he was one himself , ( for as Cromwel was a Preacher , so is Gayland a Priest ) to go up and down , and propnesie of Woes , Lamentations , and Desolation ; some of which Zealots pretended a familiarity with Mahomet , that is , as our good people canted it , Communion with God. Then it was taught , That the Law was corrupted ; That Mahomet would come and reform it . To this cry were added discourses of humane Liberty and Slavery . This was helped with a Dearth 1656. The alteration of some old Customes 1657. The advancement of unworthy Persons , and the admission of strangers the same year . To help forward the Design , Jealousie is raised between the King and the Nobility , who now 1658. hold their Meetings , settle their Correspondence , ( and so many overthrown Estates , as there were so many Votes for Troubles ) New Revelations are broached , and while the Kingdom is in a hurly burly , an Invasion is continued . The King is left so dest●●ure , that he cannot help himself : These discontented Forlornes offer him their service , his necessity accepts it ; they tye him up , and gain to themselves the Military Power . Now one General is set up , and when he falls anon another ; Gayland shewing not himself , but as an eminent Souldier , without whom the Kingdom could not subsist . He foments the former Jealousies , prolongeth the War , frustrateth all Treaties , until at last there were two Parties in the Army , one for Peace , another for War. Now was his time to gratifie the Warriours , to caress the Souldiers , to whom his Valour and Conduct had endeared him . Here is the Case in short , the Army must stand by him , or be disbanded ; hereupon they choose him General , he modelleth them . At last they Remonstrate , That the King must be laid aside , as who had betrayed his Country to Foreigners . Yet he kept this close until he overcame the Enemy , shut up the Christians in their Garrison ; and then he turned upon his own Masters , cut off some of his Senate for ill advising ; and at last shut him up , as at this hour , within a strong City . Sure there was an evil Star , this last Age that looked upon the World ; That all Men , of all Religions , were unanimously disposed to Innovate , Reform , ( as we call it ) and Disturb the World. A Description of the Person and Government of Gayland , the present Vsurper of the Kingdom of Fez. THis Gayland , since his success , hath his Pedigree derived from Mahomet , as Cromwel had his from the Welch Kings . His Person looks handsomer than his Condition ; his Look is fat and plain , but his Nature close and reserved . He is plump , yet melancholy ; valiant , yet sly ; boysterous , yet of few words ; watchful , and lustful ; careful , and intemperate ; a contradiction in Nature . Although he hath a sadness , and a heaviness by Nature , that becometh a Priest : yet he hath gained a complaizance by Art , that becomes a Prince . He hath two Qualities that may do any thing ; 1. Perfidiousness , and 2. Cruelty . When he swears most solemnly , then you may be sure he lyeth ; so treacherous he is : and when fawns most basely , then you must look for mischief ; so bloody he is . You shall have him 8. times a day at his Devotion , and as many with his Concubines , whom he never toucheth after sixteen ; having his Ministers of pleasure to annoint him , and his Ladies to that purpose : So prodigions is their Lust there , that they take pleasure in haughtiness , when they cannot be naught themselves . You may be preferred and poysoned there in a day : to speak cunningly , to act daringly , to have many strong Relations , a great Estate , or one handsome Wife , is reason enough to send a man into another world . Gaylands Calling is a Butcher , and a Priest ; for they have all Trades there . He is setling a new way of Religion , which he calls , The Antient One : His Council are all Trades-men , that understand business very well ; and his Judges the like : His Brethren are his Favourites , who yet are Gelded , and so not dangerous . He hath little or no strength at Sea , only his tampering under-hand with them of Tunis and Tripoli . He hath divided the Country among his Followers , who must be true to him , or they will not be so to themselves ; the old and loyal possessors being transplanted . When he is courted to a Peace , he saith , It is in uain for him to think of Peace , until he hath made himself terrible . His Ports are strong ; his Speech alwayes dubious , and knowingly intangled . His Interest obliging him to a reserve ; for he dares neither clearly own his thoughts , nor totally disclaim them ; the one way endangering his Design , the other his Person : so that the skill of his Port lyeth in this , neither to be mistaken by his Friends , nor understood by his Enemies . By this middle course , he gaineth time to remove Obstacles , and ripen Occasions , which to improve and follow is his peculiar Talent . He is a Slave to his Ambition , and knoweth no other measure of good and bad , but as things stand in this or that relation to his end . Honour , Faith , and Conscience , weighing nothing in that Country , further than they subserve to Interest . He is one that will hazard very little , if either Money or Wiles may do his work . He hath his Renegadoes , from whom he hath learned all his skill in Fortifications and Guns . Gaylands Revenue . HE receiveth from his Tributary Vassals , the Tenths and first-Fruits of their Corn and Cattel . For the first-Fruits , he taketh no more than one for twenty , and the whole being above twenty ; and demandeth no more than two , though it amount to an hundred . For every dayes Tilth of Ground , he hath a Ducket and a quarter , and so much likewise for every House ; as also , he hath after the same rate of every Person above fifteen years old , Male or Female , and when need requireth a greater summ . And to the end that the people may the more chearfully pay that which is imposed upon them , he alwayes demands half as much more as he is to receive . Most true it is , that on the Mountains there inhabit certain fierce and untamed People , who , by reason of the steep , craggy , and inexpugnable situation of their Country , cannot be forced to Tributes ; that which is gotten of them is the Tenth of their Corn and Fruits ; only that they may be permitted to have recourse in the Plains . Besides these Revenues , the King hath the Tolls and Customes of Fez , and of other Cities ; for at the entring of their Goods , the natural Citizen payeth two in the hundred , and the Stranger ten . Amongst many other things , he hath the Revenues of Mills , which yield him little less than half a Royal of Plate , for every Hanega of Corn that is ground in Fez ; where ( as I told you ) there are four hundred Mills . The Moschea of Caruven had fourscore thousand Duckets of Rent : The Colledges and Hospitalls of Fez had also many thousands : All which the King hath at this present . And further , He is Heir to all the Alcaydes , and them that have Pension of him ; and at their Death he possesseth their Horses , Armour , Garments , and all their Goods . Howbeit , if the Deceased leave any Sons apt for the service of the Wars , he granteth them their Fathers Provision : but if they be but young , he bringeth up the Male Children to years of service , and the Daughters till they be Married . And therefore , that he may have Interest in the Goods of Rich men , he bestoweth upon them some Government , or Charge , with Provision : Wherefore , for fear of Confiscation after death , every one coveteth to hide his wealth , or to remove far from the Court , and the Kings sight : For which cause , the City of Fez cometh far short of her antient glory . Besides , His Revenues have been augmented of late years by mighty summs of Gold , which he fetcheth from Tombuto and Gago , in the Land of Negros ; which Gold ( according to the report of Fame ) may yearly amount to three Millions of Duckets . His Forces , and Military Strength . HE hath not any Fortresses of great importance , but only upon the Sea Coast , as Cabo de Guer , Larache , and Tetuan : For as the Turks and Persians do , so he placeth the strength of his Estate in Armed men ; but especially in Horse . And for this Cause he standeth not much upon his Artillery ; although he hath very great store ( which his Predecessors took from the Portugalls , and others ) in Fez , Morocco , Tarodant , and in the aforesaid Ports ; causing also more to be Cast when need requireth ; for he wanteth not Masters of Europe in this Science . He hath a House of Munition in Morocco , where they make ordinarily Six and forty Quintalls of Powder every Month ; as likewise Calivers , and Steel Bowes . His Forces are , First , Of two thousand seven hundred Horse , and two thousand Harquibuziers . The second is , of a Royal Squadron of six thousand Gentlemen , being all of noble Parentage , and of great account . These men are mounted upon excellent horses , with Furniture and Armes ; for variety of Colours , most beautiful ; and for Riches of Ornament , beyond measure estimable ; for every thing about them shineth with Gold , Silver , Pearls , Jewells , and whatsoever else may please the eye , or satisfie the curiosity of beholders . These men , besides all sorts of Provision for their Family , receive further in Wages , from seventy to an hundred Ounces of Silver a man. The third sort of Forces which he hath , consisteth of his Timarioth : For he granteth to all his Sons , and Brothers , and other Persons of Account and Authority among the People of Africk , or to the Princes of the Arabians , the benefit of great Lordships and Tenures for sustentation of his Cavalry ; and the Archiades themselves till the Fields , and afterwards reap Rice , Oyl , Barley , Butter , Sheep , Hens , and Money , and distribute the same monthly to the Souldiers , according to the several qualities of their Persons . They also give them Cloth , Linnen , and Silk to apparel themselves , Armes of Offence and Defence , and Horses , with which they serve in the Wars , and if they dye , or be killed , they allow them other . Every one of these Leaders contendeth to bring his People into the Field well ordered . Besides this , They have between four and twenty and thirty Ounces of Silver wages every year . His fourth Military Forces are the Arabians , who live continually in their Avari , ( for so they call their Habitations , each one of them consisting of an hundred or two hundred Pavilions ) governed by divers Alchiades , to the end they may be ready in time of need . These serve on horseback ; but they are rather to be accounted Thieves , than true Souldiers . His fifth kind of Forces Military , are somewhat like unto the trained Souldiers of Christian Princes ; and among these , the Inhabitants of Cities and Villages of the Kingdom , and of the Mountains are enrolled , whom the King makes very little account of , and very seldom puts Armes into their hands , for fear of Insurrections and Rebellions , except in the Wars against the Christians , for then he cannot conveniently forbid them : For it being written in their Law , That If a Moor kill a Christian , or is slain by him , he goeth directly into Paradice : Men , Women , and those of every Age and Degree , run to the Wars hand afore head , that at least they may there be slain , and by this means gain Heaven . 200000. Men he brought against Tituan 1659. Yet he cannot long continue a War ; yea , not above 3. Months , because his Forces living on that Provision which he hath daily coming in , as well for Sustenance , as for Apparel ; and not being able to have all this conducted thither , where the War requireth , it followeth of necessity , that in short time they must return home for their Maintenance . We want nothing but Men , and those men nothing but the Apprehension of that infinite Treasure we might have in Mandinga , Aethiopia , Congo , Angola , Pratua , Toroa , Monomolapa , &c. If we could but bring this man to terms . His Men march not all in Company , but the respective Commanders set forth two hours one after another , every one having its Ambuscado and Stratagem , not in any strict Order of Rank and File . Ye though their Discipline is not exact , their Order is so without confusion and violence . All the Commanders have their Wives and Boyes attending them well guarded . Their hoarse Drums serve to deafen the Ears , and confound the Senses to any other Clamour , with some Brass Dishes , and wind Instruments , to noise the Varnes , carried by Fellows on horse-back , a little before every Company ; whose Horses are very swift , it being a shame there to lose a Drum. . His Weapon is Bow and Arrow , an Iron Pole , a Shrene , a Petronel , a Harque-buz , Scemiter ; all over armed like a Porcupine . They Eat and Lye in one Blanket , tying their horses bridle to their armes while they graze . When they come towards an Enemy , they march very exactly and silently , not a man , upon pain of death , daring to break the Order . When they are near an Engagement , the Horse encompass their Foot in the Rear , in form of a half-Moon or Crescent ; those Horse have order not to meddle with the Enemy , but only to drive and necessitate the Foot upon them , till they have peirced through their Batalia , if possible ; and if they chance to recoyl , to hold them to the Slaughter , till they have wearied and dulled the Enemies Swords ; and then the Reserve and they together fall in with fresh fury and vigour : and this serves for all advantages of Military Policy , to quicken his multitudes through despair to high and gallant services . He chooseth rather to tire out a Town , than storm it ; then as soon as he hath raised his Battery , and made a kind of breast-work , with some Mounts in it , to over-look the place , he makes his approaches in spite of the Bullet , and filleth up the Trenches with Bodies , if he cannot do it with other matter ; and when once a breach is made , it s either a Souldiers death in honour , or a Doggs in the Camp , for any to retreat . Their Patience and Resolution making up their defect of Skill and Art. Gaylands Court. HE hath one chief Counsellour , to whom he gives a third part of his Revenue , of whom he hath taken a secret Oath , to establish his Son after him . To him he adds a Secretary , a Treasurer , a Steward , the Captain of his Guard , and the Governours of the respective Cities under his Command . Next them are his Deputies , or Major Generalls , who have their Provinces on condition they have in readiness on any occasion 200. Horse a man. After these are his Collectors of Tribute ; and next them the Commanders of Forts , to awe the Country to the payment of that Tribute . He hath likewise a Troop of Light Horse , who have nothing but their Diet , save what they can plunder ; and Apparel once a year : whose Horses are attended by Christian Slaves , in Shackles , carried about on Camells . To these we may adde his Purveyors , his Grooms of the Stable , his Granators , and their Notaries . He keeps 500. Horse ready to execute any of his Offices , Decrees , and expedite their service . He hath the Keeper of his Seal , who over-looks all others , and is as it were Lord high Controllor . He is attended alwayes in pubick with 1200. Horse and Foot. His Armies are led by Ensign-Bearers , who are alwayes such as understand best all Passages , Fords , &c. The Cities are bound at their own Charge to send the Magicians to the Wars . He hath one , like a Master of Ceremonies , that sitteth at his Feast , ordering every man to sit down in order , and speak in his turn . His Concubines are all white , but the Women he will have Children by must be black . He goeth very plain , and feareth nothing more than gathering of Taxes , the burden whereof their Law hath mittigated , and the people cannot endure . When he goeth abroad , there is notice given to all his Relations , and Servants , who attend at his Gate or Tent , and march thence according to the Harbingers direction in order . 1. The Standard . 2. the Drums . 3. the Master of the Horse . 4. the Pensioners and Guards . 5. the Officers of State. Then the Sword , the Shield , and the Cross-Bow ; and at last Gayland and his Favourite , with the Footmen ; one whereof , the first carrieth his Stirrups , the other his Partizan , the 3. the Covering of his Saddle , the 4. the Halter for his Horse , and the 5. his curious Pantofle ; after him come his Eunuchs , his Harquebuziers , and Light Horse ; of all which he is the plainest man. When he lyeth in the Field ( as all those Kings do most part of the year , to keep their Subjects quiet ) his Tent is four square like a Castle , in the midst of his Noble-mens , that make a Town , made of Cloath , with glistering Spheres a top , and then the Souldiers made of Goats-skins . In the midst of all are his Kitchin and Pantrey ; next these Pavilions are the Artificers , the Merchants , and other Followers Tents : Next them the Stables , and round them the Foot , about them the Horse , and the Light-Horse of the outside . You would think his Tent is inacessible , yet are they sometimes so careless and sleepy , that Enemies have been known to come within a Furlong of his Royal Pavilion . Barbarism , with all its care , hath not the art to secure it self . Gaylands Policies . 1. HE hath a standing Army , enriched with the Spoyles of the King and Country ; that will be undone , if it returns either to a Peace , or any thing that may threaten a Restitution . 2. Most of the Officers of this Army , are related to himself , by Kindred , or Alliance . 3. All the old Nobility , are either cut off , or kept under . 4. All the Grievances that the People have lain under these forty years , are ordered to be brought to him in Tables , and he hath the honour to redress them . 5. Every Body hath access to him himself ; Provided , that they come with no Mantle , or Sleeves , or with their Breasts opened . 6. He keeps his Revells and Gamballs , wherewith he takes the Country People three times a Year , as Running , Hunting , &c. 7. He employeth so many rigid Officers over the respective Provinces , as may exasperate them , and then he offereth those Exactors a Sacrifice to the Vulgar Fury ; gaining thereby , together with their Rigour , the Reputation of Mildness and Moderation . 8. The Army knoweth not one day where it must be the next ; so marching it up and down at once , to keep the Country from rising , and his Followers from settling to any Combinatior or Confaederacy . 9. Besies that , they are of so many Nations and Interests , that they can hardly ever close to any Particular Design against his General one . 10. He hath an excellent way of Droll , whereby he at once pleaseth and discovereth the common Humour . 11. He layeth out as much Money as he can in Slaves and Renegadoes , to whom he is beholding for all his Skill and Conduct . 12. He hath wrought upon the Necessities of those about his Master the King , that there is not any Order passeth him , whereof he hath not Advertisment , before ever it comes to be put in Execution . 13. He hath got in likewise with the two last Viziers , and him that now governeth , by Money ; whereof none hath so little use as the Turk , and yet none more Covetous . 14. It is as usual as can be with him to send in his own very Souldiers and Ingineers with Provision , in the habite of Country Fellows to the very Walls of Tangier to descry in what posture things stand , and where he may make his most successfull attempts . 15. To countenance his own Usurpations , he hath appointed 200 Priests and Souldiers to regulate both the Religion and Law of the place ; both which he intends to publish , with certain new Interpretations delivered , as he pretends , to two holy Priests at Tituar , who are now under ground for two years , discoursing with Mahomet , and shall get up after the two years end with two Trumpets , to reform the World. Lord ! That there can be no Treason , even in Africa without Inspiration . 16. There is now a design set on foot to draw the poor Country that hath been harassed with these late divisions , and are ready to embrace any settlement , rather than the late Disorders , to press him to take upon himself the Soveraignty , as the most likely means to heal the breaches ( that we may borrow our modern Elegancies ) and lay aside the unhappy Xeriff as the grand obstacle of the peace and settlement . ( Goodly , goodly ! sure the Phanatique Spirit hath possesled them , and they that turn the world upside down are gone thither also . 17. He is upon setling a Company , to traffick upon the same terms that the Europeans do ; at whose Charge he intends such a Navy may be Equipped , as may give Law to the Streights , with the Grand Seigniours leave . 18. He doth intend to bring in some ambitious Christian Prince , with whose Interest he intends to check all other Pretenders . 19. He cannot endure any man that speaks cunningly and subtlely ; insomuch , that it is the way of his Creatures , to make their Addresses in clear Terms , when Canting Parts are Treason against Tyrants . 20. His special Cronies are the Zealous and Enthusiastick Ecclesiasticks , with whose grave Countenances he gains a great Reverence to all his proceedings . 21. He keeps up a constant Faction in his Camp between his chief Officers , whereby they watch one another so closely , that they cannot do any thing to his prejudice , for fear of one anothers mutual inspection and observation . Divide & Impera is got now beyond Italy . 22. He trains up the Moors to so much Discipline , that they shall march 20000. together , with that order and silence , for forty Mile , that they cannot be discovered ; yea , there is not a word spoken in the Camp for two dayes together sometimes , except in his own Tent : And what is more remarkable , 2. or 3000. of them shall lodge themselves in the Fernes , and among the rising Grounds , so that you may ride through those very Grounds , and not discover a man , Nay , bear up your belief a little longer , while I tell you , that 10000. of them shall hide themselves in the Sand , so as that you may go over them , and not discover them . 23. He armes his choice men very well , that they may survive his Encounters to a considerable Skill , Experience and Considence ; which if his men were cut off in every occasion , fresh-water-Souldiers are not capable of : And besides , being so armed , he ordereth them not to Charge until they come within Execution of the Enemy , which they will do manfully , bearing up against his Charges to his very face . The Proceedings of the English at Tangier , since they possessed it , and were opposed by the Vsurper Gayland . AMong the many great Benefits we proposed to our selves by our Alliance with Portugal , this is not the least , that we might enjoy a secure and free Trade in Africa and America , those Treasures of the Universe : In order to which end , we had in the year 1661. the antient City of Tangier delivered to us ; a place where we might in our Traffick that way , both refresh , and secure our selves , and give Law to others : And no sooner was it delivered to us , than the Right Honourable the Earl of Peterborough , Listed 1000. Foot , and 300. Horse ; the last in Southwark , the first in Black-Heath , to possess and secure it . His Officers were , Captain Levet , Captain Mordant , Captain Blake , Captain Anesley , Captain Belletore , Captain Clerk , Captain Fairborn , Captain Colls , Captain Car , Captain Nerve , Major Johnson , and Lieutenant Collonel Sir James Snith . And as his Lordship prepared himself for the Government of it from hence , so the Right Honourable the Earl of Sandwich , went thither October in the same year ; where he found strong Fortifications , many fair Gardens , and so well situated , that no Ship can pass in or out of the Streights , but Ships as ride there may see and speak with them ; and that the Portuguez were very civil to the English , and made great expressions of their welcome : And thereupon , in December following , the aforesaid Honourable Lord addressed himself for his Charge , I mean the Command of Tangier , which we found situated strongly on the side of a Hill , having one Gate only to the water side , and Land-ward four Gates , one within the other ; and a great many good brass Canons were mounted on the Walls of it ; and in the middle of it we saw a Fountain of Water , that continually runneth with a very full stream , that conveyeth it self under the Town . December 9. 1661. The English and Irish Forces were embarqued in several Vessels , according to my Lord Rutherfords order , from Dunkirk to Tangier ; never any Souldiers were shipped to foreign service more willingly , never any carried more resolutely ; the number 3200. old Souldiers ; the Commanders , Col. Fitz-Gerard , Col. Farrel , Sir Robert Horley , L. C : Kingwell , Major Fiernes , Captain Summers , Captain Flord , Captain Herbert , Captain Emerson , Captain Brooks : No sooner was my Lord upon the place , than he setled a very fair Correspondence with the Portuguez and Moors there , upon the old Portugal terms , until he could be able to procure himself better ; so that we had the Accommodations of that Place upon as good Conditions as we could wish : In the mean time our works went on , our Souldiers were inured to the Country , we were better acquainted with the humour and interest of the People ; and in a word , had exacter Observation of our Advantages , in order to a further settlement . April 11. 1663. The Moors had a Design of drawing upon Tangier , whereof his Excellency having Intelligence by the Arabian Spies he employed to that purpose , drew up a Regiment of Foot , and a Troop of Horse ; but being not willing to spend any of his own men upon the Barbarians , he sent out some Moors who had heretofore revolted , and come in , and have been many wayes useful and serviceable to us ; who accordingly being horsed , encountred with a Party of the Enemy , in the sight of the Town , and wounded the Shots Son , one of the principal Persons of the Country , of which wounds he is since dead , and his loss is much lamented by the Infidels . In revenge whereof , as we conjecture , five dayes after a considerable Party came within our Trench , and one of their chief Captains was killed by our Artillery . These little Braveries prejudice them more than they can annoy us , who can look on until the Country is harassed and ruined with Poverty , Hunger and Sickness . The Moors will be necessitated in all probability ere long to a better Complyance with Tangier ; already many of them did run over to us with Horses and Cattel ; so that fresh Provisions were no varieties ; and upon the whole matter our condition was much another thing than it was when we first setled there ; Health , Plenty , Trade , Security , and good Government , having put us into a very setled Condition ; and his Excellency the Lord Peterborough , having so well and happily setled all the Concernments , to the honour and advantage of his Majesty , then ready , by his Majesties grace and favour , to return into England , and put the City into his Successors hands , having payed off all Arrears , and filled up all Stores and Ammunitions . And as an Argument of our Prosperity , we had very good Correspondenee with Algier , together with a resolution to continue in Amity with us ; they of Sallee likewise desire a good understanding with us : Tangier rendring England much more considerable to Algier , than it would be , were this Garrison in other hands . The Works were strengthned by the same Noble Lord ; the Garrison enlarged ; the Quarters were disposed ; the Rate of Victualls was setled ; the Guards were ordered , and 5. Mile round clearly gained . But the Earl of Tiveot arriving , there began a little stone Redoubt , which we perfected without any opposition from the Enemy , also we made Entrenchments and Lines of Communication from place to place , insomuch that a great deal of ground was left free to us , to feed our Cattel in safety . Thursday the 4th . of June we began another Redoubt on the top of the hill , which overlooketh the Town to the very Ports thereof ; at the same time we made Retrenchments beyond the hill that we might not be surprised , nor our works molested . Gayland hearing of the consequence of this Redoubt , and of our dayly Retrenching , assembled his Army consisting of 4000 Horse , and 20000 Foot , and Encamps within a league of the Town : Two fugitives one after another brought us news that he resolved to attaque our works . Upon Sunday morning we divided our Retrenchments into three Posts : whereof Col. Fitz-Gerard and his Regiment , was to maintain that near the Sea on the East : Col. Norwood , with half the Governours Regiments the middle Post , wherein lay the new great Redoubt : L. C. Knightley , with the other half of the said Regiment , where the little Redoubts were on the right hand : Col. Bridges with the Horse in the middest of all , to give succour as need should require , and repell the Enemy if they entred our works : Col. Alsop the Town Major still visiting the posts ; The outmost lines of all for favouring the work-men being divided into three posts , commanded one by a Lieutenant and 30 men , another by an Ensign and 18 men , and the third by a Serjeant and 12. We made a six Pounder Gun to be carried to the outmost line at the Serjeants post , and gave order that after all , the Garrison should be in readiness , and at the shooting of the said Gun , should take arms ; which was accordingly executed at 12 a Clock at night ; and after the Gun was brought off , all those outer Lines were sown with Chaustraps , Cultrips or stories , whereof we brought over 36000. and the avenues with Sowgards or hollis , wherein was put Powder as in a Mine , and Loaden above with Stones , Granadoes and Swedes feathers were put into those farther posts . Sunday the 14 precisely at twelve a clock in the day , whenall the Officers were retired to dinner , the ordinary Guards in the Retrenchments , appeared in an instant Gaylands forces , who had long attaqued our outmost Lines , ( the Lieutenant , Ensign and Serjeants Posts ) with three Regiments of Red and White Colours , Black Colours , & one of a sort of Violet Colour , seconded by a Regiment of Horse . Our Souldiers surprised and amazed , abandoned their Posts , and left the Powder in the Sowguards , with some Granadoes , to the Enemy , who pursued with incredible vigour the Souldiers towards the Town . Mean time the great Body of Foot attaqued the great Redoubt , and shewed more than ordinary resolution in standing firm before our Granadoes and fire . In the Fort was Commander , by his turn , Major Ridgert with some forty men ; and to his succour came Lieutenant-Col . Chun Voluntier , and Captain Giles a Lieutenant in the Governours Regiment , and several others Reformed Officers : which Major & Officers defended themselves most gallantly , killing about 40 of the Moors . The Chaustraps that were sown about all the Lines , and the Redoubt in particular , were of wonderful use and effect : for the bare-footed Moors , when they were pricked in the feet by them , sitting down to pick them out , were pricked behind . Many both of Foot and Horse were so hurt . Mean time , the Colonel and Lieutenant-Colonels , with the Officers , commanded in case of Alarm to maintain the three Posts ; as also Col. Bridges with his Horse marched out , repulsed most gallantly the Enemy , took in all their Posts again ; and in the end the Enemy retired in great hast and disorder . They lost , as near as we can conjecture by taking off the dead , ( for they never leave any bodies behind them , if possible ) above 100 in all , 14 being left within our Lines , which they could not carry off , and several others in the fields ; Colonel Norwood with all imaginable gallantry going to the outer point before the Redoubt , and Captain Needham with him . The said Captain did kill a Moor for his part , and for his pains was shot himself thorow the arm in the flesh only . We lost 14 killed in the field , and twenty hurt with Horse : and we suppose we had more of our men hurt from our inner Line and Walls , than by the Enemy . It is reported by the Portuguez and Jews , that he had never lost so many men at any time . They are men of order and resolution , and have most excellent Fire-arms and Lances . I had forgot to tell you , that when the Horse charged us , he that did command them was cloathed in Crimson Velvet ; who being killed , they went all off immediately : which maketh us suspect he was of eminent quality . After this Encounter , an Express was sent to complement Gayland ; who returned the Answer inclosed by one of his own domesticks , who confesseth that our Crows feet or Chaustraps did their Foot great harm , and that they have lost many men . The Earl of Tiveots Letter to Gayland . Written in Spanish . THe King my Master having honoured me with the Command of this place , I did not look for less courtesie than your Excellencie used with my Predecessor , giving me the welcome : but on the contrary , your Excellencie stole from me the hour of eating , in which visits are usually received . Notwithstanding what is passed , if your Excellencie doth incline to a better correspondence , be it in peace or war , you shall not find me less disposed or provided , though it be at the same hour . Valuing my self upon the Laws of Souldiery , I shall bury the dead bodies you left behind you : but if your Excellencie desire to bury them your self , after you manner , you may send for them . God keep your Excellencie the many years that I desire . Tangier , June 14. Gaylands Letter to the Earl of Tiveot . Written in Spanish . Signed above in Arabick Letters . I Received your Excellencies of the 14 currant , in which you seem to complain , that I did not bid you welcome : whereas on the Contrary it belongs to me to do so ; Persons of your quality being accustomed in these parts to give notice of their arrival , and not to dispose of any thing , as your Excellency hath done in my Lands . Notwithstanding , I gave order to my Subjects , that , the occasion presenting it self , they should give good quarter to your Excellencies , as they did with the Centinel which they took the other day , whom I charged them to use well . As to the Correspondence , it is well known how punctal I am in it ; of which you may be informed . I did not expect less from your Excellencies courtesie , than you have used to the dead ; for which I am insinitely obliged to you . God keep your Excellency many years , as I desire . Postscript . If your Excellency please to send any person or persons from you , you may do it ; and this shall secure him , which goes with my servant . The Earl of Tiveots Reply . I Received your Excellencies of the 15 currant , the same Evening by the hands of your Servant , who carries this back to you . To which I answer , That if there hath been any omission on my part , as to the accustomed Civility of th●se Countries , it was a sin of ignorance , for which your Excellency hath sufficiently chastised . I am beholden to you for the good quarter which your Excellency commanded to be given to the Souldiers your men took the other day : if my good fortune gives me the same occasion , I will pay it with Interest . As to what concerns the Peace and good Correspondence between the King my Master and your Excellency , there only wants a good disposition on your part , as it hath been treated formerly with my Predecessor : to which if your Excellency enclines , signifying it to me , I will send persons to effect it on my behalf . God k●●p your Excellency many and happy years . From Tangier , June 16. 1663. Notwithstanding these Complements , Gayland attempted a new Work of ours with 10000. Men : but the most vigilant and excellent Governour had so warily supplyed the defects of that place , by planting great Gun to annoy the Assailants ; that , though the assault was very sharp , the Enemy was beaten off , and that with the loss of 900. men ; which entertainment they liked so ill , that the Army was drawn off : And thereupon the said Governour , as happy to improve Advantages , as resolute to gain them , sent a Letter to Gayland , to let him know , That his Master , the King of Great Britain , as he wanted neither Resolution nor Ability to manage his just Right in that Garrison : so he was so great a Friend to Peace , that he would be ready to entertain a better Correspondency with his Excellency : Which seconded with the Defeat , ( then only you oblige the unworthy , when you can awe them ) prevailed so much upon the Usurper , that he sent Messengers for a Treaty , which had so fair a progress , that both Parties came to an Agreement . Indeed so ill was Gaylands success , so great our progress in Fortifications ; such convenience we had for fresh Air , and fresh Victualls , that we were in a plight ( if it had been thought fit to have sent Sir John Lawson , to do as much by Sea , as we could do by Land ; to shut up the Havens and Towns of Sallee and Tituan , and batter A●sella to the ground . Every day put us in a better state , both of freedom and security , having by our late Treaty gained a six Months Peace , which did exceedingly conduce to our settlement . At our first arrival , a Flux troubled us , but within six Months our temper agreed exceedingly well with the temper of the Climate . August 24. 1663. The Vigilancy , Courage and Conduct of the Earl of Tiveot , moved Gayland ( in his own Expression ) to require a Peace ; which , although concluded but for six Months , was by him desired for seven Years : After which time the English Forts are finished , and this Advice waited upon his Excellence , who was then embarquing for Englond . At that time , the Design of the Mould , intended for the safety and advantage of Shipping , was in a good forwardness of persection , the Passage of the Stone being out out of the Rocks , & way made for a Gun-powder blow , & undermining . There was a new Key made , 30 yards foundation laid , & 3 yards raised above water ; & well they might for no Place in the World afforded either better Materialls , or those more conveniently disposed for the perfecting of such a Work , which the Moors call , and others shall find , The Key of the World : Indeed , they that understand the World , and themselves very well , look upon this Place with great hopes of the Reputation and Advantage it may one day bring to the English Nation . August 26. 1663. The Moors kept their Peace made with the English very punctually , whom they treated , when they went down into their Countries ( which is rich , and well inhabited ) with great Civility . The Earl of Tiveot was much esteemed for his Valour , and well beloved for his Candour and Humanity ; insomuch , as the very Moors term him a Good Man. ( and indeed , he was a Person of exact honour and integrity ) The Place was healthy , and the situation pleasant , and Provisions of sorts in such abundance , that a man can scarce live cheaper any where . But about this time we began our Mould , and found it very hard to blow up the Rocks under water , to make way for our Boats and Engines , which otherwise cannot bring Stone , but with difficulty , at the top of high water : but in a month , way was made for our Engines to weigh our Stones , and in six weeks time we laid 30. yards of Foundation , and raised that two yards high : It should seem we are better at this work than any other , this being better work than any in the Streight . But that we might not only secure our selves , but oblige our Neighbours ; we sent Supplyes , with a great deal of hazard , to the Saint & Falle ; a Favour he acknowledged so great , that he hath promised , when ever it is in his power , he will not be backward in requital . And now Gayland Complements his Sacred Majesty in Spanish , to this purpose . A Letter from Gayland to His Sacred Majesty Charles the Second , King of England . Sacred Royal Majesty , HAving been advertis'd by his Excellency the Earl of Tiveot , of his sudden occasion to visit these Parts ; I could not forbear this Address in respect of the Peace , and good Intelligence we have lately affected in Your Majesties Name . And having found his Excellency a Cavalier of great Valour and Honour , and of so noble a Mind ; I could not choose but desire to Correspond with him by my Letters , to signifie my Inclination of Complyance in all things that concern the Service of Your Majesty ; and which formerly I have forborn to do , for want of so fit a Juncture to enable me . I hope from the Divine savour , that this Peace will be attended with many considerable Augmentations in order to Your Majesties Service , the effecting of which good Work being iustly attributed ( with no small prais●s ) to the Prudence of his Excellency ; I beseech Your Maiesty to command him speedily back , that we may perfect all things with him so greatly to be loved and esteemed . If in any parts of our Dominions there is any thing that offers it self for Your Majesties Service , the signification of Your Commands shall be esteemed the greatest favour that can be expressed . God keep your Maiesty , and give You all manner of felicity . And the Governour of Morocco to the King of Portugal , thus . The Copy of a Letter from the King of Tetuan , Governour of Morocco to the King of Portugal Sancta Crux , June 27. 1663. HIgh and Mighty , Don Alfonso , King of Roman Christians and of Portugal , thanks be to God that we are obliged to give account , and none is free from that duty , and therefore we give him the prayse unto him due , and this praise is for the dayly favour we receive from him . By Order of the Servant of our Lord God on high , to whom I submit all my affairs , who is called Abdelazir 4 Mahomet , Grand-son of Aly ; This our writing in the name of God our Lord. To your Majesty the King of Portugal , Catholique D. Alfonso , whom God bless , and after that we give thanks to God for having made us Moors , and Participate unto your Majesty , how much we esteem the favour which you have done to my Servants , who arrived in a little English Vessel safe in the Haven of Sancta Crux , together with the good news which I received from the King Maly Mahomet , to whom your Majesty was generously pleased to give his liberty , and I for my part , cannot but he very thankfull , and doe offer my self and my Subjects with all that which from this Kingdom may be necessary , to your Majesty without any fail : and your Majesty , whom God bless , may out of hand make tryal thereof . And I do give my Word , and so this Letter goes signed by my hand and seal , and from hence forward will celebrate the Peace between me and your Majesty with these undernamed conditions which are . That all the Portugal Nation , and their contractions , may go , and come , enter , and come out feeely , into , or from any of my Havens , by Sea or Land , with all security ; and in case they meet in the Sea with the Turk , or any other Shipping , of whatsoever Nation it be , coming out of any of my Sea-Port Towns , they shall receive no damage . And also if any of your Majesties Vessels chance to have bad weather at their Fishing , they may retire into this Haven : wherein , ( although they meet with any Shipping , either Turks , or Spaniards , or any Nation whatsoever Enemies to your Majesty ) you Majesties Shipping or Men shall be in no danger ; and as for the Wheat and Horses which shall be necessary for your Majesty , all shall be punctually and with speed given to your Majesty , whereof your Majesty may make present tryal , sending Ships , Goods , Money , and Vessels , for the Wheat and Horses , and One that understands Our Language , whom your Majesty may send in the Company of Maly Mahomet who is there , to whom your Majesty was generally pleased to give his Liberty , for at his arrival here , he is to be King of Morocco , where they expect him each hour , and the Kingdom has no other Heir by Maly Mahomet , and I engage for him , that he will perform his word in whatsoever he promiseth to your Majesty , wherein he shall not fail as in duty bound , and is natural to him to do it : so waiting for Maly Mahomet , and for all your Majesties Orders , which I shall alwayes observe , and 〈◊〉 as your Majestics loving Subject and Servant to God , who may bless your Majesty , give you long life , and happy , and defend you from your Enemies . Your Majesties Friend , Cide Abdelazi , Son of Mahomet , Grand-Son of Aly. Hereupon we had free Trade with the Moors , they daily bringing their Camels , laden with Hides and Skins , which is their chief Commodity ; and in return they get Money , and other Provision : This Place being the great Market for those things that come from Algier to Tituan , and from thence hither ; especially when a square of 30. yards towards a Molle was brought a yard above the water mark : That new experiment of Maste-floates promoting our Design exceedingly . Indeed , so forward were we in February , that Gayland began to be jealous of us , and therefore there are several Debates between him and his Excellency , the Earl of Tiveot , whether a War or Peace . Free he would have us to the Fortification of those Redoubts nearest the Town ; but as for those further off , as the Hollanders answer the Ambassadors that come to them , saying , It may be so , we will consider : So said he , He would take 14. dayes time to think of it . And they have a Saying amongst them , the meaning whereof I understand not ; 13. dayes make a wise man. But from Debate it comes to Action ; the Moor comes on with Horse and Foot to hinder the Enlargement of our Quarters , as it concerned him , but was beaten off ; and , what is a shame in that Country , left one of his Horse Colours behind him : Neither is he more in earnest than we , for we banish all the Jewes out of Town , and go on a pace with the Works , without any further Attempt or Interruption ; only when the Lord Governour declared , he could entertain no Peace , without some more Liberty allowed , and secured in the Country : Gayland advised with his Mushrome Grandees , his Lords of the other House ; and after mature deliberation , he sent word by two of his principal Officers , and his Secretary , which was to this Effect ; That , having consulted all his Savois and Rabbies upon the Point , it appeared , That they were bound by a Law not to suffer Christians to Fortifie in Africa ; but if his Excellency accepted of Quarters , as in the Portuguez time , they were willing to give them . To which my Lord replyed ; That , He must either have Peace with those Terms aforesaid , or War without them . And the very next week his Lordship commenced a new Redoubt upon the utmost Liue ; against which Work , what Stratagems ! what Ambuscadoes ! what Surprizes ! while we were so confident , that one writes to England thus . We expected Gaylands whole Army any time these seven dayes ; if he stayes but two dayes longer , he must come to our terms , and suffer this Place to be comfortable to the Garrison , and the Inhabitants : Or , which is more , let him come when he will , we question not , but we shall maintain our Ground in spite of his heart : We have good Lines to defend ; and better Men certainly are not in the World : To which must be added ; That we have a Governour , under whose Conduct ( with Gods ordinary Providence ) we can fear nothing . But ah ! humane Confidence ! he was an excellent man , but a man still ; for the next News you heard , was ; That the Earl of Tiveot , designing to cut wayes and passages in an adjoyning Wood , that was as great annoyance to Tangier , as it was a shelter to the Moors ; and having in vain sent out Scouts , who were suffered to graze their Horses in the midst of the Enemies , who lay undiscovered , behind those rising Grounds , in Fernes , and thick Grass ; fell into an Ambuscado of the whole Infidel Army , where he sold his life at a dear rate ; a life indeed invaluable but that there are many such lives comprehended in his SaCRed Majesties large and universal Care ; which hath that influence even upon this distant Place ; that , notwithstanding Gaylands attempts upon it several times since that miscarriage , not only secures , but advanceth it to as much Reputation as ever it enjoyed since it was in the Christians hands . How many Millions would the French give for such a place ? who are now to seek for a footing in those Coasts . The Soyl is proper for any Grain , or Trees , and asketh nothing but dressing to be admirable . There is no need of carrying Provision thither , as to other Plantations , for the support of the Colonies ; the abundance of things there being so great , that the Country produceth enough for its self , and to spare . The Waters are excellent ; the Fruits delicious , and and without Hyperbole ; the Place may be improved into a Paradice : Over and above this , there are Golden Mines , in such plenty , that in great falls of Rain , and ravages of Water , the Veins of Gold discovered themselves , all along the Coast , and upon the Mountains . The Inhabitants are of a Disposition tractable enough , & with good words , are ready and willing to be employed in any service ; being a People humble , and obedient , and of a very good humour . The Country is shared among divers petty Pretenders , who are still making warr one upon the other ; and from whose Disagreement we might easily take a rise to an absolute establishment of our selves among them . Beyond this Place the Trading lyeth open without difficulty into India ; and more commodiously yet to the Country of Aethiopia , where Commerce is scarce understood , and where are the richest Gold Mines upon the face of the Earth . In a word , there is not any where a fitter Place for a general Magazine of all Commodities to be brought from those Parts into Europe , than is this Place ; from whence we may carry the business of Commerce and Discovery further than any have yet done before us . Besides that , the Place is of so gentle a Climate , that what cloaths serve us here in the spring , may serve us there all the year ; and having within its self whatsoever may honestly , by way of Commerce , serve either to the pleasure , plenty , or necessities of humane life . Adde to this , that lying in a middle way , it secures us from the danger and loss o● long and tedious Voyages backwards and forwards , which we were tired with before this acquists ; which is as good a breathing place as can be , with all Conveniences about us , to refresh our men , and follow our course at pleasure : wheras others meet no relief between India & home commonly at 7. months Voyage ; for want of which , they are so miserably harassed with the Journey , that a long time it takes them to recover it . And over and above all this , when others are come as far as Tangier , they dare not pass the Channel without our leave , which they may be made either to fight , or pay for . Again , this openeth an honest way of livelyhood to those English men , whose Necessities have debauched them to unable and shifting wayes of living ; this relieveth the Poor , that must either begg or starve ; employeth those whose languishing Industry is as good as lost , because not exercised : And brings back that sincere and quiet way of Dealing , which is now lost among a lazy sort of men , that have nothing to do but to be troublesome . What Natural Impressions and Motions the Air of Africa is subject unto , and what Effects ensue thereupon . THroughout the greatest part of Barbary stormy and cold Weather begin commonly about the midst of October . In December and January the Cold groweth somewhat more sharp in all places , howbeit this hapneth in the Morning only , and that very gently and remisly . In February the Weather is somewhat mitigated , but very unconstant . In March the North and West Winds usually blow , which adorns the Trees with Blossoms . In April Cherries are commonly ripe , and all fruits attain to their proper form and shape . In the midst of May they gather their Figs ; and in Mid - June their Grapes are ripe in many places : In which Month and July their Pears , sweet Quinces , and their Damascens attain unto sufficient Ripeness . Their Figs of Autumn may be gathered in August , howbeit they never have so great plenty of Figs and Peaches as in September . By the midst of August they usually dry their Grapes in the Sun , whereof they make Reisons , which if they cannot finish in September , by reason of unseasonable Weather , of their Grapes as then ungathered they use to make Wine and Must . In the midst of October they take in their Hay , and gather their Pomegranets and Quinces . In November they gather their Olives , beating them off their Boughs with certain long Poles , by reason of the tallness of their Trees , which no Ladder can reach . They have three Months in the Spring always temperate . They begin their Spring on the fifteenth day of February , accounting the eighteenth of May the end thereof , all which time they have most pleasant Weather , But if from the five and twentieth of April , to the fifth of May , they have no Rain fall , they take it as a sign of ill Luck , which wa●er they call Naisau , that is , Water blessed of God , and some store it up in Vessels , most religiously keeping it as an holy thing . Their Summer lasteth till the sixteenth of August , all which time they have most hot and clear weather ; Except perhaps some showers of Rain fall in July and August , which do so infect the Air ; the great Plagues and Pestilent Fevers fall thereupon , which are almost always mortal . Their Autum they reckon from the 17 of August to the 16 of November , having commonly in the Months of August and September not such extream heats as before . Howbeit all the time between the 15 of August and the 15 of September is called by them , The Furnace of the whole Year ; for it brings Figgs , Quinces , and such kind of Fruit to their full Maturity . From the 15 of November begin their Winter ; and as soon as Winter cometh they begin to till the Ground , which lyeth in the Plains ; but in the Mountains they go to plough in October . The People here are most certainly perswaded , that every year containeth 40 extreme not dayes , beginning upon the twelfth of June : and again , so many dayes extreme cold , beginning from the twelfth of December . Their Equinoxies are upon the 16 of March , and the 16 of September : and their Solstice on the 16 of June , and the 16 of December : These Rules they most stri●ctly observe ( though they know not a Letter in the Book ) in Husbandry , and Navigation ; which together with the Houses of the Planets , are the first Lessons they teach their Children ; as also the great Book in 3 Volumes , called , The Book of Husbandry . They reckon Trine by the Moon ; and allow 354 Nights to the Year , viz. 30 Nights in each of the first six Months , and 26 in each of the last six . They are undone if it rains not 12 dayes in the year , viz. the six first of April , and the six last of September . They live till threescore , as lustily as we do at thirty , and then they droop suddenly , scarce any of them exceeding seventy ; the failing of their Teeth and Eyes fore-running their deaths ; the reason whereof may be their excessive inclination to Venery , for which purpose they tolerate hundreds of Stews in Fez : they being so impudent , that they will continue in the very Act of Uncleanness , though twenty should come and see them , therefore they are ●ald at 26 commonly ; and many of them dye of the French Pox : a Disease that came thither with the Jewes that were banished Castile ; with whose Wives the Moors lay , and were infected : A Disease , they say , that if you go but into Numidia , the very Air of the Place Cures you of : As the Armenian Earth doth of the Plague here . The Qualities of these People , Good and Bad. THey are Religious to a Superstition , so far , the day they Pray ( and they are very often at their Churches or Masques ) they spit , nor touch their privy parts . Their dexterity and skill in Mathematiques and Mechaniques is extraordinary : Very Faithful they are , but Cunning , No People so Lustful , and none so Jealous ; Familiarity with one of their Wives is Death . Give Place to thy Elders , is a great Rule amongst them . When ever they discourse of Love , the Youth are to withdraw . But with these Vertues , they have their Vices too , being very needy and covetous ; very proud and wrathful ; very implacable and revengeful . So Clownish they are , that they will scarce hear you : yet so credulous , that they will believe you , say what you will. Abounding so much with Choler , they speak alwayes angry and loud ; and you will never walk the Streets , but you will meet with a Squabble . Desperate they are in their Undertakings : Careless they are of their Time ; which they spend in Hunting , or War , or Theft . Thus have I described as well their Vices as their Virtues ; though I am indebted to this Country for my Birth , and most part of my Education . Now to deliver somewhat concerning the estates of these Christians : They are called by some Cofti , or Coptitae , and by others , Christians from the Girdle upward : for albeit they be baptized , as we are , yet do they circumcise themselves like to the Jews : so as a man may say , their Christianity comes no lower than the girdle-stead . But that which is worse , they have for 1000 years followed the heresie of Eutiches , which alloweth but of one Nature in Christ : by which heresie they also separate and dismember themselves , from the Union of the Church of Europe . The occasion of this separation and schism , was the Ephesine Council , assembled by Dioscorus in defence of Eutiches , who was now condemned by the Calcedon Council by six hundred and thirty Fathers congregated together , by the authority of Leo the first . For the Cofti fearing , that to attribute two natures unto Christ , might be all one , as if they had assigned him two hypostases or persons , to avoid the heresie of the Nestoreans , they became Eutichians . They say their Divine Service in the Chaldean , oftentimes repeating Alleluja . They read the Gospel first in Chaldean , and then in Arabick . When the Priest sayeth Pax vobis , the youngest among them layeth his hand upon all the people that are present . After Consecration , they give a simple piece of Bread to the standers by : a Ceremony used also in Greece . They exercise their Function in the Church of Saint Mark , amidst the ruines of Alexandria , and in that of Suez , upon the Red Sea : They obey the Patriarck of Alexandria , and affirm themselves to be of the Faith of Prete Ianni , In our dayes two Popes have attemptted to reduce them to the Union of the Romish Church , Pius the Fourth , and Gregory the Thirteenth ; whose Letter they received with reverence , laying them upon their heads before they opened them . A DESCRIPTION OF The KINGDOME of FEZ . THe World we know is divided into four parts ; Asia , Europe , Affrica and America : the place under present consideration lieth in Affrica . Affrica is bounded on the East by the Red Sea , and the famous Bay of Arabia ; on the West , with the Atlantick Sea , which divides it from America ; on the North it is parted by the Mediterranean from Europe ; and on the South with the Ethiopian Sea , from that place which Geographers call Terra Australis incognita ; altogether bounded by the Sea , but that there is an Isthmus , or a Neck of Land , ( of threescore , faith Dr. Heylin ; threescore and nine , saith Leo Affricanus ; but fifty and four , saith Munster ; and seventy four miles , saith Atlas ) between it and Asia : over which Neck Cleopatra would have drawn her Ships when her dear Anthony was defeated , and adventured her self to an unknown Coast to escape Caesar's success and fortune , had not her Minions company invited her to her own Egypt , to put a period to that Rant and Frolick wherewith Fate and Fortune played with , and exercised that Age of the World. The form of Affrica , saith Leo , is a Pyramide reversed ; the Basis whereof , which reacheth from Tangier , and the Streight of Gibraltar , to the foresaid Isthmus , and is in length 1918 Italian miles ; the Cone narrow , but 4155 miles in length ; that is to say , in plain English , that part of the world is 1920 miles abroad towards us , and runs up narrower and narrower 4156 miles the further it goeth from us . Asia is less then America , Affrica then Asia , Europe then Affrica ; that course cloth hath good measure . Touching the temper of the Air , which depends most an end upon the position and aspect of the Heaven ; we guess that since the Aequator , ( I mean that Line that is supposed to divide the Heavens into two equal parts ) crosseth over the middle of this Country , therefore it was , by those of old , ( that had no more Geography then they drew up by aim in their Studies , and concluded from some of their own uncertain Speculations and conjectural Principles ) judged to lie under the most Torrid Zone , and so for the most part unhabitable : whereas a few more years experience , travel and observation , hath manifested most part of this Country habitable and temperate ; the cool of the Nights allaying the heat of the Days : for there the mists , dews , and showres of the one , refresh the scorches and parches of the other ; as indeed that vicissitude of Sun and Moon was designed by the Almighty , ( who disposed all things in number , weight and measure , according to the eternal counsel of his will ) to keep this world in an equal temper , not overheated with the fever of the Torrid , nor overcooled with the ague of the Frigid Zone . The best Description extant of this Coast that the Ancients had , was that great Souldier and exact Observator Hannoes Journal , a great while locked in his Punick Tongue , until that great Restorer of Learning at once bestowed upon it the pains of a Translation into the Greek Tongue , and the charge of an Impression at Basil , 1526. Affrica is divided into , 1. Egypt , 2. Numidia , 3. Lybia , 4. Terra Nigritorum , 5. Ethiopia , Superiour and Inferiour ; with the Islands adjoyning to these respective parts . The subject of this Discourse lieth in Barbary . Barbary lieth Eastward towards Cyrenaica ; Westward , toward the Atlantick Sea ; Northward , upon the Mediterranean , towards the Streights of Gibraltar , and the Atlantick ; and Southward , towards Atlas , Spain and Numidia . It is called Barbary but lately by the Saracens , either , as the more ancient Authors will have it , from the word Barbar , which among those people signifieth Murmur or Grumbling , because the Language of that place is like the condition of it , discontented : Or from Bar , ( as our modern Writers assert it ) a Desart in that * Language , intimating the desolateness of the place before their replenishing or peopling of it . It is in length from the Atlantick to the Streights , fifteen hundred miles ; and in breadth from Mount Atlas to the Mediterranean , an hundred in the Inland Countries ; but outwardly towards the Streights , three hundred . This Barbary is divided into four parts by most Geographers ; but it is well known by those that travel to consist of six parts , viz. Cus or Chus , Hea , Hascora , Duccala , Morocco and Fez. The first , is a long piece of barren ground , of one hundred and almost eighty Italian miles . The second coasts along as may miles upon the Atlantick to the very mouth of the Streights : It 's sixty German miles long , and fifty English miles broad ; Mountainous , but well inhabited ; Hilly , but plentiful with all manner of necessaries ; the highest places there , being as well peopled as our Valleys here . The third is large , but wild and Mountainous ; useless rather from its inhabitants carelessness , then its own nature . The fourth is eminent for nothing but that great Temple or Mosche made all of VVhale-bones . The fifth , Morocco , the Inhabitants whereof are called Moores from 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which in the Greek signisieth black or obscure , and denotes either their Complexion , which is Tawny , and inclining to black ; or their Condition , as who are bafe in their Original , and not very honourable in their present state . Morocco hath on the East of it Maloa ; on the VVest from Tremison , the Atlantick Ocean ; on the South , Atlas ; and on the North , Fez. It hath its chief denomination from the chief City of it , Morocco : it hath large Cities well inhabited & as well fortified ; whereof one contained Anno 1659 , ( when there went out an Enrolment from the Xeriff or chief Governour to Tax every Family by the Poll ) 150000 Families , 486 Mosches or Churches : on the Tower of the chiefest whereof , or the Mother-Church , as they call it , there was a Globe that weighed 800 pound in Gold , and was valued at 1300000 Duckats . The Country is like Ireland , rich and fertile , and wants onely skilful and laborious inhabitants , that may improve it to that rich advantage it is capable of ; that Country coming up , as all Travellers aver , to our Saviours proportion of increase , some times and places thirty fold , some fifty , some sixty , and some and hundred . The Air is much after the temper of England , but that there is a South-wind that ever and anon blows and brings along with it an extraordinary and a very hurtful heat , like that at Scanderoon , did not an Eastern blast bring with it four times a year , ( viz. about the middle of July , the latter end of August , the beginning of March , and most part of May , as extraordinary cold that balanceth the former excess to a temper exceeding pleasant and healthful ; insomuch as it was observed by Mr. Tevillian , ( that traveiled Morocco anno 1633. when King Charles the first of glorious memory , upon the humble Request of the King of Fez , sent 15 ships to assist him in the Conquest of the Pyrates of Sala , who were too hard for him ; and to his great grief , poor man , infested all Europe and Asia that were concerned in the Eastern Trade ) that never any English , VVelch , or Scotch , that were cast upon those coasts , died before they were an hundred years old : nor any French or Irish that lived there a twelve-month for some years together , until Art helped Nature ; and they understanding the temperature of the Climate , and their own constitution , were taught those Rules and Prescriptions that corrected the first , and assisted the second . Of the eleven Mountains of Barbary , four are fallen to the share of this part of it ; 1. Thanebes , 2. Gous , 3. Phocra , 4. Usaletto : from which spring up those pleasant and wholesome streams , that run like so many Veins of Blood , turning and winding through this uneven Ground , dispensing their Refreshments and Verdure on all sides , with equal kindness to Men , to Beasts , to the Grass and Corn. But Morocco and Fez are as it were all one , as well in the state and condition of the Countrey , as in the Government . Come we then at last to Fez , wherein lieth Tangier , the place we have in our Eye . Fez hath on the South of it Morocco , which is no other then the other half of it : on the North , the Mediterranean ; on the East , Malon and Tremeson ; on the West , the Atlantick . It is thought by that excellent Surveyor Maurus , to be as big as Toledo , that is almost twice as big as England , and something over . The Ground is very uneven and unequal ; no Hills higher then its Mountains , no Wilderness wider and looser then its Deserts ; no Parks more woody than its Forrests ; no Valleys more Pleasant and Profitable than its Champaigns , which what they want in length and breadth , they gain in depth ; as if Nature had heaped one Acre upon two , in the matchless fertility thereof : Our Age , barren of Belief , affords not Faith so easily to the Story , as this Land afforded Food to their ten hundred thousand men , Anno 1569 , when an hundred thousand fell at the famous Battel before Tangier . The Soil of the Countrey of Armagh in Ireland is so rank of it self , that if any compost or artificial improvement be added unto it , it turns barren ( saith my ingenious Author ) out of fullenness and indignation , that men should suspect the native fruitfulness thereof ; and Fat upon Fat is false Heraldry in Husbandry : An English man once dunged two Acres of this Countrey towards Gosel , and it 's barren to this day , and called by the Inhabitants in the Punick , Erapi vosci Dos ; Gods curse upon Europe . Ships , when sailing , are generally conceived to have one moyety of them invisible under Water ; and some Countreys in like manner are counted to have their Wealth equally within the Earth , and without it : But the proportion holds not exactly in Fez , whose visible Wealth far transcendeth her concealed Substance . And yet we finde some Minerals therein of considerable use and value : As , 1. Brass and Iron , so plentifully , that though they have not the Blessing of Asher , Thy shooes shall be iron and brass , yet have they so competent a store of it , that she is no Gentlewoman there , that hath not her twenty great Iron Rings about her . 2. Salt , without which no Meat is savoury to Man , no Sacrifice acceptable to God : Abimelech sowed Sechem and Abdamelech Gasel with Salt. There are two sorts of Salt ; 1. Fossilis , digged ; 2. Coctilis , boyled : both here plentifully , the first about Hea , the last about Heahem , and in Lakes near Fez , where they set no Salt on their Tables , but every one takes a little in his hand . 3. Glass ; whereof the best in the World ( saith the great Historian of Nature ) is found on the River Belus , and the next to that , ( saith Solinus ) in Hevalous , or as they call it now , Hebal . 4. Marble ; the great Ornament of their Cities and Temples . 5. Precious Stones in abundance , no doubt near Arzilla , as we may guess by those few found there by chance , by Vasquez in his second Expedition . 6. Curious medicinal Waters , arising from the sulphurious spring of Mount Anaba . 7. For Gold and Silver : though to avoid the Invasions of other Nations , they say with St. Peter , Silver and Gold have I none ; yet no doubt if the European Industry possessed the place of the Affrican sloth , it would finde the Indies in its way thither : for Fez the chief City of this Region hath its name from that Gold that is supposed to lie a breeding in the very Bowels of it : But the upper fruitfulness of the Soyl makes them the more negligent in digging into the bowels thereof ; as those need not play beneath board , who have all the Game in their own hands : For this Countrey hath plenty , 1. Of Oyl-Olive ; so called , to difference it from Seed or Train-Oyl : hereof there are three kindes , or rather degrees : whereof , 1. the coursest makes lamps , which they burn in their Mosques , Temples and great Palaces , Day and Night : 2. A middle sort for fineness , used for Meat or rather Sallad , with their cold Herbs , and colder Pap : 3. The finest , compounded with Spices , for Ointment for Kings , Priests and Ladies , at their more solemn occasions of Pomp and State , of Piety and Devotion , and of Pleasure and Entertainment . Three Carrects of Oyl was one of the designed Presents to the Renowned King CHARLES the First , 1634 , by Abdalla , that were lost in the Mediterranean , where Oyl it self sunk . 2. Honey : This is their Sugar , as Salt is their Pepper ; whence it was called by the Ancients Terra Melliflua : the Canaanites here ( for you shall hear anon how they fled hither from the face of Joshua ) as well as in their own Countrey , enjoying a Land that flowed with Honey : the Gentile part whereof use Honey after the Persian manner in their Sacrifices ; which Grotius saith is the reason why Honey was forbidden in the Jewish Oblations . And to this Honey belongeth Wax , wherewith they dress their Leather , the best here , if you will believe Valtolin , that famous Shooe-Maker and Traveller , whose Shooes were surely made of running Leather . 3. Fruits . The biggest and most plentiful that ever I read of : As , 1. Dates : whereof there is this tradition amongst them , That a Date-Tree over-shadowed an Olive-Tree , and that Olive-Tree a Fig-Tree , and that Fig-Tree a Pomegranate , and that Pomegranate a Vine . 2. Almonds . 3. Nuts . 4. Figs. 5. Pomegranates . 6. Pears . 7. Spices . 8. Cherries . 9. Plums and Apples . Of which they made their most considerable Presents , whereof good store were sent at several times to the Earles of Peterburrough and Tiveot , from that excellent Rebel Gayland , who wants nothing of a compleat man , as Cromwel did not , but that he hath not common Honesty . 4. Barley : It was the Humility of Christ , it is the necessity of the Fezians , to eat Barley-Loaves . 5. Vines : so good , that notwithstanding the strict Laws of Mahomet , to which they are most subject , the inhabitants cannot but request their King to allow , and the King cannot but grant them a liberty to drink Wine ; especially at Ezhaggen , some fifteen Leagues off of Tangier ; where it 's a part of the City-Charter , That they may drinke VVine on Mundays , Tuesdays , Thursdays and Sundays . Yet as great as good ; so that what is prophesied of Judah , may be true here , That they may binde their foals to the Vine , and their asses colts to the choice Vine , though Vines with us are tied to other Trees for their support ; and that a Grape there in many places is as big as a Plum with us . 6. Wood : so that round Tangier the Countrey seemed formerly a continued Grove of sweet Firs , shady Palms , strong Oaks , close Cypress , &c. and where Trees are wanting , there Grass and Ferns look like thick Coppices , so high , that a whole Army may be lodged Horse and Foot in a field , and not discerned ; as they did to our sorrow , in the late action on the third of May , 1664. These are their Vegetables : Their Beasts are , 1. Goats : whose flesh is good Meat , as their skins make good Leather , and their Fleeces good Chamlets . 2. Their Diet is so plain , that they have very few Cattle for meat , but many for shew and service ; as 1. Lyons , so tame , that they will gather stones up and down the streets in Fez , and hurt none ; and his Highness Prince Rupert hath one of my Lord Rutherford's bestowing , that will lie upon his Bed as quietly as any Lamb. 2. Elephants . 3. Dragons . 4. Leopards . 5. Horses , the handsomest , the strongest and swiftest in the World : A Barbary Horse , is a Proverb . I had almost forgot that Balm or Balsome , whereof the first Plants , Josephus saith , ( Antiq. l. 8. ) the Queen of Sheba brought from this place to Judea . This Balsome is two-fold : 1. Xylo-Balsamum , the Parent , being the shrub out of which it proceeded . 2. Opo-Balsamum , being the Daughter , which trickled like tears from the former : Useful , 1. for the Healthful , making a most odoriferous and pleasant perfume : 2. For the Sick , being soveraign and medicinal : 3. For the Dead , being an admirable preservative against corruption . To Balm I adde what is more necessary , as well as more common , I mean Water : They think we Northern People are drowned with a Dropsie ; and we suspect they of the South are on fire with a Feavour : This is a Land like Judea , ( as it is described Deut. 8. 7. ) A land of brooks of waters , of fountains and depths , that spring out of valleys and hills : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith Strabo , A well-watered Countrey . Object . But you will say , Our Englishmen talk of Mountains and Hills . Answ . Such fruitful Hills as make the Land insensibly larger in extent , though no whit less in increase : some Cattle , as Goats , some Fruits , as Vines , thrive never better than on these Mountains , or on the side of these Hills : 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Grassie and fair fruitful Hills ; which as they afford a plentiful Prospect , so they conduce much to make the Cities impregnable that are built among them . Object . They talk of Desarts too . Answ . Indeed the word Desart sounds hideously in an English Ear , and frights our Fancies with the apparitions of a place full of dismal shades , salvage Beasts , and doleful Desolation ; whereas among these People it imports no more than a woody Retiredness from publick Habitation ; most of them in extent not exceeding our great Parks in England , and more alluring with the pleasure of privacy , than affrighting with the sadnesse of Solitariness . SECT . II. TOuching the Inhabitants of this place , we are to understand , That when the Isles of the Gentiles were divided among the Sons of Noah , this Coast fell to the lot of Mizraim and Phut , the sons of Cham , who first inhabited it upon the dispersion ; but thinly , until upon Joshua's approach , the Canaanites fled hither from the face of Joshua , and built Tangier , as will appear more particularly in the description of that place . Of those Canaanites there were seven People , whereof six came hither : As , 1. The Hittites , those sons of Anak , so formidable to their Foes , that some conceive them named from Hittah , to scare or frighten , such the terrible impressions of them upon their Enemies ! 2. The Gergashites , whom the Hierusalem-Talmud makes to dwell near Cinnereth , on the East of Jordan , whence they stole ( faith my Author ) into Egypt . 3. The Canaanites , particularly so called , that dwelt by the sea and coast of Jordan . 4. The Cadmonites , or Easterlings . 5. The Amorites . 6. The Arvadites . These men possessed the place until the Phoenicians and most remote Punicks dispossessed them ; and they , until the Saracens turned them out of doors . 1. Here are placed the Cynocephali , that have heads like Dogs , snouts like Swine , and ears like Horses . 2. Here are the Sciapodes ; that have such a broad foot , and but one , that they cover their heads from the heat of the Sun , and the violence of the showrs , by lifting this up over them . 3. Here are the Gumnosophantes that go naked , and fear nothing more then a cloathed man ; being ignorant of the use of Weapons , and one being able without a miracle to chase 1000 of them . 4. Here are the Blemmiae , men that walk as St. Dyonis did from Paris to Rheimes , without heads , having their eyes and mouths in their breasts . 5. Here are the Egipans , that have onely the bodies of men , sometimes made up of the necks and heads of Horses , Mules , Asses , &c. And , 6. That this part of Affrica may have its share in that saying , Semper aliquid Affrica portat novi , Affrica is always teeming with some new Monster . The other day not far from Tangier , was to be seen a Child with an Eagles Bill , Claws , and Feathers too , which was understood to bode some alteration in that Government : whereupon the King and his Friends bestirred themselves against Gayland , and he gathered up all his forces against us ; breaking the League with us , and upon no terms admitting the Forts we designed in those parts to enlarge our quarters . But the People that we converse with , are as other men , save that they are of a duskish Complexion , and something inclining to black . Their Stature tall and slender , having much of the Arabians in them . Their Nature subtle , sly , close , and reaching . Their Disposition active for War and Horsemanship , otherwise there is not an idler people under the Cope of Heaven : the simplest of them shall dwell with you a twelve-month , and you know no more of his minde then the first day you saw him ; and he shall give as exact an account of your Actions , Inclinations and Designes , as any man living . They are very proud and ambitious ; and shall do more for an Obeysance , then they will sometimes for a Town ; and buy a Feather for their Cap at a higher rate , then they will a Suit of Cloaths to their backs . They are as light as the Feathers they wear , and as unconstant as their Interest ; never trusted by the Spaniard or Portugez , but when they had Swords in their hands . Neither are they more wily themselves , then jealous of others ; especially in the case of their Women , whose feature is comely , whose skin is delicately soft , whose complexion is blackish , and the darker the more amiable ; whose Ornaments are sumptuous onely to please their Husbands , and keep at home ; it being death to stir abroad without leave , and a Keeper . Distrust is the nature there of every particular man , and the policy of all ; whereby they keep strangers from that acquaintance with their advantages and disadvantages , which otherwise they might have . No peace is to be had with them without an Hostage , no kindness without a security ; it being a saying amongst them , as some think , received by tradition from their Ancestors the Canaanites , Remember Ai , and distrust . Hence they pretend it is one of the Laws of Mahomet , ( as they alledged it to the Earl of Tiveot ) That they should not suffer either the Christians or the Europeans to build any Forts in their Country . So cautious and wary are they , that you can hardly wrong them ; and so implacable if you do , that they will never forgive you . Remember this ( said Gayland's Brother of a little Brush given them ) two years hence : as much as to say , We will never forget or forgive . They are too ignoble to be Masters of that honourable quality of Passing by Offences . And as they are themselves irreconcileable , ( it 's the Heathens Character , and it is a true one ; Without understanding , Covenant-breakers , without natural affection , implacable , unmerciful ) so they judge others too : If once the Moore offendeth , he will never trust you ; once angry , he thinks , and ever so : his own unkindness makes him as much your enemy out of caution , as yours can make him out of Passion . A stately Gate is that which they observe most in themselves , and that which they take most notice of , and tender most respect to in others . The Moore loves and fears a Man ; therefore the tallest and most personable men were employed to treat with that Barbarian , who was more guided with his eyes then his ears ; with what he saw , then what he heard ; in a word , Appearances then Reasons . And yet so much Reason are they Masters of , that ( though their shifts , tricks and unconstancy argue them men of a little reach , those being onely the little ways and escapes of men that have not a solid wisdome to look round about them , and carry on things handsomely ) they say when pressed to an Affair of a sudden , Stay a little , we must think what we shall do next year . Though their Gate seem Majestick when they strut and walk , yet none more low and despicable when they sit , even in greatest state : for when our General and Governour was to meet Gayland and his Nobility , we found them all upon the ground upon their Carpets , sitting cross-legged like Taylors . Their Garments are as sumptuous as their Gate majestick : for though the poorer sort wear raw Hides , I mean Goatskins , Leather , Hair-cloth , Sack-cloth , and other course Vestinents ; yet we seldome meet them out of their fine Linen , their Silk , their Scarlet , and their Cloth of Gold. Of all Colours , they , as the Jews , delight in white , as the emblem of purity , cheerfulness , knowledge and victory . No work are they more taken with , then with Washing : but their most solemn Colour is Black , and their most Royal and Noble one is Blew ; the true and natural Dying whereof , is lost in all the world but in that place . Their Scarlet and Crimson is worn by the Nobility ; and their Purple , which is but the Gaudiness of Red , allayed with the Gravity of Blew , is with them as with us , Royal. Next their skin they wear Linen ( as most cleanly , soft and wholsome , but dyed in Violet ) loose , and at night lie in the same . Next this , their Coat , which comes down to their feet , as modest and grave ; and about that a Girdle , which is also their Purse . Fringe is a great Ornament among their Priests . Over this a Mantle , which is among the poorer sort their Coat by day , and by night their Coverlet . As soon as they are born , they are Coated ; and when Striplings , the Coat is Party-coloured ; when Men , the Coat becomes a Cloak ; when in the Field , he hath a Coat of Maile tucked on with a Military Girdle , his Bow and Arrow , his Sword , his Buckler , his Pike , and of late his Gun too ; to all this the Ancients adde his Staff : all their Turbants or Mithraes of : pleyted Linen or Callico , in the manner of a Pyramide on their heads , and their Sandals on their feet , which had Soles , but no upper Leather , save onely the Ligaments whereby they were tied to the Instep and cross of the feet . Hence their frequent Washings in those parts , not onely to cool them , but chiefly to clear them from the Gravel , and cleanse them from the dirt , which those Casements of their Sandals let in : but for fear of foul weather , they have their Shooes carried after them , as the Jews had ; whence the expression , whose shooes I am not worthy to bear . Their Women are veiled , and as I told you kept in , but nobly apparelled with Garments wrought with Needle-work , or very curiously woven ; adorned with their Ear-rings , Bracelets , Frontlets , Mufflers : and if they chance to go abroad , Oh how they stretch out their necks ! how they walk and mince as they go ! how they paint their eyes and eye-brows , and gild their nails ! Thus are they attired ; a man would now know how they are disposed . Very idle I told you they are ; and what usually follows upon that , very quarrelsome : nothing more usual among them then deadly feuds ; 1000 against ●000 ; one Tribe as it were against another ; which nothing can compose but a forreign Enemy , against whom their very hatred unites them more effectually then their love could do among themselves . Yet I must say this for them , Though they are the worst Enemies , yet they are very good Friends , i. e. very civil : for let a stranger travel amongst them , and come into town , they will throw Dice who shall entertain him . If the Pilgrim saith be will to his Inne , thither they flock to him with their gifts and their presents : if he is not provided , then say they , This mans house is yours . Their reason for it they will give you ; Abraham entertained strangers , and thereby angels unawares : we are so journers as all our fathers were . You would ask , What is their Religion ? what is their Language ? I answer : For their Religion in the uttermost parts of it , it 's Heathenish ; and all that we ever observed them do , was crossing their foreheads , kissing their hands , bowing their heads to the Sun , and once a year offering a Kid , once a month meeting at their Groves : for these Heathens think it not fit to circumscribe any thing that hath the name of a god within any compass , but that Heaven they say he dwells in . But most of them are Turks ; and though that Countrey hath been most famous of old for the Studies of Mathematicks and Philosophy , those great Philosophers , Avicenna , Averroes ; those ingenious Poets , Terrence , Apuleias ; those holy Fathers , Cyprian , Tertullian , Lactantius , Victor , Fulgentius ; and as famous for the excellent Library in Fez , wherein there were 4000 Volumes of History , 2000 of Philosophy , 3000 of Astronomy , Geography , and other Mathematicks , that were more worth then all the Libraries in the world , which that Tyrant , made up of ignorance and fury , Maleche Shegge , destroyed all but two Books ; whereof the one was an ancient Book of the Mysteries of Mahomets Religion and Government , and the other the State of Europe : yet now is it but the seat of Barbarism , and the habitation of gross ignorance in every thing but , as you may read more anon , in Mechanicks . The Bishop of Dunkelden thanked God he knew not a Letter either in the Old Testament or the New , but that he had his Proless and Ladies Psalter by heart . The very Priest here pretendeth to no more skill then so much Chyrurgery as may serve him to circumcise a Childe , and so much Divinity as may serve him to read his Alcoran or Testament . It was dangerous to understand Greek , and Heresie to profess Hebrew in this Land some two hundred years ago : it may cost a man his life there to be wise above the age ; for that they call conjuring against the King. But Cities are the Maps of Countries , and Metropolis of Kingdomes : as therefore he who would look into the nature of England , had best take a Survey of London ; so he that would be satisfied about this Kingdome , needs no more but look into Fez and Tituan , whose Descriptions follow . Of the Cities FEZ and TITUAN . Of the Innes and Mills of Fez. THe Innes of this City are three stories high , and contain an hundred and twenty or more Chambers a piece , and are almost unparallelled for greatness of Buildings . Herein also are Mills in four hundred places at least ; every Mill standeth in a large Room , upon some strong Pillar or Post , like unto our Horse-Mills . A Description of the Occupations , the Shops , and the Market . EAch Trade and Occupation hath a peculiar place allotted thereto ; the principal whereof , are next unto the great Temple . Then follow the Butchers Shambles ; next , the Course-cloath-market ; afterwards , the Shops of them that scowre Armours ; next unto them , the Fishmongers ; then follow them that make hard Reed-Coops , and Cages for Fowles . Then the Shops of them that sell liquid Sope , the Shops of them that sell Meal , albeit they are diversly dispersed throughout the whole City . Next are Seed-grain-sellers ; next to them , are the ten Shops that sell straw ; then the Markers , where thred and hemp use to be sold . Next to the smoaky Place in the West part , ( which stretcheth from the Temple to that Gate that leadeth unto Mecnase ) their habitations directly stand that make Leather-tankards to draw water out of Wells . Unto these adjoyn such as make Wicker Vessels ; next to them are the Taylors shops ; then the Leather-shield-makers ; then the twenty shops of the Laundresses or Washers . Next unto them are those that make trees for Sadles , who dwell likewise in great number Eastward , right in the way by the Colledge founded by King Abuhinam . Next unto them are those that work Stirrops , Spurs and Bridles . From thence you may go into the streets of Sadlers ; then follow the long shops of them that make Pikes and Launces : all the which shops begin at the great Temple . Next standeth a Rock or Mound , having two Walks thereupon ; the one whereof leadeth to the East-gate , and the other to one of the Kings Palaces . The Station or Burse of Merchants . THis Burse being walled round about , hath twelve Gates , and before every Gate an Iron Chain ; which Burse is divided into twelve several Wards or Parts : two whereof are allotted unto such shooe-makers as make shooes onely for Noblemen and Gentlemen : two also to Silk-merchants or Haberdashers that sell Ribbons , Garters , Scarffs , and such other like Ornaments . Then follow those that make Womens Girdles of course VVool. Next unto these , are such as sell VVoollen and Linen-cloth brought out of Europe . Then may you come to them that sell Mats , Matresses , Cushions , and other things made of Leather . Next adjoyneth the Customers Office. Next of all dwell the Taylors , then the Linen-Drapers , who are accounted the richest Merchants in all Fez. Next are VVoollen Garments to be sold . Last of all is that place where they sell wrought shirts , towels , and other embroydered works ; as also , where Carpets , Beds and Blankets are to be sold . The aforesaid Burse or Station of Merchants was in times past called Caesaria , according to the Name of that renowned Conquerour Julius Caesar : the reason whereof some affirm to be , because all the Cities of Barbary in those days were first subject to the Romans , and then to the Goths . Next unto the said Burse , on the North-side , in a straight Lane , stand an hundred and fifty Grocers and Apothecaries shops , which are fortified on both sides with strong Gates . The Physitians houses adjoyn for the most part unto the Apothecaries . Then the Artificers that make Combs of Box and other Wood. Eastward of the Apothecaries dwell the Needle-makers . Then follow those that turn Ivory . Unto them adjoyn such as sell Meal , Sope and Brooms ; whereof some are dispersed in other places of the City . Amongst the Cotten-Merchants are certain that sell Ornaments for Tents and Beds . Next of all stand the Fowlers . Then come you to the shops of those that sell Cords and Ropes of Hemp ; and then to such as make high Cork-slippers for Noblemen and Gentlemen to walk the streets in when it is fowl weather . Unto these adjoyn the ten shops of Spanish Moores , which make Cross-Bows ; as also those that make Brooms of a certain wild Palm-tree . Next unto them are Smiths that make Nayls , and Coopers that make certain great Vessels in form of a Bucket , having Corn-measures to sell also . Then follow Wool-Chapmen ; then Langols or Wyth-makers . Next of all are the Braziers ; then such as make Weights and Measures ; and those likewise that make Instruments to card Wool or Flax. At length you descend into a long street , where men of divers Occupations dwell together ; and here the West part of the City endeth , which in times past was a City by its self , and was built after the City on the West-side of the River . A description of the second part of Fez. THe second part of Fez is situated Eastward , and is beautified with most stately Palaces , Temples , Houses and Colledges ; albeit there are not so many Trades and Occupations as in the part before described , yet are there many , especially of the meaner sort ; but notwithstanding here are thirty shops of Grocers : Here also are more then six hundred clear Fountains , walled round about , and most charily kept ; every one of which is severally conveyed by certain Pipes unto each House , Temple , Colledge and Hospital . The South part of East - Fez is almost half destitute of Inhabitants ; howbeit the Gardens abound with Fruits and Flowers of all sorts . Westward , that is , toward the Kings Palace , standeth a Castle built by a King of the Lutune Family , resembling in bigness a whole Town ; within this Castle stands a Noble Temple and a certain great Prison for Captives , supported with many Pillars . By this Castle runneth a certain River very commodious for the Governour . Of the Magistrates , the Administration of Justice , and of the Apparel used in Fez. IN Fez there are four sorts of Magistrates ; one of the Canon Law , the other of the Civil Law , the third of Marriages and Divorcements , the next an Advocate to whom they appeal . A Malefactor they proceed against by leading him naked about the streets with an iron chain about his neck , after he hath received an hundred or two hundred stripes before the Governour , a Sergeant going along and declaring his faults ; and at length is carried into prison back again . Sometimes many Prisoners are thus chained together , for each of which the Governour receiveth one Duckat , and one fourth part ; and likewise he demands certain duties at their first enterance into the Goal : and amongst his other living , he gathereth out of a Mountain seven thousand Duckats of yearly Revenues , so that ( when occasion serveth ) he is to finde the King of Fez three hundred Horses , and to give them their pay . The Canon-Lawyers live according to Mahomet's Law , onely by their reading of Lectures and Priesthood . In this City are four Sergeants , who receive for stipend some fee of every Malefactor that they lead about in chains . That one onely that gathereth Customs and Tributes about the City , dayly payeth to the Kings use thirty Duckats . Very strict are they that nothing comes into the City by any means , before some Tribute be paid ; which is paid double of him that is caught in a deceit . The set order or proportion of their Duckats is to pay two Duckats for the worth of a hundred ; for Onyx-stones one fourth part ; but for Wood , Corn , Oxen and Hens , they give nothing at all : Though at the entrance into the City they pay nothing for Rams , yet at the shambles they give two Liardos a piece , and to the Governour of the shambles one : which Governour with his two men , is careful to see that the Bread be weight ; if not , the Baker is led about with contempt , and beaten with cudgels . Decently and civilly attired they are , wearing in the Spring-time Garments made of outlandish cloth ; over which shirts , they wear a narrow and half-sleev'd Cassock or Jacket , whereupon they wear a certain wide Garment close before on the Brest . They wear thin Caps covered with a certain Skarff , which being twice wreathed about their head , hangeth by a knot . They wear neither Hose nor Breeches ; but in the Spring-time when they ride a Journey , they put on Boots . The poorer sort have onely a Cassock , with a Mantle over that , and a course Cap ; the Doctors and Gentlemen in a wide-sleev'd Garment ; the common sort in a kind of a course white cloth : And so all according to their state and ability . The Inhabitants of Fez eat thrice a day , but nastily and filthily ; their Tables low and dirty , their fingers their spoons and knives , the ground their seats : they never drink before they have done eating , and then a good draught of cold water . The manner of solemnizing Marriages . THe Bride and Bridegroom go together to Church , accompanied with their Parents and Kinsfolks , and two Witnesses of the Covenants and Dowry ; which being done , the present Guests are invited to two Banquets ; the one on the Bridegroom's cost , the other upon the Bride's Fathers , who though he promiseth but thirty Duckats onely for a Dowry , yet will he sometimes bestow every way two or three hundred Duckats besides , which is accounted a point of Liberality . The Bridegroom causeth his Bride to be carried home in a Cage eight square , accompanied with his Parents and Kinsfolks , with Musick and Torches , the Bridegrooms Kinsfolk going before , and the Bride following after , and going unto the great Market-place ; and passing by the Temple , his Father-in-law takes his leave of the Bridegroom : The Father , Brother , Uncle of the Bride lead her unto the Chamber-door , and there deliver her with one consent unto the Mother of the Bridegroom , who as soon as she is entered , toucheth her foot with his ; and forthwith they depart unto a several Room by themselves , where she is deflowred , and the purity of her Virginity afore that time , is declared with a Napkin stained in blood , carried in hand about , which if she be not found , the Marriage is frustrated , and she with great disgrace turned home to her Parents . But at a compleat Marriage there are three Banquets ; the one for men , the other for women , the third seven days after for all her Friends . Furthermore , At the Bridegrooms Fathers there are two Feasts ; the one the night before , which is spent in Musick and Dancing ; the other the day after , at her brave dressing by a company of Women . These and many more Ceremonies do they use at a Maids Marriage , but a Widows is concluded with less a do . They make also great Feasts and Jollities at the circumcision of their Males , which is upon the seventh day after their Birth ; but at the Birth of a Daughter , they shew not so much alacrity . Of their Rites observed upon Festival Days , and their manner of Mourning for their Dead . UPon Christmas they eat Sallet of divers herbs , and seethed Pulse . Upon New-years-day the children go with Masks and Vizards on their faces , to the houses of Gentlemen & Merchants , singing Carols and Songs , having Fruits given them . On St. John Baptist's they make great fires of Straw . When their Children's Teeth begin to grow , they make another feast called Dentilla . And in many things they imitate Rome and other places . The women at the death of their friends assemble together in a company of their own Sex , and put on most vile sackcloth and ashes , and sing a Funeral-Song to the commendation of the party deceased , and at the end of every verse , utter hideous outcries and lamentations ; all which continue seven days , at the end of which , they cease mourning forty days , and then begin to torment themselves in like manner for three days together ; which Obsequies are observed by the baser sort of people , but the better sort behave themselves more modestly : At this time all the Widow's friends come to comfort her , and send divers kindes of meats unto her : for in the mourning House they may dress no meat at all , till the Dead be carried forth : And the woman that loseth her Husband , Father or Brother , never goeth forth with the Funeral . A description of the Grammar-Schools in Fez. THere are almost two hundred Schools in Fez , every one of which is in fashion like a great Hall. The School-Masters teach their Children to write our or a certain great Table : Every day they expound a Sentence of the Alcoran , and firmly commit it to memory ; which they do right well in the space of seven years : Then read they unto their Scholars some part of Orthography , which , and the other parts of Grammar , is more exactly taught in the Colledges , then in these trivial Schools . Their School-Masters have a very small stipend ; but when their Boys have learned some part of the Alcoran , they present certain Gifts unto their Master , according to each ones ability . So soon as any Boy hath perfectly learned the whole Alcoran , his Father inviteth all his Sons School-fellows to a great Banquet ; and his Son in costly Apparel rides through the Street upon a gallant Horse ; all which , the Governour of the Royal Citadel is bound to lend him : the rest of his School-fellows being mounted likewise on horse-back , accompany him to the Banquetting-house , singing divers Songs to the praise of God and Mahomet : Then are they brought to a most sumptuous Banquet , whereat all the Kinsfolks of the aforesaid Boys Father are usually present , every one of whom bestoweth upon the School-master some small Gift , and the Boys Father gives him a new Suit of Apparel . The said Scholars likewise use to celebrate a Feast upon the Birth-day of Mahomet , and then their Fathers are bound to send each one of them a Torch unto the School , which every Boy carrieth in his hand ; which being lighted betimes in the Morning , burn till Sun-rise ; in the mean while , certain Singers resound the Praises of Mahomet ; and as soon as the Sun is up , all their solemnity ceaseth . The School-Masters sell the remnant of the Wax upon the Torches for an hundred Duckats , and sometimes for more . They are Free-Schools , in which , as also in the Colledges , they have two days of Recreation every Week . Of the Fortune-Tellers , the Conjurers , Inchanters and Juglers in Fez. SOme of them use Geomantical Figures , others pour a little Oyl into Water , and there shew several shapes , of whom they ask such questions as the Party would be satisfied in . A third sort are women that lie with Devils , which pretend to speak within them : These lie with one another , yea , and with other young women , until some wiser than some beat the Devil out with a Cudgel . Another kind are the Conjurers that make Circles , and turn out Devils by the Magick Rule called Zairagia : First , they draw many lesser Circles within the compass of a greater : in the first they make a Cross , in the four corners of it they set down the four Quarters of the World , and at the end of each Cross the Poles , and about the Circumference they paint the four Elements ; then they divide the same Circle into four parts , and every one of those four parts into seven , each part being distinguished by great Arabian characters , every Element contaming twenty eight characters : in the third circle they set down the seven Planets , in the fourth the twelve Signs , in the fifth the twelve Latine Names of the Month , in the sixth the twenty eight hours of the Moon , in the seventh the three hundred sixty five days of the Year , and about the middle thereof , the four Winds : Then take they one onely character or letter of the Question asked , multiplying the same by all the particulars aforementioned , and the sum total they divide after a certain manner , placing it in some room according to the quality of the character , and as the Element requireth wherein the said character is found , without a figure : all which being done , they mark that figure which seemeth to agree with the aforesaid number or sum produced , wherewith they proceed as they did with the former , till they have found twenty eight characters , whereof they make a word that resolveth the question demanded ; this Word or Speech they make a Verse of , which is an infallible answer to the question propounded . These circles I have seen at King Abulunan's Colledge at Fez , where I saw likewise these Cabalists imprisoned by the Mahometan Inquisitors , who allow not that Art , as derogatory to the Great GOD that knoweth Secrets . Besides these Juglers , there are here a Sect of People who say they are sent from Heaven to beget an holy Seed in the Earth ; under which pretence they abuse the fairest Women in the Countrey , even tiring themselves with lust , endeavouring to lie with half a dozen or half a score a piece in a night ; saying they carry about them the ninety nine Virtues that are contained in the Name of GOD. Another Sect there is , that pretend they are sent of GOD to dig for Gold : for which purpose they ransack Ditches , Graves , Kennels : Right Gold-finders ! Here are a third sort that deal in Sulphur and Alchymy , who dispute every week in a great Temple , how they may turn all things to Gold ; of whom the learned Geber and Mugainbi have given the World an account . In the Summer you shall have Towns full of Charmers , with their Scroles , their Drums , their Pipes , their Apes and their Citterns . At the same time you may observe their Gentlemen strut and keep their distance from the commonalty , and their Doctors and Judges keeping as far from them . From eleven of clock to three you will not meet with a man in his shorts ; they are all run to Taverns and B●wdy-houses . In every Town there is a Lazer-house , the Governour whereof is to take care of all the Lepers in the Town . Their Burying-places are certain Fields bought for that purpose , where they lay over every Grave two Stones , one at the head , and another at the feet of the Party deceased ; their Kings being buried in Palaces . Hereabout are Gardens of ten or twenty miles in length , through which they derive small Veins of the River , from some of which they carry away 15000 cart-loads twice a year . Here no Mahometan is suffered to be a Goldsmith or a Coyner ; for they say , That is an Employment good enough for a Jew . Of their Beasts . 1. THe first is the Elephant , plentiful in the Land of the Negroes , and taken by the Inhabitants thus : They make a round hedge of Boughs and Rafts , leaving a space round on the one side of them , and likewise a door standing upon the plain ground , which may be lift up with Ropes , wherewith they can easily stop the said open place or passage : the Elephant coming to take his rest under the shady boughs , entreth the hedge or inclosure , where the Hunters by drawing the said Rope , and fastening the door , imprison him . 2. The second is Girapha , headed like a Camel , eared like an Ox , and footed like a Horse . 3. Their Camels and Dromedaries , their strength , treasure and pleasure : wherefore if you ask how rich a man is ? they will say , he hath so many Camels : they are watred but once in five days , and can go without water or provender fifteen . When they are tired they will not go for beating , but with singing such songs as they are pleased with . The swiftest of them will carry you an hundred miles a day , and the slowest but eight . They teach them to dance thus : They take a young Camel , and put him for half an hour together into a place like a Bath-stove prepared for the same purpose , the floor whereof is hot with fire : then play they without upon a Drum ; whereat the Camel , not so much in regard of the noyse , as of the hot pavement that offendeth his feet , lifteth up one leg after another in the manner of a Dance ; and having been accustomed to this exercise for the space of a year and ten moneths , they then present him to the publick view of the people ; whenas hearing the noyse of a Drum , and remembring the time when he trod upon the hot floor , he presently falleth a dancing and leaping : and so Use being turned into a kinde of Nature , he perpetually observeth the same custome . 4. The fourth is the Barbary-horse , brought up in the wild desert , and broken by Arabians since Ishmael's time . The tryal of these Horses is the overtaking of a Beast called Lant or Ostrich ; which if he can do , he is worth 1000 Duckats . Used they are for Hunting , fed with Camels milk , and never rid while in Pasture . 5. The next sort of Beasts is , 1. The white Ox , called Dant or Lant , of whose skin they make sheilds . 2. Adimaim , like a Ram in every thing but his long Asses cars , of whose wool they make Coverlets , as of their Milk Butter and Cheese ; whose tayls , as do the Barbary Rams , weigh some ten , some twenty pound apiece : all the fat of them is in their tayl . 3. The Lyon , who the hotter the Country is , the fiercer ; especially towards Spring-time , and their time of coupling , when nothing is spared by them but a woman that sheweth her privy-parts ; at the sight whereof they cry , cast their eyes to the ground , and depart . 4. The spotted Leopard , that never killeth any thing but when toyled by Hunters into an extreamity : whosoever lets a Leopard escape his Toyl , must feast all the Hunters of that Province . 5. The Dabuh , that is brought out of his Den with singing . 6. The Civer-Cat , whose excrement , which is nothing but their sweat , they gather thus thrice a day : they keep the young ones with milk , bran , and flesh in cages and grates ; and first they drive them up and down the Grate till they sweat , and then they take the said sweat from under their flanks , their shoulders , their necks and their tayls : which excrement of sweat is onely called Civet . 7. The Apes and Coneys run up and down in companies , one of them always watching the husbandmans coming . 8. The Crocodile that goeth on four legs like a Lizzard , not above a cubit and an half high ; its tayl is full of knots ; it lurks about the banks of a River , craftily laying wait for men and beasts that come the same way ; about whom suddainly it winds its tayl , draweth them into the water , and devoureth them . In eating they move the upper Jaw onely , their nether Jaw being joyned unto their breast-bone . I saw them running and gaping on the banks-side , and little Birds flying in and out of their mouths ; which sometimes they would catch when they had eaten up the worms in their jaws , but that a little prick upon the Birds head so galleth them that they must let it go . 9. The Hydra , against whose poyson there is no remedy but the cutting off the infected part . 10. The Dab , a creature like a Lizzard that cannot endure water , and revived when dead by fire . 11. The Guoral , whose head and tayl they say is poyson , and whose body they eat as good meat . 12. The Camelion , like a Lizzard , save that it hath a Mouses tayl , nourished with air , roasted in Sun-beams ; at which it gapes , and changeth its colour with its place . 13. The silly Ostrich that seedeth on Iron , and forgetteth her great Egges of eleven or twelve pounds apiece in the sand . 14. The Locusts , that fly in such swarms that they intercept the Sun-beams . 15. The Monster begot between the Male-Eagle and the She-Wolf , that hath a Serpents tayl and skin , a Wolfs feet , a Dragons beake and wing , that lives 300 years they say . Fruits . AS for their Fruits , besides what we formerly mentioned , they have , 1. Euphorbium , an herb like the wild Thistle , upon the branches whereof grow fruits like Cucumbers , 20 or 30 upon each ; which when ripe , are pricked for their slimy Juyces , which the people put in Bladders , and dry . 2. Maus , or Musa , growing on a small tree , which beareth large leaves of a cubit long , big as a Cucumber , sweet as a Musmillion : they 〈◊〉 it was the fruit forbidden our first Parents in Paradise , because the leaves are fit to cover the nakedness . 3. Terfez , a Root like Mushroom , growing in hot grounds , but of a cooling vertue , as lushious as Sugar ; and being boyled in water and milk , is a great dainty in Sela. 4. The Ettalche , an high and thorny tree , bearing leaves like the Juniper , and sweating a Gum like Mastick : the onely Remedy there against the French Pox. 5. The Root Tauzorghent , an inch whereof perfumes a house three years , and is sold in one place for half a Duckat , and in another for 100 Duckats . 6. The Root Addad , that kills a man in an hour with the smell of it : a Present the good Women send sometimes to their beloved Husbands . 7. The Root Turnag , which they take to strengthen men : upon which if a Maid make water , she looseth her Virginity ; yea , and swelleth too , they say . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A35762-e230 * To Sir G. R. Notes for div A35762-e790 This Tow a likewise is Good Port. Notes for div A35762-e8050 * Viz. The Punick . Lev. 2. 11. Vid. Critic . Sacra , in loc . 
A45018	----	The Humble petition of the commons of Kent, agreed upon at their generall assizes, presented to His Majestie the first of August, 1642 with certaine instructions from the county of Kent, to Mr. Augustine Skinner, whereby the desires of the said county may be presented by him to the honourable House of Commons : with His Majesties answer ... this fourth of August, 1642. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45018 of text R18106 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H3495). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45018 Wing H3495 ESTC R18106 12167268 ocm 12167268 55348 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45018) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 55348) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 816:7) The Humble petition of the commons of Kent, agreed upon at their generall assizes, presented to His Majestie the first of August, 1642 with certaine instructions from the county of Kent, to Mr. Augustine Skinner, whereby the desires of the said county may be presented by him to the honourable House of Commons : with His Majesties answer ... this fourth of August, 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) [2], 12, [2] p. Printed by Robert Barker ..., York : 1642. Reproduction of original in Duke University Library. eng Kent (England) -- History, Local -- Sources. A45018 R18106 (Wing H3495). civilwar no The Humble petition of the commons of Kent, agreed upon at their generall assizes. Presented to His Majestie the first of August, 1642. With [no entry] 1642 2492 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-03 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE HUMBLE PETITION OF THE COMMONS OF KENT , Agreed upon at their Generall ASSIZES . Presented to His MAJESTIE the first of August , 1642. With certain Instructions from the County of Kent , to Mr. Augustine Skinner , whereby the Desires of the said County may be presented by him , to the Honourable House of Commons . With His MAJESTIES Answer to the aforesaid Petition . At the Court at York , this fourth of August , 1642. YORK : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL , 1642. To the Kings most Excellent Majestie . The Humble Petition of the Commons of Kent , Agreed upon at their Generall ASSIZES . Most gracious Soveraign , WE do , with all thankfulnesse , acknowledge Your great Grace and favour towards us , and the whole Kingdom ; In passing many good Laws for the benefit of Your Subjects , In promising to ease us of all our grievances ; And graciously inviting Us by Your Letter directed to the Judge of Our Assize , full of Love and Care for Your Peoples good , to Petition for redresse of them , promising a gracious Answer ; And we should with all humility have presented them to Your Majesty at this time , did not the present great distractions and apprehension of a Civill War ( which we earnestly pray to God to divert ) put us beyond all thought of other grievances . For prevention whereof , we have with all Loyalty of Heart to Your Sacred Majesty , with all Love and Faithfulnesse to our Country , presented our humble Advice in certain Instructions , to one of our Knights of the Shire now here present with a Committee from the House of Commons , to be presented by him to that Honourable House : The Copy whereof we make bold to annex unto this Petition . Most humbly desiring Your Most Excellent Majestie , That if it shall please the Houses of Parliament to satisfie Your Majesties just desires in these particular , That then Your Majesty would be graciously pleased , to lay down Your extraordinary Guards , and cheerfully meet Your Parliament , in such a place where Your Sacred Majesty and each Member of both Houses , may be free from tumultuary Assemblies . And as in all Duty bound , we shall dayly Pray for Your Majesties long Life , and prosperous Reign over us . Instructions from the County of Kent , to Master Augustine Skinner , whereby the desires of the said County may be presented by him to the Honorable House of COMMONS . WHereas a Committee from the House of Commons is now sent down to the Assizes , upon a credible Information ( as they say ) that something should be done to the Disturbance of the Peace of this County . We , the Commons of Kent , require you Master Augustine Skinner ( as our Servant ) to certifie to that Honourable House , That you found the County in full Peace , and that there is no ground for any such Information , and that you desire , in our Names , to know the particulars of that Information , ( of which it seems you are ignorant , and the Informer ) that this County may have full reparations in Honour against so scandalous an aspersion cast upon them ; and that the Informer , of what quality soever , may receive condigne punishment . And that the House of Commons may understand our desires , not only to preserve the Peace of this County , which ( with Gods blessing , and the help of the good known Laws of this Kingdome ) we are confident we shall maintain , but also of the whole Kingdome , being now in so great a distraction , that every Man stands at a gaze , to see what the event is likely to be , and well weighing what a great fire a small spark may kindle ; abhorring and detesting the thought of a Civill War : We farther require you to offer our humble advice , as Faithfull and Loyall Subjects to His Majesty , and good Patriots and Lovers of our Countrey , for setling the Distractions of these times . One principall meanes to effect it , we conceive will be to give His Majesty full satisfaction in His Just Desires , in these foure Particulars . 1. In presently leaving the Town of Hull in the same State it was before Sir John Hothams entrance into it ; And delivering His Majesty His own Magazine . 2. In laying aside the Militia , untill a good Law may be framed , wherein care may be taken as well for the Liberty of the Subjects , as the Defence of the Kingdom . 3. That the Parliament be adjourned to an indifferent place , where His Sacred Majesty , all the Lords and Members of Your House of Commons may meet and treat with Honour , Freedom , and Safety . 4. That His Majesties Navie may be immediately restored to him . Our Reasons are these . 1. For withdrawing your Garrison out of the Town of Hull , we are perswaded your fears and Jealousies of forraign forces , of French , or Danes , or of the Papists at home ( an inconsiderable Party , especially being disarmed ) are long since vanished , the Magazine or a great part of it being removed to London , we conceive Master Major of Hull may safely keep the Town as before . 2. For laying aside the Militia , we are free from Jealousies of Forraign Forces , so that you may have time enough to frame a lasting Law , which notwithstanding , for feare of Inconvenience to the Subjects Liberty , you may , if you so think fit , make the Law a Probationer . Besides , His Majesty , if occasion should be , is vested with sufficient power to raise forces for the Defence of the Kingdom , for which onely we are confident His Majesty will employ them . And we should hold our selves worse then Infidels , if , after so many Protestations to maintain the True Religion by Law established , the Subjects in the Liberty of their Persons and Propriety of their Goods , and the Priviledges of Parliament , and that He will Govern us by the known Laws of the Land , we should not with full assurance , beleeve in Him and confide in Him . 3. For adjourning the Parliament to another place , His Majesty hath expressed the Reasons , That He was driven away by tumultuary Assemblies , and that he cannot return thither with Honour and Safety : And divers of the Lords are absent , who promise to return back to the House , when they may sit with the Liberty , and that condition that the Peerage of England formerly have done , secured from all menaces , or demanding any Account of their particular Votes ; which we conceive to be against the Freedom of Parliament , which by our Protestation we must maintain , and from tumultuarie Assemblies : These having been the Occasions , as we beleeve , that of neer five hundred in the House of Commons , there are but about one hundred and forty left to sit there , and the greater part of the Lords gone away . 4. For the Restitution of the Navie , our Reason is , That the Neighbour Nations do take notice , that His Majesties Navie is detained from him , which if not suddenly restored , may turn to His Majesties dishonour , whose honour , by our Protestation , we are bound to maintain . Another means , we conceive , to settle the States and Minds of the Subjects , is a free , generall , and large pardon : which since His Majesty hath so graciously offered we desire and expect to receive , and if any Man do dislike it , he may be excepted , and the generality of the Subjects not hindred of their good , and His Majesties Grace and Goodnesse . His Majesties Answer to the humble Petition of the Commons of Kent , agreed upon at their generall Assizes , and presented to His Majesty the first of August . At the Court at York this fourth of August , 1642. HIS Majestie hath with great satisfaction in the Loyalty and affection of the Petitioners considered this Petition , with the Instructions annexed to their Knight of the Shire , and hath expresly commanded me to return this His Answer , in these Words : That the Petitioners are not more eased and satisfied with the good Laws His Majestie hath passed , then His Majestie himselfe is pleased with that way of obliging His Subjects , neither hath He ever made the least Promise or profession of repairing or redressing the grievances of His People , which he hath not been , and alwaies wil be ready to perform . His Majestie cannot blame the Petitioners to be apprehensive of a civill War , since the present distractions ( grounded upon no visible cause , to which His Majestie could , or can yet applie a remedy ) threaten no lesse confusion . But His Majestie doubts not , that the Petitioners and all His good Subjects , do well understand , That His Majestie hath left no way unattempted , which in Honour or Wisdom could be consented to , to prevent that confusion . That after so many Injuries and Indignities offered to Him , so many combinations and conspiracies against Him , He departed so much from His own Majestie , and the Justice due to it , That He required no other reparation , then to have His Town , Goods , and Navie ( taken and kept by violence from and against Him ) to be restored to Him : The power of making Laws without Him , by the way of Ordinances ( and that in particular , concerning the Militia ) to be disavowed . And that a safe Place might be agreed on , where He might be present with His great Councell , for the composing all misunderstandings , and making the Kingdom happy . That before any Answer returned to His Majestie ( whil'st with all patience and hope His Majestie forbore any action or attempt of force , according to His promise ) Sir John Hotham issued out of Hull in the Night , burned the Houses , and murthered the Persons of his fellow Subjects ( though He knew His Majestie quietly expected an Answer to His reasonable and necessary demands ) and hath since exercised most barbarous cruelty upon a Drummer then taken Prisoner by him . That those Propositions made by His Majestie , and mentioned by the Petitioners , in their Instructions , are dissented from , and His Majestie not suffered to enjoy what is as unquestionably His own , as any thing His Subjects can call most theirs , upon pretence there is some trust on foot to dispossesse His Majestie of them : Whether any such trust be derived from the Petitioners : Themselves best know . That a Generall is made to command His Subjects against Him , and Forces already marching with Canon towards Him , under the conduct of the Lord Brook , whil'st all Labour and Endeavour is used , to cut off all Succour and Supply from His Majesty , as from a Forraign Enemy . When the Petitioners , and all other His Majesties Subjects have weighed this , and considered that these strange unheard of proceedings must be the effects of desperate Resolutions , and that all this calamity is brought upon this Nation , to wrest from His Majestie His Just Rights , when no sober man can see the want of any thing which is in His Majesties power to grant , and necessary for the peace and full happinesse of the Kingdom . That when all encouragement is given , scandals raised , and provocations used to incense the People against His Majesty , and to publish Petitions and Declarations against the known Laws and established Government : The Petitioners , and all other His Majesties good Subjects ( who out of a true sense of the distraction and ruine the Commonwealth must speedily fall into through these distempers have prepared sober and moderate Petitions and Animadversions for the peace of the Kingdom ) have been discountenanced , censured and imprisoned in a Lawlesse Arbitrary way , when no offence have been committed by them , of which the Law hath taken notice : That all their Rights , Interests , and Priviledges , which they were born to , by the good known Lawes , are taken from them , or subjected to an unintelligible Arbitrary power and resolution , which destroyes their confidence and assurance even in Innocencie it self ; They will think it time to provide for their own security , by Assisting His Majestie for the defence of His Person , preservation of the true Protestant Religion , and maintenance of the Law of the Land , and Liberty of the Subject ; of the which , as the Petitioners care is very eminent , and deserves all protection , thanks , and estimation from His Majesty ; So His Majesty will venture His Life and His Crown with them , in that Quarrell . Lastly , least any of the Petitioners may unjustly suffer for making or presenting this humble , dutifull , and modest Petition to His Majestie ; His Majestie Declares , That He will with His utmost power and assistance protect and defend them against any power whatsoever , which shall question them for so doing ; And to that purpose advertiseth them , That they are not obliged to yeeld Obedience to any Pursuivants , Sergeants , or Messengers , who shall endeavour to molest them for doing their Duty , and discharging their Consciences therein . And that the whole County of Kent may know His Majesties gracious acceptance of this expression of their Duty and affection unto Him : 'T is His Majesties pleasure , that this His Answer , together with the Petition and Instructions , be Read in all the Churches and Chappels of that County . Falkland . FINIS . 
A47471	----	The Kings letter intercepted coming from Oxford with a ioyful and true relation of th[e?] great victory obtained by Sir Thomas Fairfax, Sir William Brereton, and Sir VVilliam Fairfax, against the Irish at the raising of the siege at Nantwich on Friday last January 26, 1643 ... This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A47471 of text R41039 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing K597A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A47471 Wing K597A ESTC R41039 19579508 ocm 19579508 109154 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47471) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 109154) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1691:9) The Kings letter intercepted coming from Oxford with a ioyful and true relation of th[e?] great victory obtained by Sir Thomas Fairfax, Sir William Brereton, and Sir VVilliam Fairfax, against the Irish at the raising of the siege at Nantwich on Friday last January 26, 1643 ... Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Fairfax, Thomas Fairfax, Baron, 1612-1671. Fairfax, William, Sir, 1609-1644. Brereton, William, Sir, 1604-1661. [8] p. Printed by [Andrew Coe], London : [1644] Illustrated t.p. Reproduction of original in the Huntington Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. A47471 R41039 (Wing K597A). civilwar no The Kings letter intercepted coming from Oxford. With a joyful and true relation of th[e] great victory obtained by Sir Thomas Faireax [sic] [no entry] 1644 1537 5 0 0 0 1 0 98 D The rate of 98 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-07 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-08 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-09 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2001-11 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE KINGS LETTER Intercepted coming from OXFORD . WITH A Ioyful and true Relation of the Great victory obtained by Sir THOMAS FAIREAX , Sir William Brereton , and Sir VVilliam Fairfax , against the Irish , at the raising of the siege at Nantwich On Friday last January 26. 1643. Delivered in a message to the Parliament . VVherein , Was slain 2 Lieutenant Col : 4 Captains . 200 Souldiers in the right wing , & many in the left surprised . 6 pieces of Ordnance . 20 Carriages , wherein was great store of good plunder . 1700 Foot . Taken prisoner : 1 Sergeant Maior generall . 8 Collonels . 14 Captains . 19 Lieutenants . 20 ensignes . 264 Gentlemen & other officers . 120 hoorse 4 Canoneers . 40 Popsh Priests . With another victory obtained by Collonel Massey at Gloster who hath surprised 1 Lieutenant Collonel and 8 Captains , besides other Officers and Common Souldiers and a barke brought in to him laden with Armes and Ammunition . LONDON Carolus Rex . RIght trusty and right well beloved cousin , We greet you well by Our Proclamation , which herewith we send you , you see our resolution , and the grounds of that Our resolution , to advise with the members of both our houses of Parliament , for the restoring of this Kingdome to its former peace and happinesse : At least We doubt not it will appear to all the world , and to posterity , that there hath not been such a concurrence in the bringing these miseries upon it , or in compleating that , by the invitation of this forreign invasion , as is imagined : VVe shall therefore desire you that you will by no means fail of giving your attendance at the time and place accordingly which in respect of the high concernment of our service and the good of the whole Kingdome , We shall not doubt of : And so Wee bid you heartily farewell . A FULL RELATION Of the defeat given to the Cavalliers , in the siege before Glocester . THE Enemy with great forces marched againe towards Glocester , and surrounded the town , to stop provision from comming in , but Colonell Massey issuing out of the towne , fell upon their quarters ; and slew many of them , and took prisoners . One Lieutenant Colonell , eight Captains , and other officers and souldiers , with their bag and baggage , and put the rest to flight : Colonell Massey hath also surprised a Barke laden with Arms and Ammunition , intended for the Cavalliers , which will doe him good service , especially , because his own Ammunition is not yet come to him . A JOYFVLL RELATION OF THE HAPPY SVCcesse of the PARLIAMENTS Forces at the raising of the Siege from Nantwich , Jan. 26. 1643. SIr Thomas Fairfax and Sir William Fairfax , being at Nottingham , marched from thence unto Hinkley and there quartered ; and from thence the next day they marched to Bosworth , and so to Tamworth , where they quartered one night : from whence they marched the next day to Stafford , and there joyned with Sir William Brewerton , with whom they marched to relieve Nantwitch , which was besieged by the Irish Forces from Westchester , and Shrousbury , and raised the siege . The Enemies being fled to their quarters , Sir Thomas Fairfax , and Sir William marched from Nantwich to Manchester , and there gathered a body of foot out of Manchester and other parts in Lancashire , and caused a Fast to be kept for two dayes , for the Enemy were of great strength , and the resiege was feared ; The Enemies cruelty did much grieve the Countrey , and accordingly as it was feared the Enemy returned againe to Nantwich , and laid close siege before it ; and did attempt to scale the works three severall times , and shot almost 100 fiery hot bullets , with a kind of fire balls to burne the Towne . But blessed be God , there was none of them that did any considerable hurt : the greatest harme the Towne sustained by those bals , was by one which light upon a stack of wood , and fired part of it ; which was quenched without doing any further mischief . Captain Booth the Governour of Nantwich , a young man of about 21 yeers of age , but of a valiant spirit , behaved himself bravely ; his Souldiers consisting of about 1200 in number , who withstood the Enemy bravely , and did good execution upon them , and slew Lieutenant Collonel Boughton , and 4 Captaines more : amongst which , Captain Stamford is one , and kept the Towne in despight of them Cap. Booth still encouraging the souldiers , and promising unto them that he would loose his life in their defence before he would yeeld up the town to such traiterous Irish Rebels . Yet Sir William Brewerton was in great fear of loosing the Town ; and indeed had not God wrought wonderfully for us it had been lost . Sir Thomas Fairfax returning again from Manchester marched to Stafford again , and joyned with Sir William Brewerton ; who joyning their forces together marched from thence again to relieve Nantwich , on Friday January the 26. with about 6000 horse and foot , the enemy consisting of about 8000. When our forces came neer the Enemies quarters , they discovering our Forces , came out of their trenches into the plain , and gave us battell ; wherein our Forces charged so hot on their right wing , that they caused the Lord Byron with all their horse to run away , leaving onely the foot to stand to it : By this time there were slaine of the right wing about 200 , besides those that were in the left wing , and the Foot were left to the mercy of our Forces : And their horse hasted so fast away , that they threw away their Pistols , and fled for their lives . The Lord Byron himself being one of the first that fled . There were also a fort of Irish women , that were in the Enemies Campe : whose office was to robbe , and plunder , our men that fell : and with long knives which they had hanging by their sides , to cut the throates of those that they found not quite dead . C. Booth with eight hundred issued out of Namptwich , and fell upon the back of them , and so our forces surprised them all , with all their bag , and baggage : of which here followeth an exact list according to the copy , by the Scout brought to the Parliament . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Prisoners taken at the raising 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 e siege from Namptwich , Ian. 26. 1644. SEjeant-Major-Generall Gibson . Sir Michael Earnly , Colonell . Sir Richard Fleetwood , Colonell . Colonell Monks . Sir Ralph Dewes Colonell . Colonell VVarren . Sir Francis Butler , Lieutenant-Colonell . Lieutenant-Colonell Gibs . Major Hamond . 14. Captains . ATkins . Lidington . Tinch . Disney . Fisher . Cook . Ward . Deane . Incas . Ledcote . Deetes . Shotterwood . Bawbridge . Willis . 19. Lieutenants . LOng . Norton . Rowe . Pawlet . Goodwin . Kinerstone . Dulaton . Pate . Mo●gell . Strange . Shipworth . Ancars . Billingley . Cuftelion . Milliner . Bradshaw . Lionnes . Golden . Smith . 26. Ensignes . BRowne . Brereton . Batch . Ihnes . Wright . Dampell . Southwood . Addise . Smith . Vahan . Reise . Doreworth . Musgrave . Pennicocks . Danstermile . Elliard . Itlack . Philips . Hewde . Thomas . Mo●gan . Lewes . Goodfellow . Busbey . Terringham . Withers . Ordnance 6 Peeces , Wom●n with long Common Souldiers 1700 , Gentlemen of C 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 20. Serjeants 41. Drums 40. Corporals 63. 〈◊〉 40. Horse 120. Coroners 2. Quartermasters ●● Canoniers 4. Carriages 20. Wherein was good s●●● of rich plunder . A List of those that were slain . Lieutenant Collonel Vaine , Lieut Collonel Boughton , Captain Stamford , and 3 Captains more , 200 on the right Wing and many more on the left . This Relation is justified to be true by the bearer hereof , Richard Hunt. To all Post-masters whom it may concern . These are to require you forthwith upon the sight hereof to furnish the bearer hereof , Richard Hunt , with two good sufficient Post-horses for the present service of the Parliament . Hereof fail not . Given under my hand this 31 of January 1643. SAM. LVKE . This is Published according to Order . FINIS . 
A45025	----	The Humble petition of the county of Cornwall to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie subscribed by above seven thousand hands : with His Majesties answer thereunto : whereunto is added the oaths of allegiance and supremacie. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45025 of text R7426 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H3502). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45025 Wing H3502 ESTC R7426 13513463 ocm 13513463 99856 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45025) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 99856) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 791:31) The Humble petition of the county of Cornwall to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie subscribed by above seven thousand hands : with His Majesties answer thereunto : whereunto is added the oaths of allegiance and supremacie. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 8 p. Printed for T. Warren, London : 1642. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. eng Oath of allegiance, 1606. Oaths -- England -- Early works to 1800. Oaths -- Early works to 1800. Cornwall (England : County) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A45025 R7426 (Wing H3502). civilwar no The humble petition of the county of Cornwall, to the Kings most excellent Majestie. Subscribed by above seven thousand hands. With His Maje [no entry] 1642 1468 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-12 Andrew Kuster Sampled and proofread 2005-12 Andrew Kuster Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Humble PETITION Of the County of CORNWALL , TO THE KINGS Most Excellent Majestie . Subscribed by above seven thousand hands . WITH His Majesties Answer thereunto . Whereunto is added , The Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacie . LONDON , Printed for T. Warren . 1642. To the KINGS most Excellent Majestie , The humble PETITION of the County of CORNWALL . WE Your Majesties most Loyall Subjects in all duty render unto Your Majestie all thankfulnesse for Your Majesties Unexempled favour and Grace in granting unto Your Subjects , by the Concurrence with Your Parliament , such Laws and freedoms , which have most fully expressed Your Majesties gracious goodnesse unto Your People ; And we most thankfully receive Your Majesties free offer of a Generall Pardon , whereof wee most humbly desire to be made partakers . And we most humbly beseech Your Majestie , Never to suffer Your Subjects to be Governed by an Arbitrary Government , nor admit an alteration in Religion . And Your Petitioners being most feelingly grieved for Your Majesties discontents ( partly occasioned by divers scandalous Pamphlets , and seditious Sermons , and no way lessened by unlawfull Tumults ) do wish a confluence of all Comforts , Honour and Happinesse unto Your Majestie , and do most heartily pray for the Reconcilement between Your Majestie and Your Parliament : And in all humble thankfulnesse for Your Majesties said Grace and Goodnesse , Your Petitioners do offer themselves most ready to maintain and defend with their lives and fortunes , Your Majesties Sacred Person , Honour , Estate , and lawfull Prerogative against all persons whatsoever , according to the Oaths of Supremacie and Allegiance . CORNUB . Iohn Grills high Sheriff . Warwick Lord Mohun . Sir Iohn Trelawney Knight and Baronet . Sir William Wrey Knight and Baronet . Iohn Arundell of Trerise Esq. Charles Trevanion Esq. Walter Langdon Esq. Peter Courtney Esq. Samuel Cosowarth Esq. Richard Prideaux Esq. Iohn Arundell Esq. Renatus Billot Esq. Francis Iones Esq. Robert Rous Esq. Edward Trelawney Esq. Nevil Blighe Esq. William Bastard Esq. Charles Grills Esq. Nathanel Dillon Esq. William Arundell Gent. William Courtney Gent. Ed. Courtney , Gent. Walter Glin Gent. Edward Cook Gent. Hugh Pomeroy Esq. Ambrose Billot Gent. Iohn Samuel Gent. Nichol . Kendall , Major of Lostwithyell . Obadiah Ghoship Cler. Iohn Kette Cler. Thomas Harrison Cler. Thomas Porter Cler. Simon Lann Cler. Iohn Peter Cler. George Brush Cler. Barnard Achim Gent. Theophilus Laugherne Gent. William Guavas Gent. Nicholas Sawell Gent. William Robinson Gent. Thomas Robinson Gent. Ioseph Iolly Gent. Thomas Trear Gent. THe aforesaid Gentlemen Subscribed at Lostwithyell unto the Petition direction to His Majestie , together with Seven thousand more , Esquires , Gentlemen , Freeholders and other Inhabitants which subscribed and signed the said Petition in their severall Parishes . HIS MAJESTIES ANSWER to the Petition of Cornwall , At the Court at York , 26. June , 1642. HIs Majestie is so very well pleased with the duty and affection of this Petition , That He hath commanded me to signifie His good acceptance of it , and thanks for it to the County of Cornwall , and to assure them , That as He will be alwayes ready to increase the happinesse of His people , by consenting to such good new Laws , as shall be proposed to Him for their advantage , so He will be forward to venture His life in maintenance of the Religion and Laws established , which He doubts not , with the assistance of the Petitioners , and other His good Subjects , He shall be able to defend : His Majestie will be ready to grant such a generall Pardon to the Petitioners as they desire ; And will no longer expect the continuance of their duty and affection , then Himself continues true to those Professions He hath so often made of maintaining and defending the Religion and Laws of this Kingdom . Falkland . The Oath of Allegiance , Tertio Iac. cap. 4. I A. B. do truely and sincerely acknowledge , professe , testifie , and declare , in my conscience before God and the world ; that our Soueraigne Lord King Charls is lawfull and rightfull King of this Realm , and of all other his Majesties Dominions and Countries , and that the Pope neither of himselfe , nor by any authority by the Church or See of Rome , or by any other meanes with any other , hath any power of authority , to depose the King , or to dispose any of his Majesties Kingdomes or Dominions , or to authorize any forraign Prince to invade or annoy him , or his Countries , or to discharge any of his Subjects of their Allegiance and obedience to his Majestie , or to give license or leave to any of them to beare armes , raise tumults , or to offer any violence or hurt to his Majesties Royall Person , State , or Government , or to any of his Majesties Subjects within his Majesties Dominions . Also I do sweare from my heart , that notwithstanding any declaration , or sentence of excōmuuication , or deprivation , made , or granted to be made , or granted by the Pope , or his successors , or by any authority , derived , or pretended to be derived from him , or his See , against the sayd King , his Heirs or Successors , or any absolution of the said Subjects from their obedience : I will beare faith and true Allegiance to his Majestie , his Heirs and Successors , and him and them will defend to the utmost of my power , against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against his or their Persons , their Crowne and Dignity , by reason or colour of any such sentence , or declaration , or otherwise , and will do my best endevour to disclose and make knowne unto his Majestie , his Heirs and Successors , all treasons , or trayterous conspiracies , which I shall know or heare of , to be against him or any of them . And I do further sweare , that I do from my heart abhorre , detest and abjure as impious and hereticall , this damnable doctrine , and position . That Princes which be excōmunicated or deprived by the Pope , may be deposed or , murthered by their Subjects , or any other whatsoever , And I do beleeve , and in my Conscience am resolved , that neither the Pope , nor any Person whatsoever , hath power to absolve me of this Oath , or any part thereof , which I acknowledge by good and full authority to be lawfully ministred unto me , and do renounce all pardons , or dispensations to the contrary . And all these things I do plainly , and sincerely acknowledge and sweare , according to these expresse words by me spoken , and according to the plaine and common sense , and understanding of the same words , without any equivocation , or mentall evasion , or secret reservation whatsoever . And I do make this recognition , and acknowledgement heartily , willingly , and truly , upon the true faith of a Christian : So helpe me God . The Oath of Supremacy , Primo Eliz. Cap. 1. I A. B. do utterly testifie and declare in my Conscience , that the Kings Highnesse is the onely Supreame Governour of this Realme , and all other his Highnesse Dominions and Countries , as well in all Spirirituall or Ecclesiasticall things or causes , as Temporall : And that no forraine Prince , Person , Prelate , State or Potentate , hath or ought to have any Jurisdiction , Power , Superioritie , Preeminence or Authority Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realme . And therefore , I do utterly renounce and forsake all forrain Jurisdictions , Powers , Superiorities and Authorities ; and do promise that from henceforth I shall beare faith and true Allegiance to the Kings Highnesse , his Heirs and lawfull Successors : and to my power shall assist and defend all Jurisdictions , Priviledges , Preeminences and Authorities granted or belonging to the Kings Highnesse , his Heirs and Successors , or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crown of the Realme : So help me God : and by the Contents of this book . FINIS . 
A47691	----	Mr. Speakers speech before His Majestie and both Houses of Parliament, after his returne from Scotland, upon passing the Bill for Tunnage and Poundage, on Thursday the 2. of December, relating the present distempers of England and Ireland also, the King's most excellent Majestie's speech to the honourable House of Parliament the same Thursday Deceb. 2, 1641. Lenthall, William, 1591-1662. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A47691 of text R30932 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L1078). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A47691 Wing L1078 ESTC R30932 11724990 ocm 11724990 48370 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47691) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 48370) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1486:12) Mr. Speakers speech before His Majestie and both Houses of Parliament, after his returne from Scotland, upon passing the Bill for Tunnage and Poundage, on Thursday the 2. of December, relating the present distempers of England and Ireland also, the King's most excellent Majestie's speech to the honourable House of Parliament the same Thursday Deceb. 2, 1641. Lenthall, William, 1591-1662. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [8] p. Printed for John Greensmith, London : 1641. Attributed by Wing to Lenthall. Reproduction of original in Harvard University Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. A47691 R30932 (Wing L1078). civilwar no Mr. Speakers speech before His Majestie, and both the Houses of Parliament, after his returne from Scotland, upon passing the Bill for Tunna Lenthall, William 1641 1396 8 0 0 0 0 0 57 D The rate of 57 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-04 Jonathan Blaney Sampled and proofread 2004-04 Jonathan Blaney Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-07 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr. Speakers Speech BEFORE HIS MAJESTIE , And both the Houses of Parliament , after his Returne from SCOTLAND , upon passing the Bill for Tunnage and Poundage , on Thursday the 2. of December . Relating the present distempers of England and Ireland . ALSO , The Kings most excellent Majestie's SPEECH To the Honourable House of PARLIAMENT , the same Thursday Decemb. 2. 1641. LONDON , Printed for Iohn Greensmith , 1641. Most Dread Soveraign● , THe observation taken from the unlike Compositions , and various motions of the world , made the Philosopher conclude , Tota hujus mundi concordia ex discordibus constat . The happy conjuncture of both these Nations in the Triumph and Ioy of your Sacred presence , extracted from the different and divided dispositions and opinions , gives us c●use to observe and to admire these blessed effects from such contrary causes . We may without flattery commend your Sacred Majesty , the glorious Instrument of this happy change , whose piety and prudence , directed by the hand of God , hath contracted this union from these various discord . The Story of these times will seeme paradox●● in following generations , when they shall he●re of Peace sprung from the Root of dissention , of union planted upon the Stocke of divisio●s , two Armies in the field both ready to strike the first blow , and both united without a stroke . Nothing can reduce these truths into a beliefe , but the knowledge of your piety and justice , who hath accomplisht these acts of wonder by goodnesse , and gentlenesse , without force and violence . This way of conquest , this bellum in cruentum , hath been the Rule of the most valiant and puissant Monarchs , advancing your glory , in safe guard of one Subject , more in the death of a thousand enemies . Thus have you erected a Monument of glory to your Sacred memory for all generations . And as your care and piety for the welfare of your Northerne Kingdome called you to that worke for the great comfort of your people which your wisnome hath so happily consummated : So now the distemper of your other Kingdome ( Fomented by the same spirits , whose presence admits no peace in Israel ) Calls on your providence to h●ale the diseases of that Nation . The one from whence you returned , hath with Abell ( though the elder brother ) offered an acceptable Sacrifice : The other with Cam hath erected altars of blood and revenge ( the old Jmmolations of ●esuiticall Priesthood ) which invokes the necessity of your Justice . The one to a naturall , hath added a politieke brotherhood . The other of brothers ( J am sorry to say it ) are become strangers . The fidelity of the one hath written a Story of admiration to the world . The disloyaltie of the other hath paralell'd that horrid Designe ( matchlesse before amongst all generations ) First in their intention , the destruction of a Kingdome , even then when Unity and Peace was tying the knot of Religion and safety . In the Discoverie a moment of time prevented the execution . In the actors ( Jesuites and Priests ) without whom the malice of the Devill could not have found a party in the world fitted to act over the like bloudy tragedy . But this amongst our many Joyes we receive by Your happie returne is not the least , nay the greatest , That that providence which protected that gracious King , your most religious Father , from that bloudy Attempt , and increased the blessing of a long and happie Raigne , hath also defended your Sacred throne from all their Machinations . Thus we see Religion is the greatest policie , the never-failing support of King and Kingdome , that which Firmes your and your Posterity to your Throne , and our duty and obedience to it . Give me leave here most gracious Soveraigne , to summe up the sense of eleven Moneths observation without intermission ( scarce ) of a day , nay an houre in that day , to the hazzard of life and fortune , and to reduce all into this Conclusion , The Endeavours of your Commons assembled , guided by Your pious and religious example , is to preserve Religion in its purity without mixture or composition , against these subtile invadors ; and with our lives and fortunes to establish these Thrones to your Sacred person , and those beames of Majestie , your Royall Progeny , against treason and rebellion . The wayes that conduce to this end are the defence of the Land and Sea , for the one , we have already voted to raise monies , for the other , this Bill in some measure will accomplish for a little time , and to that end J by the Command of the Commons ) humbly beseech your Royall assent . His Majesties SPEECH the 2. of December . I Am to speake a word unto you , since J have bin so long absent from you ; It is no way in answer to the Learned Speech of Mr. Speaker : But yet J shall touch one point of it-concerning Ireland ; But first I must tell you , though J have been absent longer then indeed J did expect , or could have bin expected by you , yet J stayed no longer in Scotland then the necessity of those affayres would absolutely permit ▪ and indeed I have therein done so much good , that J will boldly affirme vnto you , that J have left the people a most contented and happy Nation ; That if J did misreckon a little in time J doe not misreckon in the end . Now though J have deceived you a little of your expectation in point of time , J confesse you have deceived my expectation in finding of businesse here ; for J had thought to have found things in quietnesse and settled both for Religion and peace of this Kingdome , but I found distractions , such as J could not expect , Jn so much , as the Parliament was thought fit to be guarded , this I speake not any way to seeke out a fault , or to have any distrust of the hearty affections of my Subjects , but on the contrary when J came here ( as you all see ) J found the affection of my people vnto me , to my great comfort . Now I assure you , J come with the same affection that you or any good people of the world could wish , for I am so farre from disliking any thing that J have done hitherto , that if it were to doe againe ( in the favour and good of my people ) that I protest J would doe it againe . And whatsoever may be justly expected of me for the securing of Religion and Liberty of my people , I shall not faile to doe it , and therefore I shall mention no particular at this time , but onely that great particular of Ireland , which Mr. Speaker did mention , of which I doe not doubt , but you have had a great care , yet me thinkes , things goe on slowly ; and J mention this more reasonably , because a couple of Noble men are come out of Scotland according to the Petition and Jnstructions , which it pleased both Houses to send vnto me at Barwicke , which I instantly dispatched to the Chancelor , who now have the disposing of all things , J spoke to them this morning , and I decreed both Houses to appoynt a select Committee and make an end of that businesse with them . I have but this word more to say , that I assure you , I have no other end but the happinesse of my People , for their flourishing , is my greatest Glory , and their affection , my greatest strength . FINIS . 
A51446	----	The most blessed and truest newes from Ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the Protestants, and Gods just vengance on the rebels. With a list of the Protestant commanders, and the chief of the rebels commanders, and the townes that the Protestants have relieved. With the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peacably affected in the County Palatine of Lancaster, to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. With His Majesties answer thereunto. Barry, John, 17th cent. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A51446 of text R2626 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing M2869). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 15 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A51446 Wing M2869 Wing B973_INCORRECT ESTC R2626 12630192 ocm 12630192 64727 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A51446) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 64727) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 252:E148, no 21 or 1861:26) The most blessed and truest newes from Ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the Protestants, and Gods just vengance on the rebels. With a list of the Protestant commanders, and the chief of the rebels commanders, and the townes that the Protestants have relieved. With the humble petition of the baronets, esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peacably affected in the County Palatine of Lancaster, to the Kings most Excellent Majesty. With His Majesties answer thereunto. Barry, John, 17th cent. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 6, [2] p. Printed for T.W. and G.H., London, : 1642. "Blessed newes from Ireland" signed: John Barry. Item at reel 1861:26 incorrectly identified as Wing B973. Reproductions of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Registers. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641. Lancashire (England) -- History -- Sources. A51446 R2626 (Wing M2869). civilwar no The most blessed and truest newes from Ireland, shewing, the fortunate successe of the Protestants, and Gods just vengance on the rebels. Wi Barry, John 1642 2190 16 0 0 0 0 0 73 D The rate of 73 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2006-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE Most blessed and truest NEWES FROM IRELAND , SHEWING , The fortunate successe of the Protestants , And Gods just vengance on the Rebels . WITH A List of the Protestant Commanders , and the chief of the Rebels Commanders , and the Townes that the Protestants have relieved . With the humble Petition of the Baronets , Esquires , Ministers , Gentlemen , Freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the County Palatine of Lancaster , to the Kings most Excellent Majesty . With his Majesties Answer thereunto . London , Printed for T. W. and G. H. 1642. A List of the Protestant Commanders , and the chiefe of the Rebels Commanders , and the Towns th●t the Protestants ●ave releeved . The Protestant Commanders Lord Ormond . Lord Brabason . Earle of Baramore . Lord Lisly . Earle of Kildare . S. George Wentworth Captain Armstrong Lord Pore . S. Thomas Lucas . Lord Thomond . Sir Rich. Greenvile . Colonell Monk . Captain Scout . Lord Lambart . Lieut. Col. Loftus , Sir Iohn Sherlock . Serj. Major Wa●●●n . Serj. Major Paget . Serj. Ma. Willoughby The chiefe Rebels . Earle of Care . L. Vis . Mountgarret L. Vis . Herne . Lord Dunsane . L. Bar. of Dunbony . L. Bar. of Logmoe . Earle of Wickloe . Earle of Waxford . Ear . of Catherlaugh Lord Muskre . Lord L●●●●●● . Lord D●lvin . Lord Arkin . Col. Fitz. Gerard . Captaine Demsey . Col. Hugh Birne . Tow●● re●●ved by the Protestants . Athy . Killtrush . Drogheda . Cast . Tippar . Castle Catherlaugh . Cloughgrenan . Wi●glee . Ballilenon . Cast . Rebon . Stradbally . Ballin●kill . Dent . Knockardnegurrath . Burr●s . Knocknemease . O Duns . 〈…〉 int. Clogham . Kingsale . Blessed Newes from Ireland . SIR , SInce many idle rumours are divulged among you , concerning the present condition of Ireland , some of which are improbable , other are so doubtfull , that men have just cause of suspition not to believe . My purpose is therefore at this time intended perfectly to resolve you of the truest affaires , and most reall estate of all Ireland . The Lord Ormond , the Earle of Kildare , the Lord Br●ha●●n , Cap. Armstrong , Quarter-master Generall of the Horse , and Sir George Wentworths troupe , under the command of Captaine Herman , every one with their severall forces overcame the Castle Tippar , which the Rebel had possest , taking from thence great stone of Ammunition , who marching onwards with great courage to Kiltullin , burned by the way many Villages of the Rebels ; and from thence marching to Athy , burnt the Castle and Towne of Ki●●●sh , belonging to the Rebellions Colonel Fitz-Gerald ; from thence they took great store of provision , which the rebels before had taken from the English . Then Sr. Patrick Wymes bringing us a fresh supply of souldiers , consisting of 500. Foot , and 100. Horse , the English Army marched to the Castle of Catherlagh , where the Lord ●●l●in , Earle of West-Meath , the Lord Mountggarrat , the Lord Lo●pon , resisted them with strōg forces , but our men had undaunted spirits , and feared them not in the least respect , and wee having the advantage of them , being on a hil , gave them three vollies of shot , before they came within shot of us , and continuing very eager with them , we took the L. Muskgroo prisoner , & slew about nine score more , then they fled & yeelded up the Castle . From thence we marched to Cloughgrenan , a castle of great strength , and conquered that also ; but the Rebels perceiving their approach , fired the towne ; but Captain Harman knowing that part of the Countrey very well , followed them , and slew a great number of them , and relieved 5 hundred Protestants , exceedingly distressed there . Then we marched on , and relieved Captaine George Grehams Castle called , Ballilenon ; and by the help of the Lord Lievtenants , and Sir Thomas Lucas troups , Castle Rebon and Pert were removed . Marching to Stradbally , we slew many passing over the River Barron , where the Rebels are encamped ; and marching to his Majesties fort of Mary-borough , by the helpe of the Lord Lislyes forces , they relieved Ballynekill : Marching onwards , wee killed threescore Rebels at Knockardnegurrah , the other fled , and yeelded up the towne . The Lord Lievtenant , the Earle of Baramore , the Lord Poore , Earle of Alentia , the Lord Thomond , Sir Thomas Lucas , Sir Richard Grenvile , Captaine Armestrong , and Captaing Scout , with their severall Troups & Forces , relieved Burros , the Duke of Buckinghams Castle , and passing the River Noare , neere unto Florence , Fitz-Patrick , there was a stone Cause-way over a Bog , and passing thereby , we killed many Rebels , and relieved three hundred English Prisoners . Then they relieved Knocknemease , and in the morning Burr , and put foure or five hundred English therein , who had endured a long siege by the rebels . In their returne back they burnt the Country of O Duns , till they came to Castle-Ruffe , and by the help of Colonell Monke , and Captaine Treswel , the one commanding the Lord Generals , and the other the Lord Lislyes Horse-Troops , slew foure hundred at the p●ssage of Portnehint , possest by the rebels . S. Patricke relieved the English in Ballynekill , who were in great distresses for want of victuals , sending the eighty Barrels of Wheat and Beere belonging to Dempsey , a notorious rebell : all whose villages they burnt , especially the Territory of Clanmaleero . Foure miles from Athy at the Bridge of Magainy , were about seven thousand Foot , and two hundred Horse of the rebels , conducted ( as the Prisoners taken told us ) by Viscount Mountgarrat , the Lord Viscount Ikerin , the Earle of Care , the Lord Dunsane , the Lord Astry , the Lord Baron of Dunbony , the Baron of Loghmoe , and most of the principall rebels , of the Counties of Wickloe , VVexford , Catherlaugh , Kildare , Kilkenny , and Queens County , who drew up part of their Forces to Pankardstown , neere Grang Mellon . By the directions of the Lord Generall , Corner Butler , and Cornet Magrah , were sent to discover the rebels , and their Forces being understood to be so great , a Councell of of Warre was called , and it was debated what resolution was fittest to be taken . It was concluded , that two thousand foure hundred foot , and foure hundred horse should be raised against them , and put into this order of marching : First , Cornet Pollard , with thirty Horse and forty Firelocks , as a Vantcurriers , and forlorne hope . Then the baggage belonging to the horse . In the next place six Troops of horse led by Sir Tho. Lucas , Comissary Generall for the Horse in two divisions . Then followed the baggage of the foot Vieres . Next Captain Edmund Matthew , the Lord Pillon , son to the Earle of Roscommon , the Lord Brabason , sonne to the Earle of Meath , Sir Robert Farrer , Collonell John Barry , Serjeant Major John Oagle , every one in the severall ranks and orders . Then followed foure divisions of foot , each consisting of three hundred . The Artillery and Ammunition followed . Then two Troops of horse by Sir Richard Greenvile , after him Lievtenant Devalier . And the Lord Ormund marched in the reere . On the left hand there lay of the rebels , the Lord Mountgarrat , Earle of Care , and Colonell Hugh Birne : against them marched Sir Iohn Sherlocke , Lieutenant Collonell of the Lord Lambarts regiment , Lievtenant Collonel Lofins , Serjeant Major VVarren , Serjant Maior Pageat , Seriant Maior VVilloughby and encountred very sharply with them , and slew three hundred and seventy rebels , and the rest fled . They have taken Waterford , Arkloo , Washford , and some other Towns , but we hope to recover them very suddenly . And when more happy fortune , and convenient successe shall be given us , I will transport the truth thereof unto you . In the meane time , I beseech you to accept the affectionate love of , From Athy , May 14. 1642. Your most indulgent friend , John Barry . The humble Petition of the Baronets , Esquires , Ministers , Gentlemen , Freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the County Palatine of Lancaster . Shewing to Your Sacred Majesty , OVr heart-breaking sense and sorrow for the unhappy Rents and Dstractions in your Majesties Dominions , especially in the Session of so grave and godly an Assembly , ( most graciously conveened by Your Majesty ) endeavouring the glory of Almighty God in the Reformation of Religion , and the honour and weale of Your Majesty , and Your Realms , in setling and securing your Royall Throne in plenty & peace . But perceiving the long and remote distance of your Majesty from that Honourable Assembly , to have distracted the hearts of your good Subjects , and animated the Popish and malignant party amongst us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forraigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our Land , and the subduing of the Rebels in Ireland ; and finding your Majesties late resolution for that expedition , to threaten danger to your Royall Person , farre more worth then ten thousand of us . We therefore your Majesties most loyall Subjects out of our zeale to Gods true Religion , your Majesties honour and safety , and the peace and welfare of your Dominions ; and out of the deepe sense and apprehension of our interest in the same , do in all humility present and prostrate our selves , and supplication at your Royall feet , beseeching your Majesty to return to your great Councell ( there presentative body of your Kingdome ) in whom this Nation hath so farre confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties ; and in which multitude of Counsellours there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby the Royall Throne may be established in Righteousnesse , and we with the rest of your Faithfull Subjects shall continually praise and pray for your prosperous and happy Raigne over us . At the Court at , Yorke the 10 of May , 1642. His Majestie hath expressely commanded me to give you this His Answer to your Petition . THat this Petion , as some others of this nature is grounded upon mis-information , and being grieved and highly essended to see how his good people have been and are abused by the false rumors and intelligences , which have procured , causlesse feares and apprehensions , referres the Petitioners to the Answers hee hath given to the Declaration presented to Him at Now market , and to the Petition presented to Him the 26. of March last at Yorke , wherein His Majesty saith , you will clearely perceive , that He is not gone , but driven from his Parliament : His Majesty likewise , for your further information of His proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration , His two Messages , and Declaration concerning Hull , and His Message touching the Reasons of His refusall to grant the Militia , all which , when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your County , He doubts not , but that you will rest very well satisfied of His consent and resolution for the maintaining of , and governing His people by the Law of the Land , His unmoveable resolution for the maintenance and defence of the true Protestant Profession , and the suppression of the barbarous Irish Rebellion , and His Majesty saith , That he believes you may then finde reason to petition the Parliament to comply with his Majesties just desires , and gracious offers , which is the only way safely and speedily to cure , the present distractions of this Kingdom , and with Gods blessing to put a happy end to the Irish rebellion : for the effecting whereof , as his Maiesty hath often said , he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazzard of his Person or fortune . Edward Nicholas . FINIS . 
A62770	----	To the Kings Most Excellent Majestie the humble petition of the Baronets, Esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of Lancaster. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A62770 of text R26321 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T1528). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A62770 Wing T1528 ESTC R26321 09427787 ocm 09427787 43057 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62770) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43057) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1318:6) To the Kings Most Excellent Majestie the humble petition of the Baronets, Esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peaceably affected in the county palatine of Lancaster. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed for N. Alen, London : 1642. Includes: "At the court at Yorke the 10th of May 1642, His Majestie hath expressly commanded me to give you this his answer to your petition", signed: Edward Nichols. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Lancashire (England) -- Politics and government. Lancashire (England) -- History. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A62770 R26321 (Wing T1528). civilwar no To the Kings Most Excellent Majestie the humble petition of the Baronets, Esquires, ministers, gentlemen, freeholders, and others peaceably [no entry] 1642 697 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Kings most Excellent Majestie : The humble Petition of the Baronets , Esquires , Ministers , Gentlemen , Freeholders , and others peaceably affected in the County Palatine of Lancaster . Shewing to Your Sacred Majestie OVr heart-breaking sense and sorrow for the unhappy Rents and Distractions in Your Majesties Dominions , especially in the Sesion of so grave and godly an Assembly , ( most gratiously convened by Your Majestie ) endeavouring the glory of Almighty God in the Reformation of Religion , and the Honour and Weale of Your Majestie , and Your Realms , in setling and securing Your Royall Throne in plenty and peace . But perceiving the long and remote distance of Your Majestie from that Honourable Assembly , to have distracted the hearts of Your good Subjects , and animated the Popish and malignant party amongst us , and fearing it may expose us to the danger and fury of a forraigne foe , retard the setling of the weighty affaires in our Land , and the subduing of the Rebels in Ireland ; and finding Your Majesties late Resolution for that expedition , to threaten danger to Your Royall Person , farre more worth then ten thousand of us . We therefore Your Majesties most loyall Subjects out of our zeale to Gods true Religion , Your Majesties Honour and safety , and the Peace and Welfare of Your Dominions ; and out of the deepe sence and apprehension of our interest in the same , doe in all humility present and prostrate our selves , and supplication at Your Royall feet , beseeching Your Majestie to returne to Your great Councell ( the representative body of Your kingdome ) in whom this Nation hath so farre confided , that they have intrusted them with their lives , liberties ; and in which multitude of Counsellours there is health and stedfastnesse , and whereby the Royall Throne may be established in Righteousnesse , and we with the rest of Your faithfull Subjects shall continually prayse and pray for Your prosperous and happy Raigne over us . At the Court YORKE the 10th . of MAY , 1642. His Majestie hath expresly commanded me to give you this His ANSWER to your PETITION . THat this Petition as some others of this nature is grounded upon misinformation , and being grieved and highly offended to see how his good People have been and are abused by the false rumours and intelligences , which have procured causlesse feares and apprehensions , referres the Petitioners to the Answers he hath given to the Declaration presented to him at Newmarket , and to the Petition presented to him the six and twentieth of March , last at Yorke ; wherein his Majesty faith you will clearly perceive that he is not gone but driven from his Parliament : his Majesty likewise for your further information of his proceedings and intentions , recommends to your view and consideration his two Messages , and Declaration concernig Hull , and his Message touching the reasons of his refusall to grant the Militia , all which when they shall be fully represented to the rest of your County , he doubts not , but that you will rest very well satisfied of his consent and resolution for the maintaining of , and governing his People by the Law of the Land , his unmoveable resolution for the maintenance and defence of the true Protestant Profession , and the suppression of the barbarous Irish Rebellion , and his Majesty faith , that he beleeves you may then finde reason to petition the Parliament to comply with his Majesties just desires and gratious offers , which is the onely way safely and speedily to cure the present distractions of this Kingdom , and with Gods blesssing to put a happy end to the Irish Rebellion : for the effecting whereof , as his Maejsty hath often said , he will neither spare paines , nor decline any hazard of his Person or fortune . Edward Nichols . London , Printed for N. Alen . May 26. 1642. 
A62773	----	To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty the humble petition of the gentry, citizens, and others, Your Majesties loyall subjects of the county and citie of York. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A62773 of text R26361 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing T1534). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A62773 Wing T1534 ESTC R26361 09440304 ocm 09440304 43108 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62773) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43108) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1318:7) To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty the humble petition of the gentry, citizens, and others, Your Majesties loyall subjects of the county and citie of York. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Printed for Joseph Hunscott, London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Yorkshire (England) -- Politics and government. Yorkshire (England) -- History. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A62773 R26361 (Wing T1534). civilwar no To the Kings most Excellent Majesty the humble petition of the gentry, citizens, and others, Your Majesties loyall subjects of the county an [no entry] 1642 719 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-08 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ To the Kings most Excellent Majesty . The humble Petition of the Gentry , Citizens , and others Your Majesties Loyall Subjects of the County and Citie of York . Most Gratious Soveraign , WE Your Majesties faithfull Subjects and Petitioners , do in all humility acknowledge Your Majesties aboundant Grace in calling this present Parliament , to consult with , and advise Your Majestie touching the redresse of the oppressions , and other grievances of Your Subjects , both in the Church , and Civill State of this Your Kingdom of England : And we do with like humble thankfulnesse , acknowledge Your Majesties forwardnesse and Fatherly care to relieve them , declared by sundry most just and excellent Laws already enacted , for the re-estating of Your Subjects in their antient Rights and Priviledges , and for taking away part of those Pressures that lay upon them . And amongst the rest , We have more particular cause to be thankfull for Your Majesties Gratious care , in part securing this County , by putting a Garrison into Hull , commanded by such Persons , in whom we have just cause to confide : Which Princely proceedings of Your Majesty hath infused a strong confidence into Your Petitioners , That Your Majesty inclined to ease your Subjects in all whatsoever grievances ; Whereof they have complained to Your Majesty in Parliament , as well touching Reformation of Church Government , and Ceremonies in Religion , as touching the Civill Government , and Administration of Justice , Yet so it is most Gratious Soveraign , That now of late the Rights , and Liberties of Parliament , being the Representative body of the whole Kingdom , And the Rights and Liberties of every Subject involved therein , have been in a most dangerous and unusuall manner invaded and violated : Whereof we , with the rest of Your Majesties Loyall Subjects ( to our unspeakable grief ) are most senseable ; And to enlarge the cause of our sorrows , We do now understand that Your Majesty hath withdrawn Your Royall Presence , from Your Great Councell , who wanting the comfort of it , are not able to proceed with such effect , as is requisite in those great Affairs of Church and State , that are daily presented to them ; Which Characters of displeasure , we humbly presume , have been engraven in Your Majesties most gratious disposition , by the subtile work and Councell of those disaffected persons , who study nothing more , then to beget differences and jealousies between Your Majesty , and Your more Loyall Subjects of the reformed Religion , with intention to hinder and disturb the perfect Reformation in matters of Religion , and sending over Succours to Your distressed Protestant Subjects in Ireland , where the Papists do most inhumanely destroy all that will not renounce the reformed Religion , and embrace Popery . YOur Majesties Petitioners therefore most humbly pray , That Your Majesty will be pleased henceforward to shut Your Sacred Ears against such malignant Councells , And in all affairs to repose Your confidence wholly upon the Wisedome and fidelity of Your Great Councell now assembled in Parliament , and by their advice to settle and dispose such places of trust , as may conduce to the safety of Your Majesties Dominions ; not doubting but their care will equally tender Your Majesties Honour with the publike Interests and welfare of Your Kingdomes . And that those Members of Parliament lately accused of Treason may have a fair and speedy tryall , according to the Priviledge of the House , that so they may either receive condigne punishment . If they have offended , or being acquite , may cheerfully attend those weighty affairs , appertaining to their charge . And lastly , That Your Majesty will not hereafter suffer to be enterprised any thing tending to the Violation or breach of Priviledges of Parliament . And Your Petitioners shall pray for Your Majesties long and prosperous Raign , &c. This is the perfect Copy which was presented to His Majestie this instant February . Febr. 19. London , Printed for Joseph Hunscott . 1641. 
A45024	----	To the Kings Most Excellent Majestie, the humble petition of the countie of Cornvvall This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A45024 of text R36806 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing H3501A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A45024 Wing H3501A ESTC R36806 16137728 ocm 16137728 104790 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A45024) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 104790) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1594:14) To the Kings Most Excellent Majestie, the humble petition of the countie of Cornvvall Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. Imprinted at London by Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill, [London] : 1642. At foot: His Majesties answer to the petition of Cornwall, at the court at York. 26. June 1642. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Oaths -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Cornwall (England : County) -- History. A45024 R36806 (Wing H3501A). civilwar no To the Kings Most Excellent Majestie, the humble petition of the countie of Cornvvall [no entry] 1642 684 2 0 0 0 0 0 29 C The rate of 29 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Kings Most Excellent MAJESTIE The humble Petition of the Countie of CORNVVALL . WE Your Majesties most Loyall Subjects in all duty render unto Your Majestie all thankfulnesse for Your Majesties Unexempled favour and Grace in granting unto your Subjects , by the Concurrence with Your Parliament , such Lawes and freedoms , which have most fully expressed Your Majesties gracious goodnesse unto Your People ; And we most thankfully receive Your Majesties free offer of a Generall Pardon , whereof we most humbly desire to be made partakers . And we most humbly beseech Your Majestie , Never to suffer Your Subjects to be Governed by an Arbitrary Government , nor admit an alteration in Religion . And your Petitioners being most feelingly grieved for Your Majesties discontents ( partly occasioned by divers scandalous Pamphlets , and seditious Sermons , and no way lessened by unlawfull Tumults ) do wish a confluence of all Comforts , Honour and Happinesse unto Your Majestie , and do most heartily pray for the Reconcilement between Your Majestie and Your Parliament : And in all humble thankfulnesse for Your Majesties said Grace and Goodnesse , your Petitioners do offer themselves most ready to maintain and defend with their lives and fortunes Your Majesties Sacred Person , Honour , Estate and lawfull Prerogative against all persons whatsoever , according to the Oaths of Supremacy , and Allegiance . CORNUB . Iohn Grills high Sheriffe . Warwick Lord Mohun . Sir Iohn Trelawney Knight and Baronet . Sir William Wrey Knight and Ba●onet . Iohn Arundell of Trerise Esq. Charles Trevanion Esq . Walter Langdon Esq . Peter Courtney Esq . Samuel Cosowarth Esq . Richard Prideaux Esq . Iohn Arundell Esq . Renatus Billot Esq . Francis Iones Esq . Robert Rous Esq . Edward Trelawney Esq . Nevil Blighe Esq . William Bastard Esq . Charles Grills Esq . Nathanael Dillon Esq . William Arundell Gent. William Courtney Gent. Edward Courtney Gent. Walter Glin Gent. Edward Cook Gent. Hugh Pomeroy Esq . Ambrose Billot Gent. Iohn Samuel Gent. Nichol . Kendall Major of Lostwithyell . Obadiah Ghoship Cler. Iohn Kette Cler. Thomas Harrison Cler. Thomas Porter Cler. Simon Lann Cler. Iohn Peter Cler. George Brush Cler. Barnard Achim Gent. Theophilus Laugherne Gent. William Guavas Gent. Nicholas Sawell Gent. William Robinson Gent. Thomas Robinson Gent. Ioseph Iolly Gent. Thomas Tre●r Gent. THe foresaid Gentlemen Subscribed at Lostwithyell unto the Petition directed to His Majestie , together with seven thousand more , Esquires , Gentlemen , Freeholders and other Inhabitants which subscribed and subsigned the said Petition in their severall Parishes . ❧ His MAJESTIES Answer to the Petition of Cornwall , At the Court at YORK . 26. June 1642. HIs Majestie is so very well pleased with the duety and affection of this Petition , That He hath commanded me to signifie His good acceptance of it , and thanks for it to the County of Cornwall , and to assure them , That as He will be alwayes ready to increase the happinesse of His People , by consenting to such good new Laws , as shall be proposed to Him for their advantage , so He will be forward to venture His life in maintenance of the Religion and Laws established , which He doubts not , with the assistance of the Petitioners , and other His good Subjects He shall be able to defend : His Majestie will be ready to grant such a generall Pardon to the Petitioners as they desire ; And will no longer expect the continuance of their duety and affection , then Himself continues true to those Professions He hath so often made of maintaining and defending the Religion and Laws of this Kingdom . Falkland . ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : and by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A65911	----	The message from the Hovse of Commons to the Lords by Bulstrode Whitlocke and presented to Their Lordships by him. Whereunto is added His Maiesties most gracious answer to their message, February 22, 1642. Whitlocke, Bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A65911 of text R26357 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing W1987). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A65911 Wing W1987 ESTC R26357 09436560 ocm 09436560 43104 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A65911) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 43104) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1320:6) The message from the Hovse of Commons to the Lords by Bulstrode Whitlocke and presented to Their Lordships by him. Whereunto is added His Maiesties most gracious answer to their message, February 22, 1642. Whitlocke, Bulstrode, 1605-1675 or 6. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [7] p. Printed by E. Griffin, London : 1642. A discussion of measures to be taken against the Irish Rebellion. The Kings answer appears in paraphrase only. Reproduction of original in the Harvard University Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. A65911 R26357 (Wing W1987). civilwar no The message from the House of Commons to the Lords, by Master Bulstrode Whitlocke Esquire, and presented to their Lordships by him. Whereunt England. Parliament. House of Commons 1643 1621 2 0 0 0 0 0 12 C The rate of 12 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2006-02 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-02 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-03 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-03 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE MESSAGE FROM THE HOVSE OF COMMONS to the LORDS , By Master Bulstrode Whitlocke Esquire , and presented to their Lordships by him . Whereunto is added His Maiesties most gracious Answer to their Message , February 22 , 1642. H. Elsinge Cler. do . Com. C R London Printed by E. Griffin , 1642. AT a Conference of both Houses in the painted Chamber , Reported againe as followeth by the Lord Roberts to the house of Lords concerning the importance of imbracing and promoving the designe of those Petitioners who desire and hope that the state may be eased of the charge of the Irish Warre , by the undertaking of particular adventurers in the houses of Parliament , London and the rest of the Kingdome . Master Whitlocke , WHo managed the conference , acquainted my Lords , that he was commanded by the house of Commons to present a Vote of that house to your Lordships , which being read , he afterwards proceeded . That whereas your Lordships were pleased to returne thankes lately to the King with the House of Commons for his Maiesties favour expressed in the passing of two Bils much importing the safety , quiet and content of this Kingdome , and the King had thereupon recommended to both houses the care of Ireland , so as these propositions read to your Lordships even with relation to that message , were seasonable . Then he offered by way of pretension , something concerning the tytle , which was , the vote of the Lords and Commons . This he knew your Lordships understood to be but matter of forme , for your Lordships consent was that , which must make it to be so . He then proceeded and offered to your Lordships three motives , each begining and concluding the entertainement of this course . 1 The reducing of Ireland . 2 The proffit of the King . 3 The ease of the people of England . For the first , Ireland was in that condition , as not onely the civill power , which was wont to be the former quarrell , but now even religion , the rooting up of the protestant religion , and extirpation of the English is the quarrell . The rebels are so audacious as to scandalize the King and Queene ; and the question is not now , whether Irish or English , but whether the Protestant or Popish Religion shall stand in that Kingdome ; This Rage of theirs stayes not there ; they intend to stayne this land with the bloud of Protestants . The life and soule of Religion is now at stake , and hee made no doubt every good Protestant will lay downe his life and fortune for the preservation of it . Then he came to the second motive , which he amplified , first by way of disadvantage , and shewed , what a losse it would be to the King , to be bereaved of that large and fruitfull Island , which was a third part of the Kings dominions , yea a third Kingdome . He then shewed how much the preservation of it conduced to the Kings profit , and how improveable this would be , by keeping that : now was the time to make him a through King there , and to esta●lish the throne , which had bin disputed and ●ottering in that Realme these 400 yeares . He then proceeded to the third motive , and said the people of England , have lately undergone many and heavie payments ; he meant not those illegall payments , which were a just punishment , to such as would submit to such uniust charges , but he spake of the levyes by Parliament , the burthen whereof together with the decay of trade , our neighbours in the Country were very sensible , by those propositions reade to your Lordships , the poorer sort will be eased , the payments made easie , because voluntary , and thereupon will be many and chearefull givers , who must ever have the honour of a memory to have contributed to so good a worke ; so as where profit is an ingredient with piety and Loyalty , the plaister will be sooner applyed to Ireland . When therefore our duty to God , and the King , may invite to so good a worke , he doubted not of your Lordships concurrence with the House of Commons for the good of that , which was the good of the Kingdome . Having said thus much in generall he offered some thing to the propositions in particular . That whereas the first Proposition demanded two Millions and halfe of Acres for the undertakers , which might at first sight looke as a great demand to such as know not the extent of that Kingdome which is computed by those who well understood the latitude of it , to containe 15. Millions of Acres , and therefore to take out two Millions and halfe , when two parts of three of that Kingdome are in open rebellion , is not so great a demand , as may at first sight appeare ; and the proposition conduceth much to the raising of Rent to the King ; He said it was well knowne that the revenew of the Exchequer , and Court of wards in Ireland , did not exceed the summe of 43000 l. yearely , besides the Customes which your Lordships found not great , except in Monopolies and undue charges , what ever the customes are , they will be by these propositions much advanced , 20 or 30 Thousand pounds a yeare rent will accrew to the Crowne by the reservations in them exprest , besides 7 Millions and halfe of Acres , over and above the two Millions and halfe desired in the propositions left to the Kings disposall . The other propositions which are for the manner of bringing in of the money are very necessary , nothing being of more consequence then to dispatch this warre . He observed out of Livy , that the Romans made their warres great and short , some they finisht within 6 , some within 10 , other within 20 dayes , as with the Samnites , Latins , &c. He did not mention this , as though it were feasable for us to conclude this warre in so short a time , but onely to prove by the Actions of that great State , that nothing is more advantageous to a State , then the speedy dispatch of a warre , and he hopes that if this money comes in , the warre of Ireland might be brought to a short issue : he added that he remembred with griefe the former obstructions for Ireland , but he now hopeth by the King and your Lordships concurrences , that delayes will be turned into dispatches ; and this was necessary because forragine Princes though now otherwise imployed , will be a wakened by a lasting warre , to take care of our affaires . He observeth the course of Irelands first plantation , to suite much to this propounded . King William the first , gave leave to 12 Knights to goe into Wales to get what they could and to plant themselves there , from those descended Richard le strong bow , first Earle of Pembrooke , who made the first impression in that Kingdome . Of which Geraldus Cambrensis saith , that it should be maintain'd Multis caedibus , crebris Conflictibus multoque certamine , he hopeth the course now in hand will give a period to that Conquest , and this prophesie , and that those intended plantations may be as prosperous to settle , as the former to gaine that Kingdome . Wherefore this worke being so full of piety , honour , and charity , none shall need to speake for it , the workes speake for it selfe . And so delivering the vote of that house to your Lordships he concluded the Conference . His Maiesties most gracious Answer to the Message of the House of Commons to the Lords . HIs Majesty being very glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the calamitie of his distressed Kingdome of Ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or Imposition , and for the ease of his good Subjects of this Kingdome , hath graciously considered the overture made by both Horses of Parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answer . That as he hath offered and is still ready to venture his owne Royall person for the recovery of that Kingdome , if his Parliament shall advise him thereunto , soe he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there , and therefore relying upon the wisdome of this Parliament doth consent to every proposition now made to him without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing of that Kingdome by exasperating the Rebells and rendering them desperate of being receaved into grace , If they shall returne to their obedience ; and his Majesty will be ready to give his Royall Assent as to all such Bills as shall be tendered unto him by his Parliament to the Confirmation of every particular of this proposition , &c. H. ELSYNGE , Cler-Parl . D. Com. 
A67885	----	Two letters of his sacred Maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the Irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters. Bristol, George Digby, Earl of, 1612-1677. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A67885 of text R200243 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2851). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A67885 Wing C2851 ESTC R200243 99861049 99861049 113176 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A67885) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 113176) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 49:E298[31]) Two letters of his sacred Maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the Irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretation of one maine passage in his late letters. Bristol, George Digby, Earl of, 1612-1677. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. Printed by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the universitie., Oxford: [i.e. London] : 1645. Although attributed to Charles I, the first letter is in fact by Lord George Digby, who has signed it in "Two remarkable letters concerning the Kings correspondence with the Irish rebels" (Wing B4785; Madan 1810); the second, addressed to Nicholas, is signed: C.R. The imprint is false; "issued in London, .. a counterfeit"--Madan. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Sept: 3d". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Religion -- 17th century. A67885 R200243 (Wing C2851). civilwar no Two letters of his sacred Maiesty, one, in vindication of him, touching the Irish affaires; the other, concerning the late mis-interpretatio Bristol, George Digby, Earl of 1645 1148 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 B The rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2000-00 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2001-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2001-12 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2001-12 TCP Staff (Michigan) Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion TWO LETTERS OF HIS Sacred Maiesty , One , In Vindication of Him , touching the IRISH Affaires ; The other , Concerning a late Mis-interpretation of one maine Passage in his late LETTERS . OXFORD : Printed by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Universitie . 1645. TWO LETTERS Of His Sacred MAIESTIE , &c. My Lords and Gentlemen . HIS Majestie having long expected a conclusion of a happie Peace within that Kingdome , and his affaires having highly suffered by the faylure of his expectations from thence , cannot chuse but wonder what cause is of it ; calling to mind those faire professions and promises which you made unto him , when you were imployed here as Agents , and knowing well what powers and instructions he hath long since given my Lord Lieutenant to comply with you for your satisfaction , as farre forth as with any reason or honour his Majestie could in civill things , or with prudence , or conscience , in matters of Religion ; and in this latter , as to the utmost of what for any wordly consideration , hee will ever be induced unto : so did he conceive it nothing lesse , then what you declared unto him , you were perswaded the Catholiques would be satisfied withall ; nay , ought not in their owne interests , to seeke more in the present Condition His Majestie was in , lest any further concessions might by confirming former scandalls cast upon his Majestie in matters of Religion , so alienate the hearts of his Faithfull and Loyall Adherents , as to make them abandon him , which as yet would draw inevitable ruine upon him ; so were you rightly apprehensive , that when the Rebells should by that meanes have prevailed here , it must soone after bring a certaine destruction upon your selves ; What your change of Principles , or Resolutions are , His Majestie knowes not : But he findes , by the not concluding of a Peace there , that your Partie ( it seemes ) is not satisfied with the utmost that His Majestie can grant in Matters of Religion ; that is , the taking away of the Penall Lawes against Roman Catholiques within that Kingdome : And his Majestie heares that you insist upon the Demands of Churches , for the Publique Exercise of your Religion , which is the occasion that His Majestie hath commanded me to Write thus Frankly unto you , and to tell you , that he cannot believe it possible , that Rationall and Prudent men ( had there beene no Propositions made to the contrary ) can insist upon that , which must needs be so destructive to His Majestie at the present , and to your selves , in the consequences of His Ruine ; that is , inevitably to be made a prey to the Rebells of these Kingdomes , or to a Forraine Nation . Wherefore , ( my Lords and Gentlemen ) to disabuse you , I am commanded by His Majestie to Declare unto you , that were the condition of His Affaires much more desperate then it is , hee would never redeeme them by any concession of so much wrong , both to His Honour , and Conscience . It is for the defence of His Religion principally , that he hath undergone the extremities of Warre here , and hee will never redeeme His Crowne by sacrificing of it there : so that to deale clearely with you , you may be happie your selves , and be happie Instruments of His Majesties restoring , if you will be contented with reason , and give him that speedie assistance which you well may ; and so if nothing will content you , but what must wound His Honour , and Conscience , you must expect , that how low soever his Condition is , and how detestable soever the Rebells of this Kingdome are to Him , hee will in that poynt joyne with them , the Scots , or with any of the Protestant Profession , , rather then doe the least act that may hazard that Religion , in which , and for which , hee will live and die . Having said thus much by his Majesties Command , I have no more to adde , but that I shall thinke my selfe very happie , if this take any such effect as may tend to the Peace of that Kingdome , and make me Your affectionate humble Servant , 1. August , 1645. Cardiffe , the 4. of August , 1645. NICHOLAS , HAving commanded your fellow Secretary to give you a full accompt , as well of our Proceedings here as Resolutions , I will neither trouble you nor my Selfe with repetitions ; onely for my selfe , I must desire you to let everie one know , that no distresse● of fortune whatsoever , shall make me by the grace of God , in any thing recede from those grounds I layd downe to you , who were my Commissioners at Uxbridge , and which ( I thanke them ) the Rebells have published in Print : and though I could have wished that their paines had beene spared , yet I will neither denie that those things are mine which they have set out in my Name ( onely some words here and there mistaken , and some Comma's misplaced , but not much materiall ) nor as a good Protestant or honest man , blush for any of those Papers : indeed as a discreet man I will not justifie my Selfe , and yet I would faine know him who would be willing , that the freedome of all his private Letters were publikely seene as mine have now beene . However , so that one clause bee rightly understood , I care not much though the rest take their Fortune ; It is concerning the Mungrell Parliament : the truth is , That Sussex his Factiousnesse at that time put mee somewhat out of patience , which made me freely vent my displeasure against those of his partie to my wife , and the intention of that Phrase was , That his Faction did what they could to make it come to that , by their raysing and fomenting of base Propositions . This is clearely evidenced by my following excuse to her for suffering those people to trouble her , the reason being to eschew those greater inconveniencies which they had , and were more likely to cause here then there . I am now going to supper , and so I rest Your most assured Friend , C. R. FINIS . 
A69793	----	A Copie of certaine letters which manifest and designe of the late discovered plot first His Majesties letter to the city of London, secondly the Lord Digbies letter to Sir Bazill Brooke, lastly other intercepted letters touching the same businesse. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A69793 of text R15261 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C6193). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A69793 Wing C6193 ESTC R15261 12099775 ocm 12099775 54066 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A69793) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 54066) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 242:E81, no 16) A Copie of certaine letters which manifest and designe of the late discovered plot first His Majesties letter to the city of London, secondly the Lord Digbies letter to Sir Bazill Brooke, lastly other intercepted letters touching the same businesse. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Digby, Kenelm, Sir, 1603-1665. [2], 6 p. s.n.], [London : 1643. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Brooke, Basil, -- Sir, 1576-1646? A69793 R15261 (Wing C6193). civilwar no A copie of certaine letters, which manifest the designe of the late discovered plot. First, His Majesties letter to the City of London. Seco England and Wales Sovereign 1644 1285 19 0 0 0 0 0 148 F The rate of 148 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2005-08 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-09 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-10 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2005-10 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A COPIE Of certaine LETTERS , Which Manifest the Designe of the late discovered PLOT . FIRST , His MAJESTIES Letter to the City of LONDON . Secondly , The Lord DIGBIES Letter to Sir Bazill Brooke . Lastly , Other intercepted Letters touching the same Businesse . Printed in the Yeare , 1643. His Majesties Letter . TRusty and welbeloved , Wee greet you well . When Wee remember the many Acts of Grace and favour Wee and Our Royall Predecessors have conferred upon that Our City of London , and the many Examples of eminent Dutie and Loyalty , for which that City hath beene likewise famous , Wee are willing to beleeve , notwithstanding the great defection Wee have found in that place , that all men are not so farre degenerated from their Affection to Vs & to the Peace of the Kingdome , as to desire a continuance of the miseries they now feel ; & therefore being informed , that there is a desire in some principall Persons of that City to present a Petition to Vs , which may tend to the procuring a good understanding betweene Vs and that Our City , wheret the Peace of the whole Kingdome may be procured Wee have thought fit to let you know , That Wee are ready to receive any such Petition , and the Persons who shall be imployed to present the same to Vs , shall have a safe Conduct ; And you shall assure all Our good Subjects of that Our City , whose hearts are touched with any sense of Duty to Vs , or of Love to the Religion and Lawes established , in the quiet and peaceable Fruition whereof they and their Ancestors have enjoyed so great Happinesse , That Wee have neither past any Act , nor made any Profession or Protestation for the maintenance and Defence of the true Protestant Religion , and the Liberty of the Subject , which Wee will not most strictly and religiously observe ; and for the which , Wee will not be alwayes ready to give them any security can be devised . And of these Our Gracious Letters , Wee expect a speedy Answer from you . And so Wee did You farewell . Given at Our Court at Oxford , 28. Decemb. 1643. To Our trusty and welbeloved , Our Lord Major ▪ and Aldermen of Our City of London , and to all other Our wel-affected Subjects of that City . There was another Letter from the King to the City , dated the 2. of January instant , verbatim as this is , onely the last was thus directed , To Our trusty and welbeloved , Our Lord Major , the Aldermen , and Common-Councell of Our City of London . The Lord Digbies Letter to Sir Bazil Brooke . SIR , THe King and Queen have both commanded me to give you thanks in their name , for your care and diligence in their service ; and His Majesty hath so much confidence in your discretion and warinesse not to be deluded , that in hopes of the good effects towards a happy peace , which you seeme to promise your selfe from this negotiation ; His Majesty is pleased to descend very far in writing so gracious a Letter to those , who may seeme to have deserved so ill of him . I send you herewithall a Copy of the Letter it selfe , which varies onely in the stile , not in the matter , from that draught which was sent downe hither ; which , ( if you like , and continue confidence , that it might be effectuall to so blessed an end , as Peace and Union ) you are to deliver to those parties , seconded with assurances of His Majesties most gracious and sincere inclination , to give them full satisfaction in all their reasonable desires ; but if you shall finde cause to lessen the beliefe you had of a powerfull effect by this Letter of His Majesties , it is then recommended to your discretion , to forbear the deliv●ry of it ; since it would be a very unfit thing , to impose 〈◊〉 great a grace and condescending of His Majesty to hazards of being made frustrate and contemned . God send you happy successe in this great undertaking : I professe it is that , wherein my belief and reason goe along more comfortably then with any thing that I have known in projection since these troubles : but it is not fit to wade further into the businesse this hazardous way ; and therefore I shall adde no more , but that I am , your very affectionate servant , Decemb. 29. 1643. SIR , THis inclosed shall serve for you , aswell as for him to whom it is directed : lose no time , you were expected here every day this weeke : if you can bring this businesse to a happy conclusion , besides the generall good , it will be for your owne particular , the best that ever you did ▪ If you come not with this bearer , I pray you send me by him the furred Coate I wrote to you for : make all the possible haste you can , that the Petitions may speedily be sent hither , and assure your friends , that if they performe their parts of the six propositions , I am confident , the K. will condescend to their desires . Decemb. 30 1643. A Letter , intituled , to the man in the Moon . SIR , I wrote to you formerly , but never had any answer . I assure you faithfully , I have not bin wanting to doe what you desired ( as you may perceive by the effects ) and if you have not your desire , blame your selves : But give me leave to tell you , that if you neglect the opportunity now offered you , it may be , you shall never have the like againe ; for I have made Her whom you 〈◊〉 given just occasion to be your worst friend , to be 〈◊〉 b●st , and the onely instrument to procure what 〈…〉 sent you ; and be co●fident she shall still be so , provi●●● you doe your parts . Consider , I beseech you , what 〈◊〉 gate is opened by bringing in of the Scots , for the ●●●struction of this Kingdom : if there be not a peace ( whi●● I pray God Almighty to send speedily ) you must ●●●pect armies of strangers from severall places , who a●● now a preparing , who certainely at their in-commi●● will over-runne the whole Kingdome , and when it is pa●● remedy , you will se your owne errour : therefore ( 〈◊〉 prevent more misery then I am able to expresse to th●● deplorable Kingdome and the effusion of the blood 〈◊〉 millions of men , women , and children , which must i●fallibly be this summer ) apply your selves in an humb●● and submissive way to His Majesty , whom , I know , ye● will finde ready with armes out-stretched to receive 〈◊〉 both to favour and mercy , and even grant you gra●● beyond expectation : Deferre no time for Gods sake , and what you will do , do speedily , I say againe do it speedil● and lose no time for reasons I may not write . FINIS . 
A70417	----	Mr. Speakers speech with His Majesties speech to both Houses of Parliament at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage being an answer to Mr. Speakers speech at the presenting thereof 22 June 1641. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A70417 of text R13949 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing L1089). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A70417 Wing L1089 ESTC R13949 13023466 ocm 13023466 96649 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70417) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 96649) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 259:E198, no 23 or 259:E198, no 24) Mr. Speakers speech with His Majesties speech to both Houses of Parliament at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage being an answer to Mr. Speakers speech at the presenting thereof 22 June 1641. England and Wales. Parliament. Lenthall, William, 1591-1662. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) [2], 6 p. s.n.], [London : 1641. His Majesties speech to both Houses of Parliament, June 22, 1641 on p. 5. William Lenthall, Speaker of the House. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. eng Tonnage fees -- England. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. A70417 R13949 (Wing L1089). civilwar no Mr. Speakers speech, with His Majesties speech to both Houses of Parliament, at the passing of the bill for tonnage and poundage: being an a Lenthall, William 1641 698 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2004-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-02 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2004-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2004-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Mr. Speakers SPEECH , WITH HIS MAJESTIES SPEECH TO BOTH HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT , At the passing of the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage : BEING An Answer to Mr. SPEAKERS Speech at the presenting thereof , 22. Iune 1641. Printed in the yeare , 1641. HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE CR royal blazon or coat of arms Mr. SPEAKERS SPEECH In the LORDS House of Parliament , Iune 22. 1641. THat policy , most gratious and dread Soveraigne , which weighs the Prerogative of the King and property of the Subject in the same Scales , and increases the plenty of the Crowne , and contentment of the people ; the even poising of this Beame enables both , the one being ordained for the preservation of the other . This principle is so riveted into the hearts of your Subjects by the Acts of their Ancestours , & traditions of their fore-fathers , that it hath created a beliefe in them , that their wills are bound to a due allegiance , and their fortunes and estates , as well as their duty and subjection , must bend to the Commands of that Soveraigne power with which God hath invested your sacred Majestie . Compulsary obedience , advanced by the transcendent power of Prerogative , is too weake to support the right of government : It is the affections & estates of your people , tyed with the threads of obedience , by the rules of Law , that fastens safety and prosperity to the Crowne . The experiment of elder times , in the raignes of the most valiant puissant Princes , hath concluded this the Soveraigne preservative against the diseases of distraction and confusion , and makes it manifest to the world , that the honour and glory of this Throne is to command the hearts of free-men . This admitted , the permission of the least diminution , or any eclipsed interposition betweene the honour and plenty of the Crowne , contracts a Scorne upon the Nation . Severall Parliaments in former times have stampt the Character of a free gift upon the fore-front of this aid , still offered by the people , as a sacrifice of thanksgiving to the Crowne , for the safe conduct of your Merchants , and provision of the Navie , to strengthen your undoubted dominion over the seas , which hath protected your Allyes , and is a terrour to your Enemies . Our hopes were long since to have settled this for the measure and the time , and with this to have presented to your sacred Majestie the triumphant palme of Tranquillity in all your Kingdomes : But , as a ship floating upon a rough Sea , we have been cast upon the Rock of feare and dangers , and tossed on the Billows of distraction and distrust of Church and Common-wealth , where we yet remaine hopelesse ever to passe through that narrow channell which leads to the Haven of Peace , unlesse we be speedily steered on by the hand of your sacred wisdome , care and providence . In the midst of all these troubles , and the severall opinions which have beene amongst us , no division had power to distract any one of us from the care and duty we owe to your sacred Person . And , to that end am I now sent by the Commons of England , to present this as a Marke onely , whereby your sacred Majestie may view the inward duties of our hearts , untill time and opportunity will give leave for a further expression of our duties and affections . The acceptation of this Gift will glad the hearts of your people , and the approbation by the royall assent of this Bill ( being the largest for the measure which was ever given ) will joyne wings to our desires and hopes , which shall never returne without that Olive-leafe , which may declare that the waters are abated , and your sacred Majestie may have full assurance of the faith and loyaltie of your Subjects . FINIS . 
A72015	----	Articles agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergie in the convocation holden at London, in the yeer 1562. For the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the stablishing of consent touching true religion. Re-printed by his Majesties commandment: with his royall declaration prefixed thereunto. Thirty-nine Articles. English Church of England. 1638 Approx. 36 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 21 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A72015 STC 10060 ESTC S125374 99898240 99898240 173556 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A72015) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 173556) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 2063:10) Articles agreed upon by the arch-bishops and bishops of both provinces, and the whole clergie in the convocation holden at London, in the yeer 1562. For the avoiding of diversities of opinions, and for the stablishing of consent touching true religion. Re-printed by his Majesties commandment: with his royall declaration prefixed thereunto. Thirty-nine Articles. English Church of England. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [4], 6, [22] p. by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1638. The Thirty-nine Articles of 1563. First leaf is blank except for signature mark "A" within mortised ornament. Signatures: A-D⁴. Running title reads: Articles of religion. Declaration is paginated; Articles are unpaged -- STC. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Doctrines -- Early works to 1800. Canon law -- Early works to 1800. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-01 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2008-02 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ARTICLES AGREED VPON by the Arch-Bishops and Bishops of both Provinces , and the whole CLERGIE , In the Convocation holden at LONDON , in the yeer 1562. For the avoiding of diversities of opinions , and for the stablishing of Consent touching true RELIGION . Re-printed by His Majesties Commandment : with His Royall Declaration prefixed thereunto . DIEV ET MON DROIT ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAJESTIE : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1638. HIS MAIESTIES DECLARATION . BEing by Gods ordinance , according to Our just Title , Defender of the Faith , and supream Governour of the Church within these Our Dominions , We hold it most agreeable to this Our Kingly Office , & Our own Religious zeal , to conserve and maintain the Church committed to Our charge in the unitie of true Religion , & in the bond of peace : and not to suffer unnecessary Disputations , altercations , or questions to be raysed , which may nourish faction both in the Church and Common-wealth . We have therefore upon mature deliberation , and with the advice of so many of Our Bishops as might conveniently be called together , thought fit to make this Declaration following . That the Articles of the Church of England ( which have been allowed and authorized heretofore , and which Our Clergie generally have subscribed unto ) do contain the true doctrine of the Church of England , agreeable to Gods word : which We do therefore ratifie and confirme , requiring all Our loving Subjects to continue in the uniform profession therof , and prohibiting the least difference from the said Articles , which to that end We command to be new printed , & this Our declaration to be published therewith . That We are supream Governour of the Church of England : and that if any difference arise about the externall policie , concerning Injunctions , Canons , or other Constitutions whatsoever thereto belonging the Clergie in their Convocation is to order and settle them , having first obtained leave under Our broad Seal so to do : and We approving their said Ordinances and Constitutions , providing that none be made contrary to the Laws and Customes of the Land. That out of Our Princely care , that the Churchmen may do the work which is proper unto them ; the Bishops and Clergie , from time to time in Convocatiō , upon their humble desire shall have licence under Our broad Seal , to deliberate of , and to do all such things , as being made plain by them , & assented unto by Vs , shall concern the setled continuance of the doctrine & discipline of the Church of England now established ; from which We will not endure any varying , or departing in the least degree . That for the present , though some differences have been ill raised , yet We take comfort in this , that all Clergie-men within Our Realm , have alwayes most willingly subscribed to the Articles established , which is an argument to Vs , that they all agree in the true usuall literall meaning of the said Articles , and that even in those curious points in which the present differences lie , men of all sorts take the Articles of the Church of England to be for them , which is an argumēt again , that none of them intend any desertion of the Articles established . That therefore in these both curious and unhappy differences , which have for so many hundred yeers , in different times and places , exercised the Church of Christ : We will that all further curious search be laid aside , & these disputes shut up in Gods promises , as they be generally set forth to Vs , in the holy Scriptures ; and the generall meaning of the Articles of the Church of England according to them . And that no man hereafter shall either print or preach , to draw the Article aside anyway , but shall submit to it in the plain and full meaning thereof : And shall not put his own sense or Comment to be the meaning of the Article , but shall take it in the literall and Grammaticall sense . That if any publique Reader in either Our Vniversities , or any Head or Master of a Colledge , or any other person respectively in either of them , shall affix any new sense to any Article , or shall publiquely read , determine , or hold any publique disputation , or suffer any such to be held either way , in either the Vniversities or Colledges respectively ; or if any Divine in the Vniversities shall preach or print any thing either way , other then is already established in Convocation with Our Royall assent : he , or they the offenders , shall be liable to Our displeasure , & the Churches censure in Our Commission Ecclesiasticall , as well as any other : and We will see there shall be due execution upon them . ARTICLES OF RELIGION . 1. Of faith in the holy TRINITY . THere is but one living and true God , everlasting , without body , parts , or passions ; of infinite power , wisdome , and goodnesse , the Maker and preserver of all things both visible and invisible . And in unity of this Godhead there be three persons , of one substance , power , and eternity ; the Father , the Sonne , and the holy Ghost . 2. Of the Word or Sonne of God , which was made very man. THe Sonne , which is the Word of the Father , begotten from everlasting of the Father , the very and eternall God of one substance with the Father , took mans nature in the wombe of the blessed Virgin of her substance : so that two whole and perfect natures , that is to say , the Godhead and manhood , were ioyned together in one person , never to be devided , whereof is one Christ , very God and very man , who truely suffered , was crucified , dead , and buried , to reconcile his Father to us , and to be a sacrifice , not onely for originall guilt , but also for actuall sinnes of men . 3. ¶ Of the going down of Christ into Hell. AS Christ died for us , and was buried : so also is it to be beleeved , that he went down into hell . 4. ¶ Of the resurrection of Christ . CHrist did truely rise again from death , and took again his body , with flesh , bones , and all things appertaining to the perfection of mans nature , wherewith he ascended into heaven , and there sitteth , untill he return to judge all men at the last day . 5. ¶ Of the holy Ghost . THe holy Ghost , proceeding from the father and the Sonne , is of one Substance , Majestie and Glory , with the Father and the Sonne , very and eternall God. 6. ¶ Of the sufficiencie of the Holy Scriptures for salvation . HOly Scripture containeth all things necessary to salvation : so that whatsoever is not read therein , nor may be proved thereby , is not to be required of any man , that it should be beleeved as an Article of the faith , or be thought requisite or necessary to salvation . In the name of the holy Scripture , we do understand those Canonicall Books of the Old and New Testament , of whose authority was never any doubt in the Church . ❧ Of the names and number of the Canonicall Books . GEnesis . Exodus . Leviticus . Numeri . Deuteronomium . Iosue . Iudges . Ruth . The 1. Book of Samuel . The 2. Book of Samuel . The 1. Book of Kings . The 2. Book of Kings . The 1. Book of Chron. The 2. Book of Chron. The 1. Book of Esdras . The 2. Book of Esdras . The Book of Hester . The Book of Iob. The Psalmes . The Proverbs . Ecclesiast . or Preacher . Cantica , or songs of Solom . 4. Prophets the greater . 12. Prophets the lesse . And the other Books ( as Hierome saith ) the Church doeth read for example of life and instruction of manners : but yet doeth it not apply them to establish any doctrine ; Such are these following . The 3. Book of Esdras . The 4. Book of Esdras . The Book of Tobias . The Book of Iudeth . The rest of the Book of Hester . The Book of Wisdome . Iesus the sonne of Sirach . Baruch the Prophet . The song of the three children . The Story of Susanna . Of Bell and the Dragon . The prayer of Manasses . The 1. Book of Maccabees . The 2. Book of Maccabees . All the Books of the New Testament , as they are commonly received , we do receive and account hem Canonicall . 7. Of the Old Testament . THe Old Testament is not contrary to the New , for both in the Old and new Testament , everlasting life is offered to mankinde by Christ , who is the onely Mediator between God and man , being both God and man. Wherefore they are not to be heard which feigne that the old fathers did look onely for transitory promises . Although the Law given from God by Moses , as touching Ceremonies and Rites , do not binde Christian men , nor the civill precepts thereof ought of necessity to be received in any Common wealth : yet notwithstanding , no Christian man whatsoever , is free from the obedience of the Commandments , which are called Morall . 8. Of the three Creeds . THe three Creeds , Nice Creed , Athanasius Creed , and that which is commonly called the Apostles Creed , ought thorowly to be received and beleeved : for they may be proved by most certain warrants of holy Scripture . 9. Of originall birth or sinne . ORiginall sinne standeth not in the following of Adam , ( as the Pelagians do vainly talk ) but it is the fault and corruption of the nature of every man , that naturally is ingendred of the off-spring of Adam , whereby man is very farre gone from originall righteousnesse , and is of his own nature enclined to evill , so that the flesh lusteth alwayes contrary to the spirit , and therefore in every person born into this world , it deserveth Gods wrath and damnation . And this infection of nature doth remain , yea , in them that are regenerated , whereby the lust of the flesh , called in Greek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which some do expound the wisdome , some sensuality , some the affection , some the desire of the flesh , is not subject to the law of God. And although there is no condemnation for them that beleeve and are baptized , yet the Apostle doth confesse , that concupiscence and lust , hath of it self the nature of sinne . 10. Of free-will . THe condition of man after the fall of Adam , is such , that he cannot turn and prepare himself by his own naturall strength and good works to faith and calling upon God : Wherefore we have no power to do good works pleasant and acceptable to God , without the grace of God by Christ preventing us , that we may have a good will , and working with us , when we have that good will. 11. Of the Iustification of man. WE are accounted righteous before God , onely for the merit of our Lord and Saviour Iesus Christ by faith , and not for our own works , or deservings . Wherefore , that we are justified by faith onely , is a most wholesome doctrine , and very full of comfort , as more largely is expressed in the Homily of Iustification . 12. ¶ Of good works . ALbeit that good works , which are the fruits of faith , and follow after Iustification , cannot put away our sinnes , and endure the severity of Gods Iudgement , yet are they pleasing and acceptable to God in Christ , and do spring out necessarily of a true and lively faith , in so much that by them a lively faith may be as evidently knowen , as a tree discerned by the fruit . 13. ¶ Of works before Iustification . WOrks done before the grace of Christ , and the inspiration of his Spirit , are not pleasant to God , forasmuch as they spring not of faith in Iesu Christ , neither do they make men meet to receive grace , or ( as the School-Authors say ) deserve grace of congruitie : yea , rather for that they are not done as God hath willed and commanded them to be done , we doubt not but they have the nature of sinne . 14. ¶ Of works of Supererogation . VOluntary works besids , over and above Gods Commandments , which they call works of Supererogation , cannot be taught with our arrogancie and impietie . For by them men do declare that they do not onely render unto God as much as they are bound to do , but that they do more for his sake , then of bounden duety is required : Whereas Christ saith plainly , When ye have done all that are commanded to you , say , We are unprofitable servants . 15. Of Christ alone without sinne . CHrist in the truth of our nature , was made like unto us in all things ( sinne onely except ) from which he was clearly void , both in his flesh , and in his Spirit . He came to be a Lambe without spot , who by sacrifice of himself once made , should take away the sinnes of the world : and sinne ( as Saint John saith ) was not in him . But all we the rest ( although baptized , and born again in Christ ) yet offend in many things , and if we say we have no sinne , we deceive our selves , and the truth is not in us . 16. Of sinne after Baptisme . NOt every deadly sinne willingly committed after Baptisme , is sinne against the holy Ghost , and unpardonable . Wherfore the grant of repentance is not to be denyed to such as fall into sinne after Baptisme . After we have received the holy Ghost , we may depart from grace given , and fall into sinne , and by the grace of God ( we may ) arise again , and amend our lives . And therfore they are to be condemned , which say they can no more sinne as long as they live heer , to denie the place of forgivenesse to such as truely repent . 17. Of Predestination and Election . PRedestination to life is the everlasting purpose of God , whereby ( before the foundations of the world were laid ) he hath constantly decreed by his counsell , secret to us , to deliver from curse and damnation , those whom he hath chosen in Christ out of mankinde , and to bring them by Christ to everlasting salvation , as vessels made to honour . Wherefore they which be indued with so excellent a benefit of God , be called according to Gods purpose by his Spirit working in due season : they through grace obey the calling : they be justified freely : they be made sonnes of God by adoption : they be made like the Image of his onely begotten Sonne Iesus Christ : they walk religiously in good works , and at length by Gods mercy they attain to everlasting felicitie . As the godly consideration of Predestination and our Election in Christ , is full of sweet , pleasant , and unspeakable comfort to godly persons , and such as feel in themselves the working of the Spirit of Christ , mortifying the works of the flesh , and their earthly members , and drawing up their minde to high and heavenly things , as wel because it doeth greatly establish and confirme their faith of eternall salvation , to be enjoyed through Christ , as because it doeth fervently kindle their love towards God : So , for curious and carnall persons , lacking the Spirit of Christ , to have continually before their eyes the sentence of Gods predestination , is a most dangerous downfall , whereby the devill doeth thrust them either into desperation , or into wretchlesnesse of most unclean living , no lesse perilous then desperation . Furthermore , we must receive Gods promises , in such wise as they be generally set forth to us in holy Scripture : and in our doings , that will of God is to be followed , which we have expresly declared unto us in the Word of God. 18. Of obtaining eternall Salvation only by the Name of Christ . THey also are to be had accursed , that presume to say , that every man shall bee saved by the law or sect which he professeth , so that he be diligent to frame his life according to that law , and the light of nature . For holy Scripture doth set out unto us only the Name of Iesus Christ , whereby men must be saved . 19. Of the Church . THe visible Church of Christ is a congregation of faithfull men , in the which the pure Word of God is preached , and the Sacraments be duly ministred , according to Christs ordinance , in all those things that of necessity are requisite to the same . As the Church of Hierusalem , Alexandria , and Antioch have erred : So also the Church of Rome hath erred , not only in their living and manner of ceremonies , but also in matters of faith . 20. Of the authoritie of the Church . THe Church hath power to decree Rites or Ceremonies , and authoritie in controversies of faith : And yet it is not lawfull for the Church to ordaine any thing that is contrary to Gods Word written , neither may it so expound one place of Scripture , that it be repugnant to an other . Wherefore although the Church be a witnes and a keeper of holy Writ , yet as it ought not to decree any thing against the same , so besides the same ought it not to enforce any thing to be beleeved for necessitie of salvation . 21. Of the authority of generall Councels . GEnerall Councels may not be gathered together without the commandment and will of Princes . And when they be gathered together ( forasmuch as they be an assembly of men , whereof all be not governed with the Spirit and Word of God ) they may erre , and sometime have erred , even in things pertaining unto God. Wherefore things ordained by them as necessary to salvation , have neither strength nor authoritie , unlesse it may be declared that they be taken out of holy Scripture . 22. Of purgatorie . THe Romish doctrine concerning Purgatorie , Pardons , worshipping and adoration , aswell of Images , as of Reliques , and also invocation of Saints , is a fond thing , vainly invented , and grounded upon no warranty of Scripture , but rather repugnant to the Word of God. 23. Of ministring in the Congregation . IT is not lawfull for any man to take upon him the office of publike preaching , or ministring the Sacraments in the Congregation , before he be lawfully called , and sent to execute the same . And those we ought to judge lawfully called and sent , which be chosen and called to this work by men , who have publike authoritie given unto them in the Congregation , to call and send Ministers into the Lords vineyard . 24. Of speaking in the Congregation , in such a tongue as the people understandeth . IT is a thing plainly repugnant to the Word of God , and the custom of the Primitive Church , to have publique prayer in the Church , or to minister the Sacraments in a tongue not understanded of the people . 25. Of the Sacraments . SAcraments ordeined of Christ , be not onely badges or tokens of Christian mens profession : but rather they be certain sure witnesses , and effectuall signes of grace and Gods good will towards us , by the which hee doth work invisibly in us , and doth not only quicken , but also stengthen and confirm our faith in him . There are two Sacraments ordained of Christ our Lord in the Gospel , that is to say , Baptisme , and the Supper of the Lord. Those five commonly called Sacraments , that is to say , Confirmation , Penance , Orders , Matrimony , and extream Vnction , are not to be counted for Sacraments of the Gospel , being such as have grown , partly of the corrupt following of the Apostles , partly are states of life allowed in the Scriptures : but yet have not like nature of Sacraments with Baptisme and the Lords Supper , for that they have not any visible signe or ceremony ordained of God. The Sacraments were not ordained of Christ to be gazed upon , or to be carried about , but that we should duly use them . And in such only , as worthily receive the same , they have a wholsome effect or operation : But they that receive them unworthily , purchase to themselves damnation , as S. Paul saith . 26. Of the unworthinesse of the Ministers , which hinder not the effect of the Sacraments . ALthough in the visible Church the evill be ever mingled with the good , and sometime the evill have chief authority in the ministration of the Word and Sacraments : yet forasmuch as they do not the same in their own name , but in Christs , and do minister by his commission and authoritie , we may vse their ministrie , both in hearing the Word of God , and in the receiving of the Sacraments . Neither is the effect of Christs ordinance taken away by their wickednesse , nor the grace of Gods gifts diminished from such , as by faith , and rightly do receive the Sacraments ministred unto them , which be effectuall , because of Christs institution and promise , although they be ministred by evill men . Neverthelesse , it appertaineth to the discipline of the Church , that enquiry bemade of evil Ministers , and that they be accused by those that have knowledge of their oftences : and finally being found guilty , by just judgement be deposed . 27. Of Baptisme . BAptisme is not onely a signe of profession , and mark of difference , whereby Christian men are discerned from others that be not Christned : but it is also a signe of Regeneration or new birth , whereby , as by an instrument , they that receive Baptisme rightly , are grafted into the Church : the promises of the forgivenesse of sinne , and of our adoption to be the sonnes of God , by the holy Ghost , are visibly signed and sealed : faith is confirmed : and grace increased by vertue of prayer unto God. The Baptisme of young children is in any wise to be retained in the Church , as most agreeable with the institution of Christ . 28. Of the Lords Supper . THe Supper of the Lord is not onely a signe of the love that Christians ought to have among themselves one to another : but rather it is a Sacrament of our redemption by Christs death . Insomuch that to such as rightly , worthily , and with faith receive the same , the bread which we break , is a partaking of the body of Christ : and likewise the Cup of blessing is a partaking of the Blood of Christ . Transubstantiation ( or the change of the substance of Bread and Wine ) in the Supper of the Lord , cannot be proved by holy Writ : but it is repugnant to the plain words of Scripture , overthroweth the nature of a Sacrament , and hath given occasion to many superstitions . The body of Christ is given , taken , and eaten in the Supper only after an heavenly and spirituall manner . And the mean whereby the Body of Christ is received and eaten in the Supper , is Faith. The Sacrament of the Lords Supper was not by Christs ordinance reserved , carried about , lifted up , or worshipped . 29. Of the wicked which eat not the Body of Christ in the use of the Lords Supper . THe wicked and such as be void of a lively faith , although they do carnally and visibly presse with their teeth ( as S. Augustine saith ) the Sacrament of the body and blood of Christ : yet in no wise are they partakers of Christ , but rather to their condemnation do eat and drink the signe or Sacrament of so great a thing . 30. Of both kindes . THe Cup of the Lord is not to be denied to the Lay people . For both the parts of the Lords Sacrament , by Christs ordinance and commandment , ought to be ministred to all Christian men alike . 31. Of the one oblation of Christ finished upon the Crosse . THe offering of Christ once made , is that perfect redemption , propitiation , and satisfaction for all the sinnes of the whole world , both originall and actuall , and there is none other satisfaction for sinne , but that alone . Wherefore the sacrifices of Masses , in the which it was commonly said , that the Priests did offer Christ for the quick and the dead , to have remission of pain or guilt , were blasphemous fables , and dangerous deceits . 32. Of the mariage of Priests . BIshops , Priests , and Deacons , are not commanded by Gods Law , either to vow the estate of single life , or to abstain from marriage : Therefore it is lawfull also for them , as for all other Christian men , to marrie at their own discretion , as they shall judge the same to serve better to godlinesse . 33. Of excommunicate persons , how they are to be avoyded . THat person which by open denuntiation of the Church , is rightly cut off from the unitie of the Church , and excommunicated , ought to be taken of the whole multitude of the faithfull as an Heathen and Publicane , untill he be openly reconciled by Penance , and received into the Church by a Iudge that hath authoritie thereunto . 34. Of the Traditions of the Church . IT is not necessary that Traditions and Ceremonies be in all places one , or utterly like , for at all times they have beene divers , and may be changed according to the diversitie of Countries , times , and mens maners , so that nothing be ordained against Gods Word . Whosoever through his private judgement , willingly and purposely doeth openly breake the Traditions and Ceremonies of the Church , which be not repugnant to the Word of God , and be ordained and approved by common authoritie , ought to be rebuked openly , ( that other may fear to do the like ) as he that offendeth against the common Order of the Church , and hurteth the authoritie of the Magistrate , and woundeth the consciences of the weak brethren . Every particular or nationall Church , hath authoritie to ordain , change , and abolish Ceremonies or rites of the Church , ordained only by mans authoritie , so that all things be done to edifying . 35. Of Homilies . THe second Book of Homilies , the severall titles whereof we have ioyned under this Article , doth contain a godly and wholsome Doctrine , and necessarie for these times , as doeth the former book of Homilies , which were set forth in the time of Edward the sixth : and therefore we judge them to be read in Churches by the Ministers diligently and distinctly , that they may be understanded of the people . ¶ Of the names of the Homilies . 1 OF the right use of the Church . 2 Against perill of Idolatry . 3 Of repairing and keeping clean of Churches . 4 Of good Works , first of Fasting . 5 Against gluttony and drunkennesse . 6 Against excesse of apparell . 7 Of Prayer . 8 Of the place and time of Prayer . 9 That common Prayers and Sacraments ought to be ministred in a known tongue . 10 Of the reverent estimation of Gods Word . 11 Of almes doing . 12 Of the Nativity of Christ . 13 Of the Passion of Christ . 14 Of the resurrection of Christ . 15 Of the worthy receiving of the Sacrament of the Body and blood of Christ . 16 Of the gifts of the holy Ghost . 17 For the Rogation dayes . 18 Of the state of Matrimonie . 19 Of Repentance . 20 Against idlenesse . 21 Against Rebellion . 36. Of consecration of Bishops and Ministers . THe Book of Consecration of Archbishops , and Bishops , and ordering of Priests , and Deacons , lately set forth in the time of Edward the sixth , and confirmed at the same time by authoritie of Parliament , doth contain all things necessary to such Consecration and ordering : neither hath it any thing , that of it self is superstitious and ungodly . And therefore , whosoever are consecrated or ordered according to the Rites of that Book , since the second yeer of the afore-named King Edward , unto this time , or hereafter shall be consecrated , or ordered according to the same Rites , we decree all such to be rightly , orderly , and lawfully consecrated and ordered . 37. Of the civill Magistrates . THe Queens Majestie hath the chiefe power in this Realm of England , and other her Dominions , unto whom the chief government of all Estates of this Realm , whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Civill , in all causes doth appertain , and is not , nor ought to be subject to any forrein Iurisdiction . Where we attribute to the Queens Majestie the chief government , by which Titles we understand the mindes of some slanderous folks to be offended : we give not to our Princes the ministring , either of Gods word , or of the Sacraments , the which thing the Injunctions also lately set forth by Elizabeth our Queene do most plainly testifie : but that onely prerogative which we see to have been given alwayes to all godly Princes in holy Scriptures by God himself , that is , that they should rule all estates and degrees committed to their charge by God , whether they be Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , and restrain with the Civill sword the stubborne and evill doers . The Bishop of Rome hath no Iurisdiction in this Realm of England . The Lawes of the Realm may punish Christian men with death , for heinous and greivous offences . It is lawfull for Christian men , at the commandment of the Magistrate , to wear weapons , and serve in the warres . 38. Of Christian mens goods , which are not common . THe riches and goods of Christians are not common , as touching the right , title and possession of the same , as certain Anabaptists do falsly boast . Notwithstanding , every man ought of such things as he possesseth , liberally to give almes to the poor , according to his ability . 39. Of a Christian mans oath . As we confesse that vain and rash swearing is forbidden Christian men by our Lord Iesus Christ , and Iames his Apostle : So we judge that Christian Religion doth not prohibite , but that a man may swear when the Magistrate requireth , in a cause of faith and charitie , so it be done according to the Prophets teaching , in justice , judgement , and trueth . 40. The Ratification . THis Book of Articles before rehearsed , is again approved , and allowed to be holden and executed within the Realm , by the assent and consent of our Sovereigne Lady ELIZABETH by the grace of God of England , France and Ireland Queen , Defender of the Faith , &c. Which Articles were deliberately read , and confirmed again by the subscription of the hand of the Arch-bishop and Bishops of the upper House , and by the subscription of the whole Clergie in the nether House in their Convocation , in the yeer of our Lord 1571. THE TABLE . 1 OF Faith in the Trinitie . 2 Of Christ the Sonne of God , 3 Of his going down into hell . 4 Of his Resurrection . 5 Of the holy Ghost . 6 Of the sufficiencie of the Scripture . 7 Of the old Testament . 8 Of the three Creeds . 9 Of the originall sinne . 10 Of free-will . 11 Of Justification . 12 Of good Works . 13 Of works before Iustification . 14 Of works of Supererogation . 15 Of Christ alone without sinne . 16 Of sinne after Baptisme . 17 Of Predestination and Election . 18 Of obtaining salvation by Christ . 19 Of the Church . 20 Of the authoritie of the Church . 21 Of the authority of the generall Councels . 22 Of Purgatorie . 23 Of ministring in the Congregation . 24 Of speaking in the Congregation . 25 Of the Sacraments . 26 Of the worthinesse of Ministers . 27 Of Baptisme . 28 Of the Lords Supper . 29 Of the wicked which eat not the body of Christ . 30 Of both kindes . 31 Of Christs one oblation . 32 Of the Marriage of Priests . 33 Of Excommunicate persons . 34 Of Traditions of the Church . 35 Of Homilies . 36 Of Consecration of Ministers . 37 Of civill Magistrates . 38 Of Christian mens goods . 39 Of a Christian mans oath . 40 Of the Ratification . FINIS . 
A38258	----	Eikōn basilikē, The pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in his solitudes and sufferings Eikon basilike. 1648 Approx. 344 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 140 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2003-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A38258 Wing E268 ESTC R18840 12283619 ocm 12283619 58806 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A38258) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 58806) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 182:16) Eikōn basilikē, The pourtraicture of His Sacred Majestie in his solitudes and sufferings Eikon basilike. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Gauden, John, 1605-1662. [8], 269 p., 1 folded leaf of plates : ill. s.n.], [London : 1648. Title transliterated from Greek. Variously attributed to Charles I and John Gauden. Cf. BM. First edition, second issue. Printed by John Grismond for Richard Royston. "This issue appeared within a few days of the death the King, probably about 4 February." Cf. Madan, F.F. New bibl. of the Eikon basilike. Place of publication from Wing. Errata: p. [8]. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. EEBO-TCP aimed to produce large quantities of textual data within the usual project restraints of time and funding, and therefore chose to create diplomatic transcriptions (as opposed to critical editions) with light-touch, mainly structural encoding based on the Text Encoding Initiative (http://www.tei-c.org). The EEBO-TCP project was divided into two phases. 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In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. 2002-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2002-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2002-05 TCP Staff (Michigan) Sampled and proofread 2002-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2002-06 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion IMMOTA TRIUMPHANS Clarior é tenebris CRESCIT SUB PONDERE VIRTUS Coe●i ●●pecto Asperam at Levem . Gratia Christi Tracto IN VERBO TUO SPES MEA . Beatam et Eternam Gloria Splendidam at Gravem Vanitas Mundi 〈◊〉 Guil●● Marshall Sculpsit Εικων Βασιλικη . THE POVRTRAICTVRE OF HIS SACRED MAIESTIE IN HIS SOLITVDES AND SVFFERINGS . ROM . 8. More then Conquerour , &c. Bona agere , & mala pati , Regium est . M. DC . XLVIII . THE CONTENTS . 1. UPon His Majesties calling this last Parliament . p. 1. 2. Vpon the Earle of Strafford's death . 6. 3. Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons . 12. 4. Vpon the Insolency of the Tumults . 17. 5. Vpon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall Parliaments : And after setling this , during the pleasure of the two Houses . 26. 6. Vpon His Majesties retirement from VVestminster . 34. 7. Vpon the Queens departure , and absence out of England . 41. 8. Vpon His Majesties repulse at Hull , and the fates of the Hothams . 47. 9. Vpon the Listing , and raising Armies against the King. 54. 10. Vpon their seizing the Kings Magazines , Forts , Navy , and Militia . 66. 11. Vpon the 19. Propositions first sent to the King ; and more afterwards . 75. 12. Vpon the Rebellion , and troubles in Ireland . 89. 13. Vpon the Calling in of the Scots , and their Comming . 100. 14. Vpon the Covenant . 110. 15. Vpon the many Iealousies raised , and Scandals cast upon the King , to stirre up the People against Him. 122. 16. Vpon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer-Booke . 138. 17. Of the differences between the King , and the 2 Houses , in point of Church-government . 147. 18. Vpon Vxbridge-Treaty , and other Offers made by the King. p. 166. 19. Vpon the various events of the War ; Victories , and Defeats . 172. 20. Vpon the Reformations of the Times . 181. 21. Vpon His Majesties Letters , taken , and divulged . 189. 22. Vpon His Majesties leaving Oxford , and going to the Scots . 197. 23. Vpon the Scots delivering the King to the English ; and His Captivity at Holmeby . 201. 24. Vpon their denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplaines . 206. 25. Penitentiall Meditations and Vowes in the KING'S solitude at Holmeby . 218. 26. Vpon the Armies Surprisall of the KING at Holmeby , and the ensuing distractions in the two Houses , the Army , and the City . 223. 27. To the Prince of VVales . 232. Meditations upon Death , aft●r the Votes of Non-Addresses , and HIS MAJESTIES closer Imprisonment in Carisbrooke-Castle . p. 252. ERRATA . PAg. 12. l. 11. r. O make me . l. 12. r. of joy . p. 14. l. 9. r. attended me . p. 21. l. 16. r. in any man. p. 28. l. 10. r. Honour . p. 33. l. 13. r. for my sins . p. 34. l. 4. r. to Sea by a storme . p. 37. l. 20. r. obtrusions p. 51. l. 21. r. perpetrations . p. 52. l. 1. r. for as his death . p. 58. l. 27. r. was the Bill . p. 61. l. 24. r. knew . p. 68. l. 17. r. power , so . p. 87. l. 19. for thy r. the. p. 112. l. 5. r. populacy . p. 114. l. 24. r. crosse not their . p. 131. l. 18. r. no me● . p. 142. l. 1● . r. b● expected . p. 186. l. 19. r. ever will. p. 205. l. 27. r. Saviours . p. 233. l. 27. r. le Bon. ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ . 1. Vpon His Majesties calling this last Parliament . THis last Parliament I called , not more by others advise , and necessity of My affaires , then by My owne choice and inclination ; who have alwaies thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for My Crowne , and best pleasing to My People : And although I was not forgetfull of those sparks , which some mens distempers formerly studied to kindle in Parliaments , ( which by forbearing to convene for some yeares , I hoped to have extinguished ) yet resolving with My self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redresse all publique grievances in Church & State ; I hoped by My ( freedome and their moderation ) to prevent all misunderstandings , and miscarriages in this : In which as I feared affaires would meet with some passion and prejudice in other men , so I resolved they should find least of them in My selfe ; not doubting , but by the weight of Reason I should counterpoize the over-ballancings of any factions . I was , indeed , sorry to heare , with what partiality and popular heat Elections were carried in many places ; yet hoping that the gravity and discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament , ( guiding some mens wel-meaning zeale by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdomes : ) No man was better pleased with the convening of this Parliament , then My self ; who knowing best the largenesse of My owne Heart toward My Peoples good and just contentment , pleased My self most in that good and firme understanding , which would hence grow between Me and My People . All Jealousies being laid aside , My owne and My Childrens Interests gave me many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of my Subjects . The onely temporall blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs , as their greatest honour and safety , next Gods protection ; I cared not to lessen My selfe in some things of My wonted Prerogative ; since I knew I could be no loser , if I might gaine but a recompence in My Subjects affections . I intended not onely to oblige My friends , but Mine enemies also : exceeding even the desires of those , that were factiously discontented , if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense . The odium and offences which some mens rigour or remissnesse in Church , and State , had contracted upon My Government , I resolved to have expiated by such Lawes , and regulations for the future , as might not onely rectif●e what was amisse in practise , but supply what was defective in the constitution : No man having a greater zeale to see Religion setled , and preserved in Truth , Unity , and Order , then My selfe ; whom it most concernes both in piety , and policy ; as knowing , that , No flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous then those which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions . I resolved to reforme , what I should by free and full advice in Parliament be convinced to be amisse ; and to grant whatever My Reason & Conscience told Me , was fit to be desired ; I wish I had kept My self within those bounds , and not suffered My owne Judgment to have been over-borne in some things , more by others Importunities , than their Arguments ; My confidence had lesse betrayed My selfe , and My Kingdomes , to those advantages , which some men sought for , who wanted nothing but power , and occasion to do mischief . But our sinnes being ripe , there was no preventing of Gods Justice , from reaping that glory in our Calamities , which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity . For thou ( ô Lord ) hast made us see , that Resolutions of future Reforming doe not alwaies satisfie thy Iustice , nor prevent thy Vengeance for former miscarriages . Our sinnes have overlaid our hopes ; Thou hast taught us to depend on thy mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . When thou hast vindicated thy glory by thy Iudgments , and hast shewed us , how unsafe it is to offend thee , upon presumptions afterwards to please thee ; Then I trust thy mercies will restore those blessings to us , which we have so much abused , as to force thee to deprive us of them . For want of timely repentance of our sinnes , Thou givest us cause to Repent of those Remedies we too late apply . Yet I doe not Repent of My calling this last Parliament ; because , ô Lord , I did it with an upright intention , to Thy glory , and My Peoples good . The miseries which have ensued upon Me and My Kingdomes , are the Iust effects of thy displeasure upon us ; and may be yet ( through thy mercy ) preparatives of us to future blessings , and better hearts to enjoy them . O Lord , though thou hast deprived us of many former comforts ; yet grant Me and My people the benefit of our afflictions , and thy chastisements ; that thy rod as well as thy staffe may comfort us : Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an Enemy , but a Father : when thou givest us those humble affections , that measure of patience in repentance , which becomes thy Children ; I shall have no cause to repent the miseries this Parliament hath occasioned , when by them thou hast brought Me and My People , unfeignedly to repent of the sinnes we have committed . Thy Grace is infinitely better with our sufferings , then our Peace could be with Our sinnes . O thou soveraigne goodnesse and wisdome , who Over-rulest all our Counsels ; over-rule also all our hearts ; That the worse things we suffer by thy Iustice , the better we may be by thy Mercy . As our sinnes have turned our Antidotes into Poyson , so let thy Grace turne our Poysons into Antidotes . As the sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy Warre , so let this Warre prepare us for thy blessed Peace . That although I have but troublesome Kingdoms here , yet I may attaine to that Kingdome of Peace in My Heart , and in thy Heaven , which Christ hath purchased , and thou wilt give to thy Servant ( though a Sinner ) for my Saviours sake , Amen . 2. Vpon the Earle of Straffords death . I Looked upon my Lord of Strafford , as a Gentleman , whose great abilities might make a Prince rather afraid , then ashamed to employ him , in the greatest affaires of State. For those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this was like enough to betray him to great errours , and many enemies : Whereof he could not but contract good store , while moving in so high a spheare , and with so vigorous a lustre , he must needs ( as the Sun ) raise many envious exhalations , which condensed by a popular odium , were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest merit , and integrity . Though I cannot in My Judgment approve all he did , driven ( it may be ) by the necessities of times , and the Temper of that People , more then led by his owne disposition to any height and rigour of actions : yet I could never be convinced of any such criminousnesse in him , as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice , and malice of his enemies . I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affaires , then in the businesse of that unfortunate Earle : when between My owne unsatisfiednesse in Conscience , and a necessity ( as some told me ) of satisfying the importunities of some people ; I was perswaded by those , that I think wished me well , to chuse rather what was safe , then what seemed just ; preferring the outward peace of My Kingdoms with men , before that inward exactnesse of Conscience before God. And indeed I am so farre from excusing or denying that complyance on My part ( for plenary consent it was not ) to his destruction , whom in My Judgment I thought not , by any cleare Law , guilty of death : That I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret : which , as a signe of My repentance , I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and men , as an act of so sinfull frailty , that it discovered more a feare of Man , than of God , whose name and place on Earth no man is worthy to beare , who will avoid inconveniences of State , by acts of so high injustice , as no publique convenience can expiate or compensate . I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans owne Conscience , thereby to salve State sores ; to calme the stormes of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a mans owne bosome . Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences , to shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime , Better one man perish ( though unjustly ) then the people be displeased , or destroyed . For , In all likelyhood , I could never have suffred , with My People , greater calamities , ( yet with greater comfort ) had I vindicated Strafford's innocency , at least by denying to Signe that destructive BILL , according to that Justice , which My Conscience suggested to Me , then I have done since I gratified some mens unthankfull importunities with so cruell a favour . And I have observed , that those , who counselled Me to signe that Bill , have been so farre from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People , that no men have been harassed and crushed more than they : He onely hath been least vexed by them , who counselled Me , not to consent against the vote of My owne Conscience ; I hope God hath forgiven Me and them , the sinfull rashnesse of that businesse . To which being in My soule so fully conscious , those Judgements God hath pleased to send upon Me , are so much the more welcome , as a meanes ( I hope ) which his mercy hath sanctified so to Me , as to make Me repent of that unju●t Act , ( for so it was to Me ) and for the future to teach Me , That the best rule of policy is to preferre the doing of Justice , before all enjoyments , and the peace of My Conscience before the preservation of My Kingdomes . Nor hath any thing more fortified My resolutions against all those violent importunities , which since have sought to gaine alike consent from Me , to Acts , wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied , then the sharp touches I have had for what passed Me , in My Lord of Strafford's Businesse . Not that I resolved to have employed him in My affaires , against the advise of My Parliament , but I would not have had any hand in his Death , of whose Guiltlesnesse I was better assured , then any man living could be . Nor were the Crimes objected against him so cleare , as after a long and faire hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both Houses ; especially that of the Lords , of whom scarce a third part were present , when the Bill passed that House : And for the House of Commons , many Gentlemen , disposed enough to diminish My Lord of Straffords greatnesse and power , yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law , durst not Condemne him to die : who for their Integrity in their Votes , were by Posting their Names , exposed to the popular calumny , hatred , and fury ; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for Iustice , ( that is , to have both My selfe and the two Houses Vote , and doe as they would have us ) that many ( 't is thought ) were rather terrified to concurre with the condemning party , then satisfied that of right they ought so to doe . And that after Act vacating the Authority of the precedent , for future imitation , sufficiently tells the world , that some remorse touched even his most implacable enemies , as knowing he had very hard measure , and such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves . This tendernesse and regret I find in my soul , for having had any hand ( and that very unwillingly God knowes ) in shedding one mans bloud unjustly , ( though under the colour and formalities of Justice , and pretences of avoyding publick mischeifes ) which may ( I hope ) be some evidence before God and Man , to all Posterity , that I am far from bearing justly the vast load & guilt of all that bloud which hath been shed in this unhappy Warre ; which some men will needs charge on Me , to ease their own soules , who am , and ever shall be , more afraid to take away any mans life unjustly , then to lose my owne . But thou , O God of infinite mercies , forgive me that act of sinfull compliance , which hath greater aggravations upon Me then any man. Since I had not the least temptation of envy , or malice against him , and by my place should , at least so farre , have been a preserver of him , as to have denied my consent to his destruction . O Lord , I acknowledge my transgression , and my sin is ever before me . Deliver me from bloud guiltinesse O God , thou God of my salvation , and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousnesse . Against thee have I sinned , and done this evill in thy sight , for thou sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand . Yet cast me not away from thy presence , purge me with the blood of my Redeemer , and I shall be clean ; wash me with that pretious effusion , and I shall be writer then snow . Teach me to learn Righteousnesse by thy Iudgments , and to see my frailty in thy Iustice : while I was perswaded by shedding one mans bloud to prevent after-troubles , thou hast for that , among other sinnes , brought upon me , and upon my Kingdomes , great , long , and heavy troubles . Make me to prefer Iustice , which is thy will , before all contrary clamours , which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will. It is too much that they have once overcome me , to please them by displeasing thee : O never suffer me for any reason of State , to goe against my Reason of Conscience , which is highly to sinne against thee , the God of Reason , and Iudge of our Consciences . What ever , O Lord , thou seest fit to deprive me of , yet restore unto me the joy of thy Salvation , and ever uphold me with thy free Spirit ; which subjects my will to none , but thy light of Reason , Iustice , and Religion , which shines in my Soul , for Thou desirest Truth in the inward parts , and Integrity in the outward expressions . Lord hear the voice of thy Sons , and my Saviours Bloud , which speaks better things ; of make me , and my People , to hear the voyce and Ioy and Gladnesse , that the bones which thou hast broken , may rejoyce in thy salvation . 3. Vpon His Majesties going to the House of Commons . MY going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the 5 Members , was an act , which My enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could . It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and feares ; yea , and many of My friends resented it as a motion rising rather from Passion then Reason , and not guided with such discretion , as the touchinesse of those times re-required . But these men knew not the just motives , and pregnant grounds , with which I thought my self so furnished , that there needed nothing to such evidence , as I could have produced against those I charged , save only a free and legall Triall , which was all I desired . Nor had I any temptation of displeasure , or revenge against those mens persons , further then I had discovered those ( as I thought ) unlawfull correspondencies they had used , and engagements they had made , to embroyle my Kingdomes : of all which I missed but little to have produced writings under some mens own hands , who were the chief contrivers of the following Innovations . Providence would not have it so , yet I wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart , who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick peace , which to preserve by calling in Question half a dozen men , in a fair and legall way ( which God knowes was all my design ) could have amounted to no worse effect , had it succeeded , then either to do Me , and my Kingdom right , in case they had been found guilty ; or else to have cleared their Innocency , and removed my suspicions ; which , as they were not raised out of any malice , so neither were they in Reason to be smothered . What flames of discontent this sparke ( though I ●ought by all speedy and possible means to quench it ) soone kindled , all the world is witnesse : The aspersion which some men cast upon that action , as if I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons , and invade their priviledge , is so false , that as God best knowes , I had no such intent ; so none that attended could justly gather from any thing I then said , or did , the least intimaon of any such thoughts . That I went attended with some Gentlemen , as it was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and safety of a King so to be attended , especially in discontented times ; so were my followers at that time short of my ordinary Guard , and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict . Nor were they more scared at my comming , then I was un-assured of not having some affronts cast upon me , if I had none with me to preserve a reverence to me ; For many people had ( at that time ) learned to think those hard thoughts , which they have since aboundantly vented against Me , both by words and deeds . The summe of that businesse was this . Those men , and their adherents were then looked upon by the affrighted vulgar , as greater protectors of their Lawes and Liberties , then my self , and so worthier of their protection . I leave them to God , and their own Consciences , who , if guilty of evill machinations ; no present impunity , or popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunalls . To which , in the obstructions of Justice among men , we must religiously appeal , as being an argument to us Christians of that after un-avoidable judgement , which shall rejudge , what among men is but corruptly decided , or not at all . I endeavoured to have prevented , if God had seen fit , those future commotions , which I fore-saw , would in all likelyhood follow some mens activity ( if not restrained ) and so now hath done to the undoing of many thousands ; the more is the pitty . But to over-awe the freedome of the Houses , or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them , was not at all my designe : I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on my side , as should not have needed so rough assistance ; and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with patience , then to use such hazardous extremities . But thou , O Lord , art my witnesse in heaven , and in my Heart : If I have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent : or if there were any such wickednesse in my thoughts . Then let the enemy persecute my soule , and tread my life to the ground , and lay mine Honour in the dust . Thou that seest not as man seeth , but lookest beyond all popular appearances , searching the heart , and trying the reines , and bringing to light the hidden things of darknesse , shew thy selfe . Let not my afflictions be esteemed ( as with wise and godly men they cannot be ) any argument of my sin , in that matter : more then their Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency . But forgive them wherein they have done amisse , though they are not punished for it in this world . Save thy servant from the privy conspiracies , and open violence of bloody and unreasonable men , according to the uprightnesse of my heart , and the innocency of my hands in this matter . Plead my cause , and maintain my right , O thou that sittest in the Throne , judging rightly , that thy servant may ever rejoyce in thy salvation . 4. Vpon the Insolency of the Tumults . I Never thought any thing ( except our sins ) more ominously presaging all these mischeifes , which have followed , then those Tumults in London and Westminster , soone after the Convening of this Parliament ; which were not like a storm at Sea , ( which yet wants not its terror ) but like an Earth-quake , shaking the very foundations of all ; then which nothing in the world hath more of horrour . As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God , while his power ●ets bounds to the raging of the Sea : so t is no lesse , that he restraines the madnesse of the people . Nor doth any thing portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation , then when he suffers the confluence and clamours of the vulgar , to passe all boundaries of Lawes , and reverence to Authority . Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of Insolence , that they spared not to invade the Honour and Freedome of the two Houses , menacing , reproaching , shaking , yea , & assaulting some Members of both Houses , as they fancyed , or disliked them : Nor did they forbear most rude and unseemly deportments both in contemptuous words and actions , to My selfe and My Court. Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking , as an ague , but a quotidian feaver , alwaies encreasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission . First , they must be a guard against those feares , which some men scared themselves and others withall ; when indeed nothing was more to be feared and lesse to be used by wise men , then those tumultuary confluxes of meane and rude people , who are taught first to petition , then to protect , then to dictate , at last to command and overawe the Parliament . All obstructions in Parliament ( that is , all freedome of differing in Votes , and debating matters with reason and candour ) must be taken away with these Tumults : By these must the Houses be purged , and all rotten Members ( as they pleased to count them ) cast out : By these the obstinacy of men resolved to discharge their Consciences must be subdued , by these all factious , seditious , and schismaticall proposalls against Government Ecclesiasticall or Civil , must be backed and abetted , till they prevailed . Generally , who ever had most mind to bring forth confusion and ruine upon Church and State , used the midwifery of those Tumults : whose riot and impatience was such , that they would not stay the ripening and season of Counsels , or fair production of Acts , in the order , gravity , and deliberatenesse befitting a Parliament ; but ripped up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive Votes , such as their Inviters and Incouragers most fancyed . Yea , so enormous and detestable were their outrages , that no sober man could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated , and connived at by some , countenanced , incouraged , and applauded by others . What good man had not rather want any thing he most desired , for the Publique good , then obtaine it by such unlawfull and irreligious meanes ? But mens passions and Gods directions seldome agree ; violent designes and motions must have sutable engines , such as too much attend their owne ends , seldome confine themselves to Gods meanes . Force must crowd in what Reason will not lead . Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrones of Tumults , to send for them , to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , some men yet living are too conscious to pretend ignorance : God in his due time will let these see , that those were no fit meanes to be used for attaining his ends . But , as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage , when strong winds blow upon it ; so neither for Multitudes to become insolent , when they have Men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on . That which made their rudenesse most formidable , was , that many Complaints being made , and Messages sent by My selfe and some of both Houses ; yet no order for redresse could be obtained with any vigour and efficacy , proportionable to the malignity of that now far-spread disease , and predominant mischiefe . Such was some mens stupidity , that they feared no inconvenience ; Others petulancy , that they joyed to see their betters shamefully outraged , and abused , while they knew their only security consisted in vulgar flattery : So insensible were they of Mine , or the two Houses common safety and Honours . Nor could ever any order be obtained , impartially to examine , censure , and punish the knowne Boutefeus , and impudent Incendiaries , who boasted of the influence they had , and used to convoke those Tumults as their advantages served . Yea , some ( who should have been wiser States-men ) owned them as friends , commending their Courage , Zeale , & Industry ; which to sober men could seem no better then that of the Devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive , and devoure . I confesse , when I found such a deafnesse , that no Declaration from the Bishops , who were first fouly insolenced and assaulted ; nor yet from other Lords and Gentlemen of Honour ; nor yet from My self could take place for the due repression of these Tumul●s ; and securing not onely Our freedome in Parliament , but Our very Persons in the streets ; I thought My selfe not bound by My presence , to provoke them to higher boldnesse and contempts ; I hoped by My withdrawing to give time , both for the ebbing of their tumultuous fury , and others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober sense . Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimity for any man for popular terrours to desert his publique station . But I think it a hardinesse , beyond true valour , for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a Sea ; which to resist , at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gaines a fitter time to repaire the breach . Certainly a Gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , then skuffle with an und●sciplined rabble . Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a Warre , ( when I went from Whitehall onely to redeem My Person , and Conscience from violence ) God knowes I did not then think of a Warre . Nor will any prudent man conceive that I would by so many former , and some after Acts , have so much weakned My selfe , if I had purposed to engage in a Warre , which to decline by all meanes , I denyed My self in so many particulars : 'T is evident I had then no Army to flie unto , for protection , or vindication . Who can blame Me , or any other , for a withdrawing our selves from the daily baitings of the Tumults , not knowing whether their fury and discontent might not flie so high , as to worry and teare those in pieces , whom as yet they but played with in their pawes ? God , who is My sole Judge , is My Witnesse in Heaven , that I never had any thoughts of going from My House at Whitehall , if I could have had but any reasonable faire Quarter ; I was resolved to beare much , and did so , but I did not think My self bound to prostitute the Majesty of my Place and Person , the safety of My Wife and Children , to those , who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunity most capable of their rudenesse and petulancy . But this businesse of the Tumults ( whereof some have given already an account to God , others yet living know themselves desperately guilty ) Time and the guilt of many hath so ●mothered up , and buried , that I think it best to leave it , as it is ; Onely I believe the just Avenger of all disorders , will in time make those men , and that City , see their sinne in the glasse of their punishment . 'T is more then an even-lay that they may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended . Had this Parliament , as it was in its first Election and Constitution , sate full and free , the Members of both Houses being left to their freedome of Voting , as in all reason , honour , and Religion , they should have been ; I doubt not but things would have been so carried , as would have given no lesse content to all good men , then they wished or expected . For , I was resolved to heare reason in all things , and to consent to it so farre as I could comprehend it : but as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Plantations , so are Tumults to Parliaments , and Plebeian concourses to publique Councels , turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . I am prone sometimes to think , That had I called this Parliament to any other place in England ( as I might opportunely enough have done ) the sad consequences in all likelyhood , with Gods blessing , might have been prevented . A Parliament would have been welcome in any place ; no place afforded such confluence of various and vitious humours , as that where it was unhappily convened . But we must leave all to God , who orders our disorders , and magnifies his wisdome most , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . But thou O Lord art My refuge and defence , to thee I may safely flie , who rulest the raging of the Sea , and the madnesse of the People . The flouds , O Lord , the flouds are come in upon me , and are ready to overwhelme me . I looke upon My sinnes , and the sinnes of My people , ( which are the tumults of our soules against thee O Lord ) as the just cause of these popular inundations which thou permittest to over-beare all the banks of loyalty , modesty , Lawes , Iustice , and Religion . But thou that gatheredst the waters into one place , and madest the dry land to appeare , and after did'st asswage the floud which drowned the world , by the word of thy power ; Rebuke those beasts of the people , and deliver Me from the rudenesse and strivings of the multitude . Restore , we beseech thee , unto us , the freedomes of our Councels and Parliaments , make us unpassionately to see the light of Reason , and Religion , and with all order , and gravity to follow it , as it becomes Men and Christians ; so shall we praise thy name , who art the God of order and co●nsell . What man cannot , or will not represse , thy omnipotent Iustice can and will. O Lord , give them that are yet living , a timely sense and sorrow for their great sinne , whom thou knowest guilty of raising or not suppressing those disorders : Let shame here , and not suffering hereafter be their punishment . Set bounds to our passions by Reason , to our errours by Truth , to our seditions by Lawes duely executed , and to our schismes by Charity , that we may be , as thy Jerusalem , a City at unity in it selfe . This grant , O My God , in thy good time for Iesus Christs sake , Amen . 5. Vpon His Majesties passing the Bill for the Trienniall Parliaments : And after setling this , during the pleasure of the two Houses . THat the world might be fully confirmed in My purposes at first , to contribute , what in Justice , Reason , Honour , and Conscience , I could , to the Happy successe of this Parliament , ( which had in Me no other designe but the Generall good of My Kingdomes ) I willingly passed the BILL for Trienniall Parliaments : which , as gentle and seasonable Physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting any head or prevailing ; especially , if the remedy proved not a disease beyond all remedy . I conceived , this Parliament would find worke with convenient recesses for the first three Years ; But I did not imagine that some men would thereby have occasioned more worke then they found to doe , by undoing so much as they found well done to their hands . Such is some mens activity that they wil needs make worke rather then want it ; and chuse to be doing amisse , rather then doe nothing . When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens feares , and compasse publique affaires ; I was perswaded to grant that BILL of Sitting during the pleasure of the Houses , which amounted in some mens sense to as much as the perpetuating this Parliament . By this Act of highest confidence , I hoped for ever to shut out , and lock the dore upon all present Jealousies , and future mistakes : I confesse I did not thereby intend to shut My self out of dores , as some men have now requited me . True , It was an Act unparalell'd by any of My Predecessours ; ●et cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation then this , of an extreame confidence I had , that My Subjects would not make ill use of an Act , by which I declared so much to trust them , as to deny My self in so high a point of My Prerogative . For good Subjects will never think it just or fit that My condition should be worse by My bettering theirs : Nor indeed would it have been so in the events , if some men had known as well with moderation to use , as with earnestnesse to desire advantages of doing good , or evill . A continuall Parliament ( I thought ) would but keep the Common-weale in tune , by preserving Lawes in their due execution and vigour , wherein My interest lies more than any mans , since by those Lawes , My Rights as a KING , would be preserved no lesse than My Subjects ; which is all I desired . More than the Law gives Me I would not have , and lesse the meanest Subject should not . Some ( as I have heard ) gave it out , that I soon repented Me of that setling Act : and many would needs perswade Me , I had cause so to doe ; but I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in Men of Honors . That the more I granted them , the lesse I should have , and enjoy with them . I still counted My self undiminished by My largest concessions , if by them I might gaine and confirm the love of My People . Of which , I doe not yet dispaire , but that God will still blesse Me with increase of it : when Men shall have more leisure , and lesse prejudice ; that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those , ( as I think ) not more princely then friendly contributions , which I granted towards the perpetuating of their happinesse , who are now onely miserable in this , That some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what I intended for their good . Nor doe I doubt , but that in Gods due time , the Loyal and cleared affections of My people will strive to returne such retributions of Honour , and love to Me , or My Posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of My confidence and My sufferings for them ; which ( God knowes ) have been neither few , nor small , nor short ; occasioned chiefly by a perswasion I had , that I could not grant too much , or distrust too little , to Men , that being professedly My Subjects , pretented singular piety , and religious strictnesse . The Injury of all Injuries is , That which some men will needs load Me withall ; as if I were a wilfull and resolved Occasioner of My owne and My Subjects miseries ; while ( as they confidently , but ( God knows ) falsly divulge ) I repining at the establishment of this Parliament , endeavoured by force and open hostility to undoe what by My Royall assent I had done . Sure it had argued a very short sight of things , and extreame fatuity of mind in Me , so farre to bind My owne hands at their request , if I had shortly meant to have used a Sword against them . God knows , though I had then a sense of Injuries ; yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a War : I was not then compelled , as since , to injure My self by their not using favours , with the same candour wherewith they were confer●ed . The Tumults indeed threatned to abuse all Acts of Grace , and turne them into wantonn●sse ; but I thought at length their owne feares , whose black arts first raised up those turbulent Spirits would force them to conjure them downe againe . Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon Me , or others , was I then in any capacity to have taken just revenge in an Hostile and Warlike way upon those , whom I knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people , that I could not have given My enemies greater , and more desired advantages against Me , then by so unprincely Inconstancy , to have assaulted them with Armes , thereby to scatter them , whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of Parliament . God knowes I longed for nothing more then that My self , and My Subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of My many condescendings . It had been a Course full of sinne , as well as of Hazard , and dishonour for Me to goe about the cutting up of that by the Sword , which I had so lately planted , so much ( as I thought ) to my Subjects content , and Mine own too , in all probability : If some men had not feared where no fear was , whose security consisted in scaring others . I thank God I know so well the sincerity and uprightnesse of My owne heart , in passing that great Bill , which exceeded the very thoughts of former times ; That although I may seeme lesse a Polititian to men , yet I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God. Nor had I any reservations in My own Soule , when I passed it ; nor repentings after , till I saw that My letting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple , was a temptation to them to cast Me down head-long . Concluding , that without a miracle , Monarchy it selfe , together with Me , could not but be dashed in pieces , by such a precipitious fall as they intended . Whom God in mercy forgive , and make them see at length , That as many Kingdomes as the Devill shewed our Saviour , and the glory of them , ( if they could be at once enjoyed by them ) are not worth the gaining , by wayes of sinfull ingratitude and dishonour , which hazards a Soule worth more Worlds then this hath Kingdomes . But God hath hitherto preserved Me , and made Me to see , That it is no strange thing for men , left to their owne passions , either to doe much evill themselves , or abuse the overmuch goodnesse of others , whereof an ungratefull Surfet is the most desperate and incurable disease . I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act , since I have no reflexions upon it as a sin of my will , though an error of too charitable a judgement : Onely I am sorry other mens eyes should be evill , because mine were good . To Thee ( O my God ) doe I still appeale , whose All-discerning Iustice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitfull darknesses of their hearts . Thou gavest me a heart to grant much to My Subjects ; and now I need a Heart fitted to suffer much from some of them . Thy will be done , though never so much to the crossing of ours , even when we hope to doe what might be most conformable to thine and theirs too ; who pretended they aimed at nothing else . Let thy grace teach me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings , as the fulfillings of My best hopes , and most specious desires . I see while I thought to allay others feares , I have raised Mine owne ; and by setling them , have unsetled My selfe . Thus have they requited Me evil for good , and hatred for My good will towards them . O Lord be thou My Pilot in this dark and dangerous storme , which neither admits My returne to the Port whence I set out , nor My making any other , with that safety and honour which I designed . T is easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and confidence of My people ; nor is it hard for Thee to preserve Me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of too many , which thou hast suffered so far to prevaile upon Me , as to be able to pervert and abuse My acts of greatest Indulgence to them , and assurance of them . But no favo●rs from Me can make others more guilty then My Selfe may be , of misusing thos● many and great ones , which Thou , O Lord , hast conferred on Me. I beseech Thee give Me and them such Repentance , as thou wilt accept , and such Grace as we may not abuse . Make Me so far happy as to make a right use of others abuses , and by their failings of Me , to reflect , with a reforming displeasure , upon My offences against Thee . So , although by My sins I am by other mens sins deprived of thy temporall blessings , yet I may be happy to enjoy the comfort of thy mercies , which often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most glorious Saints . 6. Vpon His Majesties retirement from VVestminster . WIth what unwillingnesse I withdrew from Westminster , let them judge , who , unprovided of tackling , and vi●tuall , are forced by Sea to a storm ; yet better do so , then venture splitting or sinking on a Lee shore . I stayed at Whitehall , till I was driven away by shame more than feare ; to see the barbarous rudenesse of those Tumults who resolved they would take the boldnesse to demand any thing , and not leave either My self , or the Members of Parliament the liberty of our Reason , and Conscience to deny them any thing . Nor was this intolerable oppression My case alone , ( though chiefly Mine ) For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their Houses , when they had used each their owne freedome . Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or reason conclusive to My Judgment ; nor can they include , or carry with them My consent , whom they represent not in any kind ; Nor am I further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses , then I see them agree with the will of God , with My just Rights , as a King , and the generall good of My People . I see that as many men they are seldome of one mind ; and I may oft see , that the major part of them are not in the right . I had formerly declared to sober and moderate mindes , how de●irous I was to give all just content , when I agreed to so many Bills , which had been enough to secure and satisfie all : If some mens Hydropick in●atiablenesse had not learned to thirst the more by how much more they drank ; whom no fountain of Royall bounty was able to overcome ; so resolved they seemed , either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obs●ruct it . Sure it ceases to be Councell ; when not Reason is used , as to men to perswade ; but force and terrour as to beasts , to drive and compell men to assent to what ever tumultuary patrones shall project . He deserves to be a slave without pitty , or redemption , that is content to have the rationall soveraignty of his Soul , and liberty of his will , and words so captivated . Nor do I think My Kingdomes so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedome ; which cannot be denied Me as a King● because it belongs to Me as a Man , and a Christian ; owning the dictates of none , but God , to be above Me , as obliging Me to consent . Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of My Soul , which subjects Me only to God , so farre as by Reason or Religion he directs Me , then live with the Title of a King , if it should carry such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer Me to use My Reason and Conscience , in which I declare as a King , to like or dislike . So farre am I from thinking the Majesty of the Crown of England to be bound by any Coronation Oath , in a blind and brutish formality , to consent to what ever its subjects in Parliament shall require ; as some men will needs inferre ; while denying Me any power of a Negative voice as King , they are not ashamed to seek to deprive Me of the liberty of using My Reason with a good Conscience , which themselves , and all the Commons of England enjoy proportionable to their influence on the publick ; who would take it very ill to be urged , not to deny , whatever My self , as King , or the House of Peeres with Me should , not so much desire as enjoyn them to passe . I think My Oath fully discharged in that point by My Governing only by such Lawes , as My People with the House of Peeres have Chosen , and My self have consented to . I shall never think My self conscientiously tied to goe as oft against My Consci●nce , as I should consent to such new Proposalls , which My Reason , in Justice , Honour , and Religion bids Me deny . Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary Government , ( that is , the Law of anothers will , to which themselves give no consent ) that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the onely man , that must be subject to the will of others , without having power left Him , to use His own Reason , either in Person , or by any Representation . And if My dissentings at any time were ( as some have suspected , and uncharitably avowed out of error , opinion , activenesse , weaknesse , or wilfulnesse , and what they call Obstinacy in Me ( which not true Judgement of things , but some vehement prejudice or passion hath fixed on My mind ; ) yet can no man think it other then the Badge and Method of Slavery , by savage rudenesse , and importunate detrusions of violence , to have the mist of His Errour and Passion dispelled , which is a shadow of Reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or Man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully followes what he takes for Reason : The uprightnesse of his intentions will excuse the possible failings of his understanding ; If a Pilot at Sea cannot see the Pole-star , it can be no fault in him to steere his course by such stars as do best appear to him . It argues rather those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason , and convincing Arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the weaknesse of their Councells , and Proposalls . I may , in the Truth and uprightnesse of My heart , protest before God and Men ; that I never wilfully opposed , or denied any thing , that was in a fair way , after full and free debates propounded to Me , by the two Houses , Further then I thought in good reason I might , and was bound to do . Nor did any thing ever please Me more , then when My Judgment so concurred with theirs , that I might with good Conscience consent to them : yea , in many things where not absolute and morall necessity of Reason , but temporary convenience on point of Honour was to be considered . I chose rather to deny My self , then them ; as preferring that which they thought necessary for My Peoples good , before what I saw but convenient for My self . For I can be content to recede much from My own Interests , and Personall Rights , of which I conceive My self to be Master ; but in what concernes Truth , Justice , the Rights of the Church , and My Crown , together with the generall good of My Kingdomes ; ( all which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in Me ; ) here I am , and ever shall be fixt and resolute , nor shall any man gain My consent to that , wherein My Heart gives My tongue or hand the Lie ; nor will I be brought to affirme that to Men , which in My Conscience I denied before God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thornes with My Saviour , then to exchange that of Gold ( which is due to Me ) for one of lead , whose embased flexiblenesse shall be forced to bend , and comply to the various , and oft contrary dictates of any Factions ; when instead of Reason , and Publick concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties , and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions . I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King , then to prefer His Conscience before His Kingdomes . O my God , preserve thy servant in this Native , Rationall and Religious freedome ; For this I believe is thy will , that we should maintaine : who , though thou dost justly require us , to submit our understandings and wills to thine ; whose wisdom and goodnesse can neither erre , nor misguide us , and so farre to deny our carnall reason , in order to thy sacred Mysteries , and commands , that we should believe and obey rather then dispute them ; yet dost thou expect from us , only such a reasonable service of thee , as not to doe any thing for thee , against our consciences ; and as to the desires of men , enjoynest us to try all things by the touch-stone of Reason and Lawes , which are the rules of Civill Iustice ; and to declare our consents to that only which our Iudgements approve . Thou knowest , ô Lord , how unwilling I was to desert that place , in which thou hast set me , and whereto the affaires of My Kingdoms at present did call me . My People can witnesse how far I have been content for their good , to deny My self , in what thou hast subjected to My disposall . O Let not the unthankfull importunities , & tumultuary violence of some mens Immoderate demands , ever betray Me to that degenerous & unmanly slavery , which should make Me strengthen them by My consent in those things which I think in My Conscience to be against thy glory , the good of My subjects , and the discharge of My own duty to Reason and Iustice. Make Me willing to suffer the greatest indignities , and injuries they presse upon Me , rather then commit the least sinne against My Conscience . Let the just liberties of My people be ( as well they may ) preserved in faire , and equall wayes● without the slavery of My soul. Thou that hast invested Me by thy favours , in the power of a Christian King , suffer Me not to subject My Reason to other mens passions , and designes , which to Me seeme unreasonable , unjust , and irreligious : So shall I serve thee in the truth and uprightnesse of My heart , though I cannot satisfie these men . Though I be driven from among them , yet give Me grace to walk alwayes uprightly before thee . Lead Me in the way of Truth and Iustice , for these , I know , will bring Me at last to peace and happinesse with thee ; though for these I have much trouble among men . This I beg of thee for My Saviours sake . 7. Vpon the Queenes departure , and absence out of England . ALthough I have much cause to be troubled at My Wifes departure from Me , and out of My Dominions ; yet not Her absence , so much , as the scandall of that necessity , which drives her away , doth afflict Me. That She should be compelled by My owne Subjects , and those pretending to be Protestants , to withdraw for Her safety : This being the first example of any Protestant Subjects , that have taken up Arms against their King , a Protestant : For I look upon this now done in England , as another Act of the same Tragedie which was lately begun in Scotland ; the brands of that fire being ill quenched , have kindled the like flames here . I fear such motions ( so little to the adorning of the Protestant profession ) may occasion a farther alienation of mind , and divorce of affections in Her , from that Religion , which is the only thing wherein me differ . Which yet God can , and I pray he would in time take away ; and not suffer these practises to be any obstruction to Her judgement● since it is the motion of those men , ( for the most part ) who are yet to seek and settle their Religion for Doctrine , Government , and good manners , and so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants ; who continue firme to their former setled Principles and Lawes . I am sorry My relation to so deserving a Lady , should be any occasion of her danger and affliction ; whose merits would have served her for a protection among the savage Indians ; while their rudenesse and barbarity knowes not so perfectly to hate all Vertues , as some mens subtilty doth ; among whom I yet thinke few are so malicious as to hate Her for Her selfe . The fault is , that she is My wife . All justice then as well as affection commands Me , to study her Security , who is only in danger for My sake ; I am content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as she may be in safe Harbour . This comfort I shall enjoy by her safety in the midst of My Personall dangers , that I can perish but halfe , if she be preserved : In whose memory , and hopefull Posterity , I may yet survive the malice of My enemies , although they should be satiated with My bloud . I must leave her , and them , to the Love and Loyalty of My good Subjects ; and to his protection , who is able to punish the faults of Princes , and no lesse severely to revenge the injuries done to Them , by those who in all duty and Allegiance , ought to have made good that safety , which the Lawes chiefly provide for Princes . But common civility is in vaine expected from those , that dispute their Loyalty : Nor can it be safe ( for any relation ) to a King , to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their Allegiance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion . T is pitty so noble and peacefull a soule should see , much more suffer , the rudenesse of those who must make up their want of justice , with inhumanity , and impudence . Her sympathy with Me in My afflictions , will make her vertues shine with greater lustre , as stars in the darkest nights ; and assure the envious world , that she loves Me , not My fortunes . Neither of us but can easily forgive , since We do not much blame the unkindnesse of the Generality , and Vulgar ; for we see God is pleased to try both our patience , by the most selfe-punishing sin , the Ingratitude of those , who having eaten of our bread , and being enriched with Our bounty , have Scornfully lift up themselves against Us ; and those of Our owne Houshold are become Our enemies . I pray God lay not their sin to their charge : who thinke to satisfy all obligations to duty , by their Corban of Religion : and can lesse endure to see , then to sin against their benefactours as well as their Soveraignes . But even that policy of my enemies is so farre veniall , as it was necessary to their de●●gnes , by scandalous articles , and all irreverent demeanour , to seeke to drive her out of My Kingdomes ; lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love as a Wife , and Loyalty , as a Subject , she should have converted to , or retayned in their love , and Loyalty , all those whom they had a purpose to pervert . The lesse I may be blest with her company , the more I will retire to God , and My owne Heart , whence no malice can banish Her. My enemies may envy , but they can never deprive Me of the enjoyment of her vertues , while I enjoy My self . Thou O Lord , whose Iustice at present sees fit to scatter us , let thy merc●● in thy due time , reunite us , on earth , if it be thy will ; however bring us both at last , to thy heavenly Kingdome . Preserve us from the hands of our despitefull and deadly enemies ; and prepare us by our sufferings for thy presence . Though we differ in some things , as to Religion , ( which is my greatest temporall infelicity ) yet Lord give , and accept the sincerity of our affections , which desire to seek , to find , to embrace every Truth of thine . Let both our Hearts agree in the love of thy selfe , and Christ crucified for us . Teach us both what thou wouldst have us to know , in order to thy glory , our publique relations , and our soules eternall good , and make us carefull to doe what good we know . Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to be knowne , nor unbelief , or disobedience to what we know , be our misery or our wilfull default . Let not this great Scandall of those my Subjects , which professe the same Religion with me , be any hindrance to her love of any Truth thou wouldst have her to learne , nor any hardning of her , in any errour thou wouldst have cleared to her . Let mine , and other mens constancy be an Antidote against the poyson of their example . Let the Truth of that Religion I professe , be represented to her Iudgment , with all the beauties of Humility , Loyalt●● Charity , and Peaceablenesse ; which are the proper fruits , and ornaments of it : Not in the odious disguises of Levity , Schisme , Heresie , Novelty , Cruelty , and Disloyalty , which some mens practises have lately put upon it . Let her see thy sacred and saving Truths , as Thine ; that she may believe , love and obey them as Thine , cleared from all rust and drosse of humane mixtures . That in the glasse of thy Truth she may see thee , in those mercies which thou hast offered to us , in thy Sonne Iesus Christ , our onely Saviour , and serve thee in all those Holy duties , which most agree with his holy doctrine , and most imitable example . The experience we have of the vanity , and uncertainty of all humane Glory , and greatnesse in our scatterings and Eclypses , let it make us both so much ●he more ambitious to be invested in those durable honours , and perfections , which are onely to be found in thy self , and obtained through Iesus Christ. 8. Vpon His Majesties repulse at Hull , and the fates of the Hothams . MY repulse at Hull seemed at the first view an act of so rude disloyalty , that My greatest enemies had scarce confidence enough to abe●t , or owne it : It was the first overt Essay to be made , how patiently I could beare the Losse of My Kingdomes . God knows , it affected me more with shame and sorrow for others , then with anger for My selfe ; nor did the affront done to Me trouble Me so much as their sinne , which admitted no colour o● excuse . I was resolved how to beare this , and much more , with patience : But I foresaw they could hardly conteine themselves within the compasse of this one unworthy act , who had effrontery enough to commit , or countenance it . This was but the hand of that cloud , which was ●oone after to overspread the whole Kingdome , and cast all into disorder and darknesse . For t is among the wicked Maximes of bold and disloyall undertakers : That bad actions must alwayes be seconded with worse , and rather not be begun then not carried on , for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault , and hate repentance more then perseverance in a Fault . This gave Me to see clearly through all the pious disguises , and soft palliations of some men ; whose words were sometime smoother then oyle , but now I saw they would prove very Swords . Against which I having ( as yet ) no defence , but that of a good Conscience , thought it My best policy ( with patience ) to bear what I could not remedy : And in this ( I thank God ) I had the better of Hotham , that no disdain , or emotion of passion transported Me , by the indignity of his carriage , to doe or say any thing , unbeseeming My self , or unsutable to that temper , which , in greatest injuries , I think , best becomes a Christian , as comming nearest to the great example of Christ. And indeed , I desire alwaies more to remember I am a Christian , then a King ; for what the Majesty of one might justly abhor , the Charity of the other is willing to bear ; what the height of a King tempteth to revenge , the humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive . Keeping in compasse all those impotent passions , whose excesse injures a man , more then his greatest enemies can ; for these give their malice a full impression on our souls , which otherwaies cannot reach very far , nor doe us much hurt . I cannot but observe how God not long after so pleaded , and avenged My cause , in the eye of the world , that the most wilfully blind cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , & with some remorse and fear to own it as a notable stroke , and prediction of divine vengeance . For , Sir Iohn Hotham unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed by any language or secret imprecation of Mine , onely blasted with the conscience of his owne wickednesse , and falling from one inconstancy to another , not long after paies his owne and his eldest Sons heads , as forfeitures of their disloyalty , to those men , from whom surely he might have expected another reward then thus to divide their heads from their bodies , whose hearts with them were divided from their KING . Nor is it strange that they who imployed them at first in so high a service , and so successfull to them , should not find mercy enough to forgive Him , who had so much premerited of them : For , Apostacy unto Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sinne . Nor did a solitary vengeance serve the turne , the cutting off one head in a Family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the head of the Cōmon-weale . The eldest Son must be involved in the punishment , as he was infected with the sinne of the Father , against the Father of his Country : Root and branch God cuts off in one day . These observations are obvious to every fancy : God knows , I was so farre from rejoycing in the Hotham's ruine , ( though it were such as was able to give the grea●est thirst for revenge a full drought , being executed by them who first employed him against Me ) that I so farre pitied him ; as I thought he at first acted more against the light of his Conscience , then I hope many other men doe in the same Cause . For , he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowrenesse , which some men pretend to , in matters of Religion ; which so darkens their judgment that they cannot see any thing of Sinne and Rebellion in those meanes , they use , with intents to reforme to their Models , of what they call Religion , who think all is gold of piety , which doth but glister with a shew of Zeale and fervency . Sir Iohn Hotham was ( I think ) a man of another temper , and so most liable to those downright temptations of ambition , which have no cloake or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or others . That which makes me more pity him is , that after he began to have some inclinations towards a repentance for his sinne , and reparation of his duty to Me , He should be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of their Justice , and not My Mercy , who could as willingly have forgiven him , as he could have asked that favour of Me. For I think clemency a debt , which we ought to pay to those that crave it , when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it , since God himself suffer us not to pay any thing for his mercy but onely prayers and praises . Poor Gentleman , he is now become a noteable monument of unprosperous disloyalty , teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle , that the rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraigne carries alwaies its own vengeance , as an unseperable shadow with it , and those oft prove the most fatall , and implacable Executioners of it , who were the first Imployers in the service . After-times will dispute it , whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull , or at Tower-hill ; though 't is certain that no punishment so stains a mans Honour , as wilfull preparations of unworthy actions ; which besides the conscience of the sinne , brands with most indelible characters of infamy , the name and memory to posterity , who not engaged in the Factions of the times , have the most impartiall reflections on the actions . But thou , O Lord , who hast in so remarkable a way avenged thy Servant , suffer me not to take any secret pleasure in it , for his death hath satisfied the injury he did to me , so let me not by it gratifie any passion in me , lest I make thy vengeance to be mine , and consider the affront against me , more than the sin against thee . Thou indeed , without any desire or endeavour of mine , hast made his mischief to returne on his owne head , and his violent dealing to come down on his owne pate . Thou hast pleaded my cause , even before the sonnes of men , and taken the matter into thine own hands ; that men may know it was thy work , and see that thou , Lord , hast done it : I do not , I dare not say , so let mine enemies perish O Lord ! yea Lord , rather give them repentance , pardon , and impunity , if it be thy blessed will. Let not thy justice prevent the objects and opportunities of my mercy ; yea , let them live and amend who have most offended me in so high a nature ; that I may have those to forgive , who beare most proportion in their offences to those trespasses against thy majesty , which I hope thy mercy hath forgiven me . Lord lay not their sins ( who yet live ) to their charge for condemnation , but to their consciences for amendment : Let the lighting of this thunderbolt , which hath been so severe a punishment to one , be a terrour to all . Discover to them their sinne , who know not they have done amisse , and scare the● from their sinne , that sinne of malicious wickednesse . That preventing thy judgments by their true repentance , they may escape the strokes of ●●●ne eternall vengeance . And doe thou , O Lord , establish the Thro●e of thy servant in mercy , and truth meeting ●●●●●gether ; let my Crowne ever flourish in rig●●●●ousnesse , and peace , kissing each other . Heare my prayer , O Lord , who hast taught us to pray for , to doe good to , and to love our enemies , for thy sake ; who hast prevented us with offertures of thy love , even when we were thine enemies , and hast sent thy Sonne Iesus Christ to die for us , when we were disposed to crucifie him . 9. Vpon the listing , and raising Armies against the KING . I Find that I am at the same point and posture I was , when they forced Me to leave White-hall : what Tumults could not doe , an Army must ; which is but Tumults lifted , and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an end : My recesse hath given them confidence that I may be conquered . And so I easily may as to any outward strength , which , God knowes , is little or none at all : But I have a Soule invincible through Gods grace enabling Me ; here I am sure to be Conquerour , if God will give Me such a measure of Constancy , as to feare him more than man : and to love the inward peace of My Conscience , before any outward tranquillity . And must I be opposed with force , because they have not reason wherewith to convince me ? O my Soule ! be of good courage , they confesse their knowne weaknesse , as to truth , and Justice , who chose rather to contend by Armies , than by Arguments . Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many Acts of Grace I have lately passed , and for those many Indignities I have endured ? Is there no way left to make Me a glorious KING but by My sufferings ? It is a hard and disputable choice for a King , that loves his People , and desires their love , either to kill his owne Subjects , or to be killed by them . Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of My most flourishing Kingdome , the fruits I must now reap after 17 years living and reigning among them , with such a measu●e of Justice , Peace , Plenty , and Religion , as all Nations about either admired , or envied ? notwithstanding some miscarriages in Government , which might escape ; rather through ill counsell of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishnesse of others envying the publique should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State , then any propensity , I hope , of my self either to injuriousness or oppression . Whose innocent bloud during My Reigne have I shed , to satisfie My lust , anger , or covetousnesse ? what Widowes or Orphans tears can witnesse against me ; the just cry of which must now be avenged with My owne bloud ? For the hazards of Warre are equall , nor doth the Cannon know any respect of Persons . In vaine is My Person excepted by a Parenthesis of words , when so many hands are armed against Me with Swords . God knowes how much I have studied to see what Ground of Justice is alledged for this Warre against Me ; that so I might ( by giving just satisfaction ) either prevent , or soone end so unnaturall a motion ; which ( to many men ) seemes rather the productions of a surfeit of peace , and wantonnesse of mindes , or of private discontents , Ambition and Faction ( which easily find , or make causes of quarrell ) then any reall obstructions of publick Justice , or Parliamentary Priviledge . But this is pretended , and this I must be able to avoid and answer before God in My owne Conscience , however some men are not willing to beleeve Me , lest they should condemne themselves . When I first withdrew from White-hall , to see if I could allay the insolency of the Tumults , ( the not suppressing of which , no account in Reason can be given , ( where an orderly Guard was granted but only to oppresse both Mine and the Two Houses freedome of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience ) what obstructions of Justice were there further then this , that what seemed just to one man , might not seeme so to another ? Whom did I by power protect against the Justice of Parliament ? That some men withdrew , who feared the partiality of their tryall , ( warned by My Lord of Straffords death ) while the vulgar threatned to be their Oppressors , and Judgers of their Judges , was from that instinct , which is in all creatures to preserve themselves . If any others refused to appear , where they evidently saw the current of Justice and Freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble , that their lawfull Judges either durst not come to the Houses , or not declare their sense with liberty and safety ; it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man when the sole exposing them to publick odium was enough to ruine them , before their Cause could be heard or tryed . Had not factious Tumults overborne the Freedome and Honour of the two Houses ; had they asserted their Justice against them , and made the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences : I know no man so deare to Me , whom I had the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their Summons , to whose Sentence according to Law ( I think ) every Subject bound to stand . Distempers ( indeed ) were risen to so great a height , for want of timely●repressing the vulgar insolencies ; that the greatest guilt of those which were Voted and demanded as Delinquents was this , That they would not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the Tumults , and their Patrones ; nor compelled to abet by their suffrages , or presence ; the designes of those men who agitated innovations , and ruine , both in Church and State. In this point I could not but approve their generous constancy and cautiousnesse ; further then this I did never allow any mans refractorinesse against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses ; to whom I wished nothing more , then Safety , Fulnesse , and Freedome . But the truth is , some men , and those not many , despairing in faire and Parliamentary wayes by free deliberations , and Votes to gain the concurrence of the Major part of Lords and Commons , betook themselves ( by the desperate activity of factious Tumults ) to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes . How oft was the businesse of the Bishops enjoying their Ancient places , and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peeres , carried for them by farre the Major part of Lords . Yet after five repulses , contray to all Order and Custome , it was by tumultuary , instigations obtruded again , and by a few carried , when most of the Peeres were forced to absent them-themselves . In like manner , as the Bill against Root and Branch , brought on by tumultuary Clamours , and schismaticall Terrours , which could never passe , till both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed . To which Partiality , while in all Reason , Justice and Religion , My conscience forbids Me by consenting to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament ; I must now be urged with an Army , and constrained either to hazard My owne , and My Kingdomes ruine , by my Defence ; or prostrate My Conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do God and the Church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that Primitive , Apostolicall , and anciently Universall Government of the Church by Bishops . Which if other mens judgements bind them to maintain , or forbids them to consent to the abolishing of it ; Mine much more ; who , besides the grounds I have in My judgement , have also a most strickt and indispensable Oath upon My Conscience , to preserve that Order , and the Rights of the Church ; to which , most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury , most un-beseeming a Christian King , should I ever by giving My Consent be betrayed , I should account it infinitely greater misery , then any hath , or can befall Me● in as much as the least sinne hath more evill in it then the greatest affliction . Had I gratified their Anti-episcopall Faction at first in this point , with My consent , and sacrificed the Ecclesiasticall Government , and Revenues , to the fury of their covetuousnesse , ambition , and revenge , I believe they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in , and punish Delinquents . That I consented to the Bill of putting the Bishops out of the House of Peers , was done with a firm perswasion of their contentednes to suffer a present diminution in their Rights , and Honour for My sake , and the Common-weals , which I was confident they would readily yeeld unto , rather then occasion ( by the least obstruction on their part ) any dangers to Me , or to My Kingdome . That I cannot adde My consent for the totall extirpation of that Government ( which I have often offered to all fit regulations ) hath so much further tie upon My Conscience , as what I think Religious and Apostolicall ; and so very Sacred and Divine , is not to be dispensed with , or destroyed , when what is only of civill Favor , and priviledge of Honour granted to men of that Order , may with their consent , who are concerned in it be annulled . This is the true state of those obstructions pretended to be in point of Justice and Authority of Parliament ; when I call God to witnesse , I knew none of such consequence as was worth speaking of a Warre , being only such as Justice , Reason , and Religion had made in My owne and other mens Consciences . Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made ; which were but consequences necessarily following upon Mine , or others withdrawing from , or defence against violence : but those could not be the first occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from preventing them , ( as they have declared often , that they might seeme to have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part , and load Me with all the envy and injuries of first assaulting them ) that God knows , I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in My thoughts . Had the Tumults been Honourably and Effectually repressed by exemplary Justice , and the liberty of the Houses so vindicated , that all Members of either House might with Honour and Freedome , becomming such a Senate , have come and discharged their Consciences , I had obtained all that I designed by My withdrawing , and had much more willingly , and speedily returned then I retired ; this being My necessity driving , the other My choise desiring . But some men know , I was like to bring the same judgement and constancy , which I carryed with Me , which would never fit their designes : and so while they invited Me to come , and grievously complained of My absence , yet they could not but be pleased with it : especially when they had found out that plausible and popular pretext of raising an Army to fetch in Delinquents : when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable Delinquencie of the Tumults , and their Exciters , which drave My selfe , and so many of both Houses from their places , by most barbarous indignities , which yet in all Reason and Honour , they were as loath to have deserted , as those others were willing they should , that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the Injuries of an Army , for not suffering more tamely the Injuries of the Tumults . That this is the true state , and first drift and designe in raising an Army against Me , is by the sequell so evident , that all other pretences vanish . For when they declared by Propositions , or Treaties , what they would have to appease them ; there was nothing of consequence offered to Me , or demanded of Me , as any originall difference in any point of Law , or order of Justice . But among other lesser Innovations , this chiefly was urged , The Abolition of Episcopall , and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government . All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a War , or easily granted by Me , and onely to make up a number , or else they were meerly consequentiall , and accessary , after the War was by them unjustly began . I cannot hinder other mens thoughts , whom the noise and shew of piety , and heat for Reformation and Religion , might easily so fill with prejudice , that all equality and clearnesse of judgement might be obstructed . But thi● was , and is , as to my best observation , the true state of affaires betweene us , when they first raised an Army , with this designe , either to stop My mouth , or to force My consent : and in this truth , as to My conscience , ( who was ( God knowes ) as far from meditating a War , as I was in the eye of the world from having any preparation for one ) I find that comfort , that in the midst of all the unfortunate successes of this War , on My side , I doe not think My Innocencie any whit prejudiced or darkned ; Nor am I without that Integrity , and Peace before God , as with humble confidence to addresse My Prayer to Him. For Thou , O Lord , seest clearly through all the cloudings of humane affaires ; Thou judgest without prejudice : Thy Omniscience eternally guides thy unerrable Iudgement . O my God , the proud are risen against me , and the assemblies of violent men have sought after my soule , and have not set Thee before their eyes . Consider My enemies , O Lord , for they are many , and they hate me with a deadly hatred without a cause . For Thou knowest , I had no passion , designe or preparation to embroyle My Kingdomes in a Civill Warre ; whereto I had least temptation ; as knowing I must adventure more then any , and could gaine least of any by it . Thou , O Lord , art my witnesse how oft I have deplored , and studied to divert the necessity thereof , wherein I cannot well be thought so prodigally thirsty of my Subjects blood , as to venture my own Life , which I have been oft compelled to doe in this unhappy Warre ; and which were better spent to save then to destroy my People . O Lord , I need much of thy grace , with patience to bear the many afflictions thou hast suffered some men to bring upon me ; but much more to bear the unjust reproaches of those , who not content that I suffer most by the Warre , will needs perswade the world that I have raised first , or given just cause to raise it . The confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make me almost suspect my own innocency : Yea , I could be content ( at least by my silence ) to take upon me so great a guilt before men , If by that I might allay the malice of my Enemies , and redeeme my People from this miserable Warre ; since thou O Lord knowest my Innocency in this thing . Thou wilt finde out bloudy and deceitfull men ; many of whom have not lived out half their daies , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsells . Save , O Lord , thy servant , as hitherto thou hast , and in thy due time scatter the people that delight in Warre . Arise O Lord , lift up thy self , because of the rage of mine Enemies , which encreaseth more and more . Behold them that have conceived mischief , travelled with iniquity , and brought forth falshood . Thou knowest the chief designe of this Warre is , either to destroy My Person , or force My Iudgment , and to make me renege my Conscience and thy Truth . I am driven to crosse Davids choise and desire , rather to fall into the hands of men , by denying them , ( though their mercies be cruell ) then into thy hands by sinning against My Conscience , and in that against thee , who art a consuming fire ; Better they destroy Me , then thou shouldst damne Me. Be thou ever the defence of My soul , who wilt save the upright in heart . If nothing but My bloud will satisfie My Enemies , or quench the flames of My Kingdomes , or thy temporall Iustice , I am content , if it be thy will , that it be shed by Mine owne Subjects hands . But ô let the bloud of Me , though their King , yet a sinner , be washed with the Bloud of My Innocent and peace-making Redeemer , for in that thy Iustice will find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternall plenary satisfaction ; both for my sins , and the sins of my People ; whom I beseech thee still own for thine , and when thy wrath is appeased by my Death , O Remember thy great mercies toward them , and forgive them ! O my Father , for they know not what they doe . 10. Vpon their seizing the Kings Magazines , Forts , Navy , and Militia . HOw untruly I am Charged with the first raising of an Army , and beginning this Civill Warre , the eyes that only pitty Me , and the Loyall hearts that durst only pray for Me , at first , might witnesse , which yet appear not so many on My side , as there were men in Arms listed against Me ; My unpreparednesse for a War may well dis-hearten those that would help Me ; while it argues ( truly ) My unwillingnes to fight ; yet it testifies for Me , that I am set on the defensive part ; having so little hopes or power to offend others , that I have none to defend My self , or to preserve what is Mine own from their proreption . No man can doubt but they prevented Me in their purposes , as well as their injuries , who are so much before-hand in their preparations against Me , and surprisalls of My strength . Such as are not for Them , yet dare not be for Me ; so over-aw'd is their Loyalty by the others numbers and terrours . I believe My Innocency , and unpreparednesse to assert My Rights and Honour , makes Me the more guilty in their esteeme ; who would not so easily have declared a War against Me , if I had first assaulted them . They knew My chiefest Armes left Me , were those only , which the Ancient Christians were wont to use against their Persecutors , Prayers and Teares . These may serve a good mans turne , if not to Conquer as a Souldier , yet to suffer as a Martyr . Their preventing of Me , and surprizing my Castles , Forts , Armes , and Navy , with the Militia , is so farre best for me , That it may drive me from putting any trust in the arme of flesh , and wholly to cast my self into the protection of the living God , who can save by few , or none , as well as by many . He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias Caterers , and bring him food , may also make their surprisall of outward force and defence , an opportunity to shew me the speciall support of his power and protection . I thank God I reckon not now the want of the Militia so much in reference to My own protection as My Peoples . Their many and sore oppressions grieve Me , I am above My owne , what I want in the hands of Force and Power , I have in the wings of Faith and Prayer . But this is the strange method these men will needs take to resolve their riddle of Making Me a glorious King , by taking away my Kingly power : Thus I shall become a support to My Friends , and a Terrour to My Enemies by being unable to succour the one , or suppresse the other . For thus have they designed , and proposed to Me , the new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , as without any reality of power , or without any necessity of subjection and obedience : That the Majesty of the Kings of England might hereafter , hang like Mahomets Tomb , by a magnetique Charme , between the Power and Priviledges of the two Houses , in an aiery imagination of Regality . But I believe the surfeit of too much Power , which some men have greedily seized on , and now seek wholly to devour , will ere long make the Common-wealth sick both of it and them , since they cannot well digest it ; Soveraigne Power in Subjects seldome agreeing with the stomacks of fellow Subjects . Yet I have even in this point of the constant Militia sought , by satisfying their feares , and importunities , both to secure My Friends , and overcome Mine Enemies , to gaine the peace of all , by depriving My selfe of a sole power to help , or hurt any : yeilding the Militia ( which is My undoubted Right no lesse than the Crowne ) to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think fit , during My time . So willing am I to bury all Jealousies in them , of Me , and to live above all Jealousies of them , as to My self ; I desire not to be safer than I wish them and My People ; If I had the sole actuall disposing of the Militia , I could not protect My People , further than they protected Me , and themselves : so that the use of the Militia is mutuall . I would but defend My self so far , as to be able to defend My good Subjects from those mens violence and fraud , who conscious to their owne evill merits and designes , will needs perswade the world , that none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the Shepherd and his Flock . Miserable experience hath taught My Subjects , since Power hath been wrested from Me , and imployed against Me & Them ! that neither can be safe if both be not in such a way as the Law hath entrusted the publique safety and welfare . Yet even this Concession of Mine as to the exercise of the Militia , so vast and large , is not satisfactory to some men ; which seem to be Enemies not to Me onely , but to all Monarchy ; and are resolved to transmit to posterity such Jealousies of the Crowne , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary Rights , in point of Power ; to which ( at last ) all Law is resolved , while thereby it is best protected . But here Honour and Justice due to My Successors , forbid Me to yeild to such a totall alienation of that power from them , which civility & duty ( no lesse then justice and honour ) should have forbad them to have asked of Me. For , although I can be content to Eclypse My owne beames , to satisfie their feares ; who think they must needs be scorched or blinded , if I should shine in the full lustre of Kingly Power , wherewith God and the Lawes have invested Me : yet I will never consent to put out the Sun of Soveraignty to all Posterity , and succeeding Kings ; whose just recovery of their Rights from unjust usurpations and extortions , shall never be prejudiced or obstructed by any Act of Mine , which indeed would not be more injurious to succeeding Kings , than to My Subjects ; whom I desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for the future ; so as by a Law to be ever subjected to those many factious distractions , which must needs follow the many-headed Hydra of Government ; which as it makes a shew to the People to have more eyes to foresee ; so they will find it hath more mouthes too , which much be satisfied : and ( at best ) it hath rather a monstrosity , than any thing of perfection , beyond that of right Monarchy ; where counsell may be in many as the senses , but the Supreme Power can be but in One as the Head. Happily where men have tried the horrours and malignant influence which will certainly follow My enforced darknesse and Eclypse , ( occasioned by the interposition and shadow of that body , which as the Moone receiveth its chiefest light from Me ) they will at length more esteeme and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Suns light . And if at present I may seem by My receding so much from the use of My Right in the Power of the Militia , to come short of the discharge of that trust to which I am sworne for My Peoples protection ; I conceive those men are guilty of the enforced perjury , ( if so it may seeme ) who compell Me to take this new and strange way of discharging My trust , by seeming to desert it ; of protecting My Subjects by exposing My self to danger or dishonour , for their safety and quiet . Which in the conflicts of Civill Warre and advantages of Power cannot be effected but by some side yeilding ; to which the greatest love of the publique Peace , and the firmest assurance of Gods protection ( arising from a good conscience ) doth more invite Me , than can be expected from other mens fears ; which arising from the injustice of their actions ( though never so successfull ) yet dare not adventure their Authours upon any other way of safety then that of the Sword and Militia ; which yet are but weak defences against the stroaks of divine vengeance , which will overtake ; or of mens owne Consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . For My self , I doe not think that I can want any thing which providentiall necessity is pleased to take from Me , in order to My Peoples tranquillity and Gods glory , whose protection is sufficient for me ; and he is able by his being with Me , abundantly to compensate to Me , as he did to Iob , what ever honour , power , or liberty the Caldeans , the Sabeans , or the Devill himself can deprive Me of . Although they take from me all defence of Armes and Militia , all refuge by land , of Forts , and Castles , all flight by Sea in my Ships , and Navy ; yea , though they study to rob me of the Hearts of my Subjects , the greatest Treasure and best ammunition of a King , yet cannot they deprive me of my own innocency , or Gods mercy , nor obstruct my way to Heaven . Therefore , O my God , to thee I flie for help , if thou wilt be on my side , I shall have more with me then can be against me . There is none in Heaven , or in Earth , that I desire in comparison of thee : In the losse of all , be thou more than all to me : Make hast to succour me , thou that never failest them , that put their trust in thee . Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that come against me , who are encouraged to fight under the pretence of fighting for me : But my eyes are toward thee . Thou needest no help , nor shall I , if I may have thine ; If not to conquer , yet at least to suffer . If thou delightest not in my safety , and prosperity , behold here I am willing to be reduced to what thou wilt have me ; whose Iudgments oft begin with thy owne Children . I am content to be nothing , that thou mayst be all . Thou hast taught me , That no King can be saved by the multitude of an Host ; but yet thou canst save me by the multitude of thy mercies , who art the Lord of Hosts , and the Father of mercies . Help me , O Lord , who am sore distressed on every side , yet be thou on my side , and I shall not feare what man can doe unto mee . I will give thy Iustice the glory of my distresse . O let thy mercy have the glory of my deliverance from them that persecute my Soule ! By my sinnes have I fought against thee , and robbed th●e of thy glory , who am thy subject , and justly mayst thou , by my owne Subjects , strip me of my strength , and eclypse my glory . But shew thy self , O my hope , and onely refuge ! Let not mine enemies say , There is no help for him in his God. Hold up my goings in thy paths , that my footsteps slip not . Keep me as the apple of thine eye , hide me under the shadow of thy wings . Shew thy marveilous loving kindnesse , O thou that savest by thy right hand them that put their trust in thee , from those that rise up against them . From the wicked that oppresse me , from my deadly enemies that compasse me about . Shew me the path of life . In thy presence is fulnesse of joy , at thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore . 11. Vpon the 19. Propositions first sent to the KING ; and more afterwards . ALthough there be many things , they demand , yet if these be all , I am glad to see at what price they set My owne safety , and My Peoples peace ; which I cannot think I buy at too deare a rate save onely the parting with My Conscience & Honour . If nothing else will satisfie , I must chuse rather to be as miserable , and inglorious , as My enemies can make or wish me . Some things here propounded to Me have been offered by Me ; Others are easily granted ; The rest ( I think ) ought not to be obtruded upon Me , with the point of the Sword ; nor urged with the injuries of a War ; when I have already declared that I cannot yeild to them , without violating My Conscience : 't is strange , there can be no method of peace , but by making warre upon My soule . Here are many things required of Me , but I see nothing offer'd to Me , by the way of gratefull exchange of Honour ; or any requitall for those favours , I have , or can yet grant them . This Honour they doe Mee , to put Mee on the giving part , which is more princely and divine . They cannot aske more than I can give , may I but reserve to My self the Incommunicable Jewell of my Conscience ; and not be forced to part with that , whose losse nothing can repaire or requite . Some things ( which they are pleased to propround ) seeme unreasonable to me , and while I have any Mastery of my Reason , how can they think I can consent to them ? Who know they are such as are inconsistent with being either a King , or a good Christian. My yeilding so much ( as I have already ) makes some men confident I will deny nothing . The love I have of my Peoples peace , hath ( indeed ) great influence upon me ; but the love of Truth , and inward peace hath more . Should I grant some things they require , I should not so much weaken my outward state of a King ; as wound that inward quiet of my Conscience , which ought to be , is , and ever shall be ( by Gods grace ) dearer to me then my Kingdomes . Some things which a King might approve , yet in Honour and Policy are at some time to be denied , to some men , lest he should seeme not to dare to deny any thing ; and give too much incouragement to unreasonable demands , or importunities . But to bind my self to a generall and implicite consent , to what ever they shall desire , or propound , ( for such is one of their Propositions ) were such a latitude of blind obedience , as never was expected from any Free-man , nor fit to be required of any man , much lesse of a King , by His own Subjects ; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in wisdome , as He doth in place and power . This were as if Sampson should have consented , not only to binde his own hands , and cut off his haire , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistins might with the more safety mock , and abuse him ; which they chose rather to doe , then quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and fit occasion for their sport and scorne . Certainly , to exclude all power of deniall , seemes an arrogancy , least of all becomming those who pretend to make their addresses in an humble and loyall way of petitioning ; who by that sufficiently confesse their owne inferiority , which obligeth them to rest , if not satisfied , yet quieted with such an answer as the will and reason of their Superiour thinkes fit to give ; who is acknowledged to have a freedome and power of Reason , to Consent , or Dissent , else it were very foolish and absurd to ask , what another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . But if this be My Right belonging to Me , in Reason , as a Man , and in Honour as a Soveraign King , ( as undoubtedly it doth ) how can it be other then extream injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of granting all they have a mind to ask , whose minds may be as differing from Mine both in Reason & Honour , as their aims may be , and their qualities are ; which last God & the Laws have sufficiently distinguish● , making me their Soveraign , and them my Subjects : whose Propositions may soon prove violent oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary impositions upon the Regall Authority . Since no man seekes to limit and confine his King , in Reason , who hath not a secret aime to share with him , or usurp upon him in Power and Dominion . But they would have me trust to their moderation , & abandon mine own discretion ; that so I might verifie what representations some have made of me to the world , that I am fitter to be their Pupill then their Prince . Truly I am not so confident of my own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the Counsell of others : But yet I am not so diffident of my selfe , as bru●ishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in my Soul , and the Majesty of my own Crown to any of my Subjects . Least of all have I any ground of credulity , to induce me fully to submit to all the desires of those men , who will not admit or doe refuse , and neglect to vindicate the freedome of their own and others , sitting and voting in Parliament . Besides , all men that know them , know this , how young States-men ( the most part ) of these propounders are ; so that , till experience of one seven years hath shewed me , how well they can Governe themselves , and so much power as is wrested from me , I should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithfull , in my Trust , to put the reins of both Reason and Government , wholly out of my own , into their hands , whose driving is already too much like Iehues ; and whose forwardnesse to ascend the throne of Supremacy pretends more of Phaeton then of Phebus ; God divert the Omen if it be his will. They may remember , that at best they sit in Parliament , as my Subjects , not my Superiours ; called to be my Counsellours , not Dictatours : Their Summons extends to recommend their advice , not to command my Duty . When I first heard of Propositions to be sent Me , I expected either some good Lawes , which had been antiquated by the course of time , or overlayd by the corruption of manners , had been desired to a restauration of their vigour and due execution ; or some evill customes preterlegall , and abuses personall had been to be removed : or some injuries done by My selfe , and others , to the Common-weale , were to be repaired : or some equable offertures were to be tendred to Me , wherein the advantages of My Crowne being considered by them , might fairly induce Me to condiscend , to what tended to My Subjects good , without any great diminution of My selfe , whom nature , Law , Reason , and Religion , bind Me ( in the first place ) to preserve : without which , 't is impossible to preserve My People according to My Place . Or ( at least ) I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of what was ( indeed ) amisse in Church and State , as might still preserve the foundation and essentialls of Government in both ; not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the Lawes in force , the w●sdome and piety of former Parliaments , the ancient and universall practise of Christian Churches ; the Rights and Priviledges of particular men : Nor yet any thing offered in lieu , or in the roome of what must be destroyed , which might at once reach the good end of the others Institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reforme its abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeale and speciall piety , but with pregnant and solid reasons both divine and humane , which might justifie the abruptnesse and necessity of such vast alterations . But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kinds , or to these ends : Nothing of any Laws dis●jointed , which are to be restored ; of any right invaded ; of any justice to be un-obstructed ; of any compensations to be made ; of any impartiall reformation to be granted ; to all , or any of which , Reason , Religion , true Policy , or any other humane motives , might induce me . But as to the maine matters propounded by them at any time , in which is either great novelty , or difficulty . I perceive that what were formerly look'd upon as Factions in the State , and Sch●smes in the Church , and so● punishable by the Lawes , have now the confidence , by vulgar clamours , and assistance ( chiefly ) to demand not onely Tolerations of themselves , in their vanity , novelty , and confusion ; but also Abolition of the Lawes against them : and a totall extirpation of that Government , whose Rights they have a mind to invade . This , as to the maine ; other Proposi●ions are ( for the most part ) but as waste paper in which those are wrapped up to present them somewhat more handsomely . Nor doe I so much wonder at the variety , and horrible novelty of some Propositions , ( there being nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for . ) This casts me into , not an admiration , but an extasie , how such things should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the two Houses of the Parliament of England : among whom , I am very confident , there was not a fourth part of the Members of either House , whose judgments free , single , and apart did approve or desire such destructive changes in the Government of the Church . I am perswaded there remaines in farre the Major part of both Houses , ( if free , and full ) so much Learning , Reason , Religion , and just moderation , as to know how to sever between the u●e and the abuse of things ; the institution , and the corruption , the Government and the Mis-government , the Primitive Patterns , and the aberrations or blottings of after Copies . Sure they could not all , upon so little , or no Reason ( as yet produced to the contrary ) so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in force , to antiquity , to the piety of their reforming Progenitors , to the prosperity of former times in this Church and State , under the present Government of the Church . Yet , by a strange fatality , these men suffer , either by their absence , or silence , or negligence , or supine credulity ( believing that all is good , which is guilded with shewes of Zeale and Reformation ) their private dissenting in Judgement to be drawne into the common sewer or streame of the present vogue and humour ; which hath its chief rise and abetment from those popular clamours and Tumults : which served to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who studied with all diligence , and policy , to improve to their Innovating designes , the present distractions . Such Armies of Propositions having so little , in My Judgment , of Reason , Justice , and Religion on their side , as they had Tumult and Faction for their rise , must not go alone , but ever be backt and seconded , with Armies of Soldiers : Though the second should prevaile against My Person , yet the first shall never overcome Me , further than I see cause ; for , I look not at their number and power so much , as I weigh their Reason and Justice . Had the two Houses first sued out their livery , and once effectually redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults , ( which can be no other than the Hounds that attend the cry , and hollow of those Men , who hunt after Factious , and private Designes , to the ruine of Church and State. ) Did My judgment tell Me , that the Propositions sent to Me were the Results of the Major part of their Votes , who exercise their freedome , as well as they have a right to sit in Parliament : I should then suspect My own judgment , for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . For , I have charity enough to think , there are wise men among them : and humility to think , that , as in some things I may want ; so 't is fit I should use their advise , which is the end for which I called them to a Parliament . But yet I cannot allow their wisdome such a compleatnesse and inerrability as to exclude My self ; since none of them hath that part to Act , that Trust to discharge , nor that Estate and Honour to preserve as My selfe ; without whose Reason concurrent with theirs ( as the Suns influence is necessary in all natures productions ) they cannot beget , or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of publique wisdome , which makes the Lawes . But the nnreasonablenesse of some Propositions is not more evident to Me than this is , That they are not the joynt and free desires of those in their Major number , who are of right to Sit and Vote in Parliament . For , many of them savour very strong of that old leaven of Innovations , masked under the name of Reformation ; ( which in My two last famous Predecessours daies , heaved at , and sometime threatned both Prince and Parliaments : ) But , I am sure was never wont so far to infect the whole masse of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdome ; however it dispersed among the Vulgar : Nor was it likely so suddenly to taynt the Major part of both Houses , as that they should unanimously desire , and affect so enormous and dangerous innovations in Church and State , contrary to their former education , practise , and judgement . Not that I am ignorant , how the choice of many Members was carried by much faction in the Countries ; some thirsting after nothing more , than a passionate revenge of what ever displeasure they had conceived against me , my Court , or the Clergy . But all Reason bids me impute these sudden and vast desires of change to those few , who armed themselves with the many-headed , and many-handed Tumults . No lesse doth Reason , Honour , and Safety both of Church and State command me , to chew such morsels , before I let them downe ; If the straitnesse of my Conscience will not give me leave to swallow down such Camels , as others doe of Sacriledge , and injustice both to God and man , they have no more cause to quarrell with me , than for this , that my throat is not so wide as theirs . Yet by Gods help I am resolved , That nothing of passion , or peevishnesse , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew my negative power , shall have any byas upon my judgment , to make me gratifie my will , by denying any thing , which my Reason and Conscience commands me not . Nor on the other side , will I consent to more than Reason , Justice , Honour , and Religion perswade me , to be for Gods glory , the Churches good , my Peoples welfare , and my owne peace . I will study to satisfie my Parliament , and my People ; but I will never , for feare , or flattery , gratifie any Faction , how potent soever ; for this were to nourish the disease , & oppresse the body . Although many mens loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving me , that free , and faithfull counsell , which they are able and willing to impart , and I may want ; yet none can hinder me from craving of the counsell of that mighty Counsellour , who can both suggest what is best , and incline my heart stedfastly to follow it . O thou first and eternall Reason , whose wisdome is fortified with omnipotency , furnish thy Servant , first with cleare discoveries of Truth , Reason , and Iustice , in My Understanding : then so confirme My will and resolution to adhere to them , that no terrours , injuries , or oppressions of my Enemies may ever inforce me against those rules , which thou by them hast planted in My Conscience . Thou never madest me a King , that I should be lesse than a Man ; and not dare to say , Yea , or Nay , as I see cause ; which freedome is not denied to the meanest creature , that hath the use of Reason , and liberty of speech . Shall that be blameable in Me , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others● Thou seest , O Lord , with what partiality , and injustice , they deny that freedome to Me their KING , which Thou hast given to all ●en ; and which Themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves ; while they are so tender of the least breach of their priviledges . To Thee I make my supplication , who canst guide us by an unerring rule , through thy perplexed Labyrinths of our owne thoughts , and other mens proposalls ; which , I have some cause to suspect , are purposely cast as snares , that by My granting or denying them , I might be more entangled in those difficulties , wherewith they lie in wait to afflict Me. O Lord , make thy way plaine before Me. Let not My owne sinfull passions cloud , or divert thy sacred suggestions . Let thy glory be my end , thy word my rule , and then thy will be done . I cannot please all , I care not to please some men ; If I may be happy to please thee , I need not feare whom I displease . Thou that makest the wisdome of the world foolishnesse , and takest in their owne devices , such as are wise in their owne conceits , make me wise by thy Truth , for thy honour , my Kingdoms generall good , and my owne soules salvation , and I shall not much regard the worlds opinion , or diminution of me . The lesse wisdome they are willing to impute to me , the more they shall be convinced of thy wisdome directing me , while I deny nothing fit to be granted , out of crosnesse , or humour ; nor grant any thing which is to be denied , out of any feare , or flattery of men . Suffer me not to be guilty , or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens designes , which are injurious to the publique good , while I confirme them by my consent . Nor let me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the publique of what is best , by any morose or perverse d●ssentings . Make me so humbly charitable , as to follow their advise , when it appeares to be for the publ●que good , of whose affections to me , I have yet but few evidences to assure Me. Thou canst as well blesse honest errours , as blast fraudulent counsells . Since we must give an account of every evill and idle word in private , at thy Tribunall ; Lord make me carefull of those solemne Declarations of my mind which are like to have the greatest influence upon the Publique , either for woe , or weale . The lesse others con●ider what they aske , make me the more solicitous what I answer . Though Mine owne , and My Peoples pressures are grievous , and peace would be very pleasing ; yet Lord , never suffer Me to avoid the one , or purchase the other , with the least expense or wast of my Conscience ; whereof thou O Lord onely art deservedly more Master than My self . 12. Vpon the Rebellion , and troubles in Ireland . THe Commotions in Ireland were so sudden , and so violent , that it was hard at first either to discerne the rise , or apply a remedy to that precipitant Rebellion . Indeed , that sea of bloud , which hath there been cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drowne any man in eternall both infamy and misery , whom God shall find the malicious Authour or Instigator of its effusion . It fell out , as a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against me ; that when they had impudence enough to lay any thing to my charge , this bloudy opportunity should be offered them , with which I must be aspersed . Although there was nothing which could be more adhorred to me , being so full of sin against God , disloyalty to my selfe , and destructive to my Subjects . Some men took it very ill not to be believed , when they affirmed , that what the Irish Rebels did , was done with my privity ( at least ) if not by my Commission : But these knew too well , that it is no news for some of my Subjects to fight , not onely without my Commission , but against my Command , and Person too ; yet all the while to pretend , they fight by my Authority , and for my Safety . I would to God the Irish had nothing to alledge for their imitation against those , whose blame must needs be the greater , by how much Protestant Principles are more against all Rebellion against Princes , then those of Papists . Nor will the goodnesse of mens intentions excuse the scandall , and contagion of their Examples . But who ever faile of their Duty toward me , I must bear the blame ; this Honour my Enemies have alwaies done me , to think moderate injuries not proportionate to me , nor competent trialls , either of my patience under them , or my pardon of them . Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt , with the cup of my Affliction ; Charging me not only with untruths , but such , as wherein I have the greatest share of losse and dishonour by what is committed ; whereby ( in all Policy , Reason , and Religion , having least cause to give the least consent , and most grounds of utter de●estation ) I might be represented by them to the world the more inhumane and barbarous : Like some Cyclopick monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink , but the flesh and blood of my own Subjects ; in whose common welfare my interest lies as much as some mens doth in their perturbations : who think they cannot doe well but in evill times , nor so cunningly as in laying the odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . And certainly , t is thought by many wise men , that the preposterous rigour , and unreasonable severity , which some men carried before them in England , was not the least incentive , that kindled , and blew up into those horrid flames , the sparkes of discontent , which wanted not pre-disposed fewell for Rebellion in Ireland ; where despaire being added to their former discontents , and the feares of utter extirpation to their wonted oppressions , it was easie to provoke to an open Rebellion , a people prone enough , to break out to all exorbitant violence , both by some Principles of their Religion , and the naturall desires of liberty ; both to exempt themselves from their present restraints , and to prevent those after rigours , wherewith they saw themselves apparently threatned , by the covetous zeal , and uncharitable fury of some men , who think it a great Argument of the truth of their Religion , to endure no other but their own . God knowes , as I can with Truth wash my hands in Innocency , as to any guilt in that Rebellion ; so I might wash them in my Teares , as to the sad apprehensions I had , to see it spread so farre , and make such waste . And this in a time , when distra●●ions , and jealousies here in England , made most men rather intent to their own safety , or designes they were driving , then to the relief of those , who were every day inhumanely butchered in Ireland : Whose teares and bloud might , if nothing else , have quenched , or at least for a time , repressed and smothered those sparks of Civill dissentions , and Jealousies , which in England some men most industriously scattered . I would to God no man had been lesse affected with Irelands sad estate then my self ; I offered to goe my self in Person upon that expedition ; But some men were either afraid I should have any one Kingdome quieted ; or loath they were to shoot at any mark here lesse then my self ; or that any should have the glory of my destruction but themselves . Had my many offers been accepted , I am confident neither the ruine had been so great , nor the calamity so long , nor the remedy so desperate . So that , next to the sin of those , who began that Rebellion , theirs musts needs be : who either hindred the speedy suppressing of it by Domestick dissentions , or diverted the Aides , or exasperated the Rebells to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all extremities , not only to the known heads , and chief incendiaries , but even to the whole community of that Nation ; Resolving to destroy Root and Branch , men , women and children ; without any regard to those usuall pleas for mercy , which Conquerours , not wholly barbarous , are wont to hear from their own breasts , in behalf of those , whose oppressive faces , rather then their malice , engaged them ; or whose imbecility for Sex and Age was such , as they could neither lift up a hand against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left : Which preposterous , and ( I think ) un-evangelicall Zeal is too like that of the rebuked Disciples , who would goe no lower in their revenge , then to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities , for the repulse or neglect of a few ; or like that of Iacobs sons , which the Father both blamed and cursed : chusing rather to use all extremites , which might drive men to desperate obstinacy , then to apply moderate remedies ; such as might punish some with exemplary Justice , yet disarme others , with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and our protection of them , from the fury of those , who would soon drown them , if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . But some kind of Zeale counts all mercifull moderation , luke-warmnesse ; and had rather be cruell then counted cold , and is not seldome more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin , then for any harme he hath done . The confiscation of mens estates being more beneficiall , then the charity of saving their lives , or reforming their Errours . When all proportionable succours of the poor Protestants in Ireland ( who were daily massacred , and overborne with numbers of now desperate Enemies ) was diverted and obstructed here ; I was earnestly entreated , and generally advised by the chief of the Protestant party there , to get them some respite and breathing by a cessation , without which they saw no probability ( unlesse by miracle ) to preserve the remnant that had yet escaped : God knowes with how much commiseration and solicitous caution I carried on that businesse , by persons of Honour and Integrity , that so I might neither incourage the Rebells Insolence , nor discourage the Protestants Loyalty and Patience . Yet when this was effected in the best sort , that the necessity and difficulty of affaires would then permit , I was then to suffer again in my reputation and Honour , because I suffered not the Rebels utterly to devour the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there . I thought , that in ●ll re●son , the gaining of that respite could not be so much to the Rebels advantages ( which some have highly calumniated against me ) as it might have been for the Protestants future , as well as present safety ; If during the time of that Cessation , some men had had the grace to have laid Irelands sad condition more to heart ; and laid aside those violent motions , which were here carried on by those , that had better skill to let bloud than to stanch it . But in all the misconstructions of my actions , ( which are prone to find more credulity in men to what is false , and evill , than love or charity to what is true and good ) as I have no Judge but God above me , so I can have comfort to appeale to his omniscience , who doth not therefore deny my Innocence , because he is pleased so far●e to try my patience , as he did his servant Iob's . I have enough to doe to look to my owne Conscience , and the faithfull discharge of my Trust as a KING ; I have scarce leisure to consider those swarmes of reproaches , which issue out of some mens mouthes and hearts , as easily as smoke , or sparks doe out of a fornace ; Much lesse to make such prolix Apologies , as might give those men satisfaction : who conscious to their owne depth of wickednesse , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 'T is Kingly to doe well , and heare ill : If I can but act the one , I shall not much regard to beare the other . I thank God I can heare with patience , as bad as my worst enemies can falsly say . And I hope I shall still doe better than they desire , or deserve I should . I believe it will at last appear , that they who first began to embroyle my other Kingdomes , are in great part guilty , if not of the first letting out , yet of the not-timely stopping those horrid effusions of bloud in Ireland . Which ( whatever my Enemies please to say , or thinke ) I looke upon , as that of my other Kingdomes , exhausted out of my owne veins ; no man being so much weakned by it , as my selfe ; And I hope , though mens unsatiable cruelties never will , yet the mercy of God will at length say to his justice , It is enough : and command the Sword of Civill Warres to sheath it self : his mercifull justice intending , I trust , not our utter confusion , but our cure : the abatement of our sinnes , not the desolating of these Nations . O my God , let those infinite mercies prevent us once againe , which I and my Kingdomes have formerly abused , and can never deserve , should be restored . Thou seest how much cruelty among Christians is acted under the colour of Religion ; as if we could not be Christians , unlesse we crucifie one another . Because we have not more loved thy Truth , and practiced in charity , thou hast suffered a Spirit of Errour and bitternesse , of mutuall and mortall hatred to rise among us . O Lord , forgive wherein we have sinned , and sanctifie what we have suffered . Let our Repentance be our recovery , as our great sinnes have been our ruine . Let not the miseries I and my Kingdomes have hitherto suffered seeme small to thee : but make our sins appeare to our consciences , as they are represented in the glasse of thy judgments ; for thou never punishest small failings with so severe afflictions . O therefore , according to the multitude of thy great mercies , pardon our sinnes , and remove thy judgements which are very many , and very heavy . Yet let our sinnes be ever more grievous to us , than thy judgments ; and make us more willing to repent , than to be relieved ; first give us the peace of penitent consciences , and then the tranquillity of united Kingdomes . In the sea of our Saviours bloud drowne our sinnes , and through this red sea of our own bloud bring us at last to a state of piety , peace , and plenty . As my publique relations to all , make Me share in all My Subjects suff●rings ; so give Me such a pious sense of them , as becomes a Christian King , and a loving Father of My People . Let the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon Me , be as a breath , more to kindle my compassion ; Give me grace to heap charitable coles of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose malice or cruell Zeale hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those flames , which have so much wasted my three Kingdomes . O resc●e and assist those poore Protestants in Ireland , whom thou hast hitherto preserved . And lead those in the waies of thy saving Truths , whose ignorance or errours have filled them with rebelli●us and destrustive principles ; wh●ch they act under an opinion , That they do● thee good service . Let the hand of thy justice be against those , who maliciously and despitefully have raised , or fomented those cruell and desperate Warres . Thou that art far from destroying the Innocent with the Guilty , and the Erroneous with the Malicious ; Thou that hadst pity on Niniveh for the many Children that were therein , give not over the whole stock of that populous and seduced Nation , to the wrath of those , whose covetousnesse makes them cruell ; nor to their anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . Preserve , if it be thy will , in the midst of the fornace of thy severe justice a Posterity , which may praise thee for thy mercy . And deale with Me , not according to mans unjust reproaches , but according to the Innocency of my hands in thy sight . If I have desired , or delighted in the wofull day of my Kingdomes calamities , if I have not earnestly studied , and faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloudy distractions● then let thy hand be against me , and my Fathers house . O Lord , thou seest I have e●emies enough of men ; as I need not , so I should not dare thus to imprecate thy curse on me and mine , if my Conscience did not witnesse my integrity , which thou O Lord knowest right well ; But I trust not to my owne merit , but thy mercies● spare us O Lord , and be not angry with us for ●ver● 13. Vpon the Calling in of the Scots , and their Comming . THe Scots are a Nation , upon whom I have not onely common ties of Nature , Soveraignty , and Bounty , with My Father of blessed memory ; but also speciall and late obligations of favours , having gratified the active Spirits among them so farre , that I seemed to many , to prefer the desires of that Party , before My owne interest and Honour . But , I see , Royall bounty emboldens some men to aske , and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude . My charity , and Act of Pacification , forbids Me to reflect on former passages ; wherein I shall ever be farre from letting any mans ingratitude , or inconstancy , make Me repent of what I granted them , for the publique good : I pray God it may so prove . The comming againe of that Party into England , with an Army , onely to conforme this Church to their late New modell , cannot but seeme as unreasonable , as they would have thought the same measure offered from hence to themselves . Other errand I could never understand , they had , ( besides those common and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty ) save only to confirme the Presbyterian Copy they had set , by making this Church to write after them , though it were in bloudy Characters . Which designe and end , whether it will justifie the use of such violent meanes , before the divine Justice : I leave to their Consciences to judge , who have already felt the misery of the meanes , but not reaped the benefit of the end , either in this Kingdome , or that . Such knots and crosnesse of grain being objected here , as will hardly suffer that forme which they cry up , as the only just reformation , and setling of Government and Discipline in Churches , to go on so smoothly here , as it might doe in Scotland ; and was by them imagined would have done in England , when so many of the English Clergy , through levity , or discontent , if no worse passion , suddenly quitted their former engagements to Episcopacy , and faced about to their Presbytery . It cannot but seeme either passion , or some self-seeking , more then true Zeal , and pious Discretion , for any forraigne State or Church to prescribe such medicines only for others , which themselves have used , rather successefully then commendably ; not considering that the same Physick on different constitutions , will have different operations ; That may kill one , which doth but cure another . Nor do I know any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the English Church , which gentler applications then those of an Army , might not easily have removed : Nor is it so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword , as to polish them by faire and equall disputations among those that are most concerned in the differences , whom not force , but Reason ought to convince . But their design now , seemed rather to cut off all disputation here , then to procure a fair and equall one : For , it was concluded there , that the Engl●sh Clergy must conforme to the Scots patterne before ever they could be heard , what they could say for themselves , or against the others way . I could have wished fairer proceedings both for their credits , who urge things with such violence ; and for other mens Consciences too , who can receive little satisfaction in these points which are maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the Field , than Schollars disputing in free and learned Synods . Sure in matters of Religion those truths gain most on mens Judgements and Consciences , which are least urged with secular violence , which weakens Truth with prejudices ; and is unreasonable to be used , till such meanes of rationall conviction hath been applied , as leaving no excuse for ignorance , condemnes mens obstinacy to deserved penalties . Which no charity will easily suspect of so many learned and pious Church-men in England ; who being alwayes bred up , and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practise , only because that Party of the Scots will needs , by force assist a like Party here , either to drive all Ministers , as sheep into the common fold of Presbytery , or destroy them ; at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their Flocks . If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only institution of Jesus Christ , for all Churches Government ; yet I believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots , or any other of my Subjects , Commission by the Sword to set it up in any of my Kingdomes , without my Consent . What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles pay'd to the cheif Governours of States , where they lived is very clear in the Gospell ; but that he , or they ever commanded to set up such a parity of Presbyters , and in such a way as those Scots endeavour ; I think is not very disputable . If Presbytery in such a supremacy be an institution of Christ ; sure it differs from all others ; and is the first and only po●nt of Christianity , that was to be planted and watered with so much Christian bloud ; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of the Primitive planters , both of Christianity and Episcopacy , which was with patient shedding of their own bloud , not violent drawing o●her mens ; sure there is too much of Man in it , to have much of Christ , none of whose institutions were carried on , or begun with the temptations of Covetousnesse or Ambition ; of both which this is vehemently suspected . Yet was there never any thing upon the point , which those Scots had by Army or Commissioners to move me with , by their many Solemne obtestations , and pious threatnings , but only this ; to represent to me the wonderfull necessity of setting up their Presbyt●ry in England , to avoid the further miseries of a Warre ; which some men cheifly on this designe at first had begun , and now further engaged themselves to continue . What hinders that any Sects , Schismes , or Heresies , if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may not , according to this op●nion and patterne , set up their wayes ●y the like methods of violence ? all which Pre●bytery seekes to suppresse , and render odious under those names ; when wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of Schisme , and Sectarisme , then this Presbyterian way , both as to the Ancient , and still most Universall way of the Church-government , and specially as to the particular Lawes and Constitutions of this English Church , which are not yet repealed , nor are like to be for me , till I see more Rationall and Religious motives , then Souldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks . But we must leave the successe of all to God , who hath many wayes ( having first taken us off from the folly of our opinions , and fury of our passion ) to teach us those rules of true Reason , and peaceable Wisdome , which is from above , tending most to Gods glory , & his Churches good ; which I think my self so much the more bound in Conscience to attend , with the most judicious Zeal and ●are , by how much I esteem the Church above the State , the glory of Christ above mine Own ; and the salvation of mens Soules above the preservation of their Bodies and Estates . Nor may any men , I think , without sinne and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under my care and tuition , into the moulds they have fancied , and fashioned to their designes , till they have first gained my consent , and resolved , both my own and other mens Consciences by the strength of their Reasons . Other violent motions , which are neither Manly , Christian , nor Loyall , shall never either shake or settle my Religion ; nor any mans else , who knowes what Religion means : And how farre it is removed from all Faction , whose proper engine is force ; the arbitrator of beasts , not of reasonable men , much lesse of humble Christians , and loyall Subjects , in matters of Religion . But men are prone to have such high conce●ts of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions ; especially those , that have some temptation of gain , to recompence their losses and hazards . Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots Armies comming in against my will , and their forfeiture of so many obligations of duty , and gratitude to me : then I wondered , how those here , could so much distrust Gods assistance ; who so much pretended Gods cause to the People , as if they had the certainty of some divine Revelation ; considering they were more then competently furnished with my Subjects Armes and Ammunition ; My Navie by Sea , my Forts , Castles , and Cities by Land. But I find , that men jealous of the Justifiablenesse of their doings , and designes before God , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their worke on , seem it never so plausible to the People ; what cannot be justified in Law or Religion , had need be fortified with Power . And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come into their assistance ; others of them soone after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out : what one Party thought to rivet to a setledness by the strength and influence of the Scots , that the other rejects and contemnes ; at once , despising the Kirk Government , and Discipline of the Scots , and frustrating the successe of so chargable , more then charitable assistance : For , sure the Church of England might have purchased at a farre cheaper rate , the truth and happinesse of Reformed government and discipline ( if it had been wanting ) though it had entertained the best Div●nes of Chr●stendome for their advice in a full and free Synod ; which , I was ever willing to , and desirous of , that matters being impartially setled , might be more satisfactory to all , and more durable . But much of Gods justice , and mans folly will at length be discovered , through all the filmes and pretensions of Religion , in which Politicians wrap up their designes ; In vaine do men hope to build their piety on the ruines of Loyalty . Nor can those considerations or designs be durable , when Subjects make bankrupt of their Allegiance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion . But , as My best Subjects of Scotland never deserted Me , so I cannot think that the most are gone so far from Me , in a prodigality of their love and respects toward Me , as to make Me to despaire of their returne ; when besides the bonds of nature and Conscience , which they have to Me , all Reason and true Policy will teach them , that their chiefest interest consists in their fidelity to the Crowne , not in their serviceablenesse to any Party of the People , to a neglect and betraying of My Safety and Honour for their owne advantages : However the lesse cause I have to trust to men , the more I shall apply My self to God. The Troubles of My Soule are enlarged , O Lord , bring thou me out of My distresse . Lord direct thy Servant in the waies of that pious simplicity , which is the best policy . Deliver Me from the combined strength of those , who have so much of the Serpents subtilty , that they forget the Doves Innocency . Though hand joyne in hand , yet let them not prevaile against My soule , to the betraying of My Conscience , and Honour . Thou , O Lord , canst turne the hearts of those Parties in both Nations , as thou didst the men of Judah and Israel , to restore David with as much loyall Zeale , as they did with inconstancy and eagernesse pursue Him. Preserve the love of thy Truth and uprightnesse in Me , and I shall not despaire of My Subjects affections returning towards Me. Thou canst soone cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe , and retire back again to the bounds which thou hast appointed for them . O My God , I trust in thee ; let me not be ashamed ; let not My enemies triumph over Me. Let them be ashamed who transgresse without a cause ; let them be turned back that persecute My Soule . Let integrity and uprightnesse preserve Me , for I wait on thee O Lord. Redeeme thy Church , O God , out of all its Troubles . 14. Vpon the Covenant . THe Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries ; nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in , have pawned their Soules to them , by a Solemne League and Covenant : Where many engines of religious and faire pretensions are brought chiefly to batter , or rase Episcopacy ; This they make the grand evill Spirit , which , with some other Imps purposely added , to make it more odious , and terrible to the Vulgar , must by so solemne a charm & exorcism be cast out of this Church , after more than a thousand yeares possession here , from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island , and an universall prescription of time and practise in all other Churches since the Apostles times till this last Century . But no Antiquity must plead for it , Presbytery , like a young Heyre , thinks the Father hath lived long enough , and impatient not to be in the Bishops Chaire & Authority ( though Lay-men go away with the Revenues ) all art is used to sink Episcopacy , and lanch Presbytery in England ; which was lately boyed up in Scotland by the like artifice of a Covenant . Although I am unsatisfied with many passages in that Covenant ( some referring to My selfe with very dubious and dangerous limitations ) yet I chiefly wonder at the designe and drift touching the Discipline and Government of the Church ; and such a manner of carrying them on to new waies , by Oaths & Covenants , where it is hard for men to be engaged by no lesse , then swearing for , or against those things , which are of no cleare morall necessity ; but very disputable , and controverted among learned and godly men : whereto the application of Oaths can hardly be made and enjoyned with that judgment , and certainty in ones selfe , or that charity and candour to others of different opinion , as I think Religion requires , which never refuses faire and equable deliberations ; yea , and dissentings too , in matters onely probable . The enjoyning of Oaths upon People must needs in things doubtfull be dangerous , as in things unlawfull , damnable● and no lesse superfluous , where former religious and legall Engagements , bound men sufficiently , to all necessary duties . Nor can I see how they will reconcile such an Innovating Oath and Covenant , with that former Protestation which was so lately taken , to maintaine the Religion established in the Church of England : since they count Discipline so great a part of Religion . But ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes enough to catch and hold the Vulgar credulity : for by such politicke and seemingly pious stratagems , they think to keep the popularity fast to their Parties under the terrour of perjury : Whereas certainly all honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of Religion , Allegiance , and Lawes , to God and man. Nor can such after-Contracts , devised and imposed by a few men in a declared Party , without My consent , and without any like power or president from Gods or mans laws , be ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolve or slacken those morall and eternall bonds of duty which lie upon all My Subjects consciences both to God and Me. Yet as things now stand , good men shall least offend God or Me , by keeping their Covenant in honest and lawfull waies ; since I have the charity to think , that the chief end of the Covenant in such mens intentions , was , to preserve Religion in purity , and the Kingdoms in peace : To other then such ends and meanes they cannot think themselves engaged ; nor will those , that have any true touches of Conscience endeavour to carry on the best designes , ( much lesse such as are , and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawfull meanes , under that title of the Covenant : unlesse they dare preferre ambiguous , dangerous and un-authorized novelties , before their knowne and sworne duties , which are indispensable , both to God and My selfe . I am prone to believe and hope , That many who took the Covenant , are yet firme to this judgment , That such later Vowes , Oaths , or Leagues , can never blot out those former gravings , and characters , which by just and lawfull Oaths were made upon their Soules . That which makes such Confederations by way of solemn Leagues & Covenants more to be suspected , is , That they are the cōmon road , used in all factious & powerfull perturbations of State or Church : When formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied and elaborate , then , when Politicians most agitate desperate designes against all that is setled , or sacred in Religion , and Laws , which by such s●rues are cunningly , yet forcibly wrested by secret steps , and lesse sensible degrees , from their known rule and wonted practise , to comply with the humours of those men , who ayme to subdue all to their owne will and power , under the disguises of Holy Combinations . Which cords and wythes will hold mens Consciences no longer , then force attend● and twists them : for every man soone growes his owne Pope , and easily absolves himselfe of those ties , which , not the commands of Gods word , or the Lawes of the Land , but onely the subtilty and terrour of a Party casts upon him ; either superfluous and vaine , when they were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the Imposers really ayming to dissolve , or suspend their former , just , and necessary obligations . Indeed , such illegall waies seldome , or never , intend the engaging men more to duties , but onely to Parties ; therefore it is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of piety pretended , provided they adhere firmly to the Party and Designe intended . I see the Imposers of it are content to make their Covenant like Manna ( not that it came from Heaven , as this did ) agreeable to every mans palate and relish , who will but swallow it : They admit any mens senses of it , the diverse or contrary ; with any salvoes , cautions , and reservations , so as they crosse not though chiefe Designe which is laid against the Church , and Me. It is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their Party ; So little doe men remember that God is not mocked . In such latitudes of sense , I believe many that love Me , and the Church well , may have taken the Covenant , who yet are not so fondly and superstitiously taken by it , as now to act clearly against both all piety and loyalty : who first yeilded to it , more to prevent that imminent violence and ruine , which hung over their heads in case they wholly refused it , than for any value of it , or devotion to it . Wherein , the latitude of some generall Clauses may ( perhaps ) serve somewhat to relieve them , as of Doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may , in their Places and Callings , and according to the Word of God : for , these ( indeed ) carry no man beyond those bounds of good Conscience , which are certaine and fixed , either in Gods Lawes , as to the generall ; or the Lawes of the State and Kingdome , as to the particular regulation and exercise of mens duties . I would to God such as glory most in the name of Covenanters , would keep themselves within those lawfull bounds , to which God hath called them : Surely it were the best way to expiate the rashnesse of taking it : which must needs then appeare , when besides the want of a full and lawfull Authority at first to enjoyne it , it shall actually be carried on beyond and against those ends which were in it specified and pretended . I willingly forgive such mens taking the Covenant , who kee● it within such bounds of Piety , Law , and Loyalty , as can never hurt either the Church , My self , or the Publique Peace : Against which , no mans lawfull Calling can engage him . As for that Reformation of the Church , which the Covenant pretends , I cannot think it just or comely , that by the partiall advise of a few Divines , ( of so soft and servile tempers , as disposed them to so sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former judgments , profession , and practise ) such foule scandals and suspitions should be cast upon the Doctrine and Government of the Church of England , as was never done ( that I have heard ) by any that deserved the name of Reformed Churches abroad , nor by any men of learning and candour at home : all whose judgments I cannot but prefer before any mens now factiously engaged . No man can be more forward than My self to carry on all due Reformations , with mature judgement , and a good Conscience , in what things I shall ( after impartiall advise ) be , by Gods Word , and right reason , convinced to be amisse , I have offered more than ever the fullest , freest , and w●sest Parliaments did desire . But the sequele of some mens actions makes it evident , that the maine Reformation intended , is the abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery , and the robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues : For , no men have been more injuriously used , as to their legall Rights than the Bishops , and Church-men . These , as the fattest Deare , must be destroyed ; the other Rascal-herd of Schismes , Heresies , &c. being leane , may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration : Thus Naboth's Vineyard made him the onely Blasphemer of his City , and fit to die . Still I see , while the breath of Religion fills the Sailes , Profit is the Compasse , by which Factious men steer their course in all seditious Commotions . I thank God , as no men lay more open to the sacrilegious temptation of usurping the Churches Lands , and Revenues , ( which issuing chiefly from the Crowne , are held of it , and legally can revert onely to the Crowne with My Consent ) so I have alwaies had such a perfect abhorrence of it in My Soule , that I never found the least inclination to such sacrilegious Reformings : yet no man hath a greater desire to have Bishops and all Church-men so reform●d , that they may best deserve and use , not onely what the pious munificence of My Predecessours hath given to God and the Church , but all other additions of Christian bounty . But no necessity shall ever , I hope , drive Me or Mine to invade or sell the Priests Lands , which both Pharaoh's divinity , and Ioseph's true piety abhorred to doe : So unjust I think it both in the eye of Reason and Religion , to deprive the most sacred employment of all due incouragements ; and like that other hard-hearted Pharaoh , to withdraw the Straw , and encrease the Taske ; so pursuing the oppressed Church , as some have done , to the red sea of a Civill Warre , where nothing but a miracle can save either It , or Him , who esteems it His greatest Title to be called , and His chiefest glory to be The Defender of the Church , both in its true Faith , and its just fruitions ; equally abhorring , Sacriledge , and Apostacy . I had rather live as my Predecessour Henry 3. sometime did , on the Churches Almes , then violently to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths . The next work will be Ieroboam's reformation , consecrating the meanest of the People to be Priests in Israel , to serve those Golden Calves who have enriched themselves with the Churches Patrimony & Dow●y ; which how it thrived both with Prince , Priests , & People , is well enough known : And so it will be here , when from the tuition of Kings and Queens , which have beene nursing Fathers and Mothers of this Church , it shall be at their allowance , who have already discovered , what hard Fathers , and Stepmothers they will be . If the poverty of Scotland might , yet the plenty of England cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues . I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad consequences , which will inevitably follow the parity and poverty of Ministers , both in Church and State ; since I think it no lesse than a mocking and tempting of God , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our owne power ; it being every mans sinne not to avoid the one , and not to use the other . There are waies enough to repaire the breaches of the State without the ruines of the Church ; as I would be a Restorer of the one , so I would not be an Oppressour of the other , under the pretence of Publique Debts : The occasions contracting them were bad enough , but such a discharging of them would be much worse ; I pray God neither I , nor Mine , may be accessary to either . To thee , O Lord , doe I addresse My prayer , beseeching thee to pardon the rashnesse of My Subjects Swearings , and to quicken their sense and observation of those just , morall , and indispensable bonds , which thy Word , and the Lawes of this Kingdome have laid upon their Consciences ; From which no pretensions of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or to engage them to any contrary practises . Make them at length seriously to consider , that nothing violent and injurious can be religious . Thou allowest no mans committing Sacriledge under the Zeale of abhorring Idols . Suffer not sacrilegious designes to have the countenance of religious ties . Thou hast taught us by the wisest of Kings , that it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after Vowes to make enquiry . Ever keep thy Servant from consenting to perjurious and sacrilegious rapines , that I may not have the brand and curse to all posterity of robbing Thee and thy Church , of what thy bounty hath given us , and thy clemency hath accepted from us , wherewith to encourage Learning and Religion . Though My Treasures are Exhausted , My Revenues Diminished , and My Debts Encreased , yet never suffer Me to be tempted to use such profane Reparation● ; lest a coal from thine Altar set such a fire on My Throne and Conscience as wil be hardly quenched . Let not the Debts and Engagements of the Publique , which some mens folly and prodigality hath contracted , be an occasion to impoverish thy Church . The State may soone recover , by thy blessing of peace upon us ; The Church is never likely , in times , where the Charity of most men is growne so cold , and their Religion so illiberall . Continue to those that serve Thee and thy Church all those incouragements , which by the will of the pious Donours , and the justice of the Lawes are due unto them ; and give them grace to deserve and use them aright to thy glory , and the relief of the poore ; That thy Priests may be cloathed with righteousnesse , and the poore may be satisfied with bread . Let not holy things be given to Swine ; nor the Churches bread to Dogs ; rather let them go about the City , grin like a Dog , and grudge that they are not satisfied . Let those sacred morsels , which some men have already by violence devoured never digest with them , nor theirs ; Let them be as Naboth's Vineyard to Ahab , gall in their mouths , rottennesse to their names , a moth to their Families , and a sting to their Consciences . Break in sunder , O Lord , all violent and sacrilegious Confederations , to doe wickedly and injuriously . Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the Church and State , that the folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no further . But so favour My righteous dealing , O Lord , that in the mercies of thee , the most High , I may never miscarry . 15. Vpon the many Iealousies raised , and Scandals cast upon the KING , to stirre up the People against Him. IF I had not My own Innocency , and Gods protection , it were hard for Me to stand out against those stratagems & conflicts of malice , which by Falsities seek to oppresse the Truth ; and by Jealousies to supply the defect of Reall causes , which might seem to justifie so unjust Engagements against Me. And indeed , the worst effects of open Hostility come short of these Designes : For , I can more willingly loose My Crownes , than My Credit ; nor are My Kingdomes so deare to Me , as My Reputation and Honour . Those must have a period with My life ; but the●e may survive to a glorious kind of Immortality , when I am dead & gone : A good name being the embalming of Princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an Eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity . Those soule and false aspersions were secret engines at first employed against My peoples love of Me : that undermining their opinion and value of Me , My enemies , and theirs too , might at once blow up their affections , and batter downe their loyaltie . Wherein yet , I thanke God , the detriment of My Honour is not so afflictive to Me , as the ●in and danger of My peoples soules , whose eyes once blinded with such mists of suspicions , they are soone mis-led into the most desperate precipices of actions : wherein they doe not onely , not consider their sin and danger , but glory in their zealous adventures ; while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed , that many are ambitious to merit the name of My Destroyers , Imagining they then feare God most , when they least honour their King. I thanke God , I never found but My pity was above My anger ; no● have My passions ever so prevailed against Me , as to exclude My most compassionate prayers for them , whom devout errours more than their own malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion . I had the Charity to interpret , that most part of My Subjects fought against My ●upposed Errours , not My Person ; and intended to mend Me , not to end Me : And I hope that God pardoning their Errours , hath so farre accepted and answered their good intentions , that as he hath yet preserved Me , so he hath by these afflictions prepared Me , both to doe him better service , and My people more good , than hitherto I have done . I doe not more willingly forgive their seductions , which occasioned their loyall injuries , then I am ambitious by all Princely merits to redeem them from their unjust suspicions , and reward them for their good intentions . I am too conscious to My own Affections toward the generality of My people , to suspect theirs to Me ; nor shall the malice of My Enemies ever be able to deprive Me of the comfort , which that confidence gives Me ; I shall never gratifie the spightfulnesse of a few with any sinister thoughts of all their Allegiance , whom pious frauds have seduced . The worst some mens ambition can do , shall never perswade Me , to make so bad interpretations of most of My Subjects actions ; who possibly may be Erroneous , but not Hereticall in point of Loyalty . The sense of the Injuries done to My Subjects is as sharp , as those done to My self ; our welfares being inseparable ; in this only they suffer more then My self , that they are animated by some seducers to injure at once both themselves and Me. For this is not enough to the malice of My Enemies , that I be afflicted ; but it must be done by such instruments , that My afflictions grieve Me not more , then this doth , that I am afflicted by those , whose prosperity I earnestly desire , and whose seduction I heartily deplore . If they had been My open and forraigne Enemies , I could have borne it ; but they must be My own Subjects , who are next to My Children , dear to Me : And for the restoring of whose tranquillity , I could willingly be the Ionah ; If I did not evidently foresee , that by the divided Interests of their and Mine Enemies , as by contrary winds the storm of their miseries would be rather encreased then allayed . I had rather prevent My peoples ruine then Rule over them ; nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but My Right , as of their happinesse ; if it could expiate , or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign . Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of life , and die many deaths , then shamefully to desert , or dishonourably to betray My own just Rights and Soveraignty ; thereby to gratifie the ambition , or justifie the malice of My Enemies ; between whose malice , & other mens mistakes , I put as great a difference , as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague ; or the Itch of Novelty , and the Leprosie of Disloyalty . As Liars need have good memories , so Malicious persons need good inventions ; that their calumnies may fit every mans fancy ; and what their reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . My patience ( I thank God ) will better serve Me to bear , and My charity to forgive , then My leisure to answer the many false Aspersions which some men have cast upon Me. Did I not more consider My Subjects Satisfaction , then My own Vindication ; I should never have given the malice of some men that pleasure , as to see Me take notice of , or remember what they say , or object . I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evill manners , and seared Consciences , which will , I believe , in a shorter time then they be aware of , both confute and revenge all those black and false Scandalls , which they have cast on Me ; And make the world see , there is as little truth in them , as there was little worth in the broaching of them , or Civility , ( I need not say Loyalty ) in the not-suppressing of them ; whose credit and reputation , even with the people , shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of popular obloquy , and detraction , which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and wherein they have sought to cast and consume My Name and Honour . First , nothing gave Me more cause to suspect , and search My own Innoce●●y ; then when I observed so many forward to engage against Me , who had made great professions of singular piety ; For this gave to vulgar mindes so bad a reflection upon Me , and My Cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me , and not withall part from God ; to think or speak well of Me , and not to Blaspheme him ; so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent , to be at once Loyall to Me , and truly Religious toward God. Not but that I had ( I thank god ) many with Me , which were both Learned and Religious , ( much above that ordinary size , and that vulgar proportion , wherein some men glory so much ) who were so well satisfied in the cause of My sufferings , that they chose rather to suffer with Me , then forsake Me. Nor is it strange that so religious Pretensions as were used against Me , should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose Me ; Especially , being urged by such popular Preachers , as think it no sin to lie for God , and what they please to call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them ; looking so much at , and crying up the goodnesse of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulnesse of the means used , nor the depth of the mischeif , chiefly plotted and inten●ed . The weakness of these mens judgments must be made up by their clamours and activity . It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize Me and Mine , they thought theirs could not be true , if they cried not downe Mine as false . I thank God , I have had more triall of his grace , as to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of England , both abroad , and at home , than ever they are like to have . Nor doe I know any exception , I am so liable to , in their opinion , as too great a fixednesse in that Religion , whose judicious and solid grounds , both from Scripture , and Antiquity , will not give My Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations , which the bold Ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon Me , and My People . Contrary to those well tried foundations both of Truth , and Order , which men of far greater Learning , and clearer Zeal , have setled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England , which many former Parliaments in the most calme , and unpassionate times , have oft confirmed ; In which I shall ever , by Gods help , persevere , as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order . Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists , which were my Subjects , any way fight against My Religion , as some men would needs interpret it : especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed , or what they said , and did , so they might prevaile . 'T is strange that so wise men , as they would be esteemed , should not conceive , That differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out , where there is the samenesse of duty , Allegiance , and subjection . The first they owne as men , and Christians to God ; the second , they owe to Me in Common , as their KING ; different professions in point of Religion cannot ( any more than in civill Trades ) take away the community of relations either to Parents , or to Princes : And where is there such an Oglio or medley of various Religions in the world again , as those men entertain in their service ( who find most fault with me ) without any scruple , as to the diversity o● their Sects and Opinions ? It was , indeed , a foule and indelible shame , for such as would be counted Protestants , to enforce Me , a declared Protestant , their Lord and King , to a necessary use of Papists , or any other , who did but their duty to help Me to defend My self . Nor did I more than is lawfull for any King , in such exigents to use the aide of any his Subjects . I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance , than many Protestant Professours ; who seem to have learned , and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists . Indeed , it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in Me , ( and very pleasing no doubt to My Enemies ) to have been then disputing the points of different beliefs in My Subjects when I was disputed with by Swords points : and when I needed the help of My Subjects as men , no lesse then their prayers as Christians . The noise of My Evill Counsellours was another usefull device for those , who were impatient any mens counsels but their owne , should be followed in Church or State ; who were so eager in giving Me better counsell that they would not give Me leave to take it with freedome , as a Man ; or honour , as a King ; making their counsels more like a drench that must be powred downe , than a draught which might be fairly and leisurely dranke , if I liked it . I will not justifie beyond humane errours and frailties My selfe , or My Counsellours● They m●ght be subject to some miscarriages , yet such as were farre more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormious extravagances , wherewith some men have now even wildred , and almost quite lost both Church and State. The event of things at last will make it evident to My Subjects , that had I followed the worst Counsels , that My worst Counsellours ever had the boldnesse to offer to Me , or My self any inclination to use ; I could not so soon have brought both Church and Sta●e in three flourishing Kingdomes , to such a Chaos of confusions , and Hell of miseries● as some have done ; out of which th●y cann●t● or will not in the midst of their many 〈◊〉 advantages , redeeme either Me , or My Subjects . No even were more willing to compl●in , than I was to redresse what I saw in Reas●n was either done or advised am●●se ; and th●s I thought I had done , even beyond the expectation of moderate men : who were sorry to see Me prone even to injure My self , out of a Zeal to relieve My Sub●ects . But other mens insatiable desire of revenge upon Me , My Court , and My Clergy ; hath wholly beguiled both Church and State , of the benefit of all My , either Retractations , or Concessions ; and withall , hath deprived all those ( now so zealous Persecutors ) both of the comfort and reward of their former pretended persecutions , wherein they so much gloried among the vulgar ; and which , indeed , a truly humble Christian will so highly prize , as rather not be relieved , then be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that Crown of Christian Patience , which attends humble and injured sufferers . Another artifice used to withdraw My peoples affections from Me , to their designes , was , The noise and o●tentation of liberty , which men are not more prone to desire , then unapt to bear in the popular sense ; which is to doe what every man liketh best . If the Divinest liberty be to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to Reason , Lawes , and Religion ; I envie not My Subjects that liberty , which is all I de●ire to enjoy My self ; So farre am I from the desire of oppressi●● theirs : Nor were those Lords and Gentlemen which assisted Me so prodigall of their liberties , as with their Lives and Fortunes to help on the enslaving of themselves and their posterities . As to Civill Immunities , none but such as desire to drive on their Ambitious and Covetous designes over the ruines of Church and State , Prince , Peeres , and People , will ever desire greater Freedomes then the Lawes allow ; whose bounds good men count their Ornament and Protection ; others their Menacles and Oppression . Nor is it just any man should expect the reward and benefit of the Law , who despiseth his rule and direction ; losing justly his safety while he seekes an unreasonable liberty . Time will best informe My Subjects , that those are the best preservers of their true liberties , who allow themselves the least licentiousnesse against , or beyond the Lawes . They will feel it at last to their cost , that it is impossible those men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties , who have the hardinesse to use their King with so severe restraints ; against all Lawes , both Divine and Humane , under which , yet , I will rather perish , then complain to those , who want nothing to compleat their mirth , and triumph , but such musick . In point of true conscientious tendernesse ( attended with humility and meeknesse , not with proud and arrogant activity , which seekes to hatch every egge of different opinion to a Faction or Schisme ) I have oft declared , how little I desire My Lawes and Scepter should intrench on Gods Soveraignty , which is the only King of mens Consciences ; and yet he hath laid such restraints upon men , as commands them to be subject for Conscience sake , giving no men l●berty to break the Law established , further then with meeknesse and patience , they are content to suffer the penalties annexed , rather then perturb the publick Peace . The truth is , some mens thirst after Novelties , others despair to relieve the necessities of their Fortunes , or satisfie their Ambition , in peaceable times , ( distrusting Gods providence , as well as their own merits ) were the secret ( but principall ) impulsives to these popular Commotions , by wh●ch Subjects have been perswaded to expend much of those plentifull Estates they got , and enjoyed under My Government , in peaceable times ; which yet must now be blasted with all the odious reproaches , which impotent malice can invent ; and My self exposed to all those contempts , which may most diminish the Majesty of a King , and encrease the ungratefull insolencies of My People . For Mine Honour , I am well assured , that as Mine Innocency is clear before God , in point of any calumnies they object ; so My reputation shall like the Sun ( after Owles and Bats have had their freedome in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of splendour , as those ferall birds shall be grieved to behold , and unable to bear . For never were any Princes more glorious , than those whom God hath suffer'd to be tried in the fornace of afflictions , by their injurious Subjects . And who knows but the just and mercifull God will doe Me good , for some mens hard , false , and evill speeches against Me ; wherein they speak rather what they wish , than what they believe , or know . Nor can I suffer so much in point of Honour , by those rude and scandalous Pamphlets ( which like fire in great conflagrations , flie up and downe to set all places on like flames ) than those men doe , who pretending to so much piety , are so forgetfull of their duty to God and Me : By no way ever vindicating the Majesty of their KING against any of those , who contrary to the precept of God , and precedent of Angels● speake evill of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those , who are honoured with the name of Gods. But 't is no wonder if men not fearing GOD , should not Honour their KING . They will easily contemne such shadowes of God , who reverence not that Supreme , and adorable Majesty , in compar●son of whom all the glory of Men and Angels is but obscurity ; yet hath he graven such Characters of divine Authority , and Sacred power upon Kings , as none may without sinne seek to blot them out . No●●hall their black veiles be able to hide the sh●ning of My face , while God gives Me a heart frequently and humbly to converse with him , from whom alone are all the traditions of true glory and majesty . Thou , O Lord , knowest My reproach , and My dishonour , My Adversaries are all before thee . My Soule is among Lyons , among them that are set on fire , even the Sons of Men ; whose teeth are spears and arrows ; their tongue a sharp sword . Mine enemies reproach Me all the day long , and those that are mad against Me are sworne together . O My God , how long shall the sonnes of men turne My glory into shame ? how long shall they love vanity , and seek after lies ? Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side . Hold not thy peace , lest My E●emies prevaile against me , and lay mine Honour in the dust . Thou , O Lord , shalt destroy them that speak l●es ; the Lord will abhorre both the bloud-thirsty , and deceitfull men . Make my righteousnesse to appeare as the light , and mine innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noone day . Suffer not my silence to betray mine innocence , ●or my displeasure , my patience ; That after my Saviours example , being reviled , I may not revile againe ; and being cursed by them , ● may blesse them . Thou that wouldst not suffer Shimei's tongue to go unpunished ; when by thy judgements on David he might seem to justi●●e his disdainfull reproaches , give me grace to intercede with thy mercy for these my enemies , that the reward of false and lying tongues , even hot burning coals of eternall fire , may not be brought upon them . Let my prayers , and patience , be as water to coole and quench their tongues , who are already set on fire with the fire of Hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . Let me be happy to refute , and put to silence their evill-speaking by well-doing ; and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips , but of my prayer for their repentance , and thy pardon . Teach me Davids patience and Hezekiah's devotion , that I may look to thy mercy through mans malice , and see thy justice in their sin . Let Sheba's seditious speeches , Rabshekah's railing , and Shimei's cursing , provoke , as my humble prayer to thee , so thy renewed blessing toward me . Though they curse , doe thou blesse , and I shall be blessed ; and made a blessing to my people . That the stone , which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . Looke downe from heaven , and save me , from the reproach of them that would swallow me up . Hide me in the secret of thy presence , from the prid● of man , and keep me from the strife of tongues . 16. Vpon the Ordinance against the Commo● Prayer-Booke . IT is no news to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformations in Church and State , by those , who seeking to gaine reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary parts , and piety , must needs undoe whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . So hardly can the pride of those that study Novelties , allow former times any share or degree of wisdome or godlinesse . And because matter of prayer and devotion to God justly beares a great part in Religion , ( being the Soules more immediate converse with the divine Majesty ) nothing could be more plausible to the People than to tel them , They served God amisse in that point . Hence our publique Liturgy , or Formes of constant Prayers must be ( not amended , in what upon free and publique advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner , to which I should easily consent , but ) wholly cashiered , and abolished , and after many popular contempts offered to the Booke , and those that used it according to their Consciences , and the Lawes in force , it must be crucified by an Ordinance , the better to please either those men , who gloried in their extemporary veyne and fluency : 〈◊〉 others , who conscious to their owne formality in the use of it , thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , & a totall rejection of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadnesse of their hearts . As for the matter contained in the Booke , sober and learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the cavils and exceptions of those , who thought it a part of piety to make what pro●ane objections they could against it ; especially for Popery & Superstition ; whereas no doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed to the doctrine of the Church of England ; and this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound and Orthodox . For the manner of using Set and prescribed Formes , there is no doubt but that wholsome words being knowne and fitted to mens understandings , are soonest received into their hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them judicious and fervent affections . Nor doe I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a wel-composed Liturgy ( as I hold this to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the Constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefulnesse . I could never see any Reason , why any Christian should abhorre , or be forbidden to use the ●ame Formes of prayer , since he praies to the same God , b●lieves in the same Saviour , professeth the same Truths , reads the same Scriptures , hath the same duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants for the most part , both inward and outward , which are common to the whole Church . Sure we may as wel before-hand know what we pray , as to whom we pray ; and in what words , as to what sense ; when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same words ? our appetite and disgestion too may be good when we use , as we pray for , our daily bread . Some men , I heare , are so impatient not to use in all their devotions their owne invention , and gifts , that they not onely disuse ( as too many ) but wholly cast away and contemn the Lords Prayer ; whose great guilt is , that it is the warrant and originall patterne of all set Liturgies , in the Christian Church . I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention , and the vaine affectations of variety for expressions , in Publique prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin , than that which they call Coldnesse and Barrennesse : Nor are men in those novelties lesse subject to formall and superficiall tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant Formes , where not the words , but mens hearts are too blame . I make no doubt but a man may be very formall in the most extemporary variety ; and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions : Nor is God more a God of variety , than of constancy : Nor are constant Formes of Prayers more likely to flat , and hinder the Spirit of prayer , and devotion , than un-premeditated and confused variety to distract , and lose it . Though I am not against a grave , modest , discreet , and humble use of Ministers gifts , even in publique , the better to fit , and excite their owne , and the Peoples affections to the present occasions ; yet I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle ou● , and deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men ; such as the Composers of the Service-Booke were ; who may in all reason be thought to have more of gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation & concurrent advise , such Forms of prayers , as may best fit the Churches common wants , informe the Hearers understanding , and stirre up that fiduciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soule of prayer , and that so much pretended Spirit of prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have ; which , what they are many times ( even there , where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations , emptinesse , impertinency , rudenesse , confusions , flatnesse , levity , obscurity , vain , and ridiculous repetitions , the senslesse , and oft-times blasphemous expressions ; all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do sufficiently convince all men , but those who glory in that Pharisaick way . Wherein men must be strangely impudent , & flatterers of themselves , not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before God and the Church , after so ridiculous , and indeed , profane a manner . Nor can it expected , but that in duties of frequent performance , as Sacramentall administrations , and the like , which are still the same ; Ministers must either come to use their own Formes constantly , which are not like to be so sound , or comprehensive of the nature of the duty , as Formes of Publick composure ; or else they must every time affect new expressions when the subject is the same ; which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatnesse , order , and gravity , becomming those duties ; which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities , indispositions , errours , disorders , and defects , both for judgment and expression . A serious sense of which inconvenience in the Church unavoidably following every mans severall manner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the wisdome and piety of the Ancient Churches , to remedy those mischiefs , by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure . The want of which I believe this Church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens un-governed ignorance , and confident defects , shall be discovered in more errours , schimes , disorders , and uncharitable distractions in Religion , which are already but too many , the more is the pity . However , if violence must needs bring in , and abett those innovations , ( that men may not seeme to have nothing to do ) which Law , Reason , and Religion forbids , at least to be so obtruded , as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgie . Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partiall severity of those men , who either lately had subscribed to , used and maintained the Service-book ; or refused to use it , cried out of the rigour of Lawes and Bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of their Consciences , in not using it . That these men ( I say ) should so suddenly change the Lyturgie into a Directory , as if the Spirit needed help for invention , though not for expressions ; or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit , as if it were cloathed in , and confined to , fit words : ( So slight and easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to delude the vulgar . ) That further , they should use such severity as not to suffer without penalty , any to use the Common-prayer-Book publickly , although their Consciences bind them to it , as a duty of Piety to God , and Obedience to the Lawes . Thus I see , no men are prone to be greater Tyrants , and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform to their illegall novelties , then such , whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawfull Constitutions ; and whose licentious humours most pretended Conscientious liberties , which free●dome , with much regret they now allow to Me , and My Chaplains , when they may have leave to serve Me , whose abilities , even in their ex●emporary way comes not short of the others , but their modesty and learning far exceeds the most of them . But this matter is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates , lest being convinced by the evidence of Reason , as well as Lawes , they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledge , by taking away the Liturgie ; or to displease some faction of the people by continuing the use of it . Though I beleeve they have offended more considerable men , not onely for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious piety , than those are , whose weaknesse or giddinesse they sought to gratifie by taking it away . One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book , I beleeve , was this , That it taught them to pray so oft for Me ; to which Petitions they had not Loyaltie enough to say Amen , nor yet Charity enough to forbeare Reproaches , and even Cursings of Me in their owne formes , instead of praying for Me. I wish their Repentance may be their onely punishment ; that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of publique Liturgies hath already produced , they may restore that credit , use , and reverence to them , which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Formes of sound and wholsome words . And thou , O Lord , which art the same God , blessed for ever : whose mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy ; Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants ; nor despisest renewed affections joyned to constant expressions . Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and wel-advised Devotions . Let the matters of our prayers be agreeable to thy will , which is alwaies the same , and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy holy Spirit in us . And then we doubt not , but thy spirituall perfections are such , as thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them both . Whose variety or constancy thou hast no where either forbidden or commanded , but left them to the piety and prudence of thy Church , that both may be used , neither despised . Keep men in that pious moderation of their judgments in matters of Religion ; that their ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their owne abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use , to help their infirmities . And since the advantage of Errour consists in novelty and variety , as Truths in unity and constancy : Suffer not thy Church to be pestered with errours , and deformed with undecencies in thy service , under the pretence of variety and novelty . Nor to be deprived of truth , unity , and order , under this fallacy , That constancy is the cause of formality . Lord keep us from formall Hypocrisie in our owne hearts , and then we know that praying to thee , or praising of thee ( with David , and other holy men ) in the same formes cannot hurt us . Give us wisdome to amend what is amisse within us , and there will be lesse to mend without us . Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the effects of blind Zeale , and over-bold devotion . 17. Of the differences between the KING and the two Houses , in point of Church-Government . TOuching the GOVERNMENT of the Church by Bishops , the common Jealousie hath been , that I am earnest and resolute to maintaine it , not so much out of piety , as policy , and reason of State. Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce Me to approve that Government above any other , as I find it impossible for a Prince to preserve the State in quiet , unlesse he hath such an influence upon Church-men ; and they such a dependance on Him , as may best restraine the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues ; who with the Keyes of Heaven have so farre the Keys of the Peoples hearts , as they prevaile much by their Oratory to let in , or shut out , both Peace and Loyalty . So that I being ( as KING ) intrusted by God , and the Lawes , with the good both of Church and State ; I see no Reason I should give up , or weaken by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason I ought to have over both . The moving Bishops out of the House of Peers ( of which I have elswhere given an account ) was sufficient to take off any suspicion , that I encline to them for any use to be made of their Votes in State affaires : Though indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in that House , who would not Vote according to his Conscience . I must now in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its right constitution , as a matter of Religion ; wherein both My judgment is fully satisfied , that it hath of all other the fullest Scripture grounds , and also the constant practise of all Christian Churches ; till of late yeares , the tumultuarinesse of People , or the factiousnesse and pride of Presbyters , or the covetousnesse of some States and Princes , gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models , and propose them under specious titles of Christs Government , Scepter , and Kingdome ; the better to serve their turns , to whom the change was beneficiall . They must give Me leave , having none of their temptations to invite Me to alter the Government of Bishops , ( that I may have a title to their Estates ) not to believe their pretended grounds to any new waies : contrary to the full , and constant testimony of all Histories , sufficiently convincing unbiased men ; that as the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate Successours the first and best Bishops ; so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed , that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their divine and holy patterne : That since the first Age , for 1500 years not one Example can be produced of any setled Church , wherein were many Ministers and Congregations , which had not some Bishop above them , under whose jurisdiction and government they were . Whose constant and universall practise agreeing with so large , and evident Scripture-directions , and examples , are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , for the setling of that Government , not in the persons onely of Timothy and Titus , but in the succession ; ( the want of Government being that , which the Church can no more dispense with , in point of wel-being , than the want of the word and Sacraments , in point of being . ) I wonder how men came to looke with so envious an eye upon Bishops power and authority , as to oversee both the Ecclesiasticall use of them , and Apostolicall constitution : which to Me seems no lesse evidently set forth as to the maine scope and designe of those Epistles , for the setling of a peculiar Office , Power , and Authority in them as President-Bishops above others , in point of Ordination , Censures , and other acts of Ecclesiasticall discipline ; then those shorter characters of the qualities and duties of Presbyter-Bishops , and Deacons , are described in some parts of the same Epistles ; who in the latitude and community of the name were then , and may now not improperly be call'd Bishops ; as to the oversight and care of single Congregations , committed to them by the Apostles , or those Apostolicall Bishops , who ( as Timothy and Titus ) succeeded them in that ordinary power , there assigned over larger divisions , in which were many Presbyters . The humility of those first Bishops avoiding the eminent title of Apostles , as a name in the Churches stile appropriated from its common notion ( of a Messenger , or one sent ) to that speciall dignity which had extraordinary call , mission , gifts , and power immediately from Christ : they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of Bishops and Presbyters , untill use , ( the great arbitrator of words , and master of language ) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name those persons , whose power and office were indeed distinct from , and above all other in the Church , as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary and constant power of governing the Churches , the honour of ( whose name they moderately , yet commendably declined ) all Christian Churches ( submitting to that speciall authority ) appropriated also the name of Bishop , without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancy , to those , who were by Apostolicall propagation rightly descended & invested into that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and Primitive Churches : which , without all doubt had many such holy Bishops , after the pattern of Timothy and Titus ; whose speciall power is not more clearly set down in those Epistles ( the chief grounds and limits of all Episcopall claime , as from divine right ) then are the characters of these perilous times , and those men that make them such ; who not enduring sound doctrine , and cleare testimonies of all Churches practise , are most perverse Disputers , and proud Usurpers , against true Episcopacy : who , if they be not Traytours and Boasters , yet they seem to be very covetous , heady , high-minded ; inordinate and fierce , lovers of themselves , having much of the forme , little of the power of godlinesse . Who , by popular heaps of weak , light , and unlearned Teachers , seek to over-lay and smother the pregnancy & authority of that power of Episcopall Government , which , beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth , both by Scripture , and all after Histories of the Church . This I write rather like a Divine , than a Prince , that Posterity may see ( if ever these Papers be publique ) that I had faire grounds both from Scripture-Canons , & Ecclesiastical examples , whereon My judgement was stated for Episcopall Government . Nor was it any policy of State , or obstinacy of will , or partiality of affection , either to the men , or their Function which fixed Me : who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to Me as to recompence the injuries and losses I , and My dearest relations with My Kingdomes have sustained , and hazarded , chiefly at first upon this quarrell . And not onely in Religion , of which , Scripture is the best rule , and the Churches Universall practise the best commentary , but also in right reason , and the true nature of Government , it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters , or Ministers , should be any more against Christianity , then it is in all secular and civill Governments , where parity breeds Confusion and Faction● I can no more beleeve , that such order is inconsistent with true Religion , then good features are with beauty , or numbers with harmony . Nor is it likely that God , who appointed severall orders , & a Prelacie , in the Government of his Church , among the Jewish Priests , should abhor or forbid them among Christian Ministers ; who have as much of the principles of schisme and division as other men ; for preventing and suppressing of which , the Apostolicall wisdome ( which was divine ) after that Christians were multiplied so many Congregations , and Presbyters with them , appointed this way of Government , which might best preserve order and union w●th Authority . So that I conceive it was not the favour of Princes , or ambition of Presbyters , but th● wisdome and piety of the Apostles , that first setled Bishops in the Church ; which Authority they constantly used , and injoyed in those times , which were purest for Religion , though sharpest for Persecution . Not that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in one man , by the joynt Counsell and consent of many Presbyters : I have offered to restore that , as a fit meanes to avoid those Errours , Corruptions , and Partialities , which are incident to any one man ; Also to avoid Tyranny , which becomes no Christians , least of all Church-men ; be●ides , it will be a meanes to take away that burden , and odium of affaires , which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders , as indeed I think it formerly did on the Bishops here . Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to Reason and Religion , then such a frame of Government which is paternall , not Magisteriall ; and wherein not only the necessity of avoiding Faction and Confusion , Emulations and Contempts , which are prone to arise among equals in power and function ; but also the differences of some Ministers gifts , and aptitudes for Government above others , doth invite to imploy them , in reference to those Abilities , wherein they are Eminent . Nor is this judgement of Mine touching Episcopacy , any pre-occupation of opinion , which will not admit any oppositions against it : It is well known I have endeavoured to satisfie My self in what the chief Patrons for other wayes can say against this , or for theirs : And I find they have , as farre lesse of Scripture grounds , and of Reason ; so for examples , and practice of the Church , or testimonies of Histories , they are wholly destitute , wherein the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy , that there is not the least rivulet for any others . As for those obtruded examples of some late reformed Churches , ( for many retain Bishops still ) whom necessity of times and affaires rather excuseth , then commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity ; I could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed and governed by Bishops should be forced to conform to those few , rather then to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches , which needed no Reformation : And to those Churches at this day , who Governed by Bishops in all the Christian world , are many more then Presbyterians or Independents can pretend to be ; All whom the Churches in My three Kingdomes lately Governed by Bishops , would equalize ( I think ) if not exceed . Nor is it any point of wisdom or charity , where Christians differ , ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the Christian world ( except a handfull of some Protestants ) so great a scandall in point of Church-government ; whom , though you may convince of their Errrours in some points of Doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their Reformation , they must necessarily desert , and wholly cast off that Government , which they , and all before them have ever owned as Catholick , Primitive , and Apostolicall : So far , that never Schismaticks , nor Hereticks ( except those Arians ) have strayed from the Unity , and Conformity of the Church in that point ; ever having Bishops above Presbyters . Besides , the late generall approbation and submission to this Government of Bishops , by the Clergy , as well as the Laity of these Kingdomes , is a great confirmation of My Judgment ; and their inconstancy is a great prejudice against their novelty ; I cannot in charity so far doubt of their learning or integrity , as if they understood not what heretofore they did ; or that they did conform contrary to their Consciences ; So that their facility and levity is never to be excused , who , before ever the point of Church-government had any free & impartiall debate , contrary to their former Oathes and practice , against their obedience to the Lawes in force , and against My consent , have not only quite cryed down the Government by Bishops ; but have approved and incouraged the violent and most illegall stripping all the Bishops , and many other Church-men , of all their due Authority and Revenues , even to the selling away , and utter alienation of those Church-lands from any Ecclesiasticall uses : So great a power hath the stream of times , and the prevalency of parties over some mens judgements ; of whose so sudden and so totall change , little reason can be given , besides the Scots Army comming into England . But the folly of these men will at last punish it self , and the Desertors of Episcopacy will appeare the greatest Enemies to , and Betrayers of their owne interest : for Presbytery is never so considerable or effectuall , as when it is joyned to , and crowned with Episcopacy . All Ministers wil find as great a difference in po●nt of thriving , between the favour of the People , and of Princes , as plants doe between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberall dews of Heaven . The tenuity and contempt of Clegy-men will soone let them see , what a poore carcasse they are , when parted from the influence of that Head , to whose Supremacy they have been sworne . A little moderation might have prevented great mischiefs ; I am firme to Primitive Episcopacy , not to have it extirpated , ( if I can hinder it . ) Discretion without passion might easily reforme , whatever the rust of times , or indulgence of Laws , or corruption of manners have brought upon it . It being a grosse vulgar errour to impute to , or revenge upon the Function , the faults of times , or persons ; which seditious and popular principle , and practise , all wise men abhorre . For those secular additaments and ornaments of Authority , Civill Honour and Estate , which My Predecessours , and Christian Princes in all Countries have annexed to Bishops and Church-men ; I look upon them , but as just rewards of their learning , and piety , who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government ; also enablements to works of Charity , & Hospitality , meet strengthenings of their Authority in point of respect , and observance ; which in peacefull times is hardly payed to any Governours by the measure of their vertues , so much , as by that of their Estates ; Poverty and meannesse exposing them and their Authority to the contempt of licentious minds , and manners , which persecuting Times much restrained . I would have such men Bishops , as are most worthy of those incouragements , and best able to use them : if at any time My judgment of men failed My good intention made My errour veniall : And some Bishops , I am sure , I had , whose learning , gravity , and piety , no men of any worth or forehead can deny : But , of all men , I would have Church-men , especially the Governours to be redeemed from that vulgar neglect ; which ( besides an innate principle of vitious opposition , which is in all men against those that seem to reprove , or restraine them ) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity , which makes all Ministers equall ; and the Independent inferiority , which sets their Pastors below the People . This for My judgment touching Episcopacy , wherein ( God knows ) I doe not gratifie any designe or passion with the least perverting of Truth . And now I appeale to God above , and all the Christian world , whether it be just for Subjects , or pious for Christians , by violence , and infinite indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force Me their KING and Soveraigne , as some men have endeavoured to doe , against all these grounds of My Judgment , to consent to their weak and divided novelties . The greatest Pretender of them desires not more than I doe , That the Church should be governed , as Christ hath appointed , in true Reason , and in Scripture ; of which , I could never see any probable shew for any other waies : who either content themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy & solitude ; when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation , in a City or Countrey ; or else they deny these most evident Truths , That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained , as well as over the Churches they planted ; and that , Government being necessary for the Churches wel-being , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others , after the example of that power and superiority , they had above others ; which could not end with their persons ; since the use and ends of such Government still continue . It is most sure , that the purest Primitive and best Churches flourished under Episcopacy ; and may so still , if ignorance , superstition , avarice , revenge , and other disorderly and disloyall passions had not so blowne up some mens minds against it , that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns , they supply with violence and oppression ; wherein some mens zeale for Bishops Lands , Houses , and Revenues hath set them on worke to eate up Episcopacy : which ( however other men esteem ) to Me is no lesse sin , than Sacriledge ; or a robbery of GOD ( the giver of all we have ) of that portion which devout mindes have thankfully given againe to him , in giving it to his Church and Prophets ; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water , as a libation offered to himselfe . Furthermore , as to My particular engagement above other men , by an Oath agreeable to My judgement , I am solemnly obliged to preserve that Government , and the Rights of the Church . Were I convinced of the unlawfullnesse of the Function , as Antichristian , ( which some men boldly , but weakly calumniate ) I could soone , with Judgment , break that Oath , which erroneously was taken by Me. But being daily by the best disquisition of truth , more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that , to which I am Sworn ; How can any man that wisheth not My damnation , perswade Me at once to so notorious and combined sins , of Sacriledge and Perjury ? besides the many personall Injustices I must doe to many worthy men , who are as legally invested in their Estates , as any , who seek to deprive them ; and they have by no Law , been convicted of those crimes , which might forfeit their Estates and Lively-hoods . I have oft wondred how men pretending to tendernesse of Conscience , and Reformation , can at once tell Me , that My Coronation Oath binds Me to Consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me , ( which they urge with such violence ) though contrary to all that Rationall and Religious freedome which every man ought to preserve ; & of which they seem so tender in their own Votes ; yet at the same time these men will needs perswade Me , That I must , and ought to dispence with , and roundly break that part of My Oath , which binds Me agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion I have ) to maintain the Government , and legall Rights of the Church . 'T is strange My lot should be valid in that part , which both My self , and all men in their own case , esteem injurious & unreasonable , as being against the very naturall and essentiall liberty of our soules ; yet it should be invalid , and to be broken in another clause , wherein I think My selfe justly obliged , both to God and Man. Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long , by some mens ambitious Covetousnesse , and sacrilegious Cruelty ; torturing ( with Me ) both Church and State , in Civill distentions ; till I shall be forced to consent , and declare that I doe approve , what ( God knowes ) I utterly dislike , and in My Soul abhor ; as many wayes highly against Reason , Justice , and Religion : and whereto , if I should shamefully , and di●honourably give My consent ; yet should I not by so doing , satisfie the d●vided Interests and Opinions of those Parties , which contend with each other , as well as both against Me and Epi●copacy . Nor can My late condescending to the Scots in point of Church-government , be rightly objected against Me , as an inducement for Me , to consent to the like in My other Kingdoms , For it should be considered that Episcopacy was not so rooted and setled there , as 't is here ; nor I ( in that respect ) so strictly bound to continue it in that Kingdom as in this ; for what I think in My judgment best , I may not think so absolutely necessary for all places , & at all times . If any shall impute My yeilding to them , as My failing and sin , I can easily acknowledge it ; but that is no argument to do so again , or much worse ; I being now more convinced in that point : nor indeed hath My yeilding to them been so happy and successefull as to incourage Me to grant the like to others . Did I see any thing more of Christ , as to Meeknesse , Justice , Or●er , Charity , and Loyalty in those that pretend to other modes of Government , I might suspect My judgment to be biassed , or fore●stalled with some prejudice and wontednesse of opinion ; but I have hitherto so much cause to suspect the contrary in the manners of many of those men , that I cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new wayes of Government . Nor can I find that in any Reformed Churches ( whose paternes are so cryed up , and obtruded upon the Churches under My Dominion ) that e●ther Learning , or Religion , workes of P●ety or Charity , have so flourished beyond what they have done in My Kingdomes ( by Gods blessing ) which might make Me believe either Presbytery or Independency have a more benigne influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives , than Episcopacy in its right constitution . The abuses of which , deserve to be extirpated , as much as the use retained ; for I think it farre better to hold to primitive and uniforme Antiquity , than to comply with divided novelty . A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops , humble Presbyters , and sober People ; so as Church affaires should be managed neither with tyrannie , parity , nor popularity ; neither Bishops ejected , nor Presbyters despised , nor People oppressed . And in this integrity both of My Judgment and Conscience , I hope God will preserve Me. For Thou , O Lord , knowest my uprightnesse , and tendernesse , as thou hast set me to be a Defender of the Faith , and a Protectour of thy Church , so suffer me not by any violence , to be overborne against my Conscience . Arise O Lord , maintaine thine owne Cause , let not thy Church be deformed , as to that Government , which derived from thy Apostles , hath been retained in purest and primitive times , till the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular envy ; which seeks to rob it of all the incouragements of Learning and Religion . Make me , as the good Samaritan , compassionate , and helpfull to thy afflicted Church ; which some men have wounded and robbed ; others passe by without regard , either to pity , or relieve . As my power is from thee , so give me grace to use it for thee . And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a KING , yet preserve me in that liberty of Reason , love of Religion , and thy Churches welfare , which are fixed in my Conscience as a Christian. Preserve , from Sacrilegious invasions , those temporall blessings , which thy providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy glory . Forgive their sinnes and errours , who have deserved thy just permission , thus to let in the wild Boare , and subtill Foxes , to wast and deform thy Vineyard , which thy right hand hath planted , and the dew of Heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate . O let me not beare the infamous brand to all Posterity of being the first Christian KING in this Kingdome , who should consent to the oppression of thy Church , and the Fathers of it ; whose errours I would rather , with Constantine , cover with silence , and reforme with meeknesse , than expose their persons , and sacred Functions , to vulgar contempt . Thou , O Lord , seest how much I have suffered with , and for thy Church , make no long tarrying O my God , to deliver both me , and it , from unreasonable men ; whose counsels have brought forth , and continue such violent confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of thy Churches peace ; thereby letting in all manner of errours , schismes , and disorders . O thou God , of order , and of truth , in thy good ●ime , abate the malice , aswage the rage , and confound all the mischievous devices of thine , mine , and thy Churches enemies . That I , and all that love thy Church , may sing praises to thee , and ever magnifie th● salvation , even be●ore the sons of men . 18. Vpon Vxbridge-Treaty , and other Offers made by the KING . I Look upon the way of Treaties , as a retiring from fighting like Beasts , to arguing like Men ; whose strength should be more in their understandings , than in their limbs . And though I could seldome get opportunities to Treat , yet I never wanted either desire or disposition to it ; having greater confidence of My Reason , than My Sword : I was so wholly resolved to yeild to the first , that I thought neither My selfe , nor others , should need to use the second , if once we rightly understood each other . Nor did I ever think it a diminution of Me , to prevent them with Expresses of My desires , and even importunities to Treat : It being an office , not onely of humanity , rather to use Reason , than Force ; but also of Christianity to seek peace and ensue it . As I am very unwillingly compelled to defend My self with Armes , so I very willingly embraced any thing tending to Peace . The events of all Warre by the Sword being very dubious , and of a Civill Warre uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompencing , and late repairing the mischief of the means . Nor did any successe I had ever enhaunce with Me the price of Peace , as earnestly desired by Me as any man ; though I was like to pay dearer for it than any man : All that I sought to reserve was , Mine Honour , and My Conscience ; the one I could not part with as a KING , the other as a Christian. The Treaty at Uxbridge gave the fairest hopes of an happy composure ; had others applied themselves to it with the same moderation , as I did , I am confident the War had then ended . I was willing to condescend , as farre as Reason , Honour , and Conscience , would g●ve Me leave ; nor were the remaining differences so essentiall to My Peoples happinesse ; or of such consequence ; as in the least kind to have hindred My Subjects either security , or prosperity ; for they better enjoyed both● many years , before ever those demands were made , some of which , to deny , I think the greatest Justice to My self , and favour to My Subjects . I see , Jealousies are not so easily allayed , as they are raised : Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent Engagements , than to Engage : what is wanting in equity , must be made up in pertinacy . Such as had little to enjoy in peace , or to lose in warre , studied to render the very name of Peace odious and suspected . In Church affaires , where I had least liberty of prudence , having so many strict ties of Conscience upon Me ; yet I was willing to condescend so farre to the setling of them , as might have given fair satisfaction to all men , whom faction , covetousnesse , or superstition had not engaged more , than any true zeale , charity , or love of Reformation . I was content to yeild to all that might seem to advance true piety ; I onely sought to continue what was necessary in point of Order , Maintenance , and Authority to the Churches Government ; and what I am perswaded ( as I have elswhere set downe My thoughts more fully ) is most agreeable to the true Principles of all Government , raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the primitive Apostolicall patterne , and the practise of the Universall Church conforme thereto . From which wholly to recede , without any probable reason urged or answered , onely to satisfie some mens wills and fantasies ( which yet agree not among themselves in any point , but that of extirpating Episcopacy , and fighting against Me ) must needs argue such as softnesse , and infirmity of mind in Me , as will rather part with Gods Truth , than Mans Peace , and rather lose the Churches honour , than crosse some mens Factious humours . God knowes , and time will discover , who were most too blame for the un-succesfulnesse of that Treaty , and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities . I believe , I am very excusable both before God , and all unpassionate men , who have seriously weighed those transactions , wherein I endeavoured no lesse the restauration of Peace to My people , than the preservation of my own Crowns to my Posterity . Some men have that height , as to interpret all faire Condescendings , as Arguments of feeblenesse , and glory most in an unflexible stifnesse , when they see others most ●upple and inclinable to them . A grand Maxime with them was alwaies to aske something , which in reason and honour must be denied , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted ; setting Peace at as high a rate , as the worst effects of Warre ; endeavouring first to make Me destroy My selfe by dishonourable Concessions , that so they might have the lesse to doe . This was all which that Treaty , or any other produced , to let the world see , how little I would deny , or they grant , in order to the Publique peace . That it gave occasion to some mens further restivenesse , is imputable to their owne depraved tempers , not to any Concessions or Negations of Mine : I have alwaies the content of what I offered , and they the regret , and blame , for what they refused . The highest tide of successe set me not above a Treaty , nor the lowest ebbe below a Fight : Though I never thought it any signe of true valour , to be prodigall of mens lives , rather then to be drawne to produce our owne reasons , or subscribe to other mens . That which made Me for the most part presage the unsuccesfulnesse of any Treaty , was , some mens unwillingnesse to Treat : which implied some things were to be gained by the Sword , whose unreasonablenesse they were loath to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by Souldiers , than by Counsellours . I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that Treaties breaking ; and give them grace to make their advantages gotten by the Sword a better opportunity to use such moderation , as was then wanting ; that so though Peace were for our sins justly deferred , yet at last it may be happily obtain'd ; what we could not get by our Treaties , we may gaine by our Prayers . O Thou , that art the God of Reason , and of Peace , who disdainest not to Treat with Sinners , preventing them with offers of attonement , and bese●ching them to be reconciled with thy selfe : who wantest not power , or justice , to destroy them ; yet aboundest in mercy to save : soften our hearts by the bloud of our Redeemer , and perswade us to accept of Peace with thy self , and both to procure and preserve peace among our selves , as Men and Christians , How oft have I intreated for Peace , but when I speak thereof , they make them ready to Warre . Condemne us not to our passions● which are destructive , both of our selves , and of others . Cleare up our understandings , to see thy Truth , both in Reason , as Men ; and in Religion , as Christians : and encline all our hearts ●o hold the unity of the Spirit , in the bond of Peace . Take from us that enmity which is now in our hearts against thee : and give us that charity which should be among our selves . Remove the evils of Warre we have deserved , and bestow upon us that Peace , which only Christ our great Peace-maker can merit . 19. Vpon the various events of the Warre ; Victories , and Defeats . THe various Successes of this unhappy war , have at least , afforded Me variety of good Meditations : sometimes God was pleased to trie Me with Victory , by worsting My Enemies , that I might know how with moderation and thanks to owne , and use his power , who is onely the true Lord of Hosts ; able when he pleases to represse the confidence of those , that fought against Me , with so great advantages for power and number . From small beginnings on My part he let Me see , that I was not wholly forsaken by My peoples love , or his protection . Other times God was pleased to exercise My patience , and teach Me not to trust in the arme of Flesh , but in the living God. My sins sometimes prevailed against the justice of My Cause : & those that were with Me wanted not matter and occasion for his just chastisement both of them , and Me : Nor were My enemies lesse punished by that prosperity , which hardened them to continue that injustice by open hostility , which was began by most riotous and unparliamentary Tumults . There is no doubt but personall and private sins may oft-times over-balance the Justice of Publick engagements ; nor doth God account every gallant Man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of War a righteous Cause ; The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skill , valour and strength , the lesse doth God ordinarily work by them for his own glory . I am sure the event or successe can never state the Justice of any Cause , nor the peace of mens Consciences , nor the eternall fate of their Soules . Those with Me had ( I think ) clearly and undoubtedly , for their Justification the Word of God , and the Lawes of the Land , together with their own Oathes ; all requiring obedience to My just Commands ; but to none other under Heaven without Me , or against Me , in the point of raising Armes . Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended Feares , and wild fundamentals of State ( as they call them ) which actually overthrow the present fabrick , both of Church and State ; being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to alledge , who being My Subjects , were manifestly the first assaulters of Me and the Lawes : first by unsuppressing the Tumults , after by listed Forces : The same Allegations they use , will fit any Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword , all their demands against the present Lawes & Governours ; which can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them , some parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs , who died fighting against Me , the Lawes , their Oathes , and the Religion Established . But sober Christians know , That glorious Title , can with Truth be applied only to those , who sincerely preferred Gods Truth , and the●r duty in all these particulars before their lives , and all that was dear to them in this world ; who having no advantageous designes by any Innovation , were religiously sensible of those ties to God , the Church , and My self , which lay upon their Souls , both for obedience and just assistance . God could , and I doubt not but he did through his mercy , crown many of them with eternall life , whose lives were lost in so just a Cause ; The destruction of their bodies being sanctified , as a means to save their Soules . Their wounds , and temporall ruine serving as a gracious opportunity for their eternall health and happinesse ; while the evident approach of death did , through Gods grace , effectually dispose their hearts to such Humility , Faith , and Repentance , which together with the Rectitude of their present engagement , would fully prepare them for a better life then that , which their enemies brutish and disloyall fiercenesse could deprive them of ; or without Repentance hope to enjoy . They have often indeed , had the better against My side in the Field , but never , I believe , at the barre of Gods Tribunall , or their own Consciences ; where they are more afraid to encounter those many pregnant Reasons , both from Law , Allegiance , and all true Christian grounds , which conflict with , and accuse them in their own thoughts , then they oft were in a desperate bravery to fight against those Forces , which sometimes God gave Me. Whose condition conquered , and dying , I make no question , but is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man , ( that duly values his duty , his soul , and eternity , beyond the enjoyments of this present life ) then the most triumphant glory , wherein their and Mine Enemies supervive ; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt , wherewith their suspicious , or now convicted Consciences do pursue them , especially since they and all the world have seen , how false and un-intended those pretensions were , which they first set forth , as the only plausible ( though not justifiable ) grounds of raising a War , and continuing it thus long against Me , and the Lawes established ; in whose safety and preservation all honest men think the welfare of their Country doth consist . For , and with all which , it is farre more honourable and comfortable to suffer , then to prosper in their ruine and subversion . I have often prayed , that all on My side might joyn true piety with the sense of their Loyalty ; and be as faithfull to God and their own soules , as they were to Me. That the defects of the one might not blast the endeavours of the other . Yet I cannot think , that any shewes , or truth of piety on the other side were sufficient to dispence with , or expiate the defects of their Duty and Loyalty to Me , which have so pregnant convictions on mens Consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venture their lives for Me. I never had any victory which was without My sorrow , because it was on Mine owne Subjects , who , like Absolom , died many of them in their sinne : And yet I never suffered any Defeat , which made Me despaire of Gods mercy and defence . I never desired such Victories , as might serve to conquer , but onely restore the Lawes and Liberties of My people ; which I saw were extreamly oppressed , together with My Rights by those men , who were impatient of any just restraint . When Providence gave Me , or denied Me Victory , My desire was neither to boast of My power , nor to charge God foolishly ; who I believed at last would make all things to work together for My good . I wished no greater advantages by the War , then to bring My Enemies to moderation , and My Friends to peace . I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest , and never prayed more for victory over others , than over My self . When the first was denied , the second was granted Me , which God saw best for Me. The different events were but the methods of divine justice , by contrary winds to winow us : That , by punishing our sinnes , he might purge them from us ; and by deferring peace , he might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . My often Messages for Peace shewed , that I delighted not in Warre : as My former Concessions sufficiently testified , how willingly I would have prevented it ; and My totall unpreparednesse for it , how little I intended it . The conscience of My Innocency forbade Me to feare a Warre ; but the love of My Kingdomes commanded Me ( if possible ) to avoid it . I am guilty in this Warre of nothing , but this , That I gave such advantages to some men , by confirming their power , which they knew not to use with that modesty , and gratitude , which became their Loyalty and My confidence . Had I yeilded lesse , I had been opposed lesse ; had I denied more , I had been more obeyed . 'T is now too late to review the occasions of the Warre ; I wish onely a happy conclusion , of so unhappy beginnings : The unevitable fate of our sinnes was ( no doubt ) such , as would no longer suffer the divine justice to be quiet : we having conquered his patience , are condemned by mutuall conquerings , to destroy one another : for , the most prosperous successes on either side , impaire the welfare of the whole . Those Victories are still miserable , that leave our sinnes un-subdued ; flushing our pride , and animating to continue injuries . Peace it self is not desireable , till repentance have prepared us for it . When we fight more against our selves , and lesse against God , we shall cease fighting against one another ; I pray God these may all meet in our hearts , and so dispose us to an happy conclusion of these Civil Warres ; that I may know better to obey God , and govern My People , and they may learn better to obey both God and Me. Nor doe I desire any man should be further subject to Me , then all of us may be subject to God. O my God , make me content to be overcome , when thou wilt have it so . Teach me the noblest vistory over my self , and my Enemies by patience ; which was Christs conquest , a●d may well become a Christian King. Between both thy hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting ; fashion us to that frame of piety thou likest best . Forgive the pride that attends our prosperous , and the repinings , which follow our disastrous events ; when going forth in our owne strength thou withdrawest thine , and goest not forth with our Armies . Be thou all , when we are something , and when we are nothing ; that thou mayst have the glory , when we are in a victorious , or inglorious condition . Thou O Lord knowest , how hard it is for me to suffer so much evill from my Subjects , to whom I intend nothing but good ; and I cannot but suffer in those evils which they compell me to inflict upon them ; punishing my selfe in their punishments . Since therefore both in conquering , and being conquered , I am still a Sufferer ; I beseech thee to give me a double portion of thy Spirit , and that measure of grace , which onely can be sufficient for me . As I am most afflicted , so make me most reformed : that I may be not onely happy to see an end of these civill distractions , but a chiefe Instrument to restore and establish a firme , and blessed Peace to my Kingdomes . Stirre up all Parties pious ambitions to overcome each other with reason , moderation , and such self-deniall , as becomes those , who consider , that our mutuall divisions are our common distractions , and the Union of all is every good mans chiefest interest . If O Lord , as for the sinnes of our peace , thou hast brought upon us the miseries of warre ; so for the sinnes of warre ●hou shouldst see fit still to deny us the blessing of peace , and so to keep us in a circulation of miseries ; yet give me thy Servant , and all Loyall , though afflicted Subjects , to enjoy that peace which the world can neither give to us , nor take from us . Impute not to me the bloud of my Subjects , which with infinite unwillingnesse and griefe , hath been shed by me , in my just and necessary defence ; but wash me with that pretious bloud , which hath been shed for me , by my great Peace-maker , Iesus Christ. Who will , I trust , redeem me shortly out of all my troubles : for , I know the triumphing of the Wicked is but short , and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a moment . 20. Vpon the Reformations of the Times . NO Glory is more to be envied than that , of due Reforming either Church or State , when deformities are such , that the perturbation and novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of Reforming . Although God should not honour Me so farre , as to make Me an Instrument of so good a worke , yet I should be glad to see it done . As I was well pleased with this Parliaments first intentions to reform what the Indulgence of Times , and corruption of manners might have depraved ; so I am sorry to see after the freedome of Parliament was by factious Tumults oppressed , how little regard was had to the good Laws established , and the Religion setled ; which ought to be the first rule and standard of reforming : with how much partiality , and popular compliance the passions , and opinions of men have been gratified , to the detriment of the Publique , and the infinite scandall of the Reformed Religion . What dissolutions of all Order , and Government , in the Church ; what novelties of Schismes , and corrupt opinions ; what undecencies and confusions in sacred administrations ; what sacrilegious invasions upon the Rights and Revenues of the Church ; what contempt & oppressions of the Clergy ; what injurious diminutions and persecutings of Me , have followed , ( as showres do warm gleames ) the talke of Reformation , all sober men are Witnesses , and with My self , sad Spectators hith●rto . The great miscarriage I think is , that popular clamours and fury , have been allowed the reputation of Zeale , and the publique sense ; so that the study to please some Parties hath indeed injured all . Freedome , moderation , and impartiality are sure the best tempers of reforming Councels , and endeavours : w●●t is acted by Factions , cannot but offend more , than it pleaseth . I have offered to put all differences in Church affaires and Religion to the free consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen ; the results of whose Counsels as they would have included the Votes of all , so its like they would have given most satisfaction to all . The Assembly of Divines , whom the two Houses have applyed ●in an unwonted way ) to advise of Church Affaires , I dislike not further , then that they are not legally convened and chosen ; nor Act in the name of all the Clergy of England ; nor with freedome and impartiality can doe any thing , being limited and confined , if not over-awed , to do and declare what they do . For I cannot think so many men cryed up for learning and piety , who formerly allowed the Liturgy and Government of the Church of England , as to the maine , would have so suddenly agreed quite to abolish both of them , ( the last of which , they knew to be of Apostolicall institution , at least ; as of Primitive and Universall practice ) if they had been left to the liberty of their own suffrages , and if the influence of contrary Factions had not by secret encroachments of hopes , and feares , prevailed upon them , to comply with so great and dangerous Innovations in the Church ; without any regard to their own former judgment and practice , or to the common interest and honour of all the Clergy , and in them of Order , Learning , and Religion against examples of all Ancient Churches ; the Lawes in force , and My consent ; which is never to be gained , aga●nst so pregnant light , as in that point shines on My understanding . For I conceive , that where the Scripture is not so clear and punctuall in precepts , there the constant and Universall practice of the Church , in things not contrary to Reason , Faith , good Manners , or any positive Command , is the best Rule that Ch●istians can follow . I was willing to grant , or restore to Presbitery , what with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to , in a conjuncture with Episcopacy ; but for that wholly to invade the Power , and by the Sword to arrogate , and quite abrogate the Authori●y of that Ancient Order , I think neither just , as to Episcopacy , nor safe for Presbitery ; nor yet any way convenient for this Church or State. A due reformation had easily followed moderate Counsells ; and such ( I believe ) as would have given more content , even to the most of those Divines , who have been led on with much Gravity and Formality , to carry on other mens designes : which no doubt many of them by this time discover , though they dare not but smother their frustrations , and discontents . The specious and popular titles , of Christs Government , Throne , Scepter , and Kingdome ( which certainly is not divided , nor hath two faces , as their parties now have , at least ) also the noise of a through Reformation , these may as easily be fined on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured figures . The breaking of Church-windowes , which Time had suffic●ently defaced ; pulling down of Crosses , which were but civill , not Religious marks ; defacing of the Monuments , and Inscriptions of the Dead , which served but to put Posterity in mind , to thank God , for that clearer light , wherein they live ; The leaving of all Ministers to their liberties , and private abilities , in the Publick service of God , where no Christian can tell to what he may say Amen ; nor what adventure he may make , of seeming , at least , to consent to the Errours , Blasphemies , and ridiculous Undecencies , which bold and ignorant men li●t to vent in their Prayers , Preaching , and other Offices . The setting forth also of old Catechismes , and Confessions of Faith new drest , importing as much , as if there had been no sound or clear Doctrine of Faith in this Church , before some four or five yeares consultation had matured their thoughts , touching their first Principles of Religion . All these , and the like are the effects of popular , specious , and deceitfull Reformations , ( that they might not seem to have nothing to do ) and may give some short flashes of content to the vulgar , ( who are taken with novelties , as children with babies , very much , but not very long ) But all this amounts not to , nor can in Justice merit the glory of the Churches thorow Reformation ; since they leave all things more deformed , disorderly , and discontented , then when they began , in point of Piety , Morality , Charity , and good Order . Nor can they easily r●compense or remedy the inconveniences and mischiefs , which they have purchased so dearly , and which have , and every will necessarily ensue , till due remedies be applied . I wish they would at last , make it their Unanimous work , to doe Gods work , and not their own : Had Religion been first considered ( as it merited ) much trouble might have been prevented . But some men thought , that the Government of this Church and State , fixed by so many Lawes , and long Customes , would not run into their new moulds , till they had first melted it in the fire of a Civill Warre ; by the advantages of which they resolved , if they prevailed , to make My self & all My Subjects fall down , and worship the Images they should form and set up : If there had been as much of Christs Spirit , for meeknesse , wisdome , and charity , in mens hearts , as there was of his name used in the pretensions , to reform all to Christs Rule , it would certainly have obtained more of Gods blessing , and produced more of Christs Glory , the Churches good , the Honour of Religion , and the Unity of Ch●istians . Publick Reformers had need first Act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to ●rie on others ; for Deformities within , will soon betray the Pretenders of publick Reformations , to such private designes as must needes hinder the publick good . I am sure the right Methods of Reforming the Church cannot consist with that of perturbing the Civill State , nor can Religion be justly advanced by depressing Loyalty , which is one of the chiefest Ingredients , and Orn●ments of true Religion , for next to fear God , is , Honour the King. I doubt not but Christs Kingdome may ●e ●et up without pulling down Mine ; nor wil any men in impartiall times appear good Christians , that approve not themselves good Subjects . Christ's Government will confirme Mine , not overthrow it , since as I owne Mine from Him , so I desire to rule for his Glory , and his Churches good . Had some men truly intended Christ's Government , or knew what it meant , in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words , and actions , both against Me , and one another . As good ends cannot justifie evill means , so nor will evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions ; unlesse God , by a miracle of Mercy , create Light out of Darknesse , order out of our confusions , and peace out of our passions . Thou , O Lord , who onely canst give us beauty for ashes , and Truth for Hypocrisie ; suffer us not to be miserably deluded with Pharisaicall washings , instead of Christian reformings . Our greatest deformities are within , make us the severest Censurers , and first Reformers of our owne soules . That we may in clearnesse of judgment , and uprightnesse of heart be meanes to reforme what is indeed amisse in Church and State. Create in us cleane hearts , O Lord , and renew right spirits within us ; that we may doe all by thy directions , to thy glory , and with thy blessing . Pity the deformities , which some rash and cruell Reformers have brought upon this Church and State ; Quench the fires which Factions have kindled , under the pretence of Reforming . As thou hast shewed the world by their divisions , and confusions , what is the pravity of some mens intentions , and weaknesse of their judgements ; so bring us at last more refined out of these fires , by the methods of Christian and charitable Reformations ; wherein nothing of ambition , revenge , covetousnesse , or sacriledge , may have any influence upon their counsels , whom thy providence in just and lawfull waies shall entrust with so great , good , and now most necessary worke . That I and my People may be so blest with inward piety , as may best teach us how to use the blessing of outward peace . 21. Vpon His Majesties Letters taken and divulged . THe taking of My Letters was an opportunity , which , as the malice of Mine enemies could hardly have expected ; so they know not how with honour and civility to use it : Nor doe I think with sober and worthy minds any thing in them , could tend so much to My reproach , as the odious divulging of them did to the infamy of the Divulgers : The greatest experiments of vertue and Noblenesse being discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemy , and the greatest obligations being those , which are put upon us by them , from whom we could least have expected them . And such I should have esteemed the concealing of My Papers ; The freedome and secresie of which , commands a civility from all men , not wholly barbarous ; nor is there any thing more inhumane than to expose them to publique view . Yet since providence will have it so , I am content so much of My heart ( which I study to approve to Gods omniscience ) should be discovered to the world , without any of those dresses , or popular captations , which some men use in their Speeches , and Expresses ; I wish My Subjects had yet a clearer sight into My most retired thoughts : Where they might discover , how they are divided between the love and care I have , not more to preserve My owne Rights , than to procure their peace and happinesse , and that extreame grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . Nor can any mens malice be gratified further by My Letters , than to see My constancy to My Wife , the Lawes , and Religion . Bees will gather Honey where the Spider sucks Poison . That I endeavour to avoid the pressures of my Enemies , by all fair and just correspondencies ; no man can blame , who loves me , or the Common-wealth , since my Subjects can hardly be happy if I be miserable , or enjoy their peace and liberties while I am oppressed . The world may see how soon mens design , like Absoloms , is by enormous actions to widen differences , and exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all reconciliation desperate . Yet I thank God I can not only with patience bear this , as other indignities , but with Charity forgive them . The integrity of My intentions is not jealous of any injury , My expressions can do them , for although the confidence of privacy may admit greater freedom in writing such Letters , which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet the Innocency of My chief purposes cannot be so obtained , or mis-interpreted by them , as not to let all men se● , that I wish nothing more then an happy composure of differences with Justice and Honour , not more to My own , then My peoples content , who have any sparks of Love or Loyalty left in them : who , by those My Letters may be convinced , that I can both mind and act My own , and My Kingdomes Affaires , so as becomes a Prince ; which Mine Enemies have alwayes been very loath should be bel●eved of me , as if I were wholly confined to the Dictates and Directions of others ; whom they please to brand with the names of Evill Counsellours . It s probable some men will now look upon me as my own Counsellour , and having none else to quarrell with under that notion , they will hereafter confine the●r anger to my self : Although I know they are very unwilling I should enjoy the liberty of my own Thoughts , or follow the light of my own Conscience , which they labour to bring into an absolute captivity to themselves ; not allowing me to think their Counsels to be other then good for me , which have so long maintained a War against Me. The Victory they obtained that day , when my Letters became their prize , had been enough to have satiated the most ambitious thirst of popular glory among the Vulgar ; with whom prosperity gaines the greatest esteem and applause ; as adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and dis-respect : As if good fortune were alwayes the shadow of Vertue and Justice , and did not oftner attend vitious and injurious actions , as to this world . But I see no secular advantages seeme sufficient to that cause , which began with Tumults , and depends chiefty upon the reputation with the vulgar . They think no Victories so effectuall to their designes as those , that most rout and waste my Credit with my People ; in whose hearts they seek by all meanes to smother and extinguish all sparks of Love , Respect and Loyalty to Me , that they may never kindle again , so as to recover Mine , the Lawes , and the Kingdomes Liberties , which some men seek to overthrow : The taking away of my Credit is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of my Life , and my Kingdomes ; First I must seem neither fit to Live , nor worthy to Reign ; By exquisite methods of cunning and cruelty , I must be compelled , first to follow the Funeralls of my Honour , and then be destroyed : But I know Gods un-erring and impartiall Justice can , and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designes of men ; He is able , and ( I hope ) will turn even the worst of mine Enemies thoughts and actions to my good . Nor doe I think , that by the surprize of my Letters , I have lost any more then so many papers : How much they have lost of that reputation , for Civility and Humanity ( which ought to be pay'd to all men , and most becomes such as pretend to Religion ) besides that of respect and Honour , which they owe to their KING , present , and after-times will judge . And I cannot think that their owne consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame and dishonour , which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publique flattery , and popular countenance . I am sure they can never expect the divine approbation of such indecent actions , if they doe but remember how God blest the modest respect and filiall tendernesse , which Noah's Sonnes bare to their Father ; nor did his open infirmity justifie Chams impudency , or exempt him from that curse of being Servant of Servants ; which curse must needs be on them who seek by dishonourable actions to please the Vulgar , and confirme by ignoble acts , their dependance upon the People . Nor can their malitious intentions be ever either excusable , or prosperous ; who thought by this means to expose Me , to the highest reproach and contempt of My People ; forgetting that duty of modest concealment , which they owed to the Father of their Country , in case they had discovered any reall uncomelinesse ; which , I thank God they did not ; who can , and I believe hath made Me more respected in the hearts of many ( as he did David ) to whom they thought , by publishing My private Letters , to have rendred Me as a Vile Person , not fit to be trusted or considered , under any Notion of Majesty . But thou , O Lord , whose wise and all-disposing providence , ordereth the greatest contingences of humane affaires ; make me to see the constancy of thy mercies to me , in the greatest advantages thou seemest to give the malice of my Enemies against me . As thou didst blast the counsel of Achitophel , turning it to Davids good , and his owne ruine : so canst thou defeat their designe , who intended by publishing my private Letters , nothing else , but to render me more odious and contemptible to My People . I must first appeale to thy Omniscience , who canst witnesse with my integrity , how unjust and false those scandalous misconstructions are , which my enemies endeavour by those Papers of mine to represent to the world . Make the evill they imagined , and displeasure they intended thereby against me , so to returne on their owne heads , that they may be ashamed , and covered with their owne confusion , as with a Cloake . Thou seest how mine Enemies use all meanes to cloud mine Honour , to pervert my purposes , and to slander the footsteps of thine Anoynted . But give me an heart content to be dishonoured for thy sake , and thy Churches good . Fix in me a purpose to honour thee , and then I know thou wilt honour me , either by restoring to me the enjoyment of that Power and Majesty , which thou hast suffered some men to seek to deprive me of ; or by bestowing on me that crowne of Christian patience , which knows how to serve thee in honour , or dishonour , in good report or evill . Thou , O Lord , art the fountaine of goodnesse , and honour ; thou art clothed with excellent Majesty ; make me to partake of thy excellency for wisdome , justice , and mercy , and I shall not want that degree of Honour , and Majesty , which becomes the Place in which thou hast set Me ; who art the lifter up of My head , and My salvation . Lord , by thy Grace , lead Me to thy Glory , which is both true and eternall . 22. Vpon His Majesties leaving Oxford , and going to the Scots . ALthough God hath given Mee three Kingdomes , yet in these He hath not now left Me any place , where I may with Safety & Honour rest my Head : Shewing me that himself is the safest Refuge , and the strongest Tower of defence , in which I may put my Trust. In these extremities , I look not to man so much as to God , He will have it thus ; that I may wholly cast my self , and my now distressed affaires upon his mercy , who hath both hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . What Providence denies to Force , it may grant to Prudence : Necessity is now my Counsellour , and commands me to study my safety by a disguised withdrawing from my chiefest strength , and adventuring upon their Loyalty , who first began my Troubles . Happily God may make them a means honourably to compose them . This my confidence of Them , may dis-arme and overcome them ; my rendring my Person to Them , may engage their affections to me , who have oft professed , They fought not against Me , but for Me. I must now resolve the riddle of their Loyalty : and give them opportunity to let the world see , they meane not what they doe , but what they say . Yet must God be My chiefest Guard ; and My Conscience both My Counsellour and My Comforter : Though I put My Body into their hands , yet I shall reserve My Soule to God , and My selfe ; nor shall any necessities compel Me , to desert Mine Honour , or swerve from My Judgment . What they sought to take by force , shall now be given them in such a way of unusuall confidence of them , as may make them ashamed not to be really such , as they ought , and professed to be . God sees it not enough to desert Me of all Military power to defend My self ; but to put Me upon using their power , who seem to fight against Me , yet ought in duty to defend Me. So various are all humame affaires , and so nece●sitous may the state of Princes be , that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safety , and their safety in their supposed danger . I must now leave those , that have Adhered to Me , and apply to those that have Opposed Me ; this method of Peace may be more prosperous , than that of Warre , both to stop the effusion of bloud , and to close those wounds already made : and in it I am no lesse solicitous for My Friends safety , than Mine owne ; chusing to venture My selfe upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute Loyalty to all extremities . It is some skill in play to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to goe over , than to contest in vaine . I must now study to re-inforce My judgement , and fortifie My mind with Reason and Religion ; that I may not seem to offer up My Souls liberty , or make My Conscience their Captive ; who ought at first to have used Arguments , not Armes , to have perswaded My consent to their new demands . I thank God no successe , darkens or disguises Truth to me ; and I shall no lesse conforme my words to my inward dictates now , than if they had been , as the words of a KING ought to be among loyall Subjects , full of power . Reason is the divinest power . I shall never think my self weakned while I may make full and free use of that . No eclypse of outward fortune shall rob me of that light ; what God hath denied of outward strength , his grace , I hope , will supply with inward resolutions ; not morosity to deny , what is fit to be granted ; but not to grant any thing , which Reason and Religion bids me deny . I shall never think my self lesse than my self while I am able thus to preserve the Integrity of my Conscience , the onely Jewell now left me , which is worth keeping . O thou Soveraigne of our Soules , the onely Commander of our Consciences ; though I know not what to doe , yet mine eyes are toward thee : To the protection of thy mercy I still commend my selfe . As thou hast preserved me in the day of Battaile , so thou canst still shew me thy strength in my weaknesse . Be thou unto me in my darkest night , a pillar of fire , to enlighten and direct me ; in the day of my hottest affliction , be also a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect me ; be to me , both a Sun and a Shield . Thou knowest , that it is not any perversnesse of will , but just perswasions of Honour , Reason , and Religion , which have made me thus farre to hazard my Person , Peace , and Safety , against those , that by force have sought to wrest them from Mee . Suffer not my just resolutions to abate with my outward Forces ; let a good Conscience alwaies accompany Me , in My solitude and desertions . Suffer me not to betray the powers of Reason , and that fortresse of My Soule , which I am intrusted to keep for thee . Lead Me in the paths of thy righteousnesse , and shew me thy salvation . Make my waies to please thee , and then thou wilt make Mine Enemies to be at peace with Me. 23. Vpon the Scots delivering the KING to the English ; and His Captivity at Holmeby . YEt may I justifie those Scots to all the world in this , that they have not deceived me ; for I never trusted to them further , than to men : if I am sold by them , I am onely sorry they should doe it ; and that my price should be so much above my Saviours . These are but further Essays , which God will have me make of mans uncertainty , the more to fix me on himself ; who never faileth them that trust in him ; Though the Reeds of Aegypt break under the hand of him that leans on them : yet the Rock of Israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . Gods providence commands me to retire from all to himself , that in him I may enjoy my self , which I lose , while I let out my hopes to others . The solitude and captivity , to which I am now reduced , gives me leisure ●nough to study the worlds vanity , and inconstancy . God sees 't is fit to deprive me of Wife , Children , Army , Friends , and Freedome , that I may be wholly his , who alone is all . I care not much to be reckoned among the Unfortunate , if I be not in the black List of irreligious , and sacrilegious Princes● No Restraint shall ensnare my Soule in sin ; nor gaine that of me , which may make my Enemies more insolent , my Friends ashamed , or my Name accursed . They have no great cause to triumph , that they have got my Person into their power ; since my Soule is still my owne : nor shall they ever gaine my Consent against my Conscience . What they call obstinacy , I know God accounts honest constancy , from which Reason and Religion , as well as Honour , forbid me to recede . 'T is evident now , that it was not Evil Counsellours with me , but a good Conscience in me , which hath been fought against ; nor did they ever intend to bring me to my Parliament , till they had brought my mind to their obedience . Should I grant what some men desire , I should be such as they wish me ; not more a King , and farre lesse both Man and Christian. What Tumults and Armies could not obtaine , neither shall Restraint ; which though it have as little of safety to a Prince , yet it hath not more of danger . The feare of men shall never be my snare ; nor shall the love of any liberty entangle my soule : Better others betray me , than my self : and that the price of my liberty should be my Conscience ; the greatest injuries my Enemies seek to inflict upon me , cannot be without my owne consent . While I can deny with Reason , I shall defeat the greatest impressions of their malice , who neither know how to use worthily , what I have already granted ; nor what to require more of me but this , That I would seem willing to help them to destroy My self & Mine . Although they should destroy me , yet they shall have no cause to despise me . Neither liberty nor life are so deare to me , as the peace of my Conscience , the Honour of my Crownes , and the welfare of my People ; which my Word may injure more than any Warre can doe ; while I gratifie a few to oppresse all . The Lawes will , by Gods blessing , revive , with the love and Loyalty of my Subjects ; if I bury them not by my Consent , and cover them in that grave of dishonour , and injustice , which some mens violence hath digged for them . If my Captivity or death must be the price of their redemption , I gr●dge not to pay it . No condition can make a King miserable , which carries not with it , his Souls , his Peoples , and Posterities thraldome . After-times may see , what the blindnesse of this Age will not ; and God may at length shew my Subjects , that I chuse rather to suffer for them , than with them ; happily I might redeem my selfe to some shew of liberty , if I would consent to enslave them : I had rather hazard the ruine of one King , than to confirme many Tyrants over them ; from whom I pray God deliver them , whatever becomes of Me , whose solitude hath not left Me alone . For thou , O God , infinitely good , and great , art with Me , whose presence is better than life ; and whose service is perfect freedome . Owne Me for thy Servant , and I shall never have cause to complaine for want of that liberty , which becomes a Man , a Christian , and a King. Blesse Me still with Reason , as a Man ; with Religion , as a Christian ; and with Co●stancy in Iustice , as a King. Though thou sufferest Me to be stript of all outward ornaments , yet preserve Me ever in those enjoyments , wherein I may enjoy thy selfe ; and which , cannot be taken from Me against my will. Let no fire of affliction boyle ●ver My passion to any impatience , or sordid feares . There be many say of Me , There is no help for Me : doe thou lift up the Light of thy Countenance , upon Me , and I shall neither want safety , liberty , nor Majesty . Give Me that measure of patience and Const●ncy , which my condition now requires . My strength is scattered , My expectation fro● Men defeated , My Person restrained : O be not thou farre from Me , lest My Enemies prevaile too much against Me. I am become a wonder , and a scorne to many : O be thou my Helper and Defender . Shew some token upon me for good , that they that hate me may be ashamed , because thou Lord hast holpen and comforted me : establish me with thy free Spirit , that I may do , and suffer thy will , as thou wouldst have me . Be mercifull to me , O Lord , for my Soule trusteth in thee : yea and in the shadow of thy wings will I make my refuge untill these calamities be overpast . Arise to deliver me , make no long ●arrying , O my God. Though thou killest me , yet will I trust in thy mercy , and my Saviour merit . I know that my Redeemer liveth ; though thou leadest me through the vayl and shadow of death , yet shall I feare none ill . 24. Vpon their denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplaines . WHen Providence was pleased to deprive Me of all other civill comforts and secular attendants , I thought the absence of them all might best be supplyed by the attendance of some of My Chaplaines ; whom for their Function I reverence , and for their Fidelity I have cause to love . By their learning , piety , and prayers , I hoped to be either better enabled to sustaine the want of all other enjoyments , or better fitted for the recovery and use of them in Gods good time : so reaping by their pious help a spirituall harvest of grace amidst the thornes , and after the plowings of temporall crosses . The truth is , I never needed or desired more the service and assistance of men judiciously pious , and soberly devout . The solitude they have confined Me unto , adds the Wildernesse to my temptations ; For the company they obtrude upon Me , is more sad than any solitude can be . If I had asked My Revenues , My Power of the Militia , or any one of My Kingdomes , it had been no wonder to have been denyed in those things , where the evill policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confesse an injurious usurpation : But to deny Me the Ghostly comfort of My Chaplaines seemes a greater rigour and barbarity , then is ever used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners , and greatest Malefactors ; whom though the Justice of the Law deprive of worldly comforts , yet the mercy of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergy , as not ayming at once to destroy their Bodies , and to damne their Soules . But My Agony must not be relieved with the presence of any one good Angell ; for such I account a Lear●ed , Godly , and discreet Divine : and such I would have all Mine to be . They that envy My being a King , are loath I should be a Christian ; while they seek to deprive Me of all things else , They are afraid I should save my Soul. Other sense , Charity it self can hardly pick out of those many harsh Repulses I received , as to that Request so often made for the attendance of some of My Chaplaines . I have sometime thought the Unchristiannesse of those denialls might arise from a displeasure some men had to see me prefer my own Divines before their Ministers : whom , though I respect for that worth and piety which may be in them ; yet I cannot thinke them so proper for any present comforters or Physitians ; Who have ( some of them at least ) had so great an influence in occasioning these calamities , and inflicting these wounds upon Me. Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that devotionall complyance , and juncture of hearts , which I desire to bear in those holy Offices , to be performed with Me , and for Me ; since their judgements standing at a distance from me , or in jealousie of me , or in opposition against me , their Spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with mine , or mine with theirs , either in Prayer , or other holy duties , as is meet , and most comfortable ; whose golden Rule , and bond of Perfection consists in that of mutuall Love and Charity . Some remedies are worse then the diseas● , and some comforters more miserable then misery it self ; when like Iobs friends , they seek not to fortifie ones mind with patience ; but perswade a man by betraying his own Innocency , to despair of Gods mercy ; and by Justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands , and harden the hearts of Insolent Enemies . I am so much a friend to all Church-men , that have any thing in them beseeming that ●acred function , that I have hazarded my owne Interests , chiefly upon Conscience and Constancy to maintaine their Rights ; whom the more I looked upon as Orphans , and under the sacrilegious eyes of many cruell and rapacious Reformers ; so I thought it my duty the more to appeare as a Father , and a Patron for them and the Church . Although I am very unhandsomly requited by some of them ; who may live to repent no lesse for My sufferings , than their own ungratefull errours , and that injurious contempt and meannesse , which they have brought upon their Calling and Persons . I pity all of them , I despise none : onely I thought I might have leave to make choice of some for My speciall Attendants , who were best approved in My Judgment , and most sutable to My affection . For , I held it better to seem undevout , and to heare no mens prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say Amen , without contradicting a mans owne understanding , or belying his owne soule . In Devotions , I love neither profane boldnesse , nor pious non-sense● but such an humble and judicious gravity as shews the Speaker to be at once considerate both of Gods Majesty , the Churches honour , and his owne Vilenesse ; both knowing what things God allows him to ask , and in what manner it becomes a Sinner to supplicate the divine Mercy for himself , and others . I am equally scandalized with all prayers , that sound either imperiously , or rudely , and passionately ; as either wanting humility to God , or charity to men , or respect to the duty . I confesse I am better pleased , as with studied and premeditated Sermons , so with such publique Formes of Prayer , as are fitted to the Churches and every Christians daily & common necessities ; because I am by them better assured , what I may joyn My heart unto , than I can be of any mans extemporary sufficiency ; which as I doe not wholly exclude from publique occasions , so I allow its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements ; where neither the solemnity of the duty , nor the modest regard to others , doe require so great exactnesse as to the outward manner of performance . Though the light of understanding , and the fervency of affection , I hold the maine and most necessary requisites both in constant , and occasionall , solitary , and sociall Devotions . So that I must needs seem to all equal minds with as much Reason to prefer the service of My own Chaplains before that of their Ministers , as I do the Liturgy before their Directory . In the one , I have been alwaies educated and exercised ; In the other , I am not yet Catechized , nor acquainted : And if I were , yet should I not by that , as by any certain rule and Canon of devotion , be able to follow or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men , who highly cry up that as a piece of rare composure and use ; which is already as much despised and disused by many of them , as the Common-prayer sometimes was by those men ; a great part of whose piety hung upon that popular pin of rayling against , and contemning the Government , and Liturgy of this Church . But , I had rather be condemned to the woe of Vae soli , than to that of Vae vobis Hypocritis , by seeming to pray what I doe not approve . It may be , I am esteemed by My Denyers sufficient of My selfe to discharge My duty to GOD as a Priest , though not to Men as a Prince . Indeed , I think both Offices , Regall and Sacerdotall , might well become the same Person ; as anciently they were under one name , & the united rights of primogeniture : Nor could I follow better presidents , if I were able , than those two eminent Kings , David , and Solomon ; not more famous for their Scepters and Crownes , than one was for devout Psalmes and Prayers ; the other for his divine Parables and Preaching : whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet , the other of a Preacher . Titles indeed of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the Roman Emperours affected from the Nations they subdued : it being infinitely more glorious to convert Soules to Gods Church by the Word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword. Yet since the order of Gods wisdome and providence hath , for the most part , alwaies distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings , of Priests , of Princes and Preachers ; both in the Jewish and Christian Churches : I am sorry to find My selfe reduced to the necessity of being both , or enjoying neither . For such as seek to deprive Me of Kingly Power and Soveraignty ; would no lesse enforce Me to live many Months without all Prayers , Sacraments , and Sermons , unlesse I become My owne Chaplaine . As I owe the Clergy the protection of a Christian KING , so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers ; which I look upon as more prevalent than My owne , or other mens ; by how much they flow from minds more enlightned , and affections lesse distracted , than those , which are encombred with secular affaires : besides , I think a greater blessing and acceptablenesse attends those duties , which are rightly performed , as proper to , and within the limits of that calling , to which God and the Church have specially designed and consecrated some men : And however , as to that Spirituall Government , by which the devout Soule is subject to Christ , and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to GOD , every private believer is a King and Priest , invested with the honour of a Royall Priesthood ; yet as to Ecclesiasticall order , and the outward polity of the Church , I think confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every mans turning Priest or Preacher , as it will in the State , where every one affects to rule as King. I was alwaies bred to more modest , and I think more pious Principles : the consciousnesse to My spirituall defects makes Me more prize and desire those pious assistances , which holy and good Ministers , either Bishops or Presbyters , may afford Me ; especially in these extremities , to which God hath been pleased to suffer some of My Subjects to reduce Me ; so as to leave them nothing more , but My life to take from Me : and to leave Me nothing to desire , which I thought might lesse provoke their jealousie and offence to deny Me , than this of having some mean●s afforded Me for My Soules comfort and support . To which end I made choice of men , as no way ( that I know ) scandalous , so every way eminent for their learning and piety , no lesse than for their Loyalty : nor can I imagine any exceptions to be made against them , but only this , that they may seem too able and too well affected toward Me and My service . But this is not the first service ( as I count it the best ) in which they have forced Me to serve My self ; though I must confesse I beare with more grief & impatience the want of My Chaplaines , than of any other My Servants ; and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from my Wife and Children , since from these indeed more of humane and temporary affections , but from those more of heavenly and eternall improvements may be expected . My comfort is , that in the inforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary meanes , God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his gifts and graces . If his Spirit will teach Me and help My Infirmities in prayer , reading and meditation ( as I hope he will ) I shall need no other , either Oratour or Instructer . To Thee therefore , O My God , doe I direct My now solitary prayers ; what I want of others help , supply with the more immediate assistances of thy Spirit , which alone can both enlighten My darknesse , and quicken My dulnesse . O thou Sun of righteousnesse , thou sacred Fountaine of heavenly light and heat , at once cleare and warme my heart , both by instructing of me , and interceding for me : In thee is all fulnesse : From thee all-sufficiency : By thee is all acceptance . Thou art company enough , and comfort enough : Thou art my King , be also my Prophet and my Priest. Rule me , teach me , pray in me , for me ; and be thou ever with me . The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with thee , in that sacred Duell , when he had none to second him but thy selfe ; who didst assist him with power to overcome thee , and by a welcome violence to wrest a blessing from thee . O look on me thy Servant , in infinite mercy , whom thou didst once blesse with the joynt and sociated Devotions of others , whose fervency might inflame the coldnesse of my affections towards thee ; when we went to , or met in thy House with the voice of joy and gladnesse , worshipping thee in the unity of spirits , and with the bond of Peace . O forgive the neglect , and not improving of those happy opportunities . It is now thy pleasure that I should be as a Pelican in the wildernesse , as a Sparrow on the house top , and as a coale scattered from all those pious glowings , and devout reflections , which might best kindle , preserve , and encrease the holy fire of thy graces on the Altar of my heart , whence the sacrifice of prayers , and incense of praises , might be duly offered up to thee . Yet O thou that breakest not the bruized Reed , nor quenchest the smoaking Flax , doe not despise the weaknesse of my prayers , nor the smotherings of my soule in this uncomfortable lonenesse ; to which I am constrained by some mens uncharitable denialls of those helps , which I much want , and no lesse desire . O let the hardnesse of their hearts occasion the softnings of mine to thee , and for Them. Let their hatred kindle my love , let their unreasonable denials of my Religious desires the more excite my prayers to thee . Let their inexorable deafnesse encline thine eare to me ; who art a God easie to be entreated ; thine eare is not heavy , that it cannot , nor thy heart hard , that it will not heare ; nor thy hand shortned , that it cannot help Me thy desolate Supplyant . Thou permittest men to deprive me of those outward means , which thou hast appointed in thy Church ; but they cannot debarre me from the communion of that inward grace , which thou alone breathest into humble hearts . O make me such , and thou wilt teach me ; thou wilt heare me , thou wilt help me : The broken and contrite heart I know thou wilt not despise . Thou , O Lord canst at once make me thy Temple , thy Priest , thy Sacrifice , and thine Altar ; while from an humble heart I ( alone ) daily offer up in holy meditations , fervent prayers , and unfeigned teares my self to thee ; who preparest me for thee , dwellest in me , and acceptest of me . Thou O Lord didst cause by secret supplies and miraculous infusions , that the handfull of meale in the vessell should not spend , nor the little oyle in the cruise fayle the Widow during the time of drought and dearth . O look on my soul , which as a Widow , is now desolate & forsaken : let not those saving Truths I have formerly learned now fail my memory ; nor the sweet effusions of thy Spirit , which I have sometime felt , now be wanting to my heart in this famine of ordinary and wholsome food for the refreshing of my Soule . Which yet I had rather chuse than to feed from those hands who mingle my bread with ashes , and my wine with gall ; rather tormenting , than teaching me ; whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of me , than to hearty prayers for me . Thou knowest , O Lord of truth , how oft they wrest thy holy Scriptures to My destruction , ( which are cleare for their subjection , and my preservation ) O let it not be to their damnation . Thou knowest how some men ( under colour of long prayers ) have sought to devoure the houses of their Brethren , their King , and their God. O let not those mens balmes break my head , nor their Cordialls oppresse my heart , I will evermore pray against their wickednesse . From the poyson under their tongues , from the snares of their lips , from the fire , and the swords of their words ever deliver Me , O Lord , and all those Loyall and Religious hearts , who desire and delight in the prosperity of my soul , and who seek by their prayers to relieve this sadnesse , and solitude of thy servant , O my King and my God. 25. Penitentiall Meditations and Vowes in the KING'S solitude at Holmeby . GIve ear to my words ô Lord , consider my Meditation , and hearken to the voice of my cry , my King and my God , for unto thee will I pray . I said in my haste I am cast out of the sight of thine eyes ; neverthelesse thou hearest the voice of my supplication , when I cry unto thee . If thou Lord shouldst be extream to mark what is done amisse , who can abide it ? But there is mercy with thee , that thou mayest be feared ; therefore shall sinners fly unto thee . I acknowledg my sins before thee , which have the aggravation of my condition ; the eminency of my place adding weight to my offences . Forgive , I beseech thee , my Personall , and my Peoples sinnes ; which are so farre mine , as I have not impr●ved the power thou gavest me , to thy glory , and my Subjects good : Thou hast now brought me from the glory and freedome of a King , to be a Prisoner to my own Subjects : Iustly , ô Lord , as to thy over-ruling hand , because in many things I have rebelled against thee . Though thou hast restrained my Person , yet enlarge my heart to thee , and thy grace towards Me. I come far short of Davids piety ; yet since I may equall Davids afflictions , give me also the comforts and the sure mercies of David . Let the penitent sense I have of my sins , be an evidence to me , that thou hast pardoned them . Let not the evils , which I and my Kingdomes have suffered , seem little unto thee ; though thou hast not punished us according to our sins . Turne thee ( O Lord ) unto me ; have mercy upon me , for I am desolate and afflicted . The sorrowes of my heart are enlarged ; O bring thou me out of my troubles . Hast thou forgotten to be gracious , and shut up thy loving kindnesse in displeasure ? O remember thy compassions of old , and thy loving kindnesses , which have been for many generations . I had utterly fainted , if I had not beleeved to see thy goodnesse in the land of the living . Let not the sinnes of our prosperity deprive us of the benefit of thy afflictions . Let this fiery triall consume the drosse , which in long peace and plenty we had contracted . Though thou continuest miseries , yet withdraw not thy grace ; what is wanting of prosperity , make up in patience and repentance . And if thy anger be not to be yet turned away , but thy hand of justice must be stretched out still ; Let it I beseech thee be against me , and my Fathers house ; as for these sheep , what have they done ? Let my sufferings satiate the malice of mine , and thy Churches Enemies . But let their cruelty never exceed the measure of my charity . Banish from me all thoughts of Revenge , that I may not lose the reward , nor thou the glory of my patience . As thou givest me a heart to forgive them , so I beseech thee doe thou forgive what they have done against thee and me . And now , ô Lord , as thou hast given me an heart to pray unto thee ; so hear and accept this Vow , which I make before thee . If thou wilt in mercy remember Me , and my Kingdomes ; In continuing the light of thy Gospell , and setling thy true Religion among us . In restoring to us the benefit of the Lawes , and the due execution of Iustice. In suppressing the many Schismes in Church , and Factions in State. If thou wilt restor● me and mine to the Ancient rights and glory of my Predecessours . If thou wilt turne the he●rts of my people to thy self in Piety , to me in Loyalty , and to one another in Charity . If thou wilt quench the flames , and withdraw the fewell of these Civill Warres . If thou wilt blesse us with the freedome of publick Counsels , and deliver the Honour of Parliaments from the insolencie of the vulgar . If thou wilt keep me from the great offence of enacting any thing against my Conscience ; and especially from consenting to sacrilegious rapines , and spoilings of thy Church . If thou wilt restore me to a capacity to glorifie thee in doing good , both to the Church and State. Then shall my soul praise thee , and magnifie thy name before my People . Then shall thy glory be dearer to me then my Crownes ; and the advancement of true Religion both in purity and power be my chiefest care . Then will I rule my People with Iustice , and ●y Kingdomes with equity . To thy more immediate hand shall I ever own as the rightfull succession , so the mercifull restauration of My Kingdomes , and the glory of them . If thou wilt bring Me again with peace , safety , and ●onour , to My chiefest City , and my Parliament . If thou wilt againe put the Sword of Iustice into My hand to punish and protect . Then will I make all the world to see , and my very Enemies to enjoy the benefit of this Vow and resolution of Christian charity , which I now make unto thee O Lord. As I doe freely pardon for Christ's sake those that have offended me in any kind ; so my hand shall never be against any man to revenge what is past , in regard of any particular injury done to me . We have been mutually punished in our unnaturall divisions ; for thy sake O Lord , and for the love of my Redeemer , have I purposed this in my heart , That I will use all means in the waies of amnesty , and indempnity , which may most fully remove all feares , and bury all jealousies in forgetfulnesse . Let thy mercies be toward me and mine , as my resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward my People . Heare my prayer O Lord , which goeth not out of fayned lips . Blessed be God , who hath not turned away my prayer ; nor taken his mercy from me . O my soule , commit thy way to the Lord , trust in him , and he shall bring it to passe . But if thou wilt not restore me and mine , what am I that I should charge thee foolishly ? Thou O Lord hast given , and thou hast taken , Blessed be thy name . May my People and thy Church be happy , if not by me , yet without me . 26. Vpon the Armies Surprisall of the KING at Holmeby , and the ensuing distractions in the two Houses , the Army , and the City . WHat part God will have me now to act or suffer in this new and strange scene of affaires , I am not much solicitous ; some little practise will serve that man , who onely seeks to represent a part of honesty and honour . This surprize of Me tells the world , that a KING cannot be so low , but He is considera●le ; adding weight to that Party where he appeares . This motion , like others of the Times , seems excentrique and irregular , yet not well to be resisted or quieted : Better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . These are but the struglings of those twins , which lately one womb enclosed , the younger striving to prevaile against the elder ; what the Presbyterians have hunted after , the Independents now seek to catch for themselves . So impossible is it for lines to be drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other , so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . That the Builders of Babel should from division fall to confusion , is no wonder ; but for those that pretend to build Ierusalem , to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill ●men ; and sounds too like the fury of those Zealots , whose intestine bitternesse and divisions were the greatest occasion of the last fatall destruction of that City . Well may I change my Keepers and Prison , but not my captive condition , onely with this hope of bettering , that those who are so much professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties , cannot be utterly against the Liberty of their KING ; what they demand for their owne Consciences , they cannot in Reason deny to Mine . In this they seem more ingenuous , than ●●e Presbyterian rigour , who , sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to laws , are become the greatest Exactors of other mens submission to their novell injunctions , before they are stamped with the Authority of Lawes , which they cannot well have without My con●ent . 'T is a great argument , that the Independents think themselves manumitted from their Rivals service , in that they carry on a businesse of such consequence , as the assuming My Person into the Armies custody , without any Commission , but that of their owne will and power . Such as will thus adventure on a King , must not be thought over-modest , or timerous to carry on any designe they have a mind to . Their next motion menaces , and scares both the two Houses and the City : which soone after acting over again that former part of tumultuary motions , ( never questioned , punished , or repented ) must now suffer for both ; and see their former sinne in the glasse of the present terrours and distractions . No man is ●o blind as not to see here●n the hand of divine justice ; they that by Tumults first occa●ioned the raising of Armies , must now be chastened by their owne Army for new Tumults . ●o ha●dly can men be content with one ●in , but adde sin to sin , till the latter punish the former ; such as were content to see Me and many Members of both Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed Tumults , are now forced to flie to an Army , or defend themselves against them . But who can unfold the riddle of some mens justice ? the Members of both Houses who at first withdrew , ( as My self was forced to doe ) from the rudenesse of the Tumults , were counted Desertors , and outed of their Places in Parliament . Such as stayed then , and enjoyed the benefit of the Tumults , were asserted for the onely Parliament-men : now the Fliers from , and Forsakers of their Places , carry the Parliamentary power along with them ; complaine highly against the Tumults , and vindicate themselves by an Army : such as remained and kept their stations , are looked upon as Abettors of tumultuary insolencies , and Betrayers of the freedome and honour of Parliament . Thus is Power above all Rule , Order , and Law ; where men look more to present Advantages than their Consciences , and the unchangeable rules of Justice ; while they are Judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . Now the plea against Tumults holds good , the Authours and Abbettors of them are guilty of prodigious insolencies ; when as before , they were counted as Friends and necessary A●sistants . I see Vengeance pursues and overtakes ( as the Mice and Rats are said to have done a Bishop in Germany ) them that thought to have escaped and fortified themselves most impregnably against it , both by their multitude and compliance . Whom the Laws cannot , God will punish , by their owne crimes and hands . I cannot but observe this divine Justice , yet with sorrow and pity ; for , I alwaies wished so well to Parliament and City , that I was sorry to see them doe , or suffer , any thing unworthy such great & considerable bodies in this Kingdome . I was glad to see them onely scared and humbled , not broken by that shaking : I never had so ill a thought of those Cities as to despaire of their Loyalty to Me ; which mistakes might eclipse , but I never believed malice had quite put out . I pray God the storme be yet wholly passed over them ; upon whom I look , as Christ did sometime over Ierusalem , as objects of my prayers and teares , with compassionate griefe , foreseeing those severer ●catterings which will certainly befall such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their duty : fatall blindnesse frequently attending and punishing wilfulnesse , so that men shall not be able at last to prevent their sorrows who would not timely repent of their sins ; nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the comforts , who securely neglect the counsels belonging to their peace . They will find that Brethren in iniquity are not farre from becomming insolent enemies , there being nothing harder then to keep ill men long in one mind . Nor is it possible to gaine a faire period for those notions which go rather in a round and circle of fansie , than in a right line of reason tending to the Law , the onely center of publique consistency ; whither I pray God at last bring all sides . Which will easily be done , when we shall fully see how much more happy we are , to be subject to the knowne Laws , than to the various wils of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . Vulgar compliance with any illegall and extravagant waies , like violent motions in nature , soon grows weary of it self , and ends in a refractory ●ullennesse : Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . For the Army ( which is so far excusable , as they act according to Souldiers principles , and interests , demanding Pay and Indempnity ) I think it necessary , in order to the publike peace that they should be satisfied , as far as is just ; no man being more prone to consider them than My self : though they have fought against Me , yet I cannot but so farre esteem that valour & gallantry they have sometime shewed , as to wish I may never want such men to maintain My selfe , My Lawes , and My Kingdoms , in such a peace , as wherein they may enjoy the●r share and proportion as much as any men . But thou , O Lord , who art perfect Unity in a sacred Trinity , in mercy behold those , whom thy Iustice hath divided . Deliver Me from the strivings of My People , and make Me to see how much they need My prayers and pity , who agreed to fight against Me , and yet are now ready to fight against one another● to the continuance of My Kingdomes distractions . Discover to all sides the waies of peace , from which they have swarved : which consists not in the divided wills of Parties , but in the poin● and due observation of the Lawes . Make Me willing to go whither thou wilt lead Me by thy providence ; and be thou ever with Me , that I may see thy constancy in the worlds var●ety and changes . Make me even such as thou wouldst have Me , that I may at last enjoy that safety and tranquillity which thou alone canst give Me. Divert , I pray thee , O Lord , thy heavy wrath justly hanging over those populous Cities , whose plenty is prone to adde fewell to their luxury , their wealth to make them wanton , their multitudes tempting them to security , & their security exposing them to unexpected miseries . Give them eyes to see , hearts to consider , wils to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to thy glory and the publique peace , lest their calamity come upon them as an armed man. Teach them , That they cannot want enemies who abound in sinne , nor shall they be long undisarmed and un●destroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against thee and the cleare convictions of their owne consciences , fight more against themselves , than ever they did against Me. Their sinnes exposing them to thy Iustice , their riches to others injuries , their number to Tumults , and their Tumults to confusion . Though they have with much forwardnesse helped to destroy Me , yet let not my fall be their ruine● Let Me not so much consider , either what they have done , or I have suffered , ( chiefly at first by them ) as to forget to imitate My crucified Redeemer , to plead their ignorance for their pardon ; and in My dying extremities to pray to thee O Father to forgive them , for they knew not what they did . The teares they have denied Me in My saddest condition , give them grace to bestow upon themselves , who the lesse they were for Me , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . O let not My bloud be upon them and their Children , whom the fraud and faction of some , not the malice of all , have excited to crucifie Me. But thou , O Lord , canst , and wilt ( as thou didst My Redeemer ) both exalt and perfect Me by My sufferings , which have mo●e in them of thy mercy , than of mans cruelty or thy owne justice . 27. To the Prince of VVales . SOn , if these Papers , with some others , wherein I have set down the private reflections of My Conscience , and My most impartiall thoughts , touching the chiefe passages , which have been most remarkable , or disputed in My late troubles , come to your hands , to whom they are chiefly designed ; they may be so far usefull to you , as to state your judgement aright in what hath passed ; whereof , a pious is the best use can be made ; and they may also give you some directions , how to remedy the present distempers , and prevent ( if God will ) the l●ke for time to come . It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of My long restraint , when I find My leisure and solitude have produced something worthy of My self , and usefull to you ; That neither you , nor any other , may hereafter measure My Cause by the Successe ; nor My Judgment of things by My misfortunes ; which I count the greater by farre , because they have so farre lighted upon you , and some others , whom I have most cause to love as well as My self ; and of whose unmerited sufferings I have a greater sense then of Mine own . But this advantage of wisedome you have above most Princes ; that you have begun , and now spent some yeares of discretion , in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience , wherein Piety , and all Vertues , both Morall and Politicall , are commonly better planted to a thriving ( as trees set in winter ) then in the warmth , and serenity of times ; or amidst those delights , which usually attend Princes Courts in times of peace and plenty ; which are prone , either to root up all plants of true Vertue and Honour ; or to be contented only with some leaves , and withering formalities of them , without any reall fruits , such as tend to the Publick good ; for which Princes should alwayes remember they are born and by providence desig●ed . The evidence of which different education the holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam : The one prepared , by many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom , the other softned by the unparalel'd prosperity of Solomons Court ; and so corrupted to the great diminution , both for Peace , Honour , and Kingdome , by those flatteries , which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes , as Flies are from fruit in summer ; whom adversity , like cold weather , drives away . I had rather you should be Charles le Bow , then le Grand , good , then great ; I hope God hath designed you to be both , having so early put you into that exercise of his Graces , and gifts bestowed upon you , which may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose you to those Princely endowments , and employments , which will most gain the love , and intend the welfare of those , over whom God shall place you . With God I would have you begin and end , who is King of Kings ; the Soveraign disposer of the Kingdomes of the world , who pulleth downe one , and setteth up another . The best Government , and highest Soveraignty you can attain to is , to be subject to him , that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in your heart . The true glory of Princes consists in advancing Gods Glory in the maintenance of true Religion , and the Churches good ; Also in the dispensation of civill Power , with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace . Piety will make you prosperous ; at least it will keep you from being miserable ; nor is he much a loser , that loseth all , yet saveth his owne soule at last . To which Center of true Happinesse God , I trust , hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of Affliction , which he hath been pleased to draw on me , and by which he hath ( I hope ) drawn me nearer to himself . You have already tasted of that cup whereof I have liberally drank , which I look upon as Gods Physick , having that in healthfulnesse which it wants in pleasure . Above all , I would have you , as I hope you are already ; well-grounded and setled in your Religion : The best profession of which , I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England , in which you have been educated ; yet I would have your own Judgement and Reason now seal to that sacred bond which education hath written , that it may be judiciously your own Religion , and not other mens custome or tradition , which you professe . In this I charge you to persevere , as comming nearest to Gods Word for Doctrine , and to the primitive examples for Government , with some little amendment , which I have other where expressed , and often offered , though in vain . Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be not more necessary for your soules then your Kingdomes peace , when God shall bring you to them . For I have observed , that the Devill of Rebellion , doth commonly turn h●mself into an Angell of Reformation ; and the old Serpent can pretend new Lights : When some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion ; when Piety pleads for peace and patience , they cry out Zeale . So that , unlesse in this point You be well setled , you shall never want temptations to destroy you and yours , under pretensions of reforming matters of Religion ; for that seemes , even to worst men , as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst designes . Where , besides the Novelty which is taking enough with the Vulgar , every one hath an affectation , by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion , to be thought zealous ; hoping to cover those irreligious deformities , whereto they are conscious by aseverity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . Take heed of abetting any Factions , or applying to any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion , contrary to what is in your Judgement , and the Church well setled ; your partiall adhering , as head , to any one side , gaines you not so great advantages in some mens hearts ( who are prone to be of their Kings Religion ) as it los●th you in others ; who think themselves , and their profession first despised , then persecuted by you : Take such a course as may either w th calmnes & charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality , or so order affaires in point of Power that you shal not need to fear or flatter any Faction . For if ever you stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , you are undone : The Serpent will devour the Dove : you may never expect lesse of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those , who engage into religious Rebellion ; Their interest is alwaies made Gods ; under the colours of Piety , ambitious policies march , not onely with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy ; you may heare from them Iacob's voice , but you shall feele they have Esau's hands . Nothing seemed lesse considerable than the Presbyterian Faction in England , for many yeares ; so compliant they were to publique order : nor indeed was their Party great either in Church , or State , as to mens judgments : But as soone as discontents drave men into Sidings ( as ill humours fall to the disaffected mart , which causes inflamations ) so did all , at first , who affected any novelties , adhere to that Side , as the most remarkable and specious note of difference ( then ) in point of Religion . All the lesser Factions at first were o●ficious Servants to Presbytery their great Master : till time and military successe discovering to each their peculiar advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniforme Religion , pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of profits and pre●erments , to the breaking and undoing not onely of the Church and State , but even of Presbytery it self , which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all . Let nothing seem little or despicable to you in matters which concerne Religion and the Churches peace , so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectuall suppressing Errours & Schismes , which seem at first but as a hand-bredth , by seditious Spirits , as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole Heaven . When you have done justice to God , your owne soule and his Church , in the profession and preservation both of truth and unity in Religion : the next main hinge on which your prosperity will depend , and move , is , that of civill Justice , wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdomes , to which you are rightly Heire , are the most excellent rules you can governe by ; which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects industry , liberty , and happinesse ; and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and prerogative of any King , who ownes his People as Subjects , not as Slaves ; whose subjection , as it preserves their property , peace , and safety , so it will never diminish your Rights , nor their ingenuous Liberties ; which consists in the enjoyment of the fruits of their industry , and the benefit of those Lawes to which themselves have consented . Never charge your Head with such a Crowne , as shall by its heavinesse oppresse the whole body , the weaknesse of whose parts cannot returne any thing of strength , honour , or safety , to the Head , but a necessary debilitation and ruine . Your Prerogative is best shewed , and exercised in remitting , rather than exacting the rigor of the Lawes ; there being nothing worse than legall Tyranny . In these two points , the preservation of established Religion , and Lawes , I may ( without vanity ) turne the reproach of My sufferings , as to the worlds censure , into the honour of a kind of Martyrdome , as to the testimony of My owne Conscience ; The Troublers of My Kingdomes having nothing else to object against Me but this , That I preferre Religion , and Lawes established before those alterations they propounded . And so indeed I doe , and ever shall , till I am convinced by better Arguments , than what hitherto have been chiefly used towards Me , Tumults , Armies , and Prisons . I cannot yet learne that lesson , nor I hope ever will you , That it is safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the perturbation of the Lawes , in which is wrapt up the publique Interest , and the good of the Community . How God will deale with Me , as to the removall of these pressures , & indignities , which his justice by the very unjust hands of some of My Subjects , hath been pleased to lay upon Me , I cannot tell : nor am I much solicitous what wrong I suffer from men , while I retaine in My soule , what I believe is right before God. I have offered all for Reformation and Safety , that in Reason , Honour , and Conscience I can ; reserving onely what I cannot consent unto , without an irreparable injury to My own Soule , the Church , and My People , and to You also , as the next and undoubted Heire of My Kingdomes . To which if the divine Providence , to whom no difficulties are insuperable , shall in his due time after My decease bring You , as I hope he will ; My counsell and charge to You , is , That You seriously consider the former , reall , or objected miscarriages , which might occasion My troubles , that You may avoid them . Never repose so much upon any mans single counsell , fidelity , and discretion , in managing affaires of the first magnitude , ( that is , matters of Religion and Justice ) as to create in Your selfe , or others , a diffidence of Your owne judgment , which is likely to be alwaies more constant & impartiall to the interests of Your Crowne and Kingdome than any mans . Next , beware of exasperating any Factions by the crosnesse , and asperity of some mens passions , humours , or private opinions , imployed by You , grounded onely upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion . Wherein a charitable connivence and Christian toleration often dissipates their strength , whom rougher opposition fortifies ; and puts the despised and oppressed Party , into such Combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their Persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration , which attends all , that are said to suffer under the notion of Religion . Provided the differences amount not to an insolent opposition of Lawes , and Government , or Religion established , as to the essentials of them , such motions and minings are intolerable . Alwaies keep up solid piety , and those fundamentall Truths ( which mend both hearts and lives of men ) with impartiall favour and justice . Take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devoure not all , or the best incouragements of learning , industry , and piety ; but with an equall eye , and impartiall hand , distribute favours and rewards to all men , as you find them for their reall goodnesse both in abilities and fidelity worthy and capable of them . This will be sure to gaine You the hearts of the best , and the most too ; who , though they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer waies of virtue at any time sweetned by temporall rewards . I have , You see , conflicted with different and opposite Factions ; ( for so I must needs call and count all those , that act not in any conformity to the Lawes established , in Church and State ) no sooner have they by force subdued what they counted their Common Enemy , ( that is , all those that adhered to the Lawes , and to Me ) and are secured from that feare , but they are divided to so high a rivalry , as sets them more at defiance against each other , than against their first Antagonists . Time will dissipate all factions , when once the rough hornes of private mens covetous and ambitious designes , shall discover themselves ; which were at first wrapt up & hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of Religion , Reformation , and Liberty : As the Wolfe is not lesse cruell , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appeare no better than a Wolfe under Sheeps cloathing . But as for the seduced Traine of the Vulgar , who in their simplicity follow those disguises ; My charge and counsell to You , is , That as You need no palliations for any designes , ( as other men ) so that you study really to exceed ( in true and constant demonstrations of goodnesse , piety , and virtue , towards the People ) even all those men , that make the greatest noise and ostentations of Religion ; so You shall neither feare any detection , ( as they doe , who have but the face and maske of goodnesse ) nor shall You frustrate the just expectations of Your People ; who cannot in Reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects novelties , as from the vertuous constancy of their King● When these mountaines of congealed factions shall by the sunshine of Gods mercy , and the splendor of Your virtues be thawed and dissipated ; and the abused Vulgar shall have learned , that none are greater Oppressours of their Estates , Liberties , and Consciences , than those men , that entitle themselves , The Patrones and Vindicators of them , onely to usurp power over them ; Let then no passion betray You to any study of revenge upon those , whose owne sinne and folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . But as soone as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out , use all princely arts , and clemency to heale the wounds ; that the smart of the cure may not equall the anguish of the hurt . I have offered Acts of Indempnity , and Oblivion ; to so great a latitude , as may include all , that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws ; and which might serve to exclude all future Jealousies and insecurities . I would have You alwaies propense to the same way , when ever it shall be desired and accepted , let it be granted , not onely as an Act of State-policy and necessity , but of Christian charity and choice . It is all I have now left Me , a power to forgive those , that have deprived Me of all ; and I thanke God , I have a heart to doe it ; and joy as much in this grace , which God hath given Me , as in all My former enjoyments ; for this is a greater argument of Gods love to Me , than any prosperity can be . Be confident ( as I am ) that the most of all sides , who have done amisse , have done so , not out of malice , but mis-information , or mis-apprehension of things . None will be more loyall and faithfull to Me and You , than those Subjects , who sensible of their Errours , and our Injuries , will feel in their owne Soules most vehement motives to repentance ; and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . As Your quality sets You beyond any Duell with any Subject ; so the noblenesse of Your mind must raise You above the meditating any revenge , or executing Your anger upon the many . The more conscious You shall be to Your owne merits , upon Your People , the more prone You will be to expect all love and loyalty from them ; and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscarriages : You will have more inward complacency in pardoning one , than in punishing a thousand . This I write to you , not despairing of Gods mercy , and my Subjects affections towards You ; both which , I hope You will study to deserve , yet We cannot merit of God , but by his owne mercy . If God shall see fit to restore Me , and You after Me , to those enjoyments , which the Lawes have assigned to Us ; and no Subjects without an high degree of guilt and sinne can devest Us of ; then may I have better opportunity , when I shall be so happy to see You in peace , to let You more fully understand the things that belong to Gods glory , Your ow● honour , and the Kingdoms peace . But if You never see My face againe , and God will have Me buried in such a barbarous Imprisonment & obscurity , ( which the perfecting some mens designs require ) wherein few hearts that love me are permitted to exchange a word , or a look with Me ; I doe require and entreat You as your Father , and your KING , that You never suffer Your heart to receive the least check against , or disaffection from the true Religion established in the Church of England . I tell You I have tried it , and after much search , and many disputes , have concluded it to be the best in the world ; not onely in the Community , as Christian , but also in the speciall notion , as Reformed ; keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious Tyranny , and the meannesse of fantastique Anarchy . Not but that ( the draught being excellent as to the maine , both for Doctrine and Government , in the Church of England ) some lines , as in very good figures , may happily need some sweetning , or polishing ; which might ●ere have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand ; if some mens precipitancy had not ●●olently demanded such rude alterations , as w●●ld have quite destroyed all the beauty and proportions of the whole . The scandall of the late Troubles , which some may object , and urge to You against the Protestant Religion established in England , is easily answered to them , or Your owne thoughts in this , That scarce any one who hath been a Beginner , or an active Prosecutor of this late Warre against the Church , the Lawes , and Me , either was , or is a true Lover , Embracer , or Practiser of the Protestant Religion , established in England : which neither gives such rules , nor ever before set such ●xamples . 'T is true , some heretofore had the boldnesse to present threatning Petitions to their Princes and Parliaments , which others of the same Faction ( but of worse Spirits ) have now put in execution : but let not counterfeit and disorderly Zeale abate Your value and esteem of true piety , both of them are to be knowne by their fruits ; the sweetnesse of the Wine & Fig-tree is not to be despised , though the Brambles and Thornes should pretend to beare Figs and Grapes , thereby to rule over the Trees . Nor would I have You to entertain any aver●ation , or dislike of Parliaments ; which in their right constitution with Freedome and Honour , will never injure or diminish Your greatnesse , but will rather be as interchangings of love , loyalty , and confidence , between a Prince , and his People . Nor would the events of this black Parliament have been other than such ( however much biassed by Factions in the Elections ) if it had been preserved from the insolencies of popular dictates , and tumultuary impressions : The sad effects of which will no doubt , make all Parliaments after this more cautious to preserve that Freedome , and Honour , which belongs to such Assemblies ( when once they have fully shaken off this yoke of Vulgar encroachment ) since the publique interest consists in the mutuall and common good both of Prince and People . Nothing can be more happy for all , than in faire , grave , and Honourable waies to contribute their Counsels in Common● enacting all things by publique consent ; without tyranny or Tumults . We must not starve our selves , because some men have ●urfeited of wholsome food . And if neither I , nor You , be ever restored to Our Rights , but God in his severest justice , w●ll punish My Subjects with continuance in their sinne , and suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickednesse ; I hope God will give Me , and You , that grace , which will teach and enable Us , to want , as well as to weare a Crowne , which is not worth taking up , or enjoying upon ●ordid , dishonourable , and irreligious tearms . Keep You to true principles of piety , vertue , and honour , You shall never want a Kingdome . A principall point of Your honour will consist in Your deferring all respect , love , and protection to Your Mother , My Wife ; who hath many waies deserved well of Me , and chiefly in this , that ( having been a means to bless● Me with so many hopefull Children ; ( all which , with their Mother , I recommend to Your love , and care ) She hath been content with incomparable magnanimity and patience to suffer both for , and with Me , and You. My prayer to God Almighty is● ( whatever becomes of Me , who am , I thank God , wrapt up and fortified in My own Innocency , and his Grace ) that he would be pleased to make You an Anchor , or Harbour rather , to these tossed and weather-beaten Kingdomes ; a Repairer by Your wisdome , justice , piety , and valour , of what , the folly and wickednesse of some men have so farre ruined , as to leave nothing entire in Church or State ; to the Crown , the Nobility , the Clergy , or the Commons ; either as to Lawes , Liberties , Estates , Order , Honour , Conscience , or lives . When they have destroyed Me , ( for I know not how farre God may permit the malice and cruelty of My Enemies to proceed , and such apprehensions some mens words and actions have already given Me ) as I doubt not but My bloud will cry aloud for vengeance to heaven ; so I beseech God not to poure out his wrath upon the generality of the People , who have either deserted Me , or engaged against Me , through the artifice and hypocrisie of their Leaders , whose inward horrour will be their first Tormenter , nor will they escape exemplary judgments . For those that loved Me , I pray God , they may have no misse of Me , when I am gone ; so much I wish and hope , that all good Subjects may be satisfied with the blessings of Your presence and virtues . For those that repent of any defects in their duty toward Me , as I freely forgive them in the word of a Christian KING , so I believe You will find them truly Zealous , to repay with interest that loyalty and love to You , which was due to Me. In summe , what good I intended , doe You performe ; when God shall give You power : much good I have offered , more I purposed to Church & State , if times had been capable of it . The deception will soone vanish , and the V●zards will fall off apace ; This maske of Religion on the face of Rebellion ( for so it now plainly appears , since My Restraint and cruell usage , that they sought not for Me , as was pretended ) will not long serve to hide some mens deformities . Happy times , I hope , attend You , wherein Your Subjects ( by their miseries ) will have learned , That Religion to their God , and Loyalty to their King , cannot be parted without both their sin and their infelicity . I pray God blesse You , and establish Your Kingdomes in righteousnesse , Your Soule in true Religion , and Your honour in the love of God and Your people . And if God will have disloyalty perfected by My destruction ; let My memory ever , with My name , live in you ; as of Your Father , that loves You : and once a KING of three flourishing Kingdomes ; whom God thought fit to honour , not onely with the Scepter and Government of them , but also with the suffering many indignities , and an untimely death for them ; while I studied to preserve the rights of the Church , the power of the Lawes , the honour of My Crowne , the priviledge of Parliaments , the liberties of My People , and My owne Conscience , which , I thank God , is dearer to Me than a thousand Kingdomes . I know God can , I hope he yet will restore Me to My Rights . I cannot despaire either of his mercy , or of My Peoples love and pity . At worst , I trust I shall but go before You to a better Kingdome , which God hath prepared for Me , and Me for it , through My Saviour Jesus Christ , to whose mercies I commend You and all Mine . Farewell , till We meet , if not on Earth , yet in Heaven . Meditations upon Death , after the Votes of Non-Addresses , and HIS MAJESTIES closer Imprisonment in Carisbrooke-Castle . AS I have leisure enough , so I have cause more than enough , to meditate upon , and prepare for My Death : for I know , there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes . It is Gods indulgence , which gives Me the space , but Mans cruelty , that gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts . For , besides the common burthen of mo●tality , which lies upon Me , as a Man ; I now bear the heavy load of other mens ambitions , fears , jealousies , and cruell passions , whose envy or enmity against Me makes their owne lifes seem deadly to them , while I enjoy any part of Mine . I thank God , My prosperity made Me not wholly a Stranger to the contemplations of mortality : Those are never unseasonable , since this is alwaies uncertaine : Death being an eclipse , which oft happeneth as well in clear , as cloudy daies . But My now long and sharp adversity hath so reconciled in Me those naturall Antipathies between Life and Death , which are in all men , that I thank God , the common terrors of it are dispelled ; and the speciall horrour of it , as to My particular , much allayed : for , although My death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those terrible aggravations , which the policy of cruell and implacable enemies can put upon it , ( affaires being drawn to the very dregs of malice ) yet I blesse God , I can look upon all those stings , as unpoysonous , though sharp ; since My Redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given Me the antidote of his Death against them ; which as to the immaturity , unjustice , shame , scorne , and cruelty of it exceeded , whatever I can feare . Indeed , I never did find so much , the life of Religion , the feast of a good Conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious integrity and constancy , as since I came ●o these closer conflicts with the thoughts of Death . I am not so old , as to be weary of life ; nor ( I hope ) so bad , as to be either afraid to die , or ashamed to live : true , I am so afflicted , as might make Me sometime even desire to die ; if I did not consider , That it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to daily● in conquering by a lively faith , and patient hopes of a better life , those partiall and quotidian deaths , which kill us ( as it were ) by piece-meales , and make us overlive our owne fates ; while We are deprived of health , honour , liberty , power , credit , safety , or estate ; and those other comforts of dearest relations , which are as the life of our lives . Though , as a KING , I think My self to live in nothing temporall so much , as in the love and good-will of My People ; for which , as I have suffered many deaths , so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead : notwithstanding , My Enemies have used all the poyson of falsity and violence of hostility to destroy , first the love and Loyalty , which is in My Subjects ; and then all that content of life in Me , which from these I chiefly enjoyed . Indeed , they have left Me but little of life , and only the husk and shell ( as it were ) which their further malice and cruelty can take from Me ; having bereaved Me of all those worldly comforts , for which life it self seems desirable to men . But , O My Soule ! think not that life too long , or tedious , wherein God gives thee any opportunities , if not to doe , yet to suffer with such Christian patience and magnanimity in a good Cause , as are the greatest honour of our lives , and the best improvement of our deaths . I know that in point of true Christian valour , it argues pusillanimity to desire to die out of wearinesse of life ; and a want of that heroick greatnesse of spirit which becomes a Christian in the patient and generous sustaining those afflictions , which as shadows necessarily attend us , while we are in this body ; and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity moves higher , or lower : whose totall absence is best recompensed with the Dew of Heaven . The assaults of affliction may be terrible , like Sampson's Lyon , but they yeild much sweetnesse to those , that dare to encounter and overcome them ; who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishnesse , while they may yet converse with God. That I must die as a Man , is certain ; that I may die a King , by the hands of My own Subjects , a violent , sodain , and barbarous death ; in the strength of My years ; in the midst of My Kingdoms ; My Friends and loving Subjects being helplesse Spectators ; My Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over Me , living , dying , and dead , is so probable in humane reason , that God hath taught me not to hope otherwise , as to mans cruelty ; however , I despaire not of Gods infinite mercy . I know My Life is the object of the Devils & wicked mens malice ; but yet under Gods sole custody & disposall : Whom I do not think to flatter for longer life by seeming prepared to die ; but I humbly desire to depend upon him , & to submit to his will both in life & death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to Me. I confesse it is not easie for Me to contend with those many horrours of death , wherewith God suffers Me to be tempted ; which are equally horrid , either in the suddennesse of a barbarous Assasination ; or in those greater formalities , whereby My Enemies ( being more solemnly cruell ) will , it may be , seeke to adde ( as those did , who Crucified Christ ) the mockery of Justice , to the cruelty of Malice : That I may be destroyed , as with greater pomp and artifice , so with lesse pity , it will be but a necessary policy to make My death appeare as an act of ●ustice , done by Subjects upon their Soveraigne ; who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without Me , much lesse against Me : and who , being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before God and man , to endeavour My preservation , must pretend Justice to cover their Perjury . It is , indeed , a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be Accusers , Parties , and Judges ; but most desperate , when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraigne ; wherein those , who have had the chiefest hand , and are most guilty of contriving the publique Troubles , must by shedding My bloud seem to wash their own hands of that innocent bloud , whereof they are now most evidently guilty before God and man ; and I believe in their owne consciences too , while they carried on unreasonable demands , first by Tumults , after by Armies . Nothing makes meane spirits more cowardly-cruell in managing their usurped power against their lawfull Superiours , than this , the Guilt of their unjust Usurpation ; notwithstanding , those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents , applied onely to disguise at first the monstrousnesse of their designes , who despaired , indeed , of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard , till the Heire , whose right it is , be cast out and slaine . With them , My greatest fault must be , that I would not either destroy My selfe with the Church and State by My Word , or not suffer them to doe it unresisted by the Sword ; whose covetous ambition no Concessions of Mine could ever yet , either satisfie , or abate . Nor is it likely they will ever think , that Kingdome of brambles , which some men seek to erect ( at once , weak , sharp , and fruitlesse , either to God or man ) is like to thrive till watered with the Royall bloud of those , whose right the Kingdome is . Well , Gods will be done , I doubt not but My Innocency will find him both My Protectour , and My Advocate , who is My onely Judge , whom I owne as King of Kings , not onely for the eminency of his power and majesty above them ; but also for that singular care and protection , which he hath over them : who knows them to be exposed to as many dangers ( being the greatest Patrones of Law , Justice , Order , and Religion on earth ) as there be either Men or Devils , which love confusion . Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel , who build it with the bones and cement it with the bloud of their Kings . I am confident they will find Avengers of My death among themselves : the injuries I have sustained from them shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing Me. Their impatience to beare the loud cry of My bloud , shall make them think no way better to expiate it , than by shedding theirs , who with them , most thirsted after Mine . The sad confusions following My destruction , are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since My troubles ; in which , God alone ( who onely could ) hath many waies pleaded My cause ; not suffering them to go unpunished , whose confederacy in sinne was their onely security ; who have cause to feare that God will both further divide , and by mutuall vengeance , afterward destroy them . My greatest conquest of Death is from the power and love of Christ , who hath swallow'd up death in the victory of his Resurrection , and the glory of his Ascension . My next comfort is , that he gives Me not onely the honour to imitate his example in suffering for righteousnesse sake , ( though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice ) but also , that charity , which is the noblest revenge upon , and victory over My Destroyers : By which , I thank God , I can both forgive them , and pray for them , that God would not impute My bloud to them further then to convince them , what need they have of Christs bloud to wash their soules from the guilt of shedding Mine . At present , the will of My Enemies seems to be their onely rule , their power the measure , and their successe the Exactor , of what they please to call Justice ; while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their owne safety by My danger , and the security of their lives designes by My Death : forgetting , that as the greatest temptations to sinne are wrapped up in seeming prosperities , so the severest vengeances of God are then most accomplished , when men are suffered to compleat their wicked purposes . I blesse God , I pray not so much , that this bitter cup of a violent death may passe from Me , as that of his wrath may passe from all those , whose hands by deserting Me , are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to My death are embrued with My bloud . The will of God hath confined , and concluded Mine ; I shall have the pleasure of dying , without any pleasure of desired vengeance . This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies , and a King toward his Subjects . They cannot deprive Me of more than I am content to lose , when God sees fit by their hands to take it from me ; whose mercy I believe , will more then infinitely recompence what ever by mans injustice he is pleased to deprive me of . The glory attending my death will farre surpasse all I could enjoy , or conceive in life . I shall not want the heavy and envied Crownes of this world , when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his graces with glory ; and exchanged the shadows of my earthly Kingdomes among men , for the substance of that heavenly kingdome with himself . For the censures of the world ; I know the sharp and necessary tyranny of my Destroyers will sufficiently confute the calumnies of tyranny against me ; I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of my Subjects , who doe not onely pity and pray for me , but would be content even to die with me , or for me . These know , how to excuse my failings , as a man , and yet to retaine , and pay their duty to me as their King ; there being no religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed , the faults and errours of their Princes ; especially there , where more then sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publike ; the enjoyment of which , private ambitions have hitherto frustrated . Others , I believe , of sof●er tempers , and lesse advantaged by my ruine , doe already feel sharp convictions , and some remo●se in their consciences ; where they cannot but see the proportions of their evill dealings against me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their owne thumbs and toes , having under pretence of paring others nailes been so cruell as to cut off their chiefest strength . The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be l●ke that of Korah & his Complices ( at once mutining against both Prince & Priest ) in such a method of divine justice , as is not ordinary ; the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them , and swallowing them up in a just disdaine of their ill-gotten and worse-used Authority : upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designes against Me , the Church , and State. My chiefest comfort in death consists in my peace , which I trust , is made with God ; before whose exact Tribunal I shall not feare to appeare , as to the Cause so long disputed by the Sword , between me and my causlesse Enemies : where I doubt not , but his righteous judgment will confute their fallacy , who from worldly successe ( rather like Sophisters , than sound Christians ) draw those popular conclusions for Gods approbation of their actions ; whose wise providence ( we know ) oft permits many events , which his revealed Word ( the onely cleare , safe and fixed rule of good actions and good consciences ) in no sort approves . I am confident the Justice of my Cause , and clearness of My Conscience before God & toward my people will carry me , as much above them in Gods decision , as their successes have lifted them above me in the Vulgar opinion : who consider not , that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world , whose rise is from Hell , as to the injuriousnesse and oppression of the designe . The prosperous winds which oft fill the sayles of Pirats , doth not justifie their piracy and rapine . I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soule , to have been worsted in my enforced contestation for , and vindication of the Laws of the Land , the freedome and honour of Parliaments , the rights of my Crown , the just liberty of my Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine , Government and due encouragements , then if I had , with the greatest advantages of successe , overborne them all ; as some men have now evidently done , whatever designes they at first pretended . The prayers and patience of my Friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter cup , which I doubt not but I shall more cheerfully take , and drink as from Gods hand ( if it must be so ) than they can give it to me , whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up aga●nst me . And , as to the last event , I may seem to owe more to my Enemies , than my Friends ; while those will put a period to the sinnes and sorrows attending this miserable life ; wherewith these desire , I might still contend . I shall be more than Conquerour through Christ enabling me ; for whom I have hitherto suffered : as he is the Authour of Truth , Order , and Peace ; for all which , I have been forced to contend against Errour , Faction , and confusion . If I must suffer a violent death , with my Saviour , it is but mortality crowned with martyrdome● where the debt of death , which I owe for sinne to nature , shall be raised , as a gift of faith and patience offered to God. Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept ; and although death be the wages of my owne sinne , as from God , and the effect of others sinnes , as men , both against God and me ; yet as I hope my own sinnes are so remitted , that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my death , so I desire God to pardon their sins , who are most guilty of my destruction . The Trophees of my charity will be more glorious and durable over them , than their ill-managed victories over me . Though their sin be prosperous , yet they had need to be penitent , that they may be pardoned : Both which , I pray God they may obtain ; that my temporall death unjustly inflicted by them , may not be revenged by Gods just inflicting eternall death upon them : for I look upon the temporall destruction of the greatest King , as far lesse deprecable , than the eternall damnation of the meanest Subject . Nor do I wish other , than the safe bringing of the ship to shore , when they have cast me overboard ; though it be very strange , that Mariners can find no other means to appease the storme , themselves have raised , but by drowning their Pilot. I thank God , my Enemies cruelty cannot prevent my preparation ; whose malice in this I shall defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my Soul with my Body ; of whose salvation , while some of them have themselves seemed , and taught others to despaire , they have only discover'd this , that they do not much desire it . Whose uncharitable and cruell Restraints , denying me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains , hath rather enlarged , than any way obstructed my accesse to the Throne of Heaven . Where thou dwellest , O King of Kings ; who fillest Heaven and Earth , who art the fountaine of eternall life , in whom is no shadow of death . Thou O God art both the just Afflicter of death upon us , and the mercifull Saviour of us in it , and from it . Yea , it is better for us to be dead to our selves , ●nd live in thee ; than by living in our selves to be deprived of thee . O make the many bitter aggravations of My death as a Man , and a King , the opportunities and advantages of thy speciall graces and comf●rts in My Soule , as a Christian. If thou Lord wilt be with Me , I shall neither feare nor feel any evill , though I walke through the valley of the shadow of death . To cont●nd with death is the worke of a weake and mortall m●n ; to overcome it , is the grace of thee alone , who art the Almighty and immortall God. O My Saviour , who knowest what it is to die with Me , as a Man ; make Me to know what it is to passe through death to life with thee My God. Though I die , yet I know , that thou my Redee●er livest for ever : though thou slayest Me , yet thou hast incouraged me to trust in thee for eternall life . O withdraw not thy favour from me , which is ●●tter than life . O be not farre from me , for I know not how neer a violent and cruell death is to me . As thy Omniscience , O God , discovers , so thy Omnipotence can defeat the designes of those , who have , or shall conspire my destruction . O shew me the goodnesse of thy will , through the wickednesse of theirs . Thou givest me leave ●s a man to pray , that this cup may passe from me ; but thou hast taught Me as a Christian by the example of Christ t● adde , not My will , but thine be done . Yea Lord , let our wills be one , by wholly resolving mine into thine : let not the desire ●f life in me be so great , as that of doing or suffering thy ●ill in either life or death . As I believe thou hast forgiven all the errours of my life , so I hope thou wilt save me from the terrours of my death . Make me content to leave the worlds nothing , that I may come really t● enjoy all in thee , wh● hast made Christ unto me in life , gaine ; and in death , advantage . Though my Destroyers forget their duty t● thee and me , yet doe not thou , O L●rd , forget to be mercifull to them . For , what profit is there in my bloud , or in their gaining my Kingdomes , if they lose their owne S●ules ? Such as have not onely resisted my just Power , but wholly usurped and turned it against my self , though they may deserve , yet let them not receive to themselves damna●ion . Thou madest thy Sonne a Saviour to many , that Crucified Him , while at once he suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them . O let the voice of his bloud be heard for My Murtherers , louder than the cry of mine against them . Prepare them for thy mercy by due convicti●ns of their sinne , and let them not at once deceive and damne thei● owne Soules by fallacious pretensions of Iustice in destroying me , while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of power against me , chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against me . O Lord , thou knowest I have found their mercies to me as very false , so very cruell ; who pretending to preserve me , have meditated nothing but my ruine . O deale not with them as bloud-thirsty and de●eitfull men ; but overcome their cruelty with thy compassion and my charity . And when thou makest inquisition for My bloud , O sprinkle their polluted , yet penitent Soules with the bloud of thy Sonne , that thy destroying Angel may passe over them . Though they think my Kingdomes on earth too little to entertaine at once both them and me , yet let the capacious Kingdome of thy infinite mercy at last receive both me and my enemies . When being reconciled to thee in the bloud of the same Redeemer , we shall live farre above these ambitious desires , which beget such mortall enmities . When their hands shall be heaviest , and cruellest upon me , O let me fall into the armes of thy tender and eternall mercies . That what is cut off my life in this miserable moment , may be repaied in thy ever-blessed eternity . Lord , let thy Servant depart in peace , for my eyes have seen thy salvation . Vota dabunt , quae bella negârunt . FINIS . 
A62841	----	Amyntor, or, A defence of Milton's life containing I. a general apology for all writings of that kind, II. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to Jesus Christ, his apostles and other eminent persons ..., III. a complete history of the book entitul'd Icon basilike, proving Dr. Gauden and not King Charles the First to be the author of it, with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by Mr. Wagstaf to the contrary, and to the exceptions made against my Lord Anglesey's Memorandum, Dr. Walker's book or Mrs. Gauden's narrative, which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large. Toland, John, 1670-1722. 1699 Approx. 155 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 89 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2004-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A62841 Wing T1760 ESTC R22638 12490337 ocm 12490337 62348 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A62841) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 62348) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 299:4) Amyntor, or, A defence of Milton's life containing I. a general apology for all writings of that kind, II. a catalogue of books attributed in the primitive times to Jesus Christ, his apostles and other eminent persons ..., III. a complete history of the book entitul'd Icon basilike, proving Dr. Gauden and not King Charles the First to be the author of it, with an answer to all the facts alledg'd by Mr. Wagstaf to the contrary, and to the exceptions made against my Lord Anglesey's Memorandum, Dr. Walker's book or Mrs. Gauden's narrative, which last piece is now the first time publish'd at large. Toland, John, 1670-1722. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Wagstaffe, Thomas, 1645-1712. Vindication of King Charles the martyr. Gauden, John, 1605-1662. Eikon basilike, the pourtraicture of His Sacred Maiestie in his solitude and sufferings. Walker, Anthony, d. 1692. True account of the author of a book entituled Eikon basilike. [4], 172 p. Printed and are to be sold by the booksellers of London and Westminster, London : 1699. First ed. Cf. NUC pre-1956. For more complete information on authorship of Eikon basilike see Almack, E. Bibliography of the King's book or Eikon basilike, 1896. Errata on p. [3]. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Milton, John, 1608-1674. Jesus Christ -- Bibliography. Eikon basilike. 2003-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2003-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2003-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2003-10 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2003-12 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion AMYNTOR : OR , A DEFENCE OF Milton's Life . CONTAINING I. A general Apology for all Writings of that kind . II. A Catalogue of Books attributed in the Primitive Times to JESUS CHRIST , his Apostles and other eminent Persons : With several important Remarks and Observations relating to the Canon of Scripture . III. A Complete History of the Book , Entitul'd , Icon Basilike , proving Dr. GAUDEN , and not King CHARLES the First , to be the Author of it : With an Answer to all the Facts alledg'd by Mr. WAGSTAF to the contrary ; and to the Exceptions made against my Lord ANGLESEY's Memorandum , Dr. WALKER's Book , or Mrs. GAUDEN's Narrative , which last Piece is now the first Time publish'd at large . DI quibus imperium est animarum , umbraeque Silentes , Et Chaos , & Phlegethon , Loca N●cle tacentia late , Sit mihi fas audit a loqui ; Sit numine vestro , Pandere res alta terra & caligine mersa● . Virg. Aen. 6. London , Printed , and are to be Sold by the Booksellers of London and Westminster . M. DC.XC.IX .     Errors . Amendments . Page 5. line 1● . hose those 20. 5. Christ his Christ , his 21. 4. Ceretum Ceretium 37. 19. Cophtic Coptic ●8 . 3. of of the 53. 15. Mat●hies Matthias 57. 15. Ex mple ●xample 65. 15. may be be any 66. 17. ●ittgius ●●itigius 101. 23. hop'd o hop'd to 105. 5. Consciences Conscience 113. 20. somtime Som time 131. 16. this his 137. 8. Mediations Meditations * In the Margin of Pag. 57 , after Eus●bius , 〈◊〉 lib. 3. and 〈◊〉 of first read fifth . THE AUTHOR TO A FRIEND . THE Public is so seldom interested in the Debates of privat Men , and I am so little concern'd at the Malice or Mistakes of my Adversaries , that , without som better Motive , I would never presume to trouble the World with any thing merely personal . But if the Subject in question be of extraordinary Weight and Consequence , and that on the certain Decision of it should depend the Tranquillity of a considerable number of People , then I think a Man is indispensably oblig'd to appear for the Truth ; and so , while he 's endeavoring to serve others , no body will say he ought to neglect his own Defence . Whether the Treatise I now send you be of this Nature , is submitted to your equal Iudgment : And unless I really design'd a Nobler End by it than the Iustification of one Person , neither you nor any body else should lose your time in reading , no more than I my self would be at the Pains of writing it , which yet I 'll count the highest Pleasure if I understand it has never so little contributed to the Satisfaction of a Gentleman of such undisputed Learning and Merit . March 30. 1699. J. T. AMYNTOR : OR , A DEFENCE OF Milton's Life . WHEN I undertook to write the Life of the most celebrated MILTON , I was far from imagining that I should ever ( much less so soon ) be oblig'd to make an Apology in justification of such a Work , both harmless in it self , and greatly desir'd by the World. There was no positive Law or Custom against publishing the particular History of this extraordinary Person , consider'd in any respect whatsoever : for the Lives of Good Princes and Tyrants , of Orthodox and Heretical Divines , of Virtuous and Wicked , of Public and Privat Men , are indifferently perus'd by every body ; of which it would be superfluous to alledg Examples , the thing being so commonly known by all that have learnt to read . Nor without such a Liberty could we possibly form a true Taste , or have any certain Knowledg of Affairs , since the Excellence or Imperfection of all Matters best appears by opposing 'em to one another . And I was sure ( which I find was no Mistake ) that the Learning and Sentiments of JOHN MILTON were too considerable not to deserve the highest Commendation or Dislike , according to the Judgment or Affection of the Readers . SINCE therefore it was equally lawful for me to write whose Life I pleas'd ( when my Hand was in ) the first Charge against me , one would think , should have bin , that I had not fairly represented my Hero. But , very far from that , the great Crime whereof I am arraign'd , consists in telling more than som People would have me ; or discovering Truths not fit to be known ; and the Manner of my Relation is to them altogether as offensive and displeasing as the Matter of it . 'T is strange that Men should be found of a Judgment weak enough to make a Crime of such Proceedings in a Writer , who labors to keep himself wholly independent from the Fears or Eng●●●ments of any Party ; and who ●●ofess'd in the very beginning of his Book , that being neither provok'd by Malice , nor brib'd by Favor , he would as well dare to say all that was true , as scorn to write any Falshood . But the rude Opposition with which I have met , notwithstanding such plain Declarations , convinces me more than ever how much I was in the Right by following the peculiar Method I propos'd to my self in compiling MILTON's Life , and which I partly declar'd in these Terms : In the Characters of Sects and Parties , Books or Opinions , I shall produce his own Words as I find 'em in his Works ; that those who approve his Reasons , may owe all the Obligation to himself ; and that I may escape the Blame of such as may dislike what he says . Now , what could be more impartial than this ? or more likely to secure me from all Imputations , whatever should be the Reception of MILTON from the Public ? Yet if by adhering religiously to this Rule so loud a Clamor was raised against me , it is apparent how much worse I might expect to be treated , had I trod in the common Road. For if , like most Historians , I had in my own Words ( tho' with never so much Candor ) related the Actions or Sentiments of my Author , my Adversaries would presently have told the World that this was not the true MILTON , but one of my own Creation , whom I promted to speak what I durst not own ; and by whose Mouth I had publish'd all hose Opinions which I would recommend to other People . Well knowing therefore the ordinary Temper and Artifices of these Men , I did partly on that Account produce his own Words to obviat their Sophistry and Calumnies , their two principal offensive Weapons ; and also to spare my self the Pains of Quotations afterwards , to prove I had neither injur'd him nor abus'd my Readers . Besides this particular Regard to them , I am also of opinion that this is the best and only good way of writing the History of such a Man. And had the Ancients always follow'd it , our Modern Critics would have been less exercis'd to discern their real Sentiments ; nor wou'd they be so often oblig'd to examin whether they understood or mis-represented their Authors . BUT instead of any Objections like these , I am expresly told that I ought not to meddle with MILTON's Books , nor to revive his Sentiments , or the Memory of those Quarrel 's wherein he was engag'd ; which is only , in other Words , that I ought not to write his Life at all . For what , I pray , is the principal Part of a Learned Man's Life , but the exact History of his Books and Opinions , to inform the World about the Occasion of his writing , what it contain'd , how he perform'd it , and with what Consequences or Success ? I have no Reason from my own second Thoughts , the Opinion of better Judges , or the Fortune of the ●●ok , to be dissatisfi'd with my Conduct on this Occasion . And had this Method , as I said before , been strictly observ'd , we might have more Knowledg and fewer Critics . AY but , say these Gentlemen , you have made an Inroad on our Persuasion , and directly attack'd the sacred Majesty of Kings , the venerable Order of Bishops , the best constituted Church in the World , our holy Liturgy , and decent Ceremonies , the Authority of Councils , the Testimony of the Fathers , and a hundred other things which we profoundly respect and admire : nor are we the only Sufferers ; for almost all other Sects and Parties have equal Reasons of Complaint against you . Well , be it so then ; but , good Sirs , betake your selves for Reparation to JOHN MILTON ; or , if he is not to be brought to easie Terms , defend your Castles and Territories against him with all the Vigor you can . For , I assure you I am no further concern'd in the Quarrel than to shew you the Enemy , and to give a true Account of his Forces . And all this , if you were of a peaceable Disposition , you might learn from these plain Words in the Conclusion of the Life : 'T is probable that you ( as well as I , or any other ) may disapprove of MILTON's Sentiments in several Cases ; but I 'm sure , you are far from being displeas'd to find 'em particulariz'd in the History of his Life : For we should have no true Account of Things , if Authors related nothing but what they lik'd themselves : One Party would never suffer the Lives of TARQUIN , or PHALARIS , or SYLLA , or CAESAR to appear , while another would be as ready to suppress those of CICERO , of CATO , of TRAJAN , or BRUTUS . But a Historian ought to conceal or disguise nothing ; and the Reader is to be left to judg of the V●tues he should imitat , or the Vices he ought to detest and avoid . THIS might serve for a sufficient Answer to all that has bin yet objected to MILTON's Life , if any Reply were thought necessary : For the trivial and scurrilous Libels of mercenary Fellows I shall never regard , they being already sufficiently neglected by the World , and making themselves as little by this Practice , as any of a more vindictive Temper could desire : Besides , that to answer 'em in their own Dialect , I must first learn to speak it ; which is absolutely contrary to my Genius , and below the Dignity of Human Nature , since no body openly approves it even at Billingsgate . I shall as little consider the censorious Tongues of certain more Zealous than Religious People , who judge of others by their own narrow Schemes , and despise all Knowledge in comparison of their privat Imaginations , wherein they exceedingly please themselves ; a Happiness no body envies them . Nor should I , if that were all , think my self concern'd in making any Return to the obliging Complements of those Gentlemen who ( as Father PAUL formerly said of himself ) remember me oftner in their Sermons than in their Prayers ; tho' som of them are apt to say , that when they mention Turks , Iews , In●idels , and Heretics , they do not forget me . But when I am openly accus'd before the greatest Assembly in the World , the Representative Body of the People of England , let the Charge be never so frivolous in it self , or to be slighted on any other Occasion , yet such a Respect is due to the Dignity of those to whom it was exhibited , that I hold my self oblig'd to convince 'em of my Innocence ; and to remove all Suspicion far from me , of what in its own Nature is acknowledg'd to be Criminal , or by them might be reputed Indecent . THE Matter of Fact is this ▪ On the Thirtieth of Ianuary , Mr. OFSPRING BLACKHALL , who stiles himself Chaplain in Ordinanary to His Majesty , Preacht a Sermon before the Honorable House of Commons ; wherein , after exclaiming against the Author of MILTON's Life , for denying Icon Basilike to be the Production of King CHARLES the First , he pursues his Accusation in these Terms . We may cease to wonder , says he , that he should have the Boldness , without Proof , and against Proof , to deny the Authority of this Book , who is such an Infidel as to doubt , and is shameless and impudent enough , even in Print , and in a Christian Country , publicly to affront our Holy Religion , by declaring his Doubt , that several Pieces under the Name of Christ and his Apostles ( he must mean those now receiv'd by the whole Christian Church , for I know of no other ) are supposititious ; tho' thro' the remoteness of those Ages , the Death of the Persons concern'd , and the decay of other Monuments which might give us true Information , the Spuriousness thereof is yet undiscover'd . Here is indeed a Charge of a very high Nature , I will not say in his own mean Language , an impudent and a shameless one ; tho' if it be not better prov'd , I cannot hinder others from calling it what they please , or the thing deserves . But before I proceed to make Observations on it , I shall insert the intire Passage of my Book , which he has taken the liberty of abridging , and so joining the Words of two widely different Assertions , as if they were but one . About this little Artifice however I shall make no difference with him ; for I can easily determin our Controversie , without using all the Advantages I might otherwise take . AFTER stating the Proofs therefore that Dr. GAUDEN , and not King CHARLES , was the true Author of Icon Basilike , I added a very natural Observation in the following Words . When I seriously consider how all this happen'd among our selves within the Compass of Forty Years , in a time of great Learning and Politeness , when both Parties so narrowly watch'd over one anothers Actions , and what a great Revolution in Civil and Religious Affairs was partly occasion'd by the Credit of that Book , I cease to wonder any longer how so many supposititious Pieces under the Name of CHRIST , his Apostles , and other great Persons , should be publish'd and approv'd in those Primitive times , when it was of so much Importance to have 'em believ'd ; when the Cheats were too many on all sides for them to reproach one another , which yet they often did ; when Commerce was not near so general as now , and the whole Earth entirely over-spread with the Darkness of Superstition . I doubt rather the spuriousness of several more such Books is yet undiscover'd , thro the remoteness of those Ages , the death of the Persons concern'd , and the decay of other Monuments , which might give us true Information . Here then in the first place it is plain , that , I say , a great many spurious Books were early father'd on CHRIST , his Apostles , and other great Names , part whereof are still acknowledg'd to be genuin , and the rest to be forg'd , in neither of which Assertions I could be justly suppos'd to mean any Books of the N. Testament , as I shall presently evince . But Mr. BLACKHALL affirms . That I must intend those now receiv'd by the whole Christian Church , for he knows of no other . A cogent Argument truly ! and clearly proves his Logic to be just of a Piece with his Reading . I admire what this Gentleman has bin doing so long at the University , that he should be such a great Stranger to these things . But now I find a Man may be a very good Divine without knowing any thing of the Fathers , tho' a Layman is always referr'd to 'em when he starts any Difficulties , which makes him sooner acquiesce and swallow what he cannot chew than get Information at so dear a rate . But had Mr. BLACKHALL been dispos'd to deal ingenuously 〈◊〉 me , he might see , without the help of the Fathers , that I did not mean the Books of the New Testament , when I mention'd Supposititious Pi●ces under the Name of CHRIST , since there is none ascrib'd to him in the whole Bible ; nor do we read there that ever he wrote any thing , except once with his Finger on the Ground , when he acquitted the Woman taken in Adultery : And , for ought appears to the contrary , Mr. BLACKHALL may deny that to be any Writing , because he knows not what it was ; yet som German Divines , as well read as himself , have presum'd to tell us the Contents of it , and came almost to excommunicating one another in their solemn Disputes about this weighty Affair . To this Negative Argument from the Silence of the New Testament , we may add the Positive Testimony of St. AUGUSTIN and St. JEROM , whereof the former affirms , That the Lord himself wrote * nothing , which makes it necessary we should believe those who have written of him : And the latter says , That † our Saviour left no Volum of his own Doctrin behind him , as is extravagantly feign'd in most of the Apochryphal Pieces . NOW to convince all the World that I did not intend by those Pieces the Books of the New Testament , as well as to shew the Rashness and Uncharitableness of Mr. BLACKHALL's Assertion , I shall here insert a large Catalogue of Books anciently ascrib'd to JESUS CHRIST , his Apostles , their Acquaintance , Companions , and Contemporaries . Of these som remain still entirely extant , which I shall mark in their Places . We have several Fragments of others preserv'd by the Fathers ; and all that is left us of the rest are only their bare Titles . I constantly refer to the Books wherein they are quoted , that every body may inform himself of the Fact. And after the Catalogue is ended , I shall distinguish the Books which the Ancicients alledg'd as the genuin Works of the Apostles or Apostolic Men , from those that they rejected as the Forgeries of Heretics ; which is a good Argument however , that they were receiv'd by som Party of Christians to countenance their Opinions . Next I design to name those Pieces of whose Spuriousness I doubted , tho' their Authority is still receiv'd ; and so conclude this Point with som material Observations . A Catalogue of Books mentioned by the Fathers and other Ancient Writers , as truly or falsely ascrib'd to JESUS CHRIST his Apostles , and other eminent Persons . I. Of Books reported to be written by CHRIST himself , or that particularly concern him . 1. HIS Letter in answer to that of Abgarus King of Edessa . Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 1. c. 13. You may also consult Cedrenus , Nicephorus , Constantinus Porphyrogennetus in the Manipulus of Combesisius , p. 79 , &c. extant . 2. The Epistle of Christ to Peter and Paul. Augustin . contra Faustum , l. 28. c. 13. 3. The Parables and Sermons of Christ. Euseb. Hist. Eccl. l. 3. c. 39. 4. A Hymn which Christ secretly taught his Apostles and Disciples , Augustin . Epist. 253. ad Ceretum Episcopum . 5. A Book of the Magic of Christ , Augustin . de consensu evangelico , l. 1. c. 9 , 10. If it be not the same with the Epistle to Peter and Paul. 6. A Book of the Nativity of our Savior , of the Holy Virgin his Mother , and her Midwife . Gelasius apud Gratianum , Decret . 1. part . Dist. 15. c. 3. But I believe this is the same with the Gospel of Iames ; whereof in its due Order . II. MARY . 1. An Epistle to Ignatius : Which is now extant among his Works . 2. Another Epistle to the Inhabitants of Messina : To be read among the same Ignatius's Works . 3. A Book of the Nativity of the Virgin Mary , Usually publish●d with St. Ierome's Works . 4. Another Book about the Death of Mary , is said by Lambecius to ly unpublish'd in the Emperor's Library , T. 4. p. 131. 5. We shall not insist on the Book of Mary concerning the Miracles of Christ , and the Ring of King Solomon . III. PETER . 1. The Gospel of Peter . Origen . T. 11. Comment . in Mat. Hieron . in Catalog . Scriptor . Eccles. c. 1. Euseb. Hist. Eccl●s . l. 3. c. 3 , 25. Idem , l. 6. c. 12. 2. The Acts of Peter . Euscb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 3. Hieronym . in Catalogo . Origen . Tom. 21. Comment . in Joan. Isidorus Pelusiota , l. 2. Epist. 99. 3. The Revelation of Peter . Clem. Alex. in Epitom . Theodot . Euseb . Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 25. l. 6. c. 14. Idem , l. 3. c. 3. Hieron . in Catalago , c. 1. Zozomen . Hist. Eccles. l. 7. c. 19. 4. The Epistle of Peter to Clemens , is still shewn in the Aethiopic Language by the Eastern Christians . Tilmont , Hist. Eccles. Tom. 1. part . 2. pag. 497. And he has it from Cotelerius . The Epistle of Clemens to James , is publish'd in the Clementines . 5. The Doctrine of Peter . Origen , in praefat . ad libros principiorum Gregor . Nazian . epist. 16. Elias Levita in notis ad Nazianzeni Orationem ad cives trepidantes . 6. The preaching of Peter ( if it be not the same with his Doctrin ) Origen . Tom. 14. in Joan. Idem , in praefat . ad Libros principiorum . Clem. Alex. Stromat . l. 1. & l. 6 , &c. Lactant. l. 4. c. 21. Autor libri de baptismo Haereticorum inter opera Cypriani . Joan. Damascen . l. 2. parallel . c. 16. 7. The Liturgy of Peter , publish'd by Lindanus at Antwerp in the Year 1588 , and at Paris , Anno 1595. 8. The Itinerary , or Iournys of Peter ( mention'd by Epiphanius , Haeres . 30. n. 15. and by Athanasius in his Synopsis of the Scriptures ; ) I believe to be the same with the Recognitions of St. Clement still extant , wherein we have a very particular Account of Peter's Voyages and Performances . 9. The Iudgment of Peter . Hieronym . in Catalogo , c. 1. IV. ANDREW . 1. The Gospel of St. Andrew . Gelasius in Decreto , &c. 2. The Acts of St. Andrew . Euscb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 25. Epiphan . Haeres . 47. n. 1. Item , 61 , 63 , 47. Philastrius in Haeres . 8. Gelasius in decreto ; & Turribius Asturicensis apud Paschasium Quesnerum inter epistolas Leonis magni , p. 459. V. IAMES . 1. The Gospel of St. James , or his Protoevangelion . Origen , Tom. 11. Comment . in Mat. Epiphan . Haeres . 30. n. 23. Eustathius Antiochen . Comment . in Hexaemer . Epiphanius monachus in notis Allatii ad Eustathium . Multa ex hoc Evangelio mutuasse Gregorium Nyssenum , tacito Jacobi nomine , monet Allatius ibid. This Book is now in Manuscript in the Library of Vienna , as is said by Lambecius , l. 5. p. 130. Father Simon says , he has seen two Manuscript Copies of it in the Kings of France's Library . Nouvelles Observations , &c. p. 4. It was printed by Neander and also by Grynaeus in the first Volum of his Orthodoxographs . 2. The Liturgy of St. James is printed in the second Tome of the Bibliotheca Patrum , at Paris , Anno 1624. 3. We mention'd before The Book of St. James concerning the Death of the Virgin Mary ; but there want not Reasons to believe Iohn , and not Iames , to be the Author of it . VI. IOHN . 1. The Acts of St. John. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 25. Epiphan . Haeres . 47. n. 1. Augustin . l. 1. contra adversarios legis & prophetarum . Turribii Scriptum inter Epistolas Leonis magni ; & Phot. in codice 229. 2. Another Gospel of Iohn . Epiph. Haeres . 30. n. 23. 3. The Itinerary , or Voyages of St. John. Gelasius in decreto . 4. The Liturgy of St. John. It was together with several others printed in Syriac at Rome . See Father Simon in his Supplement to Leo of Modena . 5. We spoke twice before of St. Iohn or St. Iames's Book about the Death of the Virgin Mary . 6. The Traditions of St. Iohn . Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. ult . VII . PHILIP . 1. The Gospel of St. Philip. Epiphan . Haeres . 26. n. 13. Timotheus Presbyter a Combefisio editus in tomo secundo Auctuarii . 2. The Acts of St. Philip. Gelasius in Deceto . VIII . BARTHOLOMEW . 2. The Gospel of St. Bartholomew , Hieronym . in prolegom . Com. in Mat. Dionysius Areopagita de Mystica Theologia , cap. 1. IX . THOMAS . 1. The Gospel of St. Thomas . Origen . in Homil. ad Luc. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 25. Nicephor . in Stichometria . Ambros. in Comment . ad Luc. Augustin . contra Faustum , l. 22. c. 79. Cyril . Hierosolym . Catech. 4. 6. Gelasius in decreto . 2. The Acts of St. Thomas . Epiphan . Haeres . 47. n. 1. Idem , Haeres . 61. n. 1. Augustin . contra Adimant . Idem , l. 1. de sermone Dei. Idem , contra Faustum , l. 22. c. 79. 3. The Revelations of S. Thomas . Gelasius in Decreto . 4. The Itinerary of St. Thomas . Gelasius in Decreto . Nicephor . in Stichometria . 5. The Book of the Infancy of Christ by St. Thomas . Epiphan . Haeres . 34. n. 18. Nicephor . in Stichometria . Gelas. in Decreto . Lambecius says , that this Book lies in Manuscript in the Library of Vienna , Tom. 7. p. 20. Father Simon writes that there is a Manuscript Copy of it in the French King's Library ; Nouvelles Observations , &c. It was printed two Years since in Latin , and Arabic with learned Notes by Mr. Syke at Vtrecht . X. MATTHEW . 1. The Liturgy of St. Matthew . Tom. 27. Bibliothecae Patrum Lugdunensis . Natalis Alex. in saeculo 1. part 1. c. 11. art . 1. Gerardus , tom . 1. Conf. Cathol . There is also a Liturgy attributed to St. Mark. XI . THADDAEVS . 1. The Gospel of St. Thaddaeus . Gelasius in Decreto . XII . MATTHIAS . 1. The Gospel of St. Matthias . Origen . Homil 1. in Luc. Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 25. Hieronym . in prolegom . ad Comment . in Mat. Ambros. in Comment . ad Luc. Gelas. in Decreto . 2. The Traditions of St. Matthias . Clem. Alex. Stromat . l. 7. XIII . PAVL . 1. The Acts of St. Paul. Origen . l. 1. c. 2. de Principiis Idem , tom . 21. in Joan. Euseb. l. 3. c. 3. Hist. Eccles. c. 25. Philastrius , Haeres . 88. 2. The Acts of Paul and Thecla . Tertullian . de Baptismo . c. 17. Hieronym . de Script . Eccles. in Paulo & Luca. Augustin . l. 30. contra Faustum , c. 4. Gelasius in Decreto . Nuper Editus est hic Liber Oxonii . Epiphan . Haeres . 78. n. 16. Extant . 3. The Epistle of Paul to the Laodiceans . Tertullian adversus Marcion . l. 5. c. 17. Hieronym . in Catalogo , c. 5. Philastr . in Haeres . 88 ; Theodoret. tom . 8. Haeres . 47. n. 9. & alibi . Legatur etiam Theophylactus . extant . 4. A third Epistle of Paul to the Thessalonians . 2 Thes. 2. 2. 5. A third Epistle to the Corinthians , and a second to the Ephesians . 1 Cor. 5. 9. Ephes. 3. 3. 6. The Epistles of Paul to Seneca , with those of Seneca to Paul. Hieronym . in Catalogo , c. 12. Augustin . de Civitate Dei , l. 6. c. 10. Idem , in Epist. 54. ad Macedonium . extant . 7. The Revelation of St. Paul. Epiphan . Haeres . 38. n. 2. Zozomen Hist. Eccles. l. 7. c. 19. Augustin Tract . 98. in Joan. Theophylact. in Schol. ad 2. ad Corinth . Mic. Glycas . annal . part 2. Gelas. in Decreto . Zozomen . Hist. Eccles. l. 7. c. 19. 8. The Preaching of St. Paul. Clem. Alex. Stromat . l. 6. Lactant. l. 4● c. 21. Autor etiam Anonymus de non iterando Baptismo , à Rigaltio in observationibus ad Cyprianum insertus . 9. Saint Paul's Narrative concerning the charming of Vipers , reveal'd to him by St. Michael in a Dream . Lambecius says , that there is now a Manuscript of this Book in the Library of Vienna , Tom. 5. p. 103. 10. The Anabaticon of Saint Paul , wherein he relates what he saw when he was snatch'd up into the third Heavens . Epiphan . Haeres . 38. n. 2. 11. Som would infer from his own Words , that he wrote a Gospel ; In the day , says he , when God shall judge the Secrets of Men by Christ Iesus according to my Gospel . Rom. 2. 16. XIV . Of the Gospels of Judas Iscariot , of Eve , and Abraham , &c. 1. That none of the Apostles might be thought unable to write a Gospel we find one alledg'd by the Caianites , a Sect of the Gnostics , under the Name of Iudas Iscariot . Epiphan . Haeres . 38. Theodoret . l. 1. de Haeret. Fabul . c. 15. 2. Nor should we wonder at Iudas's being an Author , when we read of the Prophetical Gospel of Eve , whom the Gnostics reckoned a Patroness of their Opinions , and to have receiv'd extraordinary Knowledg and Light in her Conference with the Serpent . Epiphan . Haeres . 26. n. 2. 3. The Sethians , another sort of Gnostics , shew'd an Apocalypse under the Name of the Patriarch Abraham ; not to mention his learned Pieces of Astrology , nor the Books of Adam believ'd by the Iews . Epiphan . Haeres . 30. n. 16. Isidor . Pelusiot . l. 2. Epist. 99. 4. The Prophecy of Enoch , which St. Iude quotes , is for the most part still extant , and was believ'd to be Genuin by several Fathers , who alledg it in defence of the Christian Religion . Origen . contra Cels. l. 5. Idem de Principiis . Tertullian . de habitu Muliebri , c. 3 , &c. 5. The Testament of the twelve Patriarchs , the Assumption of Moses , the Book of Eldad and Medad , the Psalms of King Solomon , the Revelation of Zachary , and the Vision of Isaiah ; but I forget that I am reciting the spurious Books of the Christians , and not of the Jews , who , when there 's occasion , will afford as large a Catalogue . XV. Of the Gospels of the Hebrews and the Egyptians , with som general Pieces . 1. The Gospel of the twelve Apostles . Origen Homil. 1. in Luc. Ambros . in Prooem . Commentar . in Luc. Theophylact. Comment . in cap. 1. v. 1. secundum Lucam , &c. But this Piece was , I believe , Originally the same with 2. The Gospel of the Hebrews . Ignat. in Epist. ad Smyrnaeos . Clem. Alex l. 1. Stromat . Origen . tract . 8. in Matt. Idem , Homil. 14. in Jerem . & in Comment . ad Joan. Epiphan . Haeros . 30. n. 13 , 22 , &c. Hieronym . in Catalogo Script . Eccles. c. 4. & alibi Passim . This Gospel several have maintain'd to be the Original of St. Matthew . 3. The Gospel of the Egyptians , Clem. Rom. Epist. 2. ad Corinth . c. 12. Clem. Alex. l. 3. Stromat . ld . ibid. Origen . Homil. in Luc. Epiphan . Haeres . 62. n. 2. 4. The Apostles Creed , tho' of late Years it begins to be call'd in question . 5. The Doctrine and Constitution of the Apostles . Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 25. Athanas. in Synopsi . Epiphan . Haeres . 80. n. 7. 45. n. 5. 70. n. 10. 75. n. 6. Idem in Compendiaria fidei expositione , n. 22. Incertus de Aleatoribus inter Scripta Cypriani . There are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or Doctrines , both attributed to every one of the Apostles singly , and also to their Companions and immediat Successors , too long to insert particularly . These Doctrins were bound with the other Books of the New Testament , as appears by the Stichometry of N●ephorus and Anastasius ; tho' it was not always pretended , that they were Original Pieces , but rather Collections of what the Companions and Successors of the Apostles either heard , or pretended to hear from their own Mouths . 6. We need not produce our Authorities for the Canons and Constitutions of the Apostles , since so many learned Members of the Church of England have written large Volums to prove 'em genuin . 7. The Precepts of Peter and Paul. This Book lies in Manuscript in the Great Duke's Library in Florence , if we believe Ludovicus Iacobus a Sancto Carolo in his Bibliotheca Pontificia , l. 1. pag. 177. 8. The present Cophtic Christians have a Book of Doctrins , which they believe was compos'd by the twelve Apostles , with the Assistance of St. Paul , &c. 9. The Gospel of Perfection . Epiphan . Haeres . 26. n. 2 10. The Acts of all the Apostles , written by themselves . Epiphan . Haeres . 30. n. 16. Isidor . Pelus . l. 2. epist. 99. Varadatus in epist. ad Leonem Imp. Tom. 4. Concil . Labbaei . col . 978. Io. Malala , Chronograph . l. x. 11. The Itinerary of all the Apostles , as well as of every one of ●em singly , was formerly extant . XVI . Of the Writings of the Disciciples and Companions of the Apostles . OF the Books ascrib'd to the Disciples and Companions of the Apostles , and which are still extant , som are thought genuin and of great Authority at this time : Every one were approv'd at som time , or by som Party : And yet I am of Opinion , that it is the easiest Task in the World ( next to that of shewing the Ignorance and Superstition of the Writers ) to prove them all Spurious , and fraudulently impos'd on the Credulous . Those I mean , are the Epistles of Clemens Romanus to the Corinthians , his Recognitions , Decretals , and other Pieces bearing his Name : All the Epistles of Ignatius ; the Epistle of Pol●carpus to the Philippians , with his other Writings ; The Acts of the Martyrdom of Ignatius and Polycarpus ; The Pastor of Hermas ; The Epistle of Barnabas ; The Works of Dionysius the Areopagite ; The Epistle of Marcellus , Peter's Disciple , to Nereus and Achilleus , and his Treatise of the Conflict of Peter and Simon Magus ; The Life of Saint Iohn , by Prochorus ; The Petition of Veronica to Herod on the behalf of CHRIST ; The Passion of Timothy by Polycrates ; The Passions of Peter and Paul in two Books by Linus ; The two Epistles of Martial of Limousin , and the Life of the same by Aurelianus ; The Gospel of Nicodemus ; The History of the Apostolical Conflict by Abdias , who is said to be appointed first Bishop of Babylon by the Apostles ; The Passion of Saint Andrew written by the Presbyters of Achaia ; The Epistle of Evodius , entitul'd the Light ; the Altercation of Iason and Papiscus ; The Acts of Titus compos'd by Zena , St. Paul's Companion , with a multitude of other Acts and Passions . The Gospel of Barnabas , the Revelation of Stephen , the Passion of Barnabas , and the Epistles of Ioseph the Arimathean to the Britons are quite lost ; and were they extant , would probably appear to be as foolish and fabulous as the rest . XVII . Of Pieces alledg'd in favor of Christianity , which were forg'd under the Name of Heathens . 1. The Works of Trismegistus and Asclepius , extant . 2. The Books of Zoroaster and Hystaspes . 3. The Sibyllin Oracles cited so frequently , and with such Authority by the Primitive Fathers , that * Celsus takes occasion from thence to nick-name the Christians Sibyllists . extant . 4. The Letter of Pontius Pilat to Tiberius , with the Speech of Tiberius to the Senat. extant . 5. The Epistle of Lentulus , giving a Description of the Person of CHRIST . extant . 6. The Epistles or Orders of Adrian , Antoninus Pius , and Marcus Aurelius , in favor of the Christians . extant in Iustin Martyr , &c. &c. &c. HERE' 's a long List for Mr. BLACKHALL , who , 't is probable , will not think the more meanly of himself for being unacquainted with these Pieces ; nor , if that were all , shoul'd● I be forward to think the worse of him on this Account : but I think he is to blame for denying that there were any such , because he knew nothing of 'em ; much less should he infer from thence , that I deny'd the Scriptures ; which Scandal however , because manifestly proceeding from Ignorance , I heartily forgive him , as every good Christian ought to do . TO explain now therefore the several Members of the Passage in MILTON's Life ; In the first place , by the spurious Pieces I meant , tho' not all , yet a good parcel of those Books in the Catalogue , which I am persuaded were partly forg'd by som more zealous than discreet Christians , to supply the brevity of the Apostolic Memoirs ; partly by designing Men to support their privat Opinions , which they hop'd to effect by virtue of such respected Authorities : And som of 'em , I doubt , were invented by Heathens and Jews to impose on the Credulity of many wel-dipos'd Persons , who greedily swallow'd any Book for Divine Revelation that contain'd a great many Miracles , mixt with a few good Morals , while their Adversaries laught in their Sleeves all the while , to see their Tricks succeed , and were rivetted in their ancient Prejudices by the greater Superstition of such Enthusiasts . IN the second place , by the Books of whose Spuriousness I said the World was not yet convinc'd , tho' in my privat Opinion I could not think 'em genuin , I meant those of the other great Persons , or the suppos'd Writings of certain Apostolic Men ( as they call 'em ) which are at this present , as well as in ancient times , read with extraordinary Veneration . And they are the Epistle of BARNABAS , the Pastor of HERMAS , the Epistle of POLYCARPUS to the Philippians , the first Epistle of CLEMENS ROMANUS to the Corinthians , and the seven Epistles of IGNATIUS . These are generally receiv'd in the Church of Rome , and also by most Protestants ; but those of the Church of England have particularly signaliz'd themselves in their Defence , and by publishing the correctest Impressions of them . The Ancients paid them the highest Respect , and reckon'd the first four of 'em especially , as good as any part of the New Testament . The Epistle of BARNABAS is by * CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS , and ORIGEN , not only reckon'd genuin , but cited as Scripture ; tho' he says in express Terms , That the Apostles , before their Conversion , were the greatest Sinners in Nature ; which , if believ'd , would rob us of an Argument we draw from their Integrity and Simplicity against Infidels , to say nothing now of the many other ridiculous Passages in BARNABAS . The Pastor , or Visions , Precepts , and Similitudes of HERMAS ( who is suppos'd to be the Person mention'd by PAUL in his Epistle to the Romans ) is cited as Canonical Scripture by * IRENAEUS , CLEMENS ALEXANDRINUS , ORIGEN , and others , and was for such receiv'd by several Churches , tho' I think it the sillyest Book in the World. The Epistle of POLYCARPUS ( the suppos'd Disciple of St. JOHN ) was read in the Churches of Asia , and is quoted by † IRENAEUS , EUSEBIUS and others . The Epistle of CLEMENS ROMANUS ( whom they would have to be the same that 's mention'd by PAUL in his Epistle to the Philippians ) is cited by * IRENAEUS , CLEMENS ALEXANRINUS , ORIGEN , EUSEBIUS , and others . The Epistles of IGNATIUS are quoted by † IRENAEUS , EUSEBIUS , with several more ; but particularly by * ORIGEN , who says , that in one of 'em he found it very elegantly written , That the Virginity of MARY was a Secret to the Devil ; which † Virginity , with her Delivery , and the Death of our Lord , IGNATIUS says , were Three famous Mysteries wrought in the Silence of God. These Words may be now read in the Epistle of IGNATIUS to the Ephesians . Now these are the Books of whose Genuinness and Authority I took the Liberty to doubt , notwithstanding the better Opinion which is entertain'd of 'em by others . My present Business is not to insist on this Subject , but to clear my self of an Imputation , which I thought no body could infer from my Words . Yet since many were less knowing than I imagin'd , tho' Mr. BLACKHALL alone has the Candor of publishing his Weakness to the World , I assure 'em all that I alluded to these Books ; and I hope they will be just enough in allowing me best to explain my own meaning , and prove so tender of their own Reputation , as to consider well of it , before they censure me another time . BUT tho' I will not , as I said , enter now into a particular Discussion of these Writings , yet I shall offer one thing to the Consideration of their Defenders . Either they really believe the Epistles of BARNABAS and CLEMENS ( for Example ) to be theirs , or to be supposititious . If not theirs , there 's a speedy end of the Dispute , and I have attain'd my End without more Argumentation . But if they think 'em genuin , why do they not receive 'em into the Canon of Scriptures , since they were the Companions and Fellow laborers of the Apostles , as well as St. MARK or St. LUKE ? If this Quality was sufficient to entitle the two last to Inspiration , why should it not do as much for the two first ? And if this be not all the Reason , pray let us know the true one , having never heard of any other . To say , that tho' the Books are authentic , yet they ought not to be receiv'd now into the Canon , because the Ancients did not think fit to approve 'em , is but a mere Evasion : For 't is well known , that till after EUSEBIUS'S time , neither the second Epistle of PETER , nor that of JAMES , or JUDE , with som others , were approv'd as Canonical ; and yet they were afterwards receiv'd by the whole Church . Wherefore then may not we as well at this time establish the Epistles of CLEMENS and BARNABAS , if they be undoubtedly theirs , which I shall be persuaded their Patrons believe , when they quote 'em as Scripture , and then I know where to have them , and how to deal with ' em . But of this enough . I SAID above , that by the spurious Pieces I meant only a great part of the Books which are recited in the Catalogue ; for others of 'em do not seem to deserve so mean a Rank : and I am so far from rejecting all those Books of the New Testament which we now receive , that I am rather solicitous lest , as in the dark Ages of Popery , those we commonly call Apochryphal Books , were added to the Bible , so at the same time , and in as ignorant Ages before , several others might be taken away , for not suiting all the Opinions of the strongest Party . Nor is it unworthy observation , that most of these Books are condemn'd by the Decree of Pope GELASIUS . How many true and spurious Gospels or Histories of C●RIST were extant in St. LUKE's time , God knows ; but that there were s●veral may be evidently infer'd from . his own Words , who tells TH●OPH●LUS , that many had undertaken the same Work before him , and , as if he alluded to som spurious Relations , assures him , that he 'll write nothing but what he receiv'd from such as had a perfect knowledg of th●se Matters from the beginning . That there should be first and last , but just the number of Four , I never heard of any that w●nt about to demonstrat , except 〈◊〉 the sam'd Successor of the Apostles ; and he positively * affirms , that there cannot be more , nor fewer than Four Gospels : Fo ▪ says he , there be Four Regions o● this World wherein we live , with Four principal Winds , and the Church is spread over all the Earth : But the Support and Foundation of the Church is the Gospel , and the Spirit of Life : Therefore it must follow , that it has Four Pillars , blowing Incorruptibility on all sides , and giving Life to Men. Then he corroborats his Argument from the Four Cherubims , and the Four Faces in EZE●I●L's Vision , to wit , of a Lyon , an Ox , a Man , and an Eagle ; which is the Reason , by the way , why the Four Evangelists are painted with these Emblems in the Mass-Book and in our Common Pray●r-Book . So he concludes at last , That they are all vain , unlearn'd , and impudent , who after this would assert , that there were more or sewer than 4 Gospels . Where we may observe , that Mr. BLACKHALL has the Warrant of an ancient Father for giving hard Names to such as contemn precarious Reasoning : And indeed it is but too manifest to be d●ny'd , that no Order of Men have more violated the Rules of D●cency and Civility in their Writings , than those whose Business it is to teach others Moderation , Patience , and Forgiveness ; nor was there ever any Cause more defended by the Dint of Calumny than that of Religion , which least needed it of any other . SEVERAL of these Books whereof I now treat , are quoted to prove important Points of the Christian Religion by the most celebrated Fathers , as of equal Authority with those we now receive ; and the Testimony of these Fathers was the principal Reason of establishing these in our present Cannon , and is still alledg'd to that purpose by all that write in defence of the Scriptures . Of so much weight is this Testimony , that EUSEBIUS * rejects the Acts , Gospel , Preaching , and Revelation of PETER from being Authentic , for no other Reason , but because no Ancient or Modern Writer ( says he ) has quoted Proofs out of them . But herein EUSEB●US was mistaken ; for the contrary appears by the Testimonies ma●kt in the Catalogue , and which any body may compare with the Originals . In another place he † says , That the Gospels of PETER , THOMAS , MATTHI●S , and such like , with the Acts of ANDREW , JOHN , and the other Apostles are spurious , because no Ecclesiastic Writer from the time of the Apostles down to his own , has vouchsaf'd to quote them , which is absolutely false of som , as we have already shewn . So that Mr. BLACKHALL is not the only Man , I find , who makes his own Reading the Measure of all 〈◊〉 ▪ and a Thousand to One but now 〈◊〉 justifies this Practice , since he can prove it from Antiquity , 〈◊〉 he 〈◊〉 got the Authority of 〈…〉 . Had 〈…〉 Piec●s 〈◊〉 by 〈…〉 Orthodox Writ●●s , he would have own'd them as the genuin Productions of the 〈◊〉 , and admitted them ( as we say ) into the Canon ; but having m●t no s●ch Citations , he presently 〈◊〉 there were none , which made him reject those Books : And , I say , what I have already 〈◊〉 , that Proofs 〈◊〉 quoted out of som of 'em long before , so th●● they might still 〈…〉 to the Canon for all 〈◊〉 . TO these Considerations two Objections may perhaps be made . First , It is unlikely , they●ll say , that EUSEBIUS should not have read the Ancients ; nay , that the contrary appears by his many Citations out of them ; and that consequently those Works of the Fathers , which we have now in our Hands , are not the same which were read in his time , or that at least they are strangely adulterated , and full of Interpolations . With all my Heart : But then let us not be urg'd by their Authority in other Points no more than in this , since in one thing they may as well be alt●r'd and corrupted as in another ; and indeed , by a common Rul● of Equity ( being found charg'd in som places ) they ought to be So reputed in all the r●st , till the contr●ry be evidently prov'd . THE 〈◊〉 , Objection 〈◊〉 That altho' 〈…〉 have bin 〈…〉 the Writings of those Apostles whose Names they bear , at certain times , and in som Churches , yet they were expresly rejected by others . To this I answer , That there is not one single Book in the New Testament which was not refus'd by som of the Ancients as unjustly father'd upon the Apostles , and really forg'd by their Adversaries ; which as no body thinks it now a good Reason to disapprove them , so I see not how it should any more conclude against my Opinion . But because the various Sects of those early Days did , like us , condemn one another for damnable Heretics ; and the admitting or refusing , the framing or corrupting of certain Books , were som of the Crimes which were mutually imputed , I shall n●w insist only on the Epistle to the Hebrews , that of JAMES , the second of PETER , the second and third of JOHN , the Epistle of JUDE , and the Revelation . These seven Pieces were a long time plainly doubted by the * Ancients , particularly by those whom we esteem the soundest part ; and yet they are receiv'd , ( not without convincing Arguments ) by the Moderns . Now , I say , by more than a Parity of Reason , that the Preaching and Revelation of PETER ( for Ex●mple ) were receiv'd by the Ancients , and ought not therefore to be rejected by the Moderns , if the Approbation of the Fathers be a proper Recommendation of any Books . THE Council of Laodicea , which was held about three hundred and sixty Years after CHRIST , and is the first Assembly wherein the Canon of Scripture was establisht , could not among so great a variety of Books as were then abroad in the World , certainly determin which were the true Monuments of the Apostles , but either by a particular Revelation from Heaven , or by crediting the Testimony of their Ancestors , which was always better preserv'd and convey'd by Writing than by Oral Tradition , the most uncertain Rule in Nature , witness the monstrous Fables of Papists , Rabbins , Turks , and the Eastern Nations both Christians and Idolaters . But of any extraordinary Revelation made to this Council we hear not a Word ; and for the Books I defend , I have the same Testimony which is usually alledg'd in the behalf of others . However , I shall not be too hasty to make a final Decision of this 〈◊〉 with my self , least I incur the 〈◊〉 Curse which the Auth●r of the Revelation pronounces 〈◊〉 such as shall add or take away from that Book . Let Mr. BLACKHALL be assur'd , that if he must needs have me to be a Heretic I am not unteachable , tho' I would not have it reputed Obstinacy if I should not surrrender without satisfactory Reasons . Instead therefore of censuring and calumniating ( which ought not to be reckon'd Virtues in any Order of Men , and least of all in the Ministers of the Gospel ) let such as are better enlighten'd endeavor to extricat the Erroneous out of these or the like Difficulties , that they may be able to distinguish truly , and that in such an extraordinary number of Books , all pretending equally to a Divine Origin , they may have som infallible Marks of discerning the proper 〈…〉 they unhappily mis●●ke the false one for the true . HOW necessary it is to have the Canon of Scripture s●t in its due light , we may 〈◊〉 from the Ancient as well as our Modern Unbelievers . CELSUS * exclaims against the too great Liberty which the Christians ( as if they were drunk , says he ) took of changing the first writing of the Gospel three , or four , or more times , that so they might deny whatever was urg'd against 'em as retracted before . Nay , as low down as St. AUGUSTIN's time , was there not a very considerable Sect of the Christians themselves , I mean the Manichaeans , who shewed other Scriptures , and deny'd the Genuinness of the whole New Testament . One of these call'd FAUSTUS , after shewing that his Adversaries disapprov'd of several things in the Old Testament , thus pursues his † Argument : You think , says he , that of all Books in the World , the Testament of the Son only could not be corrupted , that it alone contains nothing which ought to be disallow'd ; especially when it appears , that it was neither written by himself nor his Apostles , but a long time after by certain obscure Persons , who , lest no Credit should be given to the Stories they told of what they could not know , did prefix to their Writings partly the Names of the Apostles , and partly of those who succeeded the Apostles ; affirming that what they wrote themselves was written by these : Wherein they seem to me ( continues he ) to have bin the more hainously injurious to the Disciples of Christ , by attributing to them what they wrote themselves so dissonant and repugnant ; and that they pretended to write those Gospels under their Names , which are so full of Mistakes , of contradictory Relations and Opinions , that they are neither coherent with themselves , nor consistent with one another . What is this therefore but to throw a Calumny on good Men , and to fix the Accusation of Discord on the Unanimous Society of CHRIST's Disciples ? The same FAUSTUS a little after accuses his Adversaries , who had Power enough to be counted Orthodox , in these express Words : * Many things were foisted by your Ancestors into the Scriptures of our Lord , which , tho' mark'd with his Name , agree not with his Faith. And no wonder , since , as those of our Party have already frequently prov'd , these things were neither written by himself nor his Apostles : but several Matters after their Decease were pick'd up from Stories and flying Reports by I know not what Set of Half - Iews ; and these not agreeing among themselves , who nevertheless publishing all these Particulars under the Names of the Apostles of the Lord , or of those that succeeded them , have ●eign'd their own Lyes and Errors to be written according to them . Since therefore the Manichaeans rejected the whole New Testament , since the Ebionites or Nazarens , ( who were the oldest Christians ) had a different Copy of St. MATTHEW's Gospel , and the Marcionites , had a very different one of St. LUKE's ; since St. JOHN's was attributed to CFRINTHUS , all the Epistles of St. PAUL were deny'd by som , a different Copy of 'em shewn by others ; and that the seven Pieces we mention'd before , were rejected a long time by all Christians , almost with universal Consent , it had much more become Mr. BLACK●ALL's Profession to appear better acquainted with these things , and commendably to spend his time in preventing the Mischievous Inferences which Heretics may draw from hence , or to remove the Scruples of doubting but sincere Christians , than so publicly to vent his Malice against a Man that never injur'd him , and who appears so little to deserve the Imputation of Incredulity , that his Fault ( if it may be ) does rather consist in believing more Scripture than his Adversaries . WHAT need had Mr● BLACKHALL to inform that August Assembly how little he kn●w of the History of the Canon ? A History of the greatest Importance , as well as containing the most curious Enquiries ; and without an exact Knowledge whereof it is not conceivable that any Man can be sit to convince Gainsayers , or to demonstrat the Truth of the Christian Religion , which , I suppose he will not think fit to deny is one of the principal Duties of a Minister . How little soever he knew before , he cannot be ignorant any longer that there were a Multitude of other Pieces attributed to CHRIST and his Apostles , besides those now receiv'd by the whole Christian Church . He might at his Leisure have learnt so much from the Fathers , or at least from others that had study'd 'em ; such as RIV●T , Father SIMON , DU●PIN , ●ITTGIUS , Dr. CAVF , ERN●STUS GRABIUS who has lately publish'd som of those Fragments at Oxford , and several others ; tho' he has occasion●d me to pr●sent him now with a much larger Catalogue than was publish'd by any of these . I could add more not there mentioned , and other Authorities for those which are there : but I have already don more than enough to prove a thing , whereof , till the last thirtieth of Ianuary , I thought few Lay-men wholly ignorant , much less any one of the Clergy . Indeed I never thought the History of our Canon so impartially handled , or so fully clear'd as a Matter of such great Importance deserves ; and I despair of Mr. BLACKHALL's giving the World any Satisfaction in their Doubts concerning it . But I hope som abler Person of his Order may particularly write on this Subject ; which , if I see neglected also by them , I shall think it no Intrusion on their Office to undertake it my self : and if I ever write it , I promise it shall be the fairest History , and the only one of that kind that ever appear'd ; For I shall lay all the Matters of Fact together in their natural Order , without making the least Remark of my own , or giving it a Color in favor of any Sect or Opinion , leaving all the Word to judge for themselves , and to build what they please with those Materials I shall furnish ' em . I CONCLUDE this Point with one Observation , to shew with what Malice I am treated by some People , while others pass with them for the most Orthodox Men in the World , who have said infinitly more in plain and direct Words , than they could infer with all their Art from a few Expressions of mine , and which the most ignorant of my Adversaries could make no more than Insinuation at the worst . I talkt of spurious Pieces , and have now as well shewn what those Pieces were , as put a Distinction between 'em , and such as I thought genuin . But let us hear what a Person says , who , were he as much given to the World as many of his Friends , would make a more considerable Figure , considering his great Services to the National Church , and the Respect he reciprocally receives from it ; I mean the famous DODWELL , who alone , tho' a Lay-man , understands as much of Ecclesiastic History as the Divines of all Churches put together . His Words are these : * The Canonical Writings lay conceal'd in the Coffers of privat Churches or Persons , till the later Times of TRAJAN ; or rather perhaps of ADRIAN ; so that they could not com to the Knowledg of the whole Church . For if they had bin publish'd , they wou'd have bin overwhelm'd under such a Multitude as were then of Apocryphal and Supposititious Books , that a new Examination and a new Testimony would be necessary to distinguish 'em from these false ones . And it is from this New Testimony ( whereby the genuin Writings of the Apostles were distinguish'd from the spurious Pieces which went under their Names ) that depends all the Authority which the truly Apostolic Writings have formerly obtain'd , or which they have at present in the Catholic Church . But this fresh Attestation of the Canon is subject to the same Inconveniencies with those Traditions of the Ancient Persons that I defend , and whom IRENAEUS both heard and saw : for it is equally distant from the Original , and could not be made , except by such only as had reacht those remote Times . But 't is very certain , that before the Period I mention'd of TRAJAN's time , the Canon of the Sacred Books was not yet fixt , nor any certain number of Books receiv'd in the Catholic Church , whose Authority must ever after serve to determin Matters of Faith ; neither were the spurious Pieces of Heretics yet rejected , nor were the faithful admonisht to beware of them for the future . Likewise the true Writings of the Apostles us'd to be so bound up in one Volum with the Apocryphal , that it was not manifest by any Mark or public Censure of the Church , which of 'em should be prefer'd to the other . We have at this Day certain most authentic Ecclesiastic Writers of those times , as CLEMENS ROMANUS , BARNABAS , HERMAS , IGNATIUS , and POLYCARPUS , who wrote in this same Order wherein I have nam'd 'em , and after all the other Writers of the New Testament , except Iu●● and the two JOHNS . But in H●RM●S you shall not meet with one Passage , or any mention of the New Testament : Nor in all the rest is any one of the Evangelists call'd by his own Name . And if somtimes they cite any Passages like those we read in our Gospels , yet you 'll find 'em so much chang'd , and for the most part so interpolated , that it cannot be known whether they produc'd them out of ours , or som Apocryphal Gospels : nay , they somtimes cite Passages , which it is most certain are not in the present Gospels . From hence therefore it is evident , that no difference was yet put by the Church between the Apochryphal and Canonical Books of the New Testament ; especially if it be consider'd , that they pass no Censure on the Apochryphal , nor leave any Mark whereby the Reader might discern that they attributed less Authority to the spurious than to the genuin Gospels : from whence it may reasonably be suspected , that if they cite somtimes any Passages conformable to ours , it was not don thro' any certain design , as if dubious things were to be confirm'd only by the Canonical Books ; so as it is very possible that both those and the like Passages may have bin borrow'd from other Gospels besides these we now have . But what need I mention Books that were not Canonical ? when indeed it does not appear from those of our Canonical Books which were last written , that the Church knew any thing of the Gospels , or that Clergy-men themselves made a common use of ' em . The Writers of those times do not chequer their Works with Texts of the New Testament , which yet is the Custom of the Moderns , and was also theirs in such Books as they acknowledg'd for Scripture ; for they most frequently cite the Books of the Old Testament , and would doubtle●● have don so by those of the New , if they had then bin receiv'd as Canonical . St. PAUL cites a Saying of our Lord in the Acts of the Apostles ; which , if he had it out of any Writing , was not certainly out of these we now have . The Gospels continu'd so conceal'd in those Corners of the World where they were written , that the latter Evangelists knew nothing of what the Precedent wrote : Otherwise there had not bin so many apparent Contradictions , which , almost since the first Constitution of the Canon , have exercis'd the Wits of learned Men. Surely if St. LUKE had seen that Genealogy of our Lord which is in St. MATTHEW , he would not himself have produc'd one wholly different from the other , without giving the least Reason for this Diversity . And when in the Preface to his Gospel he tells the occasion of his Writing ; which is , that he undertook it , being furnisht with the Relations of such as were Eye-witnesses of what he writes , he plainly intimats , that the Authors of the Gospels which he had seen , were destitute of this Help : So that neither having seen themselves what they relate , nor with any Care or Diligence consulted such as had seen them , their Credit was therefore dubious and suspected ; whence it must necessarily follow , that the Writers of those Gospels , which LUKE had seen , were not at all the same with our present Evangelists . So far Mr. DODWELL ; and ( excepting the Genuinness of the Epistles of CLEMENS , BARNABAS , and the rest ; for they are incontestably ancient ) I agree with him that the Matters of Fact are all true ; tho' I am far from drawing the same Inference from 'em as he has don , that there is an equal Proof for Episcopacy as for the Canon of Scripture , which is the Testimony of the Fathers of the Second and Third Centuries ; and that the Disciplin was better known , and preserv'd than the Doctrin of the Apostles . Whoever has an Inclination to write on this Subject is furnisht from this Passage with a great many curious Disquisitions , wherein to shew his Penetration and Judgment , as how the immediat Successors and Disciples of the Apostles could so grossly confound the genuin Writings of their Masters , with such as were falsly attributed to them ; or since they were in the dark about these Matters so early , how came such as follow'd 'em by a better Light ; why all those Books which are cited by CLEMENS and the rest should not be counted equally Authentic ; and what stress should be laid on the Testimony of those Fathers , who not only contradict one another , but are often inconsistent with themselves in their Relations of the very same Facts ; with a great many other Difficulties , which deserve a clear resolution from any capable Person , tho' none may safely propose 'em but Mr. DODWELL , who I heartily wish were always as free and unprejudic'd as he is really learned . THUS have I defended and explain'd my self against Mr. BLACHALL's Accusation : nor do I question but I have given entire Satisfaction to all impartial Men , and lovers of Truth . But there 's another sort of People whom I despair of ever contenting . These never fail of finding in the Writings of their Adversary , not what is there , but what they have a mind should be so , to represent him odious or dangerous . All the Protestations in the World can signifie nothing with them ; nor is it more safe than otherwise to prove the contrary of what is laid to one's Charge ; for they are sagacious enough to discover the hidden Poyson of every Word , and will be sure to give loud warning of the Danger , to shew where the Snake lies in the Grass , and to tell what 's in the Belly of the Trojan Horse . But I shall not be in great pain how such People apprehend me , if I have the Happiness to please the moderat and discerning part of Mankind . The Complete HISTORY OF Icon Basilike . MR. BLACKHALL , who , by a public Provocation , would needs engage me in a Controversie about spurious Books , has not confin'd me to expose the Impostures of Antiquity alone , tho' it be pretty plain , that this is Employment enough for one body ; but he likewise accuses me of not being more favorable to a Modern Saint , as he is pleas'd to stile King CHARLES the First . That excellent Book , which , he says , was compos'd by himself in the time of his Distresses , will , he supposes , be an everlasting Evidence of his profiting under his Sufferings to after Ages , notwithstanding the Endeavours that have bin formerly us'd to prove it spurious , and the Confidence of a late Writer ( the Author of MILTON's Life ) asserting it to be so , without either producing any new Evidence for the Proof of his Assertion ; or offering one Word in answer to those just and rational Exceptions that had bin made before to those only Testimonies which he insists upon to prove it a Forgery ; or making any Exceptions to those later Evidences that have bin produc'd to prove it Authentic . Whether this Book was compos'd by himself is our Business at present to enquire , and shall be quickly determin'd : for as to his improving by his Sufferings I will not deny what I hope , and Charity commands me to believe . The Reason why I produc'd no new Evidence to prove the spuriousness of Icon Basilike was , because I thought the old ones sufficient . I vouchsaf'd no Answer to the Exceptions made to those Testimonies , because I neither thought 'em just nor reasonable . And I would not discuss the Facts that have bin since alledg'd to prove the Book Authentic , because I intended not before to write a just Dissertation on this Subject , and so was not oblig'd to mention all the Particulars relating to it . If Mr. BLACKHALL does not think this Answer satisfactory , I shall make amends now for all former Omissions ; and , being very desirous to content him , will follow that same Method he was pleas'd to chalk me out in his Sermon . IN the first place therefore , to make this Discourse complete , and that the Evidence of the several Parts whereof it consists , may the better appear by laying 'em all together , I shall here insert the Abstract which I made of Dr. WALKER's Book in MILTON's Life , with ANGLESEY's Memorandum , and the other Testimonies ; I shall secondly give particular Answers to the Exceptions that have bin made to all these Pieces : And lastly , shew the invalidity of the Facts which are alledg'd to prove King CHARLES the First was the true Author of Icon Basilike . I have not undertaken this Work out of Affection or Opposition to any Party , nor to reflect on the Memory of that unfortunat Prince , whose officious Friends are much more concern'd ; but to clear my self from a public Charge , and to discover a pious Fraud , which deserves not to be exemted from Censure for being the Contrivance of a Modern Bishop , no more than those of the ancient Fathers of the Church . THE Relation of the whole Fact in MILTON's Life is after this manner . In the Year 1686 , Mr. MILLINGTON hap'ning to sell the late Lord ANGLESEY's Library by Auction , put up an Ikon Basilike ; and a few bidding very low for it , he had leisure to turn over the Leaves , when to his great Surprize he perceiv'd written with the same noble Lord 's own Hand , the following Memorandum . KING CHARLES the Second , and the Duke of York , did both ( in the last Sessions of Parliament , 1675 ▪ when I shew'd them in the Lords House the written Copy of this Book , wherein are som Corrections and Alterations written with the late King CHARLES the First 's own Hand ) assure me , that this was none of the said King 's compiling , but made by Dr. GAUDEN Bishop of Exeter ; which I here insert for the undeceiving of others in this point , by attesting so much under my own H●nd . ANGLESEY . This occasion'd the World to talk ; and several knowing the Relation which the late Dr. ANTHONY WALKER , an Essex Divine , had to Bishop GAUDEN , they inquir'd of him what he knew concerning this Subject , which he then verbally communicated to them : But being afterwards highly provok'd by Dr. HOLLINGSWORTH's harsh and injurious Reflections , he was oblig'd in his own Defence to print an Account of that Book , wherein are sufficient Answers to all the Scruples or Objections that can be made , and whereof I here insert an exact Epitome . He tells us in the first place , that Dr. GAUDEN was pleas'd to acquaint him with the whole Design , and shew'd him the Heads of divers Chapters , with som others that were quite finish'd : and that Dr. GAUDEN asking his Opinion of the thing and he declaring his Dissatisfaction that the World should be so impos'd upon , GAUDEN bid him look on the Title , which was the King's Portraiture ; for that no Man is suppos'd to draw his own Picture . A very nice Evasion ! he further acquaints us , that som time after this , being both in London , and having din'd together , Dr. GAUDEN took him along with him to Dr. DUPPA the Bishop of Salisbury ( whom he made also privy to his Design ) to fetch what Papers he had left before for his perusal , or to shew him what he had since written : and that upon their return from th●● place , after GAUDEN and DUPPA were a while in privat together , the former told him the Bishop of Salisbury wish'd he had thought upon two other Heads , the Ordinance against the Common Pray'r Book , and the denying his Majesty the Attendance of his Chaplains ; but that DUPPA desir'd him to finish the rest , and he would take upon him to write two Chapters on those Subjects , which accordingly he did . The reason , it seems , why Dr. GAUDEN himself would not perform this , was , first , that during the Troubles he had forborn the use of the Liturgy , which he did not extraordinarily admire ; and secondly , that he had never bin the King's Chaplain , whereas Dr. DUPPA was both his Chaplain , his Tutor , and a Bishop , which made him more concern'd about these Particulars . Thirdly , Dr. WALKER informs us that Dr. GAUDEN told him he had sent a Copy of Icon Basilike by the Marquiss of Hartford to the King in the Isle of Wight ; where it was , we may be sure , that he made those Corrections and Alterations with his own Pen , mention'd in my Lord ANGLESEY's Memorandum : and which gave occasion to som then about him that had accidentally seen , or to whom he had shown the Book , to believe the whole was his own . Fourthly , Dr. GAUDEN , after the Restoration , told Dr. WALKER , that the Duke of York knew of his being the real Author , and had own'd it to be a great Service ; in consideration of which , it may be , the Bishoprick of Winchester , tho' he was afterwards put off with that of Worcester was promis'd him . And , notwithstanding it was then a Secret , we now know that in expectation of this Translation , the great House on Clapham Common was built indeed in the Name of his Brother Sir DENYS , but really to be a Mansion●house for the Bishops of Winchester . Fifthly , Dr. WALKER , says , that Mr. GAUDEN the Doctor 's Son , his Wife , himself , and Mr. GIFFORD who transcrib'd it , did believe it as firmly as any Fact don in the place where they were ; and that in that Family they always spoke of it among themselves ( whether in Dr. GAUDEN's Presence or Absence ) as undoubtedly written by him , which he never contradicted . We learn , Sixthly , that Dr. GAUDEN , after part of it was printed , gave to Dr. WALKER with his own Hand what was last sent to London ; and after shewing him what it was , seal'd it , giving him cautionary Directions how to deliver it , which he did on Saturday the 23d of December , 1648. for Mr. ROYSTON the Printer , to Mr. PEACOCK Brother to Dr. GAUDEN's Steward , who , after the Impression was finish'd , gave him , for his Trouble , six BOOKS , whereof he always kept one by him . To these Particulars Dr. WALKER adds , that the Reason why the Covenant is more favorably mention'd in Ikon Basilike , than the King or any other of his Party would do , was because Dr. GAUDEN himself had taken it : That in the Devotional part of this Book there occur several Expressions which were habitual to GAUDEN in his Prayers , which always in privat and public were conceiv'd or extemporary ; and that to his Knowledge it was Dr. GAUDEN , being best acquainted with the Beauty of his own Sayings , who made that Collection of Sentences out of Ikon Basilike , intitul'd , Apophthegmata Caroliniana . These and som Observations about the same individual Persons variation of Stile on different Subjects , with the facility and frequency of personating others , may be futher consider'd in Dr. WALKERS Original Account . In this condition stood the Reputation of this Book , till the last and finishing discovery of the Imposture was made after this manner . Mr. ARTHUR NORTH , a Merchant now living on Tower hill , London , a Man of good Credit , and a Member of the Church of England , marry'd the Sister of her that was Wife to the Doctor 's Son , CHARLES GAUDEN , who dying , left som Papers with his Widow , among which Mr. NORTH , being concern'd about his Sister in Law 's Affairs , found a whole Bundle relating to Ikon Basilike : These Papers old Mrs. GAUDEN left to her darling Son JOHN , and he to his Brother CHARLES . There is first a Letter from Secretary NICHOLAS to Dr. GAUDEN . 2. The Copy of a Letter from Bishop GAUDEN to Chancellor HYDE , where , among his other Deserts , he pleads that what was don like a King , should have a Kinglike Retribution ; and that his design in it was to comfort and incourage the King's Friends , to expose his Enemies , and to convert , &c. There is , 3. The Copy of a Letter from the Bishop to the Duke of York , wherin he strongly urges his Services . 4. A Letter under Chancellor HYDE's own Hand , dated the 13th of March , 1661. wherein he expresses his uneasiness under the Bishop's importunity , and excuses his inability yet to serve him : but towards the Conclusion it contains these remarkable Words : The Particular you mention has indeed bin imparted to me as a Secret ; I am sorry I ever knew it : and when it ceases to be a Secret , it will please none but Mr. MILTON . There are other Papers in this Bundle , but particularly a long Narrative of Mrs. GAUDEN's own writing , irrefragably shewing her Husband to be Author of Ikon Basilike . It intirely confirms Dr. WALKER's Account , and contains most of the Facts we have hitherto related , with many other curious Circumstances too long to be here inserted , yet too extraordinary not to be known ; wherfore I refer the Reader to the Original Paper , or to the faithful Extract made out of it before several learned and worthy Persons , and which is printed in a Paper intitul'd , Truth brought to Light Thus came all the World to be convinc'd of this notorious Imposture ; which as it was dexterously contriv'd , and most cunningly improv'd by a Party whose Interest oblig'd 'em to keep the Secret , so it happen'd to be discover'd by very nice and unforeseen Accidents . Had not GAUDEN bin disappointed of Winchester , he had never pleaded his Merit in this Affair ; nor would his Wife have written her Narrative , had King CHARLES the Second bestow'd one half Years Rent on her after her Husband's decease ; which , upon her Petition , and considering her numerous Family , none could imagin should be refus'd . It was a slighter Accident that begot a a Confession from two Kings , and CHARLES's own Sons . And I doubt if any other than one of Mr. MILLINGTON's great Curiosity , and no Bigotry , had the disposal of my Lord ANGLESEY's Books , we should never have heard of the Memorandum . Had not Dr. HOLLINGWORTH's indiscreet Zeal provok'd the only Man then alive who had any personal knowledg of this Business , Dr. WALKER had never publish'd his Account ; nor would the whole Discovery be so complete , without the least Intricacy or Question , without Mr. NORTH's Papers . THIS is the complete History of Ikon Basilike , as it is suppos'd to be a Forgery ; and we must next proceed to examin the Exceptions made to it , as they are collected by Mr. WAGSTAF in his Vindicatiof King CHARLES the Martyr . To begin with my Lord ANGLESEY's Memorandum , 't is urg'd , that it does not particularly express by the Date whether it meant the last Session of Parliament before the writing of it , or the last Session of the Year 75. when it is plain that he meant the last or Winter Session ; and that it was therefore the immediat Session preceding the writing of this Memorandum . To say that there is no Witness to it is a very singular sort of Objection , when his Lordships Relations , and all that have seen this and his other Writings , own it to be his Hand . It is not likely that there were any Witnesses of the Royal Brother's telling him their Opinion of Icon Basilike : Nor is there any thing more common than for learned or great Men to leave such Memorandums in a Book concerning the Author of it when it was a Question , or about any other Secret relating to it , which they thought they had discover'd ; and yet 't is a thing unheard till now , that they were deny'd to be theirs whose Names they bear , because the Day of the Month was not mention'd , nor the Names of any Witnesses added , when the Hand was confest to be the same with their other Writings . Many instances of this kind appear in the Books of Mr. HAMDEN lately sold , and whereof I have som to shew , as in the Book intitul'd , Apollonii Grallae , he writes , that LANSBERGIUS was the Author of it , of whom he there gives a Character . IT is no just Exception to this Memorandum , that my Lord ANGLESEY did not communicat the Contents of it to any of his Friends or Relations : for tho' the Two Royal Brothers imparted the Secret to him , it does by no means follow , that they intended he should publish it to the World. And supposing they did not oblige him to silence , yet 't is probable that his Lordship was not very fond of being disturb'd by the Clamors of som Churchmen , who carry'd things so high at that time , that I do not believe they would pardon such a Discovery to either of the Brothers themselves . There was never any poor Prince more notoriously abus'd by many of those he took for his best Friends than CHARLES the First . They put him on all those unhappy Measures which prov'd his Ruin in the end . And as they made use of his Temper to serve their own Purposes when he was alive , so they did of his Name for the same Reason after his Death . They were not concern'd so much for his Honor , as their own Interest ; and having contriv'd this Forgery to carry their Cause , they thought themselves afterwards oblig'd to support it . Mr. WAGSTAF affirms that there is no presumtion that the Royal Brothers communicated this Affair to any other Person besides my Lord ANGELSEY , which is a negative Argument , and proves nothing . 'T is possible enough that my Lord ANGLESEY himself told of this to others , tho' they may be since dead , or are not willing to tell it again . If the Royal Brothers had spoke of it to no body else , it follows not that a Secret was never committed to one , because it was not to more ; as if it were necessary for a Man to call Witnesses that he imparted a Secret to his Friend . But we shall presently alledge more than a Presumtion , that both King CHARLES the Second and the late King JAMES declar'd thier Opinion to other People besides my Lord ANGLESEY , that Icon Basilike was not their Father's Book . By such nice Cavils against the Memorandum we can easily judg of the Exceptions we may expect to Dr. WALKER's Account . That GAUDEN hop'd o make a Fortune by this Book , as well as to promote the Cause of the Church , ought by no means to be counted strange ; for who is it , pray , that serves the King any more than God , for nought ? Have not most of the Bishops and other Clergymen of those times , that either liv'd depriv'd here in England , or that accompany'd CHARLES the Second in his Exile , pleaded their Loyalty , and magnify'd their Services at the Restoration , as many others would questionless do , if King JAMES should ever return again ? Were not great Persons employ'd to solicit and make an Interest for them ? And , in a Word , are not Divines observ'd to make the same Steps , and take the same Measures that all other sorts of Men do to get Preferment . I should rather doubt that Dr. GAUDEN was not the Author of this Forgery , if he had not expected a Reward for it from CHARLES the Second ; for 't is certain , that the Credit of Icon Basilike contributed more to his Establishment than any other single Motive whatsoever . But 't is well known that this Prince was not the kindest in the World to his Father's Friends , who would too often forget his own ; and that it was not the Interest of som People to have this business unravell'd , tho' their impolitic Conduct has bin since the occasion of divulging what every body suspected before . THE Immorality of this Forgery is urg'd as an Argument against it ; and , if it could by any means hold Water , is indeed an Argument worth a Million . Then it would clearly follow that because it was a most immoral thing to ly for God , and to forge Books , Epistles , or the like , under the Names of CHRIST and his Apostles , there were therefore never any such Pieces ; and that because it was an ill thing to feign Miracles , or to destroy Mens Lives for the Advancement of Religion , there never was therefore any Priestcraft , nor any of these infamous Practices known in the World. But if the contrary be as clear as the Day , I believe Men might be found that would make as bold with the Name of King CHARLES , as others have don with that of King JESUS . Mr. WAGSTAF knows , tho' Mr. BLACKHALL does not , that TERTULLIAN * tells us of a certain Presbyter of Asia , who when he was accus'd of having forg'd a Book containing the Travels of PAUL and THECLA , confest the Fact , and alledg'd that he did it for the love of PAUL , and I say , that Dr. GAUDEN wrote Icon Basilike for the Church's sake , the King 's , and his own . AS for the plausible Accounts given in that Book of the King 's Secret Intentions , his particular Trobles , his Remorses of Consciences , and the like , it is very ridiculous to alledge 'em as an Argument of the Genuinness of it , when the Book was written for that very end . For the Design of the Author was to give such a Color to all the King's Actions , and to tell such fine things of his gracious Purposes , as would beget a better Opinion of him in the Readers Mind , and move his Indignation against the Parliament , or Compassion of his Misfortunes . But that Dr. GAUDEN has frequently made the King's Thoughts to contradict his Actions , is evident to any Man that has both read Icon Basilike , and the History of those times : And this Subject is thro'ly handled by JOHN MILTON in his Iconoclastes , to which I refer those who want Satisfaction . BUT there is an Objection still behind , and as strong , be sure , as any of the rest , which is that Dr. WALKER did not see Dr. GAUDEN write this Book , nor tells us that it was in his own Hand . But I believe Mr. WAGSTAF is the only Man living that questions whether Dr. WALKER meant Dr. GAUDEN's own Writing , when he says , that before the whole was finisht Dr. GAUDEN was pleas'd to acquaint him with his Design , and shew him the Heads of diverse Chapters , with som of the Discourses written of them , and that Mr. GIFFORD transcrib'd a Copy of it . This is all that can be said of any Author in the World : and if Dr. WALKER had said more expresly , or rather superfluously , that it was likewise D. GAUDEN's Hand-writing , we should then have bin told , that it was a Transcript from the King's Copy in the Hands of Mr. SYMMONDS , of which more hereafter . WE proceed now to those Pieces commonly call'd Mr. NORTH's Papers , he being the Discoverer . Chancellor HYDE in his Letter to Dr. GAUDEN , tells him , as was said before , That the Particular he mention'd had indeed bin imparted to him as a Secret , which he was sorry he ever knew ; and that when it ceast to be a Secret , it would please none but Mr. MILTON . Was there no other Secret in the World but this , says Mr. WAGSTAF , that the divulging of it would gratify Mr. MILTON ? Yes doubtless ; but I believe not one that would please none but Mr. MILTON , as the Chancellor expresses it : For he having particularly question'd the Genuinness of this Book , and offer'd a fair Proof of the Spuriousness thereof from intrinsic Evidence only , without any further Light ; would be extreamly pleas'd to find his Reasonings and Judgment confirm'd by undeniable Matters of Fact. Nor does any indifferent Person in the World understand this Passage otherwise that weighs Dr. GAUDEN's Pretences with Mr. MILTON's Concern , and considers that Mrs. GAUDEN put this and the other Papers relating to Icon Basilike in one Bundle , together with her own Narrative , for the Information of her Son. Besides that all those who ever saw other Writings of the Chancellor own this to be his Hand , and particularly his eldest Son , the present Farl of CLARENDON , as Mr. WAGSTAF himself acknowledges . BUT he says , That my Lord CLARENDON , ( from whom he had it in a Letter ) by leave of the King and Queen preparing to attend his Father in France in the beginning of the Summer , 1674. his Lordship went first to Farnham to the late Bishop of Winton the 14th of May , and among several things he had in Charge from the Bishop to his Father , he bad him tell him , that the King had very ill People about him , who turn'd all things into Ridicule ; that they endeavor'd to bring him to have a mean Opinion of the King his Father , and to persuade him that he was not the Author of the Book which goes under his Name . And ( when after his Lordship's Arrival in France , the 30th . of the same Month , he had deliver'd his Father these Particulars among others ) to that concerning the Book , his Father reply'd , Good God! I thought the Marquiss of Hartford had satisfy'd the King in that Matter . From hence Mr. WAGSTAF would infer , that my Lord Chancellor did not believe any other besides CHARLES the First to be the Author of Icon Basilike , and that he wondred any should go about to induce CHARLES the Second to question it . But for my part I think it very plain on the contrary , that he believ'd King CHARLES the First not to be the Author of that Book , and wondred that King CHARLES the Second should not understand so much from the Marquiss of Hartford , who , as Dr. WALKER , and Mrs. GAUDEN inform us , was the Person that carry'd the Manuscript to the King in the Isle of Wight , and so next to Dr. GAUDEN himself , was best able to convince his Son of the Truth . Moreover , how could the Bishop of Winton imagin that the ill People about CHARLES the Second could bring him to doubt of his Father's being the Author of Icon Basilike , if he really knew it to be written by him ? when upon this Supposition he was rather capable of satisfying all those who had any Scruples in this Affair . AS for Dr. GAUDEN'S great Services , and his saying in a Letter to the Chancellor , That what was don like a King , should have a Kinglike Retribution , Mr. WAGSTAF says that those are Mystical Expressions , and that by them he might probably mean a Book he wrote against the Covenant , and a Protestation he publisht against the King's Death , neither of which could be term'd such extraordinary Services , when many others had don the same , and more : much less could it be said that either of these Books was don like a King , or deserv'd a Kinglike Retribution ; whereas Mr. WAGSTAF , and those who are of his Opinion , maintain that the the Stile and Matter of Icon Basilike are so like a King 's , that no Subject could possibly write it : but a Multtiude of others agree with me , that the Stile is infinitely liker that of a Doctor than a King. LASTLY , It is objected that Dr. WALKER's and Mrs. GAUDEN's Testimonies contradict one another . But how ? Dr. WALKER says , that Dr. GAUDEN told him he did not know if CHARLES the First had seen the Book : but Mrs. GAUDEN affirms , that the Marquiss of Hartford told her Husband the King had seen and approv'd it , both which Assertions are consistent enough together . For Dr. GAUDEN might be ignorant that the King had seen it , when Dr. WALKER askt him that Question , who perhaps never mention'd it to him again in their Discourses about this Matter , or might easily forget it , as he says he did several other Particulars , little foreseeing he should ever be oblig'd to make this Discovery : and besides we must upon all Accounts allow his Wife to know more Circumstances of th●s Business , as of most others , than his Friend . The next suppos'd Contradiction is , that Dr. WALKER says Dr. GAUDEN once told him , after the Restoration , that he did not positively and certainly know if King CHARLES the Second knew he wrote Icon Basilike , tho' he believ●d he might , because the Duke of York did , who own'd it to have bin a seasonable and acceptable Service . But Mrs. GAUDEN affirms , that her Husband acquainted the King with it himself , which is very true . But pray let us examin at what time . After his Discourse with Dr. WALKER most certainly : For does she not in clear and direct Terms say , that it was in his last Sickness , which prov'd Mortal to him ; and that the Reason of it was , because he saw som Persons who were privy to it desire nothing more than to have it conceal'd , which he was not willing it should be in consideration of his numerous Family , to whom it might somtime or other do seasonable Service ? NOW that no Mistakes may be occasion'd hereafter by imperfect Fragments of Mrs. GAUDEN's Narrative , and that this Affair may be set in the clearest Light , I shall , before I proceed to the Examination of the positive Testimonies produc'd for the King , insert the Narrative here at large , as it was exactly copy'd from the Original , to which the curious are refer'd . Mrs. GAVDEN's NARRATIVE . MY Husband understanding the great Value and Esteem the People had of CROMWELL and of others in the Army , occasion'd by the high Opinion which they had of their Parts , and Piety ; he being also well assur'd , that one of the main Designs of those wicked Politicians , was to Eclipse his Majesty that then was , as much as might be , and to give a false Misrepresentation of him to the World ; he , that he might do his Majesty right , did pen that Book which goes by the Name of the King's●Book . The Title which he gave it then was Suspiria Regalia ; and the Design was to have it put forth as by som Person who had found the Papers in his Majesty's Chambers at Holmeby , being by chance left or scatter'd there . And to this purpose he had prefix'd an Epistle , which might be suppos'd to be written by that Person , who having found them by that Accident , thought it not fit to conceal them . His Design also in the Book , was to give such a Character of her Majesty to the World , as her great Worth , extream Merits , and admirarable Endowments deserv'd . when my Husband had writ it , he shew'd it to my Lord CAPEL , who did very highly approve of it ; and though he thought it would do very well to have it printed , yet he said it was not fit to do so without his Majesty's Approbation ; and to come to speak to his Majesty in private was then impossible , in regard of the strict Guard which they kept about him . Immediately after this there was a Treaty with his Majesty at the Isle of Wight , whereupon my Husband went to my Lord Marquiss of Hartf●rd that then was , and to him deliver'd the Manuscript , and he deliver'd it to the King at the Isle of Wight , and likewise told him who the Author was . When my Lord Marquiss return'd ; my Husband went to him , to whom my Lord said , That his Majesty having had some of those Essays read to him by Bishop DUPPA , did exc●edingly approve of them , and asked whether they could not be put out in some other Name . The Bishop reply'd , that the Design was , that the World should take them to be his Majesty's . Whereupon his Majesty desir'd time to consider of it ; and this ( says my Lord ) is all the Account I can give of it : What is become of the Manuscript I know not , and what will become of his Majesty God knows . Upon this my Husband told my Lord Marquiss , That , in his Opinion , there was no way so probable to save his Majesty's Life , as by endeavouring to move the Hearts and Affections of the People as much as might be towards him ; and that he also thought that that Book would be very effectual for that purpose . Then my Lord bad my Husband to do what he would , in regard the Case was desperate . Then immediately my Husband resolv'd to print it with all speed that might be , he having a Copy of that which he sent to the King , and that he printed was just the same , only he then added , the Essay upon their denying his Majesty the Attendance of his Chaplains , and the Meditation of Death , after the Votes of the Non-addresses , and his Majesty's close Imprisonment at Carisbrook Castle . Now the Instrument which my Husband employ'd to get it printed , was one Mr. SIMMONDS , a Divine , and a great Sufferer for his Majesty ; and he got one Mr. ROYSTON to print it ; which ROYSTON never knew any thing but that it was of his Majesty's own penning : my Husband did then alter the Title of it , and call'd it Icon Basilike . Now when it was about half printed , they , who were in power , found the Press where it was printing , and likewise a Letter of my Husbands , which he sent up to the Press ; whereupon they destroy'd all that they then found printed , but could not find out from whence the Letter came , in regard it had no Name to it . Notwithstanding all this , my Husband attempted the printing of it again , but could by no means get it finish'd till som few Days after his Majesty was destroyed . When it was com out , they who were then in Power were not only extremely displeas'd at it , but also infinitely solicitous to find out the Author of it , thinking it very improbable that his Majesty should write it , in regard of the great Disturbances and Troubles which for many Years he had suffer'd : or at least impossible that he should have writ it all ; for after the Attendance of his Chaplains was deny'd him and he a close Prisoner , they well understood that he could not write any thing without their Discovery . They also took that very Manuscript which my Husband had sent his Majesty , and saw that it was none of his Majesty's Hand-writing . Upon this they appointed a Committee to examin the Business ; of which my Husband having notice , he went privatly in the Night away from his own House to Sir JOHN WENTWORTH'S , who liv'd near Yarmouth , and him he acquainted with the Business , and the great Danger he was then in : when Sir JOHN did not only promise to conceal him , but also to convey him out of England , it being in his Power to give Passes to go beyond Sea. About this time Mr. SYMMONDS was taken in a Disguise ; but God in his Providence so order'd it , that he sickned immediatly , and dy'd before h● came to his Examination : nor could the Committee find out any thing by any means whatever ; which alter'd my Husband's Resolutions of going out of England . Now , besides these Circumstances , to a●●ert the Truth of what I say , I can produce som Letters , which , I am sure , will put it out of all Dispute . My Husband contin●●d at Bo●king till the return of his Majesty King CHARLES the Second ; and upon his Restoration , knowing his Princely Disposition , did not unjustly expect a suitable Reward for his Endeavors to serve his Majesty's Father and himself in that Book . And meeting with Dr. MORLEY , he fell into Discourse how sensible he was of the great Service which he had don his present Majesty and the Royal Family , in composing and setting forth that excellent Piece , call'd the King's Book ; and also assur'd him , that it had bin very effectual not only at home , but abroad , to move the Hearts and Affections of People towards his Majesty , instancing in several Persons who were most exceedingly affected with it ; and so advantageous he said it had bin to his Majesty , that according to his great Merit , he might have what Preferment he desir'd . Dr. MORLEY also told him , That he had acquainted Sir EDWARD HYDE with the Business , and that he did very much commend and admire it : but we have not ( said he ) acquainted his Majesty with it , but did assure him , that his Majesty did set a high Value upon the Book , and had commanded Dr. EARL to translate into Latin ; som having taken the Pains to put it into other Languages before . My Husband being encouraged by this Discourse of Dr. MORLEY'S , and shortly after meeting with Dr. SHELDON ( who he knew was not ignorant that he was the only Author of the foremention'd Book ) he told Dr. SHELDON , that since he had bin inform'd that his Majesty , out of his Princely Disposition , would ( without doubt ) when once acquainted with it , reward that Service which he had endeavor'd to do his Father and himself ; he thought it most convenient for himself , and also that he might be serviceable to his Majesty in the Diocess of London ( a Place where he was well known ) if it would please his Majesty to make him Bishop of that See. Dr. SHELDON was pleas'd , with a great deal of Gravity to tell him that was a great Leap at first . Whereupon my Husband desisted , and was resolv'd to leave his Preferment to God's dispose . Soon after this , the King being still ignorant of what he had done , he was by the Mediation of a Person perfectly ignorant of his Merit as to this Matter , made Bishop of Exeter ; all the considerable Bishopricks being otherwise dispos'd of . Not long after this it pleas'd . God to visit my Husband with an Infirmity , which he had great cause to fear would ( as it did ) prove mortal to him . This made him resolve to acquaint the King with the whole Matter , and the rather , because he saw som Persons who were privy to it , desir'd nothing more than to have it conceal'd , and bury'd in Oblivion : but my Husband was not willing it should be so , in regard he had at that time four Sons living ; and they ( he thought ) if he should die , might be capable of his Majesty's Favour . Besides , the Duke of Somerset was dead , and the Bishop of Winchester ( the Person who was best able to attest it ) was very ill . These Considerations made him go to his Majesty ; and having the Opportunity of discoursing privatly with him , he told him the whole Matter as I have related it , and for the Truth of it , appeal'd to Dr. DUPPA , then Bishop of Winchester , and formerly his Majesty's Tutor . The King then was pleas'd to entertain som Discourse with my Husband about it , and said that he did often wonder how his Father should have gotten Time and Privacy enough in his Troubles to compose so excellent a Piece , and written with so much Learning . BY the Extract that was publish'd of this Narrative it would seem as if it were somwhat longer ; but this is all that came to my Hands , two Witnesses attesting . that as far as it goes , it is exactly conformable to the Original . What Accident hinder'd the rest ( if there be any ) from being copy'd , I cannot certainly tell ; tho' , when ever I com by a true Information , I shall ( if Occasion be ) publish my Knowledg of that Particular , in an Appendix to this Book . The Substance of what remains in the Abstract , is , That when King CHARLES the Second ( as we saw but now ) was made acquainted with this Mystery , he gave a Promise to Dr. GAUDEN of the Bishoprick of Winchester ; and that the Duke of York had also assur'd him of his Favor : That upon Dr. DUPPA'S Death , tho' Dr. GAUDEN put the King in mind of his Promise , he was only made Bishop of Worcester , Dr. MORLEY having obtain●d the See of Winchester : That her Husband dying soon after , Mrs. GAUDEN petition'd the King , shewing that she was left a Widow , with four Sons and a Daughter ; that it cost her Husband 200l . to remove from Exeter to Worcester ; and pray'd his Majesty to bestow the half years Rents upon her , which he deny'd , and gave then to another . WE learn further from Dr. WALKER , that immediatly upon Dr. GAUDEN'S Nomination to the Bishoprick of Worcester , he told him , that waiting upon the King the next Morning after the Bishop of Winchester's Death , he found a remarkable Alteration in him , his Majesty being pensive and out of Humor ; in which Temper he still found him for two Mornings after : But having learnt the third Day that my Lord Chancellor had by all his Interest press'd the King to bestow Winchester on Dr. MORLEY , he presum'd to tell his Majesty how uneasie he perceiv'd him to be between the Honor of his Word that he shou'd succeed his Friend Dr. DUPPA , and the Importunity of those who sollicited for Dr. MORL●Y ; and that therfore he most willingly releas'd his Majesty of his Promise . Here , continues Dr. GAUDEN , the King stopt me , and vouchsaf'd to embrace me in his Arms , with these Expressions ; My Lord , I thank you ; and it may not be long ere I have Opportunity to shew you how kindly I take it . And in the mean time you shall have Worcester ; and , to make it to you as good as I can , all the Dignities of that Church ( I know not how it comes to pass ) being in my Disposal , I give you the diposing of them all during your time , that you may prefer your Friends , and have them near about you . IT was an ordinary thing with King CHARLES the Second thus to forget his Promises , which made him frequently uneasie , and occasion'd Sir WILLIAM TEMPLE ( whom he had serv'd after this manner ) to fay of him in his incomparable Memoirs , That this Temper made him apt to fall into the Persuasions of whoever had his Kindness and Confidence for the time , how different soever from the Opinions he was of before : and that he was very easie to change Hands , when those he imploy'd seem'd to have engag'd him in any Difficulties ; so as nothing lookt steddy in the Conduct of his Affairs , nor aim'd at any certain end . THUS we have don with the Narrative of Mrs. GAUDEN , who was often heard to relate the substance of it to her Friends and Relations , and who , when Dr. N●CHOLSON , then Bishop of Glocester , did , on her receiving of the Sacrament , put the Question to her , affirm'd , that her Husband wrote that Book , which several now living in that City do very well remember . WE come at length to the last Period of our Labor , and that is to shew the Invalidity of the Facts which are alledg'd to prove CHARLES the First was the true Author of Icon Basilike . And the first Evidence we shall hear is his own Son and Successor , CHARLES II. who granted his Letters Patents to Mr. ROYSTON for printing all his Father's Works , and particularly this Piece , which , says Mr. WACSTAF , contratradicts what he 's believ'd to have said to my Lord ANGLES●Y . But with his good leave the Conclusision does not follow : for these Letters were issu'd out in the Year 60 , before Dr. GAUDEN gave the King true Information ; and it was in 75 , that he told his Opinion to my Lord ANGLESEY long after he was convinc'd that his Father had not written the Book . But if King CHARLES the Second had dissembled his Knowledge of this Affair , it had not bin at all a thing inconsistent with this Character , but a Piece of his Grandfather's boasted Kingcraft , and which he practic'd on many less pardonable Occasions . Have not Princes in all Ages , as well as other Men , bin allow'd to keep things secret which it was not their Interest should be known , and which are commonly call'd by the Name of State Mysteries ? How many Juggles are us'd by the Eastern Princes to beget an extraordinary Opinion of their Persons in the Minds of their Subjects , who , by the force of such fantastical Stories , carry their Respect even to Adoration ? But what need I go out of England for Examples ? When our own Kings have for so many Ages pretended to cure the King 's Evil , by m●erly touching the affected Part ; and this Power of Healing is said to be communicated to them by the Blessing of King EDWARD the Confessor , one of the weakest and most Priest ridden Princes that ever wore a Crown . All the Monkish Historians , and particula●ly the Abbot of Rievalle , who wrote his Life , have given us a large Catalogue of his Miracles : but I wonder why our Princes have not also pretended to restore Sight to the Blind ; for this is also affirm'd of King EDWARD'S Wonder working Touch. 'T is strange , that a Protestant Bishop , should compose a Form of Divine Service to be read on this Occasion , when he might as warrantably believe all the other Legends of those dark and ignorant times . If I did persuade my self that King CHARLES the Second ( who is said to have cur'd very many ) was a Saint , it should be the greatest Miracle I could believe . But King WILLIAM , who came to 〈◊〉 us from Superstition as well as from Slavery , has now ab●lisht this Remnant of Popery : For it is not , as his Enemies suggest , because he thinks his Title , which is the best in the World , defective , that he abstains from Touching ; but because he laughs at the Folly , and scorns to take the Advantage of the Fraud . So much for the Letters Patents of CHARLES II. and we shall consider those of the late King JAMES in their due order . THE next Witness shall be Major HUNTINGTON , who ( as Sir WILLIAM DUGDALE relates in his * short View of the Troubles of England ) did , thro' the Favor of General FAIRFAX , restore to King CHARLES the First , after he was brought to Hampton-Court , the Manuscript of Icon Basilike written with the said King 's own Hand , and found in his Cabinet at Naseby Fight . By the way , they should have said , for the Grace of the Story , part of the Manuscript ; for a good deal of the Book was written afterwards , be the Author who you please . And they should have told us likewise how General FAIRFAX durst send one part of his Papers to the King , when he sent the rest to the Parliament ; or , since they would make us believe he was so kind to the King , why he did not restore him all the Papers , when 't is very evident , that those which the Parliament order'd to be publish'd were infinitely of greater consequence , and made him a world of Enemies , which oblig'd the Author of Icon Basilike to write a Chapter on this very Subject ; whereas the Papers in question would probably mollify som of his Opposers . But now when all is don , tho' General FAIRFAX was afterwards against putting the King to death , yet he was not at that time dispos'd to grant him any Favors , and acted with as hearty Zeal against him as any in the Nation , which appears by all the Histories of those times , as well as by his own and the Memoirs of the Lord HOLLIS . As for Major HUNTINGTON Dr. WALKER assures us , That he told him , when he heard such a Book was publish'd and confidently reported to be the Kings , all he said was that he surely believ'd those were the Papers he saw him so usually take out of his Cabinet , and that he never read one Line or Word of them . This and Sir WILLIAM DUGDAIE'S Testimony are diverse from that of Mr. RICHARD DUKE , of Otterton in Devon , who writes the following Letter to Dr. GOODAL , famous for his Zeal on the behalf of Icon Basilike . Sir , I confess that I heard Major HUNTINGTON to say more than once , that whilst he guarded CHARLES the First at Holmby-House ( as I remember ) he saw several Chapters or Leaves of that great King's Meditations lying on the Table several Mornings , with a Pen and Ink with which the King scratch'd out or blotted som Lines or Words of som of them . Upon which I must also confess that I concluded they were originally from the King ; but others have drawn a contrary Argument from the King 's correcting the Papers . Yet I put this under my Hand , that the Major told me , that he did suppose them originally from that learned Prince , which is the Totum that can be intimated from , Sir , your humble Servant RICHARD DUKE . Then one Mr. CAVE BECK writes to Dr. HOLLINGWORTH That Major HUNTINGTON at Ipswich assur'd him that so much of the sa'd Book as contain'd his Majesty's Mediations before Naseby-●ight was taken in the King's Cabinet ; and that Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX deliver'd the said Papers to him , and order'd him to carry them to the King ; and also told him , that when he deliver'd them to the King , his Majesty appear'd very joyful , and said he esteem'd 'em more than all the Jewels he had lost in the Cabinet . This Major HUNTINGTON was a strange Man to vary so often in his Story , and to tell so much more or less to every body that enq●●r'd of him ; but indeed 't is no great Wonder that these Gentlemen should so widely differ from one another , both as to Time and Place , as well as to Matters of Fact , when Sir WILLIAM DUGDALE has printed under Major HUNTINGTON's Name quite another Story from the written Memorial out of which he had it . In his short View he positively says , as we read before , that the Manuscript was written with the King 's own Hand : But in his Warrant for this , it is only said , as Mr. WAGSTAF himself acknowledges , that all the Chapters in it were written by the Hand of Sir EDWARD WALKER , but much corrected with Interlineations of the King's Hand , and that the Prayers were all so . NOW , to shew further how cautiously People should rely on Sir WILLIAM DUGDALE , and Historians like him , we shall produce another remarkable Instance . In the Book before-quoted , he expresly writes , That Mr. HERBERT did often see the Icon Basilike while he waited on the King in the Isle of Wight ; wheras all that Sir THOMAS ( for he was Knighted after the Restoration ) has said in the Manuscript which Sir WILLIAM perus'd , and wherof Mr. WAGSTAF has printed an Abstract , is , that he had there the Charge of the King's Books ; and that those he most read , after the Sacred Scriptures , were Bishop ANDREWS's Sermons , HOOKER's Ecclesiastical Policy , VILLALPANDUS on EZEKIEL , SANDY's Paraphrase on the Psalms , HERBERT's Poems , the Translation of GODFREY of Bulloign by Mr. FAIRFAX , of ORLANDO FURIOSO by Sir JOHN HARRINGTON , and SPENCER's Fairy Queen ( to which he might have added PEMBROKE's Arcadia . ) And at this time it was , as is presum'd , ( continues Sir THOMAS ) that he compos'd his Book , call'd Suspiria Regalia , publish'd soon after his Death , and entitul'd , The King's Portraiture in his Solitudes and Sufferings : which Manuscript Mr. HERBERT found among those Books his Majesty was pleas'd to give him , those excepted which he bequeath'd to his Children hereafter mention'd . In regard Mr. HERBERT , tho' he did not see the King write that Book , his Majesty being always privat when he writ ; and those his Servants never coming into the Bed Chamber when the King was privat , til he call'd ; yet comparing it with his Hand-writing in other things , he found it so very like as induces his Belief that it was his own , having seen much of the King's Writings before . Here Sir THOMAS only presumes the King might write the Book in the Isle of Wight , and directly says he never saw the King write it , nor the Book it self till after his Death ; but Sir WILLIAM affirms from these very Papers ( for they are said to be written at his Request by Sir THOMAS ) that he often saw it in the Isle of Wight when he waited on the King in his Bed-Chamber . 'T is to be observ'd , that the Title of Suspiria Regalia is as agreeable to Mrs. GAUDEN's Narrative , as the rest of the Particulars are different from Sir WILLIAM's Relation . BEFORE we examin the Force of Sir THOMAS's Testimony , we must first consider what is said by Mr. LEVET , who attended the King at the same Time and Place . In short , he says , That of his own certain Knowledg he can depose the Book was truly the Kings , having observ'd his Majesty oftentimes writing his Royal Resentments of the bold and insolent Behavior of his Soldiers when they had him in their Custody : That being nominated by his Majesty to be one of his Servants during the Treaty in the Isle of Wight , he had the Happiness to read the same oftentimes in Manuscript under his Majesty's own Hand , being pleas'd to leave it in the Window of his Bed-Chamber : And that when the King was remov'd to Hurst-Castle , he had the Charge of this Book , and a Cabinet of other Papers , which at the said Castle he deliver'd again to his Majesty ; where , by the way , he does not inform us if the Book was distinctly given him from the Cabinet , or that he only concluded it was in it . Here are several very observable Circumstances : As , First , that altho' Mr. HERBERT who was of the King's Bed Chamber , never saw him write a Syllable of this Book , his ( Majesty , he says , being always in privat , when he wrote , and his Servants never coming into his Bed-Chamber till he call'd ; ) yet Mr. LEVET , a Page of the Back Stairs , often saw him write , knew what he wrote , and could read the Book when he pleas'd . Then that the King , who is said to value this Book more than all his Jewels , should so carelesly leave it in his Bed-chamber when he was abroad , and where Mr. HERBERT and others , nay the very Soldiers might see it as well as Mr. LEVET , is not very likely . And lastly , that the King should have so much leisure to mind this Book during a Treaty with his Subjects , or would lose any time in writing of it , when the Business in agitation concern'd no less than his re-establishment or Abdication , is not credible ; besides , that there is nothing particularly written concerning the Insolence of the Soldiers in all Icon Basilike . And I have talk'd with Persons of Quality and good Reputation now alive , who had much more of his Majesty's Company and Confidence in the Isle of Wight than Mr. LEVET either shar'd , or could reasonably expect ; but yet they neither dreamt of this Business then , nor believ'd a jot of it afterwards , as well knowing how the King spent his time in that place . But now supposing Mr. LEVET's Relation to be all true , yet it is very from amounting to a Proof , that King CHARLES the First was was the real Author of Icon Basilike , which is the Point in question ; and not whether he interlin'd or transcrib'd it , which he ought to have don , if he had a mind it should pass for his own : besides that Dr. GAUDEN sent it to him for that very purpose , to be corrected , allow'd , or laid aside , as his Majesty should think fit . But tho' the King in all reason might , and I really believe did , correct or interline a part , and perhaps transcribe the whole Book ; yet I can by no means be persuaded that he could find Leisure enough to write so many Copies of it in his Solitudes and Sufferings , in the midst of Treaties , in the Hurry of Removals , while he meditated his Escape , and was strictly observ'd by his Guards . But these Gentlemen tell us of as many Copies , as the Papists shew Heads of St. JOHN BAPTIST , or Quarts of the Virgin MARY's Milk. Mr. HERBERT had one left him by the King for a Legacy ; CHARLES the Second ( as Dr. CANARIFS writes to Mr. WAGSTAF ) shew'd another to Mr. WOOD , a Commishoner from the Scotish Kirk at Breda ; and who knows which of these , or whether it was either of them , that Mr. LEVET deliver'd to the King at Hurst-Castle ? But why , in the Name of God , is none of these ever since produc'd ? How came this Prince's Autographs to be thus neglected , when his Day is so strictly observ'd ? This is a Piece of Respect that 's usually paid to less considerable Persons ; and I believe either of the Universities , would readily give Five Hundred Pounds to have such a Copy plac'd in their Library , tho' if they had the Manuscript , it would make nothing at all for their Purpose . NOW let us consider the the Force of all those Testimonies join'd together , which is , that one saw the King write he knew not what , but believ'd it might be this Book ; another observ'd him writing his Resentments against the rude Behavior of the Soldiers , and so was ready to depose of his certain Knowledge , that Icon Basilike was his own ; a third presumes the King might write it , because he read a great many Books ; and they unanimously conclude , that he was the genuin Author , because the Book was written with his own Hand ; all which Testimonies , considering the Promises , prove no more nor less than that the King could write and read , which was never deny'd by any that I know . IT is further urg'd by the Admirers of this famous Book , that Mr. ROYSTON had it to print as from the King , in which all sides are agreed , and signifies nothing to the Merits of the Cause ; for , be sure , the Bookseller was not made privy to the Secret. And as for the Anonymous Authors of two Books which are alledg'd by Mr. WAGSTAF , we shall hear and examin them when they 'll please to tell us their Names , tho' all they have to say is answer'd already . When Dr. HOLLINGWORTH tells us who are his sufficient Witnesses , we shall likewise consider their Evidence ; for such Affirmations must go for nothing in proving a Fact of this Nature , and may well serve for a Flourish , but not for an Argument , no more than several more Assertions of his concerning this Ma●ter , which were exploded by other Hands , and not defended by Mr. WAGSTAF . MR. LE PLA Minister of Finchingfield writes to Dr. GOODAL , that one WILLIAM ALLEN , who collected his Tythes for two Years , and was formerly a Servant to Dr. GAUDEN , affirm'd to him , That the Doctor told him he had borrow'd the Book , and was oblig'd to return it by such a time ; that ( besides what other time he might imploy in it ) he sat up one whole Night to transcribe it ; that he sat up in the Chamber with him , to wait upon him , to make his Fires , and snuff his Candles : and Mr. LE PLA thinks ( for he 's not positive ) it was from Mr. SYMMONDS of Rayne that he said the Doctor had borrow'd the Book . Dr. HOLLINGWORTH has formerly affirm'd this Story of SYMMONDS's , who indeed assisted afterwards in printing the Book at London ; but was so far at this time from living at Rayne in the Neighborhood of Bocking where Dr. GAUDEN dwelt , that as Dr. WALKER shews , Mr. SYMMONDS was long before sequestred for his Loyalty , fled to the King's Quarters , and one Mr. ATKINS plac'd in his room by the Parliament . Nor is it credible that Dr. GAUDEN , whether he meant a a Fraud or not , should give an Account of his Studies , much less discover the Secret of this Book for no Reason in the World , to never so trusty a Servant , especially to one that was to look after his Fire and snuff his Candles . NOW we com to the late King JAMES's Letters Patents to Mr. CHISWEL for Liberty to print his Father 's Works ; for they are urg'd as an Argument that he thought Icon Basilike genuin , tho' this Book be not specially mention'd in these Letters , which are general , and refer not to those of his Brother in 60. But here I must beg Leave to relate a Story that will give som Light to this Matter . In the Year 1677 , the House of Commons having voted two Months Tax for the more dccent Interment of CHARLES I. and to raise a Monument for him , Mr. CHISWEL , being Mr. ROYSION's Son in law , thought of a Project that would answer the End of the Parliament , and not be unserviceable to his Father , with whom he was concern'd in Trade : and it was , that a Part of that Sum might be appropriated towards bearing the Charge of an Impression of the King's Works , wherof every Parish in England should be oblig'd to have a Copy , and to chain it in the Church ; which , in his Opinion , would prove a more glorious and lasting Monument than any could be fram'd of Brass or Marble . This Thought was very well lik'd by several great Men of the Church and State , who shew'd themselves ready to promote it ; and he did not , we may imagin , spare any Cost or Labor to have it succeed , tho' 't is well known how little CHARLES the Second himself encourag'd it . But the Distrusts arising afterwards between the King and People , the Heats in Parliament , and particularly the Popish Plot , broke this , and all such Designs to Pieces : So that there was no farther Mention of any Monument for his Father . But when the Duke of York mounted the Throne , and had given Assurances of his Favor to the Church of England , Mr. CHISWEL thought again of rev●ving his Project , and employ'd Sir ROGER L ESTRA●GE to procure him only King JAMES's recommendatory Letter ; for he did not expect any thing from Parliament as before , only 〈◊〉 how agreeable this would seem to the King's Design ( if it were real ) of bege●●ing a Confidence of himself in the Church . This Request the King Icon , giving for his Reason , that 〈◊〉 Basilik● was not his Father's Book , and he could not therefore in Conscience recommend it as his . Mr. CHISWEL being inform'd of this Resolution by Sir ROGER , answer'd , that he thought he could accommodat the Matter : For since the publishing of the rest would signifie nothing without the Addition of Icon Basilike , he would remove it from the Front where it stood in the former Edition , and place it in the Rear after Finis , as Books of uncertain Authority use to be printed . To this the King consented , on condition som Expressions which he thought injurious to the Monarchy should be left out : with which Mr. CHISWEL said he could by no means comply , as being a disingenuous Practice towards any Author , and a great Abuse on the Public ; but propos'd , as another Expedient , that those Words should be put within Crotchets . And thus Icon Basilike stands now printed after the End of the second Part of the King's Works of the Edition of 86 , by Mr. CHISWEL , who told me this Story himself , not to gratifie or injure any side , but as a Matter of Fact , wherein he was personally concern'd ; and from whence he draws no manner of Inference . The Royal Brothers said the same to several others besides my Lord ANGLESEY , and particularly to som eminent Persons now living , who told me so much themselves , with a Liberty of mentioning their Names , which , after all that has bin offer'd , I see no Necessity of doing . THAT nothing may be wanting I shall in the last place consider what is objected to the Prayer us'd by the King as his own in the time of his Captivity ; but is , with very small Variation , the same that is said by PAMELA to a Heathen Deity in Sir PHILIP SYDNEY's Arcadia . This Discovery , as we said before , was first made by MILTON in his Iconoclastes . But Dr. GILL affirms , That his Patient HENRY HILL the Printer said it was put in by a Contrivance of MILTON , who catching his Friend Mr. Du GARD printing an Edition of Icon Basilike , got his Pardon by BRADSHAW's Interest , on Condition he would insert PAMELA's Prayer to bring Discredit on the Book and the Author of it . I wonder at the Easiness of Dr. GILL and Dr. BERNARD to believe so gross a Fable , when it does not appear that Du GARD , who was Printer to the Parliament , ever printed this Book , and that the Prayer is in the second Edition publish'd by Mr. ROYSTON , whose Evidence is alledg'd to prove the Genuinness of the Book . And if the King's Friends thought it not his own , what made them print it in the first Impression of his Works in Folio , by ROYSTON in 62 , when MILTON could not tamper with the Press ? Or why did they let it pass in the last Impression in Folio by Mr. CHISWEL in the Year 86 , when all the World knew that it was long before expos'd in Iconoclastes ? After this I need not go about to shew that Dr. GILL had no Reason for the great Opinion he entertain'd of HENRY HILL , and how little he consulted his own Reputation by asserting that no Man was better vers'd in the secret History of those times ; that he was intrusted with Intrigues by the great ones of that Government , who , as all the World knows , manag'd their Affairs after another rate . Nor will I insist upon his turning Papist in King JAMES's time to becom his Printer , as he was OLIVER's before , or any other Circumstance to lessen his Credit , since it appears that what he averr'd is inconsistent with Matter of Fact , Mr. ROYSTON , and not Du GARD , having publish'd the Celebrated Prayer which I add in this Place laid Parallel with the Original . The Prayer of King CHARLES , stil'd A Prayer in Time of Captivity , Printed in pag. 94. of his Works , 1686 ; and also in Icon Basilike . O Powerful and Eternal God , to whom nothing is so great that it may resist , or so small that it is contemn'd , look upon my Misery with thine Eye of Mercy , and let thine infinite Power vouchsafe to limit out som proportion of deliverance unto me , as to thee shall seem most convenient . Let not Injury , O Lord , triumph over me , and let my Fault by thy Hand be corrected ; and make not my unjust Enemies the Ministers of thy Iustice. But yet , my God , if in thy Wisdom this be the aptest Chastisement for my unexcusable Transgressions , if this ungrateful Bondage be sittest for my over-high Desires , if the Pride of my ( not-enough humble ) Heart be thus to be broken , O Lord , I yield unto thy Will , and cheerfully embrace what Sorrow thou wilt have me suffer ; only thus much let me crave of thee ( let my Craving , O Lord be accepted of , since it even proceeds from thee ) that by thy Goodness , which is thy self , thou wilt suffer some Beam of thy Majesty so to shine in my Mind , that I , who in my greatest Afflictions acknowledg it my noblest Title to be thy Creature , may still depend considently on thee : Let Calamity be the Exercise , but not the Overthrow of my Virtue . O let not their prevailing Power be to my Destruction ; and if it be thy Will that they more and more vex me with Punishment , yet , O Lord , never let their Wickedness have such a Hand , but that I may still carry a pure Mind and sledfast Resolution ever to serve thee without Fear or Presumtion , yet with that hum-Confidence which may best please thee ; so that at the last I may com to thy Eternal Kingdom , through the Merits of thy Son , our alone Savior , JESUS CHRIST . Amen . The PRAYER of PAMELA ( to a Heathen Deity ) In Pembroke's Arcadia , pag. 248 , 1674. O All-seeing Light , and Eternal Life of all things , to whom nothing is either so great that it may resist , or so small that it is contemn'd , look upon my Misery with thine Ey of Mercy , and let thine infinite Power vouchsafe to limit out som Proportion of Deliverance unto me , as to thee shall seem most convenient . Let not Injury , O Lord , triumph over me , and let my Faults by thy Hand be corrected , and make not mine unjust Enemy the Minister of thy Justice . But yet , my God , if in thy Wisdom this be the aptest Chastisement for my unexcusable Folly , if this low Bondage be fittest for my over-high Desires , if the Pride of my not-enough humble Heart be thus to be broken , O Lord , I yield unto thy Will , and joyfully embrace what Sorrow thou wilt have me suffer ; only thus much let me crave of thee ( let my Craving , O Lord , be accepted of thee , since even that proceeds from thee ) let me crave even by the noblest Title which in my greatest Affliction I may give my self , that I am thy Creature , and by thy Goodness , which is thy self , that thou wilt suffer som Beams of thy Majesty to shine into my Mind , that it may still depend confidently on thee . Let Calamity be the Exercise , but not the overthrow of my Virtue ; Let their Power prevail , but prevail not to Destruction ; Let my Greatness be their Prey : Let my Pain be the Sweetness of their Revenge ; let them ( if so it seem good unto thee ) vex me with more and more Punishment ; But , O Lord , let never their Wickedness have such a Hand , but that I may carry a pure Mind in a pure Body ; and pausing a while ; and O most gracious Lord , said she , whatever becomes of me , preserve the Virtuous MUSIDORUS . CONCLUSION . I HOPE by this time I have satisfy'd Mr. BLACKHALL , since I have not only laid together the first Testimonies concerning this Matter , but also answer'd the Exceptions that were made to those Testimonies , and disprov'd the fresh Evidence which was produc'd no the behalf of Icon Basilike . But if he 's offended at my Performance he may thank himself ; seeing without his causeless Provocation I had never written a Word more on this Subject , as I shall not do hereafter , unless for as justifiable a Reason : For notwithstanding I may not answer every Scribler , yet I 'll be misrepresented and abus'd by no body worth my notice . INDEED Mr. BLACKHALL is not the first who has occasion'd Controversies by a Thirtieth of Ianuary Segmon . Every body knows how much the Observation of that Day was abus'd in the two last Reigns by servil Flatterers , who , not content to run shameful Parallels between the Sufferings of our Savior and the King ( wherein the latter was often made to exceed ) they taught the People the ridiculous Doctrin of Passive Obedience , as they allow'd the Prince an Unlimited and Despotic Power . This render'd those Persons justly odious to the Nation , and made sober Men frequently wish that such an Opportunity of doing Mischief might be taken away from those who fail'd not to improve it to the utmost . It was likewise observ'd how much these Sermons contributed to raise Animosities and Feuds in the Kingdom , and to continue the fatal Distinctions of Names and Parties , which every good Man should desire might be abolish'd , or bury'd in eternal Oblivion . Besides that for many weighty Reasons such Days ought not to be perpetuated , or otherwise in a little time ours will be as full as the Roman Calendar : wherfore I readily approve of the learned Bishop of Salisbury's Opinion , That our Deliverances should wear out the Memory of such tragical Accidents , which no body pretends to justify ; and indeed I think it very reasonable ( if our Legislators be of the same Opinion ) that the Commemoration of his present Majesty's Landing to deliver us from Slavery on the Fifth of November , should hereafter take place of the Thirtieth of Ianuary . Other Holydays have bin recommended to a constant Observation , tho' they are since grown into disuse , or are legally abolish'd , which the best Friends of the Clergy desire may be the Fate of that Day out of their respect to the Church : For these Sermons do constantly put the People in mind of that Set of Men who preach'd 'em out of their Liberties in former times ; and the honest Clergy themselves are still under an unhappy Necessity of saying many things , that ( let 'em think what they will ) are not extremely pleasing to the Body of the Nation . The Descendants of those concern'd in that Act , and many of 'em far from approving it , conceive themselves unkindly us'd in most of those Discourses ; nor are the Posterity of the greatest Royalists in a better Condition , if that be a National Guilt that 's never to be expiated , tho' neither they nor their Ancestors consented to it ; to say nothing of the frequent Intermarriages and other Tyes between both the Parties . IF the Extravagancies of those Sermons had terminated with the late Reign , few People , perhaps , would trouble themselves now about what 's past , unless constrain'd to it by som officious Chaplain : But they cannot endure to hear the Members of the Parliament of 40 so infamously branded , considering how lately they were oblig'd themselves to assert their Laws and Liberties against the Martyrs Son , who violated and broke them at his Pleasure : And in this Sense many were of Opinion that King CHARLES's Blood lay heavy on the Nation , which made them for the ease of the same to shake off the Burden of King JAMES . SOM , who otherwise Honor the Memory of King CHARLES the First , are angry to hear him , in Mr. BLACKHALL's Language , call'd the best of Kings , and the best of Men ; when they consider especially , that the Apostles were Men , and that several Persons among the Greek and Roman Heathens , did infinitly excel him in all Moral and Heroic Virtues . As for Princes , if good Manners could not make Mr. BLACKHALL except the present King , Justice at least might well oblige him to do it . King WILLIAM has never dispens'd with express Laws in favor of Popish Recusants . He never protected any of his Chaplains against the Parliament for preaching up Arbitrary Power . He never requir'd Soldiers to be try'd by Martial Law in time of Peace ; nor levy'd Loans or Ship mony contrary to Law , much less imprison'd , fin'd or banish'd such as refus'd to pay those illegal Taxes . He does not countenance any SIBTHORPS , MANWARINGS , or MOUNTAGUES to teach his Subjects Non-Resistance , or to compliment himself with Arbitrary Power . He is so far from sending for Foren Troops to enslave the Nation , that he readily sent those away which he kept here by Law , as soon as he understood the Kingdom had no further need of their Service . He does not use to imprison Members of the House of Commons for using that Freedom of Debate which is Essential to their Constitution . He never threaten'd to betake himself to other Councils than his Parliament ( as CHARLES the First did ) saying that Parliaments were in his Power , and that he might grow out of Love with them . Nor is it known that he went into the House of Commons to demand any of their Members ; no more than he has seiz'd the Customs without any Act to impower him . He never promis'd ( as King CHARLES did in a Letter to his Queen ) that he would take away all the Penal Laws against Roman Catholicks as soon as he should be able , nor any thing else of this nature : For these are only a few Instances , not to blacken that Prince , but to shew how little som sort of People seem to value his present Majesty for generously restoring the Constitution , and for so willingly passing many excellent Laws for enlarging or securing the Liberty of his Subjects ; as well as for always paying such a Deference to Parliaments , which he not only assembles willingly , but likewise , according to ancient Custom , annually . In short , if King CHARLES the First was the best of Kings , the late King JAMES is not half so bad as I think him : Nor is there any Doubt , if a second Restoration ( which God and all Freemen forbid ) should ever happen , but that the Abdication-Day would be appointed as a perpetual Fast. What Mr. BLACKHALL thinks of dispensing with the Laws and acting without , or contrary to them , we may guess , when he says , That King CHARLES's greatest Enemies could not charge him with any Vice or Immorality ; as if only Whoring , Drinking , or Swearing were immoral Practices . SINCE this King ( who truly was not the worst ) must needs be counted the best of Men , I do not much wonder that Mr. LONG of Exeter was for having som Portions of his pretended Book read in the Church for the further enlightning of our Understanding : Nor that Dr. PERINCHIFF should tell us in his Life how som purchas'd Chips of the Block on which he was beheaded , and Parcels of the Sands discolor'd with his Blood , as also som of his Hair , Hoping , continues he , they would be a means of Cure for that Disease , which our English Kings , through the Indulgence of kind Heaven , by their Touch did usually heal : And it was reported that these Reliques , experienc'd , fail'd not of the Effect . Now who can laugh at the Popish Legends , and be serious when he reads this Passage ? Wheras , if there was ●ver any Power in England of curing the King 's Evil , it was plainly lodg'd in the People . BEFORE I conclude , I must remark , that tho his pretended Friends were so ready to father such Books on CHARLES the First wherein he had no Hand , yet they industriously left out of his Works a Letter to Pope GREGORY XV , whereof I can prove him as evidently to be the Author as CICERO or VIRGIL may be entitul'd to the Philippicks and the Aeneids . There is an interpolated Copy of it in the first Volum of RUSHWORTH's Collections : It is rightly inserted in the Quarto Edition of a Book call'd Cabala , or Mysteries of State : It is also in the Italian Mercury of VITTORIO SIRI : in Du CHESNE's French History of England , Scotland and Ireland : and in several Spanish and Italian Authors . Pope URBAN VIII mentions it in the Letter which he likewise sent this Prince , with another to his Father King JAMES ; both which may be read in RUSHWORTH's Collections . Now was not the omitting of this Letter a notorious Fraud , since that it alone , with those Letters which the Parliament publish'd to disgrace him , and a few Pieces besides , make up all his genuin Writings ; For as to those Messages , Propositions , Declarations , Treaties , and other public Papers , which fill that bulky Folio they call his Works , whoever takes them to be his , is likewise capable of believing he was the true Author of Icon Basilike . THIS is all I had to write concerning this famous Book , not to reflect on the Memory of CHARLES the First , but in my own Vindication ; being a Liberty not deny'd me by Equity or Law , and which , if I neglected to improve , I should be more unjust to my self than my Adversaries , whose Malice I shall readily forget , and heartily pray God to forgive . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A62841-e1110 Joh. 8. 5. * Dicit Augustinus ( de Consensu Evangel . l. 1. c. 7. ) quod ipse Dominus ni●il scripserit , ut aliis de illo scribentibus necesse sit credere . † Salvator nullum volumen doctrinae s●ae proproprium dereliquit , quod in plerisque ; Apochryphorum deliramenta confingunt . Hieronym . in Commentar . ad Ezechielis , cap. 44. Notes for div A62841-e1410 * Origen . contr . Cels. l. 5. * Stromat . l. 2. & 5. Contra Cel● . l. 1. de Princip . l. 3. * Advers . Haeres . l. 4. c. 3 ▪ Stromat . l. 1. 2. 4. 6. princip . l. 1. c. 3. l. 2. c. 1. Homil. 10. in Hos. & 〈◊〉 pa●sim . † L. 1. contr . Haeres . Euseb. Hist. Eccles. l ▪ 4. c. 14. Phot. 〈◊〉 126. * Contra Haeres . l ▪ 3. c. 3. Stromat . l ▪ 1 , 4 ▪ 5 , 6. De Princip . l. 2. Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 16 , 36. l. 4. c. 22 , 23. † Contra Haeres . l. 5. c. 28. Hist. Eccles. l. 2. c. 26. * Hom●l . 6. in Luc. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Ep. ad Ephes. Luc. 1. 1 , 2 , 3. * 〈…〉 personas Evangel●i . 〈◊〉 Haeres . l. 3. 11. Ezek. 6 , 6 , 10. * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Hist. Eccles. l. 3. c. 3. † 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . 〈◊〉 c. 25. * Let the third and twenty first Chapters of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius be consulted , with what St. Ierome has written on the same Subject . 〈…〉 * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Origen . l. 2 contra Ce●● . † Solius hilii p●tatis testamentum non potuisse corrumpi ; solum non habere aliqu●d quod in se debea● imp obari : p●aesertim q●o● n●c ab ipso scriptum constat , nec ab ejus apostolis : sed lonpo post tem●●●e à quib●idam ince●ti nominis viris , qui , ne 〈◊〉 non 〈…〉 scribent●bus qu●● 〈…〉 Apos●olo●um nomina , partim eo●●m qu● 〈…〉 Scriptorum suorum 〈…〉 , a●●eve●anies ●ecundum ●os se scripsisse quae sc ipserint . Quo magis mihi videntur injuria gravi affe●●sse discipulos Christi , quia quae dissona iidem & repugnantia sibi scriberen● . ea referrent ad ipsos , & secundum eos hae● scribere se promitterentur Evangelia , quae tantis ●int reserta erro●ibus , tantis contrarietatibus narrationum simul a●●●ntentiarum , ut nec sibi pro●sas , necinter se conveniant . Quid ergo aliud est quam calumnia●i bonos , & Christi Discipulorum conco●dem c●tum in crimen devocare discordi●● . Augustin . contra Faust. l. 32. c. 2. * Multa à majoribus vestris eloquiis Domini nostri in●erta verba sunt , quae 〈◊〉 signata ipsius cum ●jus f●de non congr●unt 〈◊〉 sertim quia , ut jam saepe pr●batum à nobis 〈◊〉 nec ab ipso haec sunt , 〈…〉 sed mu●●a post 〈…〉 quibus , & ipsis inter 〈…〉 judaeis , per sama● 〈…〉 Qui tamen omnia eadem in Apostolo●um Domini conserentes nomina , vel ●orum qui secu●i Apostolos viderentur , errores ac mendacia sua secundum eos ●escripsisse mentiti sunt . Augustin . ibid. l. 33. c. 3. * Latitabant usque ad recentiora illa , seu Traj●ni , seu e●iam fortasse ●●driani tempora , in privata●um ecclesir●m , seu e●iam hominum S●r●niis scripta illa Canonica , nè ad Ecclesiae Catholi●● notitiam perveni●ent . Aut si in publicu●●ortasse p●odi●●sent , adhac tamen tanta Scripto●●m Apo●●yphorum , Pseudepig●aphoru●●●e turba obru● bantu● , ut ab iis internosci non possent , quin novo opus esset examine , novoque Tef●●monio . Et ab illo novo testimonio , q●o ●actum est ut ab Apocryphis falsoque Apostolorum nomine insigni●is Scripta eorum genuina dist●●guerentu● , pendet omnis iila quam deinceps ob●●ne●an● , & quam hodieque obtinent in Eccl●sia Catholica Scripta vera Apostolica , Auto●i●as . Atqui recen●●or ill● Canonis attestatio iisde●● erat incommodis obnoxia quibus & nost●●e 〈◊〉 , quos vid●t lren●●●● audivi●que , Traditiones ; erat enim illa tanto intervallo ab origine remota , nec plurium esse poterat quam eorum qui etiam remotiora illa tempora attigerant . Atquì certè ante illam Epocham , quam dixi Trajani , nondum constitutus est libro●um Sacrorum Canon , nec receptus aliquis in Ecclesia Catholica lib●orum cutus numerus , quos deind● adhibere oportuerit in sacri● fidei causis dijudicandis , ne● rejecti Haereticorum Pseudepigraphi , monitive ●idel●s , ut ab eorum usu deinde caverent . Si● autem vera Apostolorum Scripta cum Apochryp●●● in iisdem Volaminibus compingi solebant , ut nulla pro●sus no●a aut censura ●cclesiae publica constaret q●●a quibus essent antefetenda . Habemus hodi●que horum tem●orum Scriptores Ecclesiasticos luculentissimos Clementem Roman●m , B●rnabum , Hermam , ●gnatium , Polycarpum , qui hoc nimirum scrip●●●t , quo illos nominavi ordine , omnes reliquis ●●●●i Test 〈◊〉 . Sc●iptis ( exceptis Judae , & J●annis utriusque ) 〈◊〉 At novi Testamenti in H●●ma ne qu●dem unum locum inveneris . Apud reliquos nè unum quidem Evangelistam nomine suo compellatum . Et ●i quos loeos fo●●è proserant quibus similia i● nostris leguntur ●vangeliis ; ita tame● ill●s mutatos ut plurimum interpolatosque reperies , ut seiri nequeat an è nost●is illos , an ex aliis produxe●int Apocryphis Evangeliis . Sed & Apocrypha adhibent iidem aliquoties , quae 〈◊〉 est in ho●iernis non hab●i Evange●●i . Vt inde con●●et nullum adhue inter Apocryp●●os Canonicósque novi Testamenti libros constitutum esse ab Ecclesia discrimen , praesertim si & illa quoque accedat observatio quod censuram nullam Apocryphis adjungant ; ●ed nec aliam aliquam notam unde possit lector colligere minus illos Apocryphis tribuisse , quam veris tribuerint Evangeliis . Inde prona est suspicio siqua fortè lo●a produxerint cum nostris consentientia , nullo ●amen certo id factum esse consilio , quo cons●itutum fuerat res dubias è Canonicis esse confirmandas ; fierique adeo posse ut & illa similia ex aliis tamen , quam quae habemus , deprom●a fuerint Evangelii● ▪ Sed quid ego libros memo em minin è Canonicos ? Nè quidem è Cano●● is 〈…〉 constat Ecclesiae inpotu●s●e Evangeli● , atque Ecclesiasticis in usu ●uisse vulgari . Non ●olent ill●us aevi Scriptores ●ovi Test●menti locis Scripta sua velut opere 〈…〉 , qui tamen recentiorum mos est , qui & suus erat in illis quas agnoscebant ipsi Scriptu●is : Veteris enim Testamen●i libros proferunt saepissimè , pro●●● i procul●ubio & no●i Testamenti Scripta , si & illa 〈◊〉 in Canonem recepta . Essatum Domini nostri profort Sanctus Paulus , Act. 20. 35 〈◊〉 ▪ Scripto al●quo produxit , non 〈…〉 Evangelio . Sic lat●●rant in 〈◊〉 ●●rrarum angulis . in quibus Scripta fuera●● , Evang●lio , ut ne quidem re●cive●int recentiores Evangeli● quid scripsis sent de i●●dem rebu● antiqu●o●●s Aliter foret ne tot essent 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , quae ferè à prima usque Canonis constitutione Eruditorum H●minum ingenia exercuerint . Ce●●è Sanctus Lucas si Genealogiam illam Domini in Matthaeo vidisset , non alia● ipse , nihilque fe●è habentem communè , produxisset , nè quidem minima consilii tam diversi edita ratione . Et cum novae Scriptionis edit in praesatione causam , quod ipse 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 narrationibus adjutus eam fue●it aggressus , id planè innuit desti●utos hoc subsidio suisse visorum à se Evangeliorum auctores , ita nimirum non fuisse ipso 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ut nè quidem 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 cum cura aliqua & se sulitate consuluerínt , vacil●are proinde meritó ●ue dubiam eorum fuisse fidem ; ut planè alios fuisse necesse sit Evang●licae H●storiae Scritores a Lu●● visos , à nostris , quos habemus , Evangelistis . Dissert . 1. in Iren. 99. 38 , 39. Act. 20. 35. Notes for div A62841-e5410 * De Baptismo , c. 17. etiam Hiero●ym . in Catalogo Scriptor . Eccles. * P. 380. 
A73992	----	By the King. A proclamation against the disorderly transporting His Maiesties subiects to the plantations within the parts of America Proclamations. 1637-04-30 Great Britain. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1637 Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A73992 STC 9086 ESTC S123857 99899010 99899010 150858 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A73992) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 150858) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1984:21) By the King. A proclamation against the disorderly transporting His Maiesties subiects to the plantations within the parts of America Proclamations. 1637-04-30 Great Britain. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie: and by the assignes of Iohn Bill, Imprinted at London : 1637. "Requiring gentlemen to have licenses from the commissioners for plantations and the lower classes to have local certificates of allegiance and conformity." -- STC. Dated at end: ... Whitehall the last day of Aprill, in the thirteenth yeare of Our reigne. Arms 23; Steele notation: great the their. Reproduction of original in the Cambridge University Library, Cambridge, England. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Loyalty oaths -- England -- Early works to 1800. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ By the King. ¶ A Proclamation against the disorderly Transporting His Maiesties Subiects to the Plantations within the parts of America . THe Kings most Excellent MAIESTIE being informed that great numbers of His Subiects haue bin , and are euery yeare transported into those parts of America , which haue been granted by Patent to seuerall persons , and there settle themselues , some of them with their families and whole estates : amongst which numbers there are also many idle and refractory humors , whose onely or principall end is to liue as much as they can without the reach of authority : His Maiestie hauing taken the premisses into consideration , is minded to restraine for the time to come such promiscuous and disorderly departing out of the Realme ; And doth therefore straitly charge and command all and euery the Officers and Ministers of his severall Ports in England , Wales , and Barwick , That they doe not hereafter permit or suffer any persons , being Subsidie men , or of the value of Subsidie men , to embarque themselues in any of the said Ports , or the members thereof , for any of the said Plantations , without Licence from His Maiesties Commissioners for Plantations first had and obtained in that behalfe ; Nor that they admit to be embarqued any persons under the degree or value of Subsidy-men , without an Attestation or Certificate from two Iustices of the Peace liuing next the place where the party last of all , or lately then before dwelt , that he hath taken the Oaths of Supremacie , and Allegiance , and like Testimony from the Minister of the Parish of his conuersation and conformity to the Orders and discipline of the Church of England . And further His Maiesties expresse will and pleasure is ▪ That the Officers and Ministers of his said seuerall Ports , and the Members therof , do returne to His Maiesties said Commissioners for Plantations euery halfe yeare a particular and perfect ▪ List of the names and qualities of all such persons as shall from time to time be embarqued in any of the said Ports for any of the said Plantations . And of these His Maiesties Royall Commands , all the Officers and Ministers of His said Ports , and the Members thereof are to take care , as they will answer the neglect thereof at their perils . Giuen at Our Court at Whitehall the last day of Aprill , in the thirteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God saue the King. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Maiestie : And by the Assignes of IOHN BILL . 1637. 
A74203	----	His Majesties speech to the committee the 9th of March 1641 when they presented the declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-market. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74203 of text805 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[53]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74203 Thomason 669.f.3[53] 50811863 ocm 50811863 160611 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74203) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160611) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[53]) His Majesties speech to the committee the 9th of March 1641 when they presented the declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-market. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majesty ; and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74203 805 (Thomason 669.f.3[53]). civilwar no His Majesties speech to the committee, the 9th of March, 1641. when they presented the declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-marke England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 487 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ His Majesties Speech to the Committee , the 9th of March , 1641. when they presented the Declaration of both Houses of Parliament at New-market . I Am confident that you expect not I should give you a speedy Answer to this strange and unexpected Declaration ; And I am sorry ( in the Distraction of this Kingdom ) you should think this way of Addresse to be more convenient , then that proposed by my Message of the 20th of Ianuary last to both Houses . As concerning the grounds of your Fears and Iealousies , I will take time to answer particularly , and doubt not but I shall do it to the satisfaction of all the world . God , in his good time , will , I hope , discover the secrets and bottoms of all Plots and Treasons ; and then I shall stand right in the eyes of all my people . In the mean time , I must tell you , That I rather expected a Vindication for the Imputation laid on me in Master Pims Speech , then that any more generall Rumours and Discourses should get credit with you . For my Fears and Doubts , I did not think they should have been thought so groundlesse or triviall , while so many Seditious Pamphlets and Sermons are looked upon , and so great Tumults are remembred , unpunished , uninquired into : I still confesse my Fears , and call God to Witnesse , That they are greater for the true Protestant Profession , my People and Laws , then for my own Rights or Safety ; though I must tell you , I conceive that none of these are free from danger . What would you have ? Have I violated your Laws ? Have I denied to passe any one Bill for the rase and security of my Subjects ? I do not ask you what you have done for Me . Have any of my People been transport with Fears and Apprehensions ? I have offered as free and generall a Pardon , as your selves can devise . All this considered , There is a Iudgement from Heaven upon this Nation , if these Distractions continue . God so deal with Me and Mine , as all my Thoughts and Intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession , and for the Observation and Preservation of the Laws of this Land : And , I hope , God will blesse and assist those Laws for my preservation . As for the Additionall Declaration , you are to expect an Answer to it , when you shall receive the Answer to the Declaration it self . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1641. 
A74218	----	By the King. A proclamation for the ease of the citty of Oxford, and suhurbs [sic], of the connty [sic] of Oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74218 of text R211743 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[133]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74218 Thomason 669.f.5[133] ESTC R211743 99870448 99870448 160845 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74218) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160845) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[133]) By the King. A proclamation for the ease of the citty of Oxford, and suhurbs [sic], of the connty [sic] of Oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] At foot of page: Ginen [sic] at Our court at Oxford, the twentieth day of Ianuary, in the Eighteenth yeare of Our reigne. God save the King. Place and date of publication from Madan. Imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Oxfordshire (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74218 R211743 (Thomason 669.f.5[133]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the ease of the citty of Oxford, and suhurbs [sic], of the connty [sic] of Oxford, of unnecessary persons lo England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 729 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . A Proclamation for the ease of the Citty of Oxford , and Suburbs , of the County of Oxford , of unnecessary Persons lodging or abiding there . HIS MAIESTY being inforced to draw into these parts and places divers Regiments of Souldiers , who want fit places to Billet them in , by reason ( as He is informed ) there are many Women and Children as well as Men , who have no necessary employment either about His Maiesties Person , or Court , or Army , and yet haue thrust themselves into houses and Lodgings in these places , from whence they keepe out others , which must be placed here , and are but a burden in the consumiug those provisions which are and must be made for those , whose attendance and service is necessary , Hath therefore , by the advice of the Lords , and others His Highnesse Commissioners , of His Princely care , thought fit to publish and declare His Royall pleasure and command as followeth . 1. That all such as have houses , or parts of Houses , or other Roomes , fit for the entertaining , lodging , or disposing of any Souldiers , or others , doe truly deliver the number of roomes they have , the number of beds , the true number of Persons there lodged , entertained or reaceaved , and their names , as neere as they can , and to whom they doe belong , or under whose command they are . 2. That all such as are so lodged or entertained doe truly deliver what their qualities are , under whose command , or upon what attendance , either to the Court or Army , what their names are , and doe truly set downe what bedds they haue to receave them , and where . 3. That if any doe refuse to give such true information , or doe mis-informe in any thing , or doe colour any others to lodge there which ought not so to be , that He or Shee shall be subiect to that punishment which the offence deserveth . 4. That if any person shall not immediatly , orwithin twenty foure houres after the publishing of this Proclamation , depart from this Citty and Suburbs thereof , and County aforesaid , who cannot justify their abiding here as aforesaid , they shall be sent away by the Officers of the Army , or Ministers af Iustice , as the cause shall require , with such disgrace as they diserve for such their fault herein . 5. That if in this Country there be any Women or Children lodged or entertained under pretence of attending the Army , or any Souldiers therein , that the Commanders in that place shall examine and certify to the Kings Commisioners , what they conceave to be fit , According to whose Certificate , that shall be done which shall be just in such case . 6. That if any have houses of abiding in this Country , or neere thereunto , that they remoue therevnto speedily , where they shall haue the Kings Protection for their safety . 7. That if any shall in any of these thinges offend , they ere hereby to know , that they shall not only incurre the danger of contempt to his Maiecty for such their offence , but also such other punishment as the nature of their offences shall deserve . 8. That if any person come into the Citty or Suburbes thereof he shall that night , or before , discover unto Sir lacob Ashley the Governour of the Citty , his owne name , and the names of his servants , or company and the place from whence he came , and the occasion of his comming . And that the Master of the House shall , before any new commer shall lodge in any house , deliuer the name of such Person and his company , to the Governour of the Citty , upon the like pain as aforesaid . Giuen at Our Court at Oxford , the twentieth day of Ianuary , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A74219	----	His Maiesties gracious message to both His Houses of Parljament, February the 20th England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74219 of text R211750 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[136]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74219 Thomason 669.f.5[136] ESTC R211750 99870454 99870454 160847 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74219) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160847) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[136]) His Maiesties gracious message to both His Houses of Parljament, February the 20th England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) January 9. by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed by His Majesties command at Oxford : 1643. In this edition the fourth line of text begins: the. Place and date of publication from Steele. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Annotation on Thomason copy: "164-". eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74219 R211750 (Thomason 669.f.5[136]). civilwar no His Maiesties gracious message to both His Houses of Parljament, February the 20th. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 212 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES GRACIOUS MESSAGE To both His Houses of PARLFAMENT , FEBRUARY the 20th . WHereas His Majesty hath ( together with a Treaty ) proposed a Cessation of Arms to both His Houses of Parliament now 16. dayes since , to which as yet He hath received no Answer : To the end that His Majesty may so cleerly understand the Houses , that no such Imputations ( as have been formerly ) may after be laid upon Him upon occasion of any thing that may intervene : His Majesty desires , if a Cessation shall be approved of by them , That the day upon which the Cessation is thought fit to begin , and such particular Limits and Conditions of that Cessation as are necessary to be understood and agreed on before the Cessation it selfe can actually begin , be proposed by them at the same time with their Approbation of it , Since as His Majesty supposeth by the present great Preparation of severall Forces of the Earle of Essex to march severall wayes , that till such time as this be done , they doe not conceive themselves obliged to an actuall Cessation ; So neither till then doth His Majesty conceive Himselfe obliged to it . 
A74221	----	By the King. A proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to His Majesty for customes or other duties upon merchandize, into His Majesties receipt at His city of Oxford. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74221 of text R211765 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[145]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74221 Wing C2633 Thomason 669.f.5[145] ESTC R211765 99870466 99870466 160856 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74221) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160856) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[145]) By the King. A proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to His Majesty for customes or other duties upon merchandize, into His Majesties receipt at His city of Oxford. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] At foot of page: Given at Our court at Oxford, this 23. or February, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne. God save the King. Imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 11". Reproductions of the originals in the British Library (Early English Books) and the Beinecke Library, Yale University (Goldsmith's-Kress Library of Economic Literature). eng Customs administration -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. A74221 R211765 (Thomason 669.f.5[145]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of money as are due to His Majesty for customes, or other duties upon England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 371 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . A Proclamation for the speedy payment of all such summes of Money as are due to His Majesty for Customes , or other Duties upon Merchandize , into His Majesties Receipt at His City of Oxford . WHereas great summes of Money are due to Vs , as well in Our ancient Right , as by severall Acts made this Parliament for Customes , Duties , and Impositions upon Merchandize , which either have not been paid to Our Farmors , Officers , or Collectors , or remain still in their hands , whereby We have not in this Our great necessity the benefit of Our own Revenue ; VVe doe hereby VVill and Command all Our Officers , Farmors and Collectors , in all and every of Our Ports of this Kingdome , who have received any Duties , Customes or Impositions upon Merchandize , due to Vs , either by any act of Parliament , or in Our ancient Right since the beginning of this Parliament , that they forthwith pay all such summs of Money , as remaines in their hands upon any such Receipts , into the Receipt of Our Exchequer at Our City of Oxford , and at , or into no other place . And VVe likewise VVill and Command all such Persons who have entred into Bonds , or other obligations to any Ministers , Officers or Collectors of the said Customes , for the payment of such Duties , that they pay the same into Our said Receipt at Our City of Oxford , and at , or into no other place , and VVe doe hereby promise to save and keep harmelesse all such Persons from any penalty or dammage , by reason of such Bonds ; and wee doe expect a strict obedience to these Our commands from all Persons whom it may concerne , as they tender Our service , and will answer the contrary at their utmost Perills . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this 23. of February , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A74222	----	His Majesties speech to the gentry of the county of Yorke, attending his Majestie at the city of Yorke, on Thursday the 12th of May, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74222 of text R210532 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[20]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74222 Wing C2805 Thomason 669.f.5[20] ESTC R210532 99869318 99869318 160733 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74222) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160733) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[20]) His Majesties speech to the gentry of the county of Yorke, attending his Majestie at the city of Yorke, on Thursday the 12th of May, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed at Yorke, and now reprinted at London by Alice Norton, for Humphrey Tuckey, at the Blacke spread Eagle in Fleet-street, [London] : 1642. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. With engraved border. eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1645 Jan. 2 -- Early works to 1800. Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Hull (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74222 R210532 (Thomason 669.f.5[20]). civilwar no His Majesties speech to the gentry of the county of Yorke, attending his Majestie at the city of Yorke, on Thursday the 12th of May, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 632 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES SPEECH TO THE Gentry of the County of YORKE , Attending his Majestie at the City of Yorke , on Thursday the 12th of May , 1642. Gentlemen , I Have cause of adding not altering , what I meant to say when I gave out the summons for this dayes appearance , I little thought of these Messengers , or of such a Message as they brought , the which , because it confirmes mee in what I intend to speake , and that I desire you should be truly informed of all passages between me and the Parliament , you shall here read , First , my answer to the Declaration of both Houses concerning Hull , the answer of the Parliament to my two Messages concerning Hull , together with my Reply to the same , and my Message to both Houses declaring the Reasons why I refused to passe the Bill concerning the Militia . All which being read his Majesty proceeded . I Will make no paraphrases upon what yee have heard , it more benefiting a Lawyer then a King , onely this observation , since Treason is countenanced so neere me , it is time to looke to my safety : I avow it was part of my wonder , that men ( whom I thought heretofore discreet , and moderate ) should have undertaken this imployment , and that since they came ( I having delivered them the Answer : you have heard , and commanded them to returne personally with it to the Parliament ) should have flatly disobeyed me upon pretence of the Parliaments command . My end in telling you this , is to warne you of them , for since these men have brought me such a Message , and disobeyed so lawfull a Command . I will not say what their intent of staying here is , onely I bid you take heed , not knowing what doctrine of disobedience they may preach to you , under colour of obeying the Parliament . Hitherto I have found and kept you quiet , the enjoying of which was a chiefe cause of my comming hither ( Tumults and disorders having made mee leave the South ) and not to make this a seat of Warre , as malice would ( but I hope in vaine ) make you beleeve ; Now if disturbances doe come , I know whom I have reason to suspect . To be short , you see that my Magazine is going to be taken from me ( being my owne proper goods ) directly against my will ; The Militia ( against Law and my consent ) is going to be put in Execution : And lastly , Sir Iohn Hothams Treason is countenanced ; All this considered none can blame me to Apprehend dangers . Therefore I have thought fit ( upon these reall Grounds ) to tell you , That I am resolved to have a Guard ( the Parliament having had one all this while upon imaginary Iealousies , ( onely to secure my person . In which I desire your concurrence and assistance , and that I may be able to protect you , the Lawes , and the true Protestant profession from any Affront or Injury that may be offered , which I meane to maintaine my selfe without charge to the Countrey , intending no longer to keepe them on foote , then I shall be secured of my just Apprehensions by having satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned . Printed at Yorke , and now reprinted at London by Alice Norton , for Humphrey Tuckey , at the Blacke spread Eagle in Fleet-street . 1642. 
A74232	----	To the Kings most Excellent Maiesty The humble petition of the governour, assistants, and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of England. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74232 of text R212637 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[5]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74232 Thomason 669.f.7[5] ESTC R212637 99871236 99871236 160987 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74232) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160987) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[5]) To the Kings most Excellent Maiesty The humble petition of the governour, assistants, and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of England. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Row, Henry, Sir. Nicholas, Edward, Sir, 1593-1669. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, Printed at Oxford : 1643. Desiring the King "to grant them some particular declaration" of his "royall grace and goodnesse towards the fellowship." With His Majesty's answer. The petition is signed: Sir Henry Rovv, governor. The King's reply is dated 26 Martii 1643, and signed: Edw. Nicholas. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aprill. 8". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74232 R212637 (Thomason 669.f.7[5]). civilwar no To the Kings most Excellent Maiesty. The humble petition of the governour, assistants, and fellowship of the merchants-adventurers of Englan Charles King of England 1643 409 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Kings most Excellent Maiesty . The humble Petition of the Governour , Assistants , and Fellowship of the Merchants-Adventurers of England . MOst humbly sheweth , That the Petitioners being , during these miserable distractions of the Kingdome , encompassed on all sides with many difficulties ; and well weighing the dangers they may fall into in Forraigne parts , if your Majestie should withdraw Your Royall Protection from them , upon any displeasure to the Companie . Doe humbly Prostrate themselves before Your Royall Majestie , and for their Assurance , in so many feares , humbly beseech Your Majestie to grant them some particular Declaration , at present , of your Royall Grace and Goodnesse towards the Fellowship , whereby they may bee enabled to uphold the little remainder of the Staple Trade of this Kingdome , and proceed in the same with encouragement , as Your Majesties true and Loyall Subjests . And as in duty bound , they shall daily Pray , &c. Signed by Sir HENRY ROW , Governor . At the Court at Oxford , 26. Martii . 1643. HIs Maiesty hath commanded me to give this His answer . That if the Petitioners are not conscious to themselves of any disloyalty to His Maiesty , they have no reason to feare the withdrawing His Royall Protection from them , His Maiesty being so desirous to preserve and advance the publique Trade ( a thing of so high concernment to the whole Kingdom ) that He hath left no means unattempted to that end . But if the Petitioners , or any of them , are falne from their Duty , Obedience , and Allegiance to Him , upon an opinion , That His Maiesty could not have the benefit of the Lawes here against them , He will never consent that they shall have the benefit and Protection , due only to His good Subiects , abroad , and so evade His Iustice every where ; but will precisely observe His resolution declared so long since , and so gratiously , in answer to the Petition presented in the beginning of Ianuary last from the City of London , in and by which the Petitioners , and all other Persons concerned , had sufficient Warning and instance of His Maiesties Grace and Favour to them . EDW. NICHOLAS . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , 1643. 
A74239	----	By the King A proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience, and submit to, and seek His Majesties mercy before the end of May next. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A74239 of text R212223 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[28]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A74239 Thomason 669.f.9[28] ESTC R212223 50811819 ocm 50811819 161126 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A74239) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161126) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[28]) By the King A proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience, and submit to, and seek His Majesties mercy before the end of May next. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, Printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1645. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, the 19th day of April, in the one and twentieth yeare of Our Raigne. 1645. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A74239 R212223 (Thomason 669.f.9[28]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of grace and pardon to all such as shall returne to their obedience, and submit to, and seek His Majesties mercy England and Wales. Sovereign 1645 824 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-11 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of Grace and Pardon to all such as shall returne to their Obedience , and submit to , and seek His MAJESTIES mercy before the end of May next . WHEREAS this unnaturall Rebellion was begun and fomented upon pretence of maintaining the true Protestant Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Priviledges of Parliament ; And was heretofore carryed on in the name of the King and Parliament , upon pretence also of the preservation of Our Honour , and the Rights of Our Crowne , and the Safety of Our Person , and redeeming it from the hands and power of evill Counsellors : And under these specious pretences very many of Our Subjects have been misled into it . But that which was at first known and foreseen by some , may now be manifest to all , even of the meanest capacity , that these were but pretences to colour the Ambition , malice , and avarice of a few men ; since it is apparent , that in the prosecution , and for the upholding of the Rebellion , there hath been more prophanation and scorne to the Protestant Religion here established , more oppression of the Subject , by depriving them of their Lives , Liberty and Property , without and against Law , and more usurpation upon the Rights of Our Crowne , and violation of Lawes , and of Acts of Parliament , and of Priviledges of Parliament publiquely avowed , then can be parallell'd by any former example in this Kingdom . And upon Our severall Messages and Invitations for a Treaty for Peace , nothing is propounded to Us , and insisted upon , concerning the breach of any Law , or the Liberty , or Property of the Subject , or the Priviledges of Parliament ; But changes in the Religion established , and alterations of the ancient Government of this Kingdome both in Church and State . And touching the defence and safety of Our Person , notwithstanding Our earnest endeavours for Peace , this Rebellion is still prosecuted , and new Armies now moulded , and Forces raised under the name of the Parliament and State , with Commission to kill and destroy , without exception or regard of Our Person : So that ( beside the Tryalls We have already undergone ) We may easily discerne what safety or defence We are to expect hereafter . And it is evident that the designe tends to the destruction , not onely of Our Person and Posterity , but even of Monarchy it selfe : and that the defence of the true Protestant Religion established , of the Lawes , Liberty and Property of the Subject , of the just Priviledges of Parliament , and of Our Person , and the Rights of Our Crowne , are laid aside , and can be no longer pretences for this Rebellion . And whereas We have reason to beleeve that very many of Our Subjects , who were heretofore seduced , and misled , are by this , and their own manifold sufferings , brought to a sight of their error , and to a dislike and detestation of this execrable Rebellion , which threatens speedy Ruine and destruction to the Nation : but being heretofore involved and intangled in the guilt of it , are doubtfull of their owne security , and cannot easily find the way to free themselves with safety . In pursuance therefore of Our constant purpose , to omit nothing which We shall conceive may give security to those Our Subjects , who shall not still wilfully and malitiously persist in mischiefe , and which may conduce to the quenching of this Fire , and restoring Peace to Our People in all Our Dominions , We have thought fit once againe to set forth this Our Proclamation of Grace and Pardon : And We doe hereby Publish and Declare , That to all such of what estate , degree , or condition soever they be ( without exception ) who shall before the end of May next ensuing , returne to their due Obedience , and submit to , and desire Our Mercy , We shall grant them Our free and gracious Pardon for all offences whatsoever , committed or done , in or by the prosecuring , promoting , assisting , or countenancing of this Rebellion , or which have any relation thereunto . And this in the Word of a King We shall effectually make good unto them . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , the 19th day of April , in the One and Twentieth yeare of Our Raigne . 1645. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1645. 
A78511	----	A speech spoken by a worthy and learned gentleman, Master Thomas Chadlicot, Esquire: in the behalfe of the King and Parliament, at Bishops Cannings in Wiltshire; before one Master Blithe a minister of Gods Word, and Master Lewin a councellour at law. And now published for the publique good for the cure of the miserable distempers of this distracted kingdome. With the Parliaments resolution concerning the Kings most Excellent Majesty. Chadlicot, Thomas. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78511 of text R212614 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E200_57 E200_58). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78511 Wing C1786 Thomason E200_57 Thomason E200_58 ESTC R212614 99871218 99871218 157592 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78511) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157592) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 35:E200[57] or 35:E200[58]) A speech spoken by a worthy and learned gentleman, Master Thomas Chadlicot, Esquire: in the behalfe of the King and Parliament, at Bishops Cannings in Wiltshire; before one Master Blithe a minister of Gods Word, and Master Lewin a councellour at law. And now published for the publique good for the cure of the miserable distempers of this distracted kingdome. With the Parliaments resolution concerning the Kings most Excellent Majesty. Chadlicot, Thomas. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [8] p. printed for Tho. Banks, London : August 26. 1642. Signatures: A⁴. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Speeches, addresses, etc., English -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78511 R212614 (Thomason E200_57 E200_58). civilwar no A speech spoken by a worthy and learned gentleman, Master Thomas Chadlicot, Esquire:: in the behalfe of the King and Parliament, at Bishops Chadlicot, Thomas. 1642 144 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The PARLIAMENTS Resolution Concernings the KINGS Most Excellent MAIESTY . THE Lords and Commons to witnesse their constant and unshaken loyalty and affection to his Majesty ; doe solemnly declare , that if his Majesty shall immediately disband all his Forces ; and be pleased to abandon all those wicked Counsels , and leave them to condigne punishment , and returne and harken to the wholesome advice of his great Councell ; they will really endevour to make both his Majesty and his Posterity , as great , rich and potent ; as much beloved at home and feared abroad , as any Prince that ever swayed this Scepter ; which is their firme and constant Resolution . Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that this Declaration be forthwith Printed and published . Hen. Elsyng Cler. Parl. Do. Com. 
A78634	----	His Majesties answer to a message sent to him by the House of Commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into Ireland. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78634 of text R209824 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[59]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78634 Wing C2100 Thomason 669.f.3[59] ESTC R209824 99868680 99868680 160617 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78634) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160617) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[59]) His Majesties answer to a message sent to him by the House of Commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into Ireland. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] With engraving of royal seal at head of document. In this edition the imprint has 2 lines; line 1 ends: Kings. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. A78634 R209824 (Thomason 669.f.3[59]). civilwar no His Majesties answer to a message sent to him by the House of Commons, concerning licences granted by him to persons to go into Ireland. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 353 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Tudor rose C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms Scottish thistle ❧ His Majesties Answer to a Message sent to Him by the House of Commons , concerning Licences granted by Him to persons to go into Ireland . HIs Majestie hath seen and considered the Message presented to Him by the Lord Compton and Master Baynton , the 19th of March , 1641. at York , Touching such persons as have been Licensed by his Majestie to passe into Ireland . Though He will not insist upon what little Reason they had to suspect that some ill-affected persons had passed into Ireland , under colour of His Majesties Licence ( Inferences being slender Proofs to ground belief upon ) yet He must needs avow , That for any thing that is yet Declared , He cannot see any ground why Master Pym should so bouldly affirm before both Houses of Parliament , That since the stop upon the Ports by both Houses against all Irish Papists , many of the chief Commanders now in the head of the Rebells , have been suffered to passe by his Majesties immediate Warrant ; For as yet there is not any particular person named that is now so much as in Rebellion ( much lesse in the head of the Rebells ) to whom His Majestie hath given Licence ; And therefore according to His Majesties Reply upon that Subject , His Majestie expects , That His House of Commons publish such a Declaration , whereby this mistaking may be cleared , That so all the World may see His Majesties Caution in giving of Passes ; and likewise , That His Ministers have not abused His Majesties Trust , by any surreptitious Warrants . And lastly , His Majestie expects , That henceforth there be more Warinesse used , before such publike Aspersions be laid , unlesse the Grounds be beforehand better warranted by sufficient Proofs . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A78644	----	His majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of Chester delivered to His Maiestie at York the seventh of May, 1642. At the court and York 9 May 1642. His Maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this His answer to your petition. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78644 of text R210530 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[18]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78644 Wing C2118 Thomason 669.f.5[18] ESTC R210530 99869316 99869316 160731 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78644) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160731) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[18]) His majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of Chester delivered to His Maiestie at York the seventh of May, 1642. At the court and York 9 May 1642. His Maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this His answer to your petition. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for John Sweeting, London : 1642. The King sees that the county .. have not heard his answer to the Parliament's petition. .. Suggests that they petition Parliament to do him justice, .. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Chester (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78644 R210530 (Thomason 669.f.5[18]). civilwar no His Majesties ansvver to the humble petition of the gentlemen, free-holders, and ministers of the countie palatine of Chester, delivered to England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 627 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES ANSVVER TO THE Humble Petition of the Gentlemen , Free-holders , and Ministers of the Countie Palatine of CHESTER , delivered to His MAIESTIE at YORK the seventh of May , 1642. At the Court at YORK 9 May 1642. His Maiestie hath given me expresse command to give you this His Answer to your Petition . THat He sees plainly that this Petition of yours hath been framed without having heard the Answer His Majestie gave to His Parliament , upon their Petition to Him for desisting from His Iourney into Ireland ; for He cannot thinke that that Countrey ( from whence He hath received formerly so good expressions of their loyall Intentions , by two former Petitions presented long since to Him and the Parliament ) would have been so much mistaken , as to have made this Petition , after they had seen and well considered His Majesties said Answer . And His Majestie observes very well , that this Petition is not like others , which by an untimely Zeal , have desired Him to return to His Parliament ; You onely desiring Him there to reside , where with more conveniency and security He may consult with His great Councell , then by going into Ireland : His Majestie being confident , That your well weighing of His Answers concerning that subject , hath been the cause that you have not imitated some few other Countreys in that particular ; And that you have well considered the Rebellious Affront offered to Him at Hull , by a hostile opposition of His entrance ; and therefore beleeves that the same Reason which made you , at this time expresse your tender care of His Person , and the former good expressions you made of your Loyalty and right-set Affections to the good of the whole Kingdom , may sooner induce you to Petition the Parliament to apply themselves to a right understanding of His Majesties wayes and intentions , and to do Him Iustice for that Affront , then make you to preferre any such ill-grounded Petition . And that you may be the better informed of His Majesties proceedings in those particulars ; He recommends to your view and consideration , His Answers to the Declaration presented to Him at New-market , to the Petition presented to Him at York the 26 of March last , concerning His journey into Ireland , His two Messages and Declaration concerning Hull ; all which , when it shall be fully represented to the rest of your County , He doubts not but that you will rest very well satisfied of His constant Resolution for the maintaining of , and governing you by the Law of the Land , His unmoveable Resolutions for the maintenance and defence of the true Protestant Profession , and the suppression and chastising of the barbarous Irish Rebellion , As for your apprehensions of danger of being left naked , and not put into a Posture of Defence , His Majestie assures you , That He will take care that it shall be done in the true old legall way which hath been used in this Kingdom , without bringing in strangers to govern you , or admitting new and exorbitant Powers , derogating both from His Majesties undoubted Legall Authority , and the Liberty of the Subject , which , as He hath constantly denied , so He expects , and no wayes doubts , but that you will give Obedience to that , and that onely , which shall proceed from His Majesty in a Legall way . Subscribed by M. Secretary Nicholas . London , Printed for John Sweeting , 1642. 
A78679	----	A copy of an intercepted letter from His Majesty to the Lords and Gentlemen, committees of the Scots Parliament, together with the officers of that army. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78679 of text R211002 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[95]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78679 Wing C2165 Thomason 669.f.12[95] ESTC R211002 99869744 99869744 162886 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78679) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162886) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[95]) A copy of an intercepted letter from His Majesty to the Lords and Gentlemen, committees of the Scots Parliament, together with the officers of that army. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Scotland. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] Imprint from Wing. Dated at end: Carisbrook, Munday 31 July, 1648. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78679 R211002 (Thomason 669.f.12[95]). civilwar no A copy of an intercepted letter from His Majesty, to the Lords and Gentlemen, Committees of the Scots Parliament, together with the Officers Charles King of England 1648 507 1 0 0 0 0 0 20 C The rate of 20 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A COPY Of an intercepted Letter from His Majesty , To the Lords and Gentenlemen , Committees of the Scots Parliament , together with the officers of that Army . MY Lords and Gentlemen : It is no small comfort to me , that my Native Country hath so true a sense of my present Condition , as I find expressed by your Letter of the eight of this Month , and your Declaration , both which I received upon Friday last , and the same reason which makes you Discreetly and Generously at this time , forbear to presse any thing to me , hinders me likewise to make any particular Professions unto you , left it may be imagined that desire of liberty should now be the only Secretary to my thoughts : Yet thus much I cannot but say ; that , as in all humane Reason , nothing but a free Presonall Treaty with me , can settle the unhappy Distractions of these distressed Kingdomes : So , if that could once be had , I would not doubt , but , that ( by the grace of God ) a happy Peace would soon follow . Such force ( I believe ) true Reason has in the hearts of all Men , when it may be clearly and calmly heard ; and I am not ashamed , at all times , to professe , that it hath , and so shall be alwayes want of understanding , not of will , if I do not yeeld to Reason whensoever , and from whomsoever I hear it ; and it were a strange thing , if Reason should be lesse esteemed because it comes from me , which ( truly ) I doe not expect from you : your Declaration seeming to me , ( and I hope your Actions will prove that I am not deceived ) to be so well grounded upon Honour and Justice ; that albeit by way of opinion , I cannot give a Placet to every Clause in it : Yet I am confident , upon a calme and friendly Debate , we shall very well agree . To conclude ; I cannot ( for the present ) better shew my thankfulnesse to you , for the Generous and Loyall expressions of your Affections to me , then by giving you my honest and sincere Advice ; which is , Really and Constanstly , without seeking private Ends , to pursue the Publicke professions in your Declaration , as sincere Christians & good Subjects ought to do , alwaies remembring , that as the best foundation of Loyalty is Christianity ; So true Christianity teaches perfect Loyalty , for without this Reciprocation , neither is truely what they pretend to be : But I am both confident that needs not to you , as likewise that you will rightly understand this , which is affectionatly intended by Carisbrook , Munday 31 July , 1648. YOUR 〈…〉 
A78722	----	His Majesties declaration to all his loving subjects; concerning the remonstrance of the Army. Delivered to the commissioners on Wednesday last; and brought by the post on Thursday Novemb. 23. to be forthwith printed and published. Together with His Majesties letter to the Lord Generall Fairfax; and his protestation and proposals to all the officers and souldiers in the Army, who acts contrary to the will of His Majesty, or the desire of his two Houses of Parliament. Likewise, the declaration of Col. Hamond, concerning the King. And his letter to the House of Peers. Read and debated in Parliament, Novemb. 23. 1648. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78722 of text R205272 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E473_20). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78722 Wing C2230 Thomason E473_20 ESTC R205272 99864689 99864689 162441 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78722) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162441) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 76:E473[20]) His Majesties declaration to all his loving subjects; concerning the remonstrance of the Army. Delivered to the commissioners on Wednesday last; and brought by the post on Thursday Novemb. 23. to be forthwith printed and published. Together with His Majesties letter to the Lord Generall Fairfax; and his protestation and proposals to all the officers and souldiers in the Army, who acts contrary to the will of His Majesty, or the desire of his two Houses of Parliament. Likewise, the declaration of Col. Hamond, concerning the King. And his letter to the House of Peers. Read and debated in Parliament, Novemb. 23. 1648. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Hammond, Robert, 1621-1654. [2], 6 p. Printed for Richard Brysons, London : 1648. In response to: A remonstrance of His Excellency Thomas Lord Fairfax, Lord Generall of the Parliaments forces. And of the Generall Councell of officers held at St Albans the 16. of November, 1648. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nouemb. 24". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army. -- Council. -- Remonstrance of His Excellency Thomas Lord Fairfax, Lord Generall of the Parliaments forces. And of the Generall Councell of officers held at St Albans the 16. of November, 1648. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78722 R205272 (Thomason E473_20). civilwar no His Majesties declaration to all his loving subjects; concerning the remonstrance of the Army.: Delivered to the commissioners on Wednesday England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 1546 2 0 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties DECLARATION To all His loving SUBJECTS ; CONCERNING The Remonstrance of the ARMY . Delivered to the Commissioners on Wednesday last ; And brought by the Post on Thursday Novemb. 23. to be forthwith printed and published . Together with His Majesties Letter to the Lord Generall Fairfax ; And His Protestation and Proposals to all the Officers and Souldiers in the Army , Who acts contrary to the will of His Majesty , or the desire of his two Houses of Parliament . Likewise , the Declaration of Col. Hamond , concerning the King . And his Letter to the House of Peers . Read and debated in Parliament , Novemb. 23. 1648. royal blazon or coat of arms C R ONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENS DIEV ET MON DROIT London , Printed for Richard Brysons , 1648. His Majesties DECLARATION Concerning the ARMY , AND His Resolution touching their late Remonstrance , to proceed by the way of Charge against His Royall person . SIR , HIs Majesty having received a Copy of the chief Heads and Representation of the Remonstrance of the Army , upon reading the same , declared a great dislike thereof , and uttered many sad and solentary expressions , in reference to the same ; who after reading thereof , desired a conference with the Bishop of London , the Bishop of Salisbury , and the rest of the Clergy attending his Royall person , which being assented to , his Majesty remonstrated and declared the grievances of his oppressed and afflicted heart , which followeth in these words . Right Reverend , VVHereas divine providence hath beene my sole protector , and his Almighty power the chiefe Anchor whereon my hopes and confidence did and shall depend ; I shall therefore in this dismall and distracted Age remonstrate unto you , before my departure hence , the sad and heavy contemplations of my opressed and grieved hart , occasioned t●e by voice and sentence of the Army against Our Royall person and Family , and their resolution to proceed against us , by the way of Charge : However , I shall say with the blessed Psalmist , and the patient Sufferer , Thy will bee done , O Lord , and not mine , and shall indeavour to submit my will unto the will of the Lord , that so I may be able to beare and undergoe the crosse and type of Christ in all adversity , tribulation , and affliction whatsoever . His Majesty having thus graciously and compassionately declared his present apprehensions of the feares and jealousies arising within his Royall Breast , arising from the late Councels and consultations of the Army ; the Bishop of London , and the Bishop of Salisbury made each of them a speech , tending to the supporting of his Majesties troubled spirits in these dangerous and perilous times of adversity . The Duke of Richmond , and the rest of the Nobility at Court , have declared their sense and resolution to his Majesty , and have moved the parliaments Commissioners to write to both Houses , concerning the Armies Demonstration for the executing of Justice on the person of the King . These things , upon serious debate and consultation , hath caused the Royall party to propose severall particulars to his Majesty for expediting of the Treaty , & putting a small end to his Concessions ; but ( as yet ) they have taken little effect : for his Majesty declares a great unwillingnesse to passe any thing against the Marquis of Ormond , untill the Treaty be wholly ended : but hath promised upon his Royall word , that he will not depart this Island for 20 dayes to come , beginning the 19. instant , and therefore desireth liberty and freedom ; which the better to effect , his Majesty hath sent a Letter to the Lord Gen. Fairfax , desiring his admission and Grant for performance of the same . As for his consenting to the abolishing of Episcopacy , and the sale of Bishops Lands , though so much conducing in the opinion of all his Restoration : yet it s generally conceiv'd he will not yeild therein : and the rather , because what 's like to happen by way of difference . Dated from His Majesties Court at Newport , Novemb. 22. 1648. The Proposals of the parliament touching the Demands of the Army . THe Honourable Court of Parliament having received a Remonstrance , or Declaration , from the Army , containing divers Proposals exceeding high and of great consequence ; and upon debate thereof , divers of the dis-assenting Members declared a great dislike thereof , and his Majesties moderate friends desired it might be laid aside for some certain dayes , others moved that it might be ejected ; and in the conclusion , after they had sufficiently declared their full sense touching the Desires of the Army , they resolved to lay it aside till Munday next . After reading the said Remonstrance , Mr. Pryn made a very learned Speech , concerning the Demands of the Army , his expressions tending much to the dishonour of them , who argued very stifly against the unlawfulnesse of their Demands . Divers other Members seconded him , and desired to insist no further thereon , but to wave their Proposals for a time . Yet notwithstanding the said Arguments and Desires , the well-affected party declared a great unwillingnesse to dispense with any time , but to insist thereon immediatly , and to endeavour to give all speedy & possible satisfaction to them in all things by them desired . The Declaration of the Citizens of London , concerning the Demands of the Army . WHereas we have lately received a Paper intituled the Remonstrance or Declaration of the Army , touching the King , We do unanimously declare , That Wee shall willingly and freely comply with them therein , for the executing exemplary Justice upon all capitall Offenders , and endeavour the restitution of the Free-born people of England to their common Rights , Liberties , and Freedoms , protesting to live and dye with them therein , for obtaining , effecting , and making future provision for the same . Signed by many thousands of the well-affected party in and about the City of London . These mutuall expressions are said to proceed from those Citizens , who are known and distinguished by the Badge of Independency ; But it is said , that the Presbyterian party , and others , are resolved to thwart them in their Engagement , and to declare against some particular Demands of the Army , whom they conceive to be too high and unreasonable . But concur with them in their Proposition for the executing of Justice upon the visible enemies of peace provided a favourable construction may be had on his Majesties former actions and proceedings , and that they may bee weighed in the Ballance of Equity and Compassion . Novemb. 22. Letters from the Isle of Wight say , That his Majesty begins to grow exceeding discontented and melancholy , and feareth much the present Overtures of the Army , touching their seizing on his Royall person , which hath occasioned many sundry contemplative expressions from his Majesty , who saith , that if they execute their wills on Him , by spilling of his Royall bloud , He feareth divers more will follow . These dismall Representations causeth much sadnesse and mourning throughout severall corners of the Nation . But it is thought that some new addresses will be made from the severall Counties , to the Parliament and Army , in behalf of their dread Soveraign the King . Other Letters from the Isle of Wight say , that his Majesty hath solicited Col. Hamond ( Governor therof ) that none may have the power and protection of his person but himself , and those who were intrusted formerly by his two Houses ; but the said Colonell hath declared to the contrary , being weary of so great a charge , and hath sent a Letter to the House of Peers ( which was this day read ) humbly desiring their Lordships to take off from him the care of the Kings person , and to make such provision for him ; as they in their wisdoms shall think fit , to the end that he may be discharged of the said trust or imployment . And the said Letters further make mention , that his Maiesty hath againe debated the heads of the Armies Remonstrance , and doth declare a very ill sense thereof , protesting that he had formerly a good opinion of them , and little thought that they would have ever acted so contrary to his expectation , and their former promises ; and therefore desireth the omnipotent God of Heaven ( to whom vengeance doth belong ) to repay them according to their own deserts , and to act by them ▪ as they intend to deal by Him . VIVAT REX . 
A78725	----	His Maiesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of Cornwall, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78725 of text R211973 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[37]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78725 Wing C2236 Thomason 669.f.7[37] ESTC R211973 99870638 99870638 161019 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78725) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161019) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[37]) His Maiesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of Cornwall, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford : 1643. An expression of gratitude for their loyalty and patience. Dated at end: Given at Our campe at Sudeley Castle the tenth of September. 1643. Includes: The agreement of the Maior, aldermen, and inhabitants of the towne of Tenby. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "15. Sept: 1643.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Cornwall (England : County) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Tenby (Wales) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78725 R211973 (Thomason 669.f.7[37]). civilwar no His Majesties declaration to all his loving subiects in the county of Cornwall, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 737 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His MAIESTIES Declaration to all His Loving Subiects in the County of CORNWALL , &c. CHARLES R. VVE are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of Our County of Cornwall , of their zeale for the Defence of Our Person , and the just Rights of Our Crowne , ( in a time when We could contribute so little to Our own defence , or to their Assistance ; in a time when not onely no Reward appeared , but great and probable dangers were threatned to Obedience and Loyalty , ) of their great and eminent Courage and Patience in their indefatigable prosecution of their great Worke against so potent an Enemy , backt with so strong , rich and populous Ciries , and so plentifully furnished with Men , Armes , Money , Ammunition and Provision of all kinds ; And of the wonderfull successe with which it hath pleased Almighty God ( though with the the losse of some eminent persons , who shall never be forgotten by Vs ) to reward their Loyalty and Patience by many strange Victories over their and Our enemies , in despight of all humane probability , and all imaginable disadvantages ; That as We cannot be forgetfull of so great deserts , so VVe cannot but desire to publish to all the world , and perpetuate to all Time anp Memory of these their merits , and of Our acceptance of the same . And to that end , VVe do hereby render Our Royall thanks to that Our County in the most publike and Lasting manner VVe can devise , commanding Copies hereof to be Printed and published , and one of them to be read in every Church and Chappell therein , and to bee kept for ever as a Record in the same , That as long as the History of these Times , and this Nation shall continue , the memory of how much that County hath merited from Vs and Our Crown , may be derived with it to posterity . Given at Our Campe at SUDELEY Castle the tenth of September . 1643. 15 Sept : 1643 The agreement of the Maior , Aldermen , and inhabitants of the Towne of TENBY . VVEE the Major , Aldermen , and inhabitants of Tenby , doe hereby humbly Declare , that wee will be alwayes obedient to the Kings Majesties Royall Commands , and will serve Him with our Lives and Fortunes , and assist Him against all Rebells , and Rebellions whatsoever , and will submit to His Majesties Authority , now placed in the Right Honourable Richard Earle of Carbery , Lord Lieutenant Generall of the Counties of Pembrock Carmarthen , and Cardigan , the Towne and Countie of Haverfordwest , and the Townes of Pembrocke and Tenby , And withall will heartily Contribute to His Majesties Service , to the best of our abilities ; And we doe farther declare and ingage our selves upon the faith of Loyall Subjects , that we will not receive into our Townes any Garrison , Force , or Person whatsoever sent or to be sent thither from any who now are , or hereafter shall be , in Rebellion against His Majesty , under the name of the forces of King and Parliament , but will dutifully receive and imbrace all such armed Forces and Garrisons as our said Lord Lieutenant Generall shall thither send or Command for the safe guarding of the said Towne for the use & service of His Sacred Majesty . For assurance whereof we have hereunto fixed our Common Seale , and subscribed our names this thirtieth day of August . 1643. Thomas Wyatt Major . David Hammond . Fran. Long . Rice Prickard . John Rogers . Robert Browne . Richard Jewell . Walter Sherburne . David Palmer . Thomas Barret . Rice Barrow . Richard Wyatt . Griffeth Gibbon . Iohn Barrow . Iohn Sounder . Henry Gibbs . Lewis Bishop . David Stowell . Thomas Stephens . William Record . Iohn Stone . Iohn Poyer . Mich. Sutton . Iohn Henton . Silvanus Griffith . Iohn Hammond . Richard Williams . Nicholas Horsam . Iohn Thomas Phillip Davis . Rice Gitto , Bartho. King . Printed at OXFORD , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A78762	----	His Majesties declaration to the ministers, freeholders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of Yorke Assembled by His Majesties speciall summons, at Heworth Moore, neere the city of Yorke; on Friday, the 3. of June, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78762 of text R210592 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[34]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78762 Wing C2282 Thomason 669.f.5[34] ESTC R210592 99869376 99869376 160747 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78762) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160747) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[34]) His Majesties declaration to the ministers, freeholders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of Yorke Assembled by His Majesties speciall summons, at Heworth Moore, neere the city of Yorke; on Friday, the 3. of June, 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) York: Printed by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty: and by the assignes of John Bill: and reprinted at London, for John Sweeting, at the Angell in Popes Head Alley, [London] : 1642. Explains reasons for delay, and for his coming to the north. Declares his attitude towards the Protestant profession, is equally against Papists and separatists. .. A guard is necessary. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Yorkshire (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. A78762 R210592 (Thomason 669.f.5[34]). civilwar no His Majesties declaration to the ministers, freeholders, farmers, and substantiall copy-holders of the county of Yorke. Assembled by His Maj England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1426 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATION TO THE MINISTERS , FREEHOLDERS , FARmers , and substantiall Copy-holders of the County of Yorke . Assembled by His Majesties speciall Summons , at Heworth Moore , neere the City of Yorke ; On Friday , the 3. of June , 1642. WEE would have you to be assured that We never intended the least neglect unto you in any former summons of the Countrey , Our love , as well as Our protection , extending to all Our Subjects ; But as you are a great Body , time and conveniency must be observed in your Assembling . That you may know the generall Reasons of Our being here , you must understand , That when We found it neither safe nor honourable to expose Our Person to the tumultuous and licentious proceedings of many ( which to this day are unpunished ) who did disorderly approach neere Our Court at Whitehall , We trusted this part of Our Dominions chiefly to reside in ; Where , as most of the Gentry already have , so We assure Our selves the rest of you will give us cleere testimony of your service and obedience , which We will never use otherwise then for the defence of the true Orthodoxe Religion professed and setled in Queen Elizabeths time , and confirmed by the Authority of the Statutes of this Realm , the defence of the Laws and fundamentall Constitutions of this Kingdome ( as the justest Measure and Rule of Our Prerogative , and your Liberties and Rights ) and lastly , for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdome . As for Our own Zeal to the Protestant Profession , We refer all the world to Our daily exercise of , and Our Declarations concerning it , and execution of the Laws against the Papists ; So likewise We cannot but declare Our Selfe most heartily sorry to finde such Separatists and Schismaticks , who presume , against Law , to foment new Doctrines and Disciplines to the disturbance of Church and State . For the Law , it being the common inheritance of Our people , We shall never enforce any Prerogative of Ours beyond it , but submit Our Self to it , and give you , and all Our Subjects the fullest latitude of it , both for the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your estates . And for an inviolable confidence and assurance hereof , as We take God ( the Searcher of all hearts ) to witnesse Our reall intention herein , so We shall no longer desire you to stand for the defence of Our Person , Honour , and just Prerogatives , then We shall maintain the Laws of the Land , the liberty of your persons , and the propriety of your Goods . And for the cleere understanding of Our Resolutions to maintain Peace , We may have the confidence and happinesse to refer ( against all malignity whatsoever ) to Our former sixteen yeares Reign ; ( too long to dissemble Our Nature ) if in all this time Wee never caused the effusion of one drop of blood , it must needs be thought , that in Our riper judgement in Government , We should never open such Issues as might drown Us and Our Posterity in them : But We are sure to have no enemies , but in the defence of the true Protestant Profession , the Right of the established Laws , and for the preservation of peace : and certainly all these must be all yours , as well as Our enemies . And to the end that this present Posture wherein We meet , should not affright you , with the distempers of the times , the Example of the two Houses having made Us prepare for a Guard to Us and Our Childrens Persons , We wish ; you to looke into the Composition and Constitution of it , and you will finde it so far from the face or feare of War , that it serves to secure you , as well as Us , from it : For Our Choice is of the prime Gentry , and of one Regiment of Our Trained Bands , which cannot be thought to oppresse the Countrey ( being their own ) nor war with themselves . And We further assure you , We never intended to use Foreigners or disaffected in Religion : and that you may fully assure your selves of Our sole dependancy upon the love and service of Our own people , to live and die with them . We have Armed these Our Subjects ; which had been most irrationall , if We had ever intended to have used Strangers . And farther , you may perceive that We receive none , but such as stand cleere in Loyalty and Religion , for which reason We have caused the Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacy to be given them . Likewise , to prevent any distempers at home , We have , and shall put the trained Bands of all this Our Kingdome under the Command of Persons of honour , confidence , and affection to their Countrey ; straitly charging , upon their Allegiance , no Officer to accept any command in them , nor Souldiers to obey any save such as are authorized by Vs . And for the prevention of any innovated power over you , you shall have Vs here to govern you , and the Souldiory to protect you in Peace , and to relieve you against all oppressions ; for that , as we have told you before , must arise from some great violation ( which We hope God will prevent ) and not from this preparation of our Subjects . Therefore let none of you be affrighted with vain feares ; if such a warre should follow , it followes the Authors home to their owne doores : and such ( by the confidence of our Person with you ) We assure Our Self you are not . Here We had left you to your fidelity and duty , had not some malicious insolence in our former meetings sent forth most presumptuous Summons , deceiving Our People , and presuming upon Our Royall Authority ; and these present themselves as great Defenders of Religion , Peace , and Liberty ; whereas they become infectious , and contagious to the people , seducing them into vaine fancies and delusions , as may appeare by their warrants which we could trace to some Pulpits , as We are credibly Informed : and you see it were just in Vs , to punish these as Authors of Sedition , but that it would be too great a favour , for it would honour them with the Title of Martyrdome , for Gods cause , as they vainely pretend : but you may now see from whence this Spirit comes , that would make Vs to be in the Act of destruction of Religion , Our Person a disturber of the Peace , and ready to introduce Slavery . These here are all the forraign Forces We have , or ever shall intend to have , to act these great designes , notwithstanding the vaine feares hitherto imagined . So that you see it is high time that these fancies were dispersed and driven away , that We might be repaired in Honour and Interest , and you enjoy the blessing of Peace and Happinesse ; the advancement whereof shall be our study and comfort : and therefore We shall ( when you shall thinke it a convenient time ) ease you in the number of the trained bands : And for your Billet-Money , it had beene long since paid , but that no part of the Subsidies ( which We passed for that purpose ) came to our hands , and shall not be wanting in any thing that lieth in Vs for the full satisfaction thereof : And shall make Our Grace and bounty to you answerable to your best fidelity and loyalty , as occasion shall be offered to Vs . York : Printed by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of John Bill : And Reprinted at London , for John Sweeting , at the Angell in Popes Head Alley . 1642. 
A78765	----	By the King. His Majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of London and Westminster and other places, in rebellion against His Majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78765 of text R212008 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[59]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78765 Wing C2289 Thomason 669.f.7[59] ESTC R212008 99870666 99870666 161040 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78765) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161040) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[59]) By the King. His Majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodities, from the cities of London and Westminster and other places, in rebellion against His Majesty, contrary to his late proclamation, prohibiting trade and commerce with the said citties and places. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford : 1643. Dated at end: Given at Oxford under his Maiesties signe Manuall, the tenth day of December, in the nineteenth Yeare of his Reigne. 1643. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Commercial policy -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Westminster (London, England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78765 R212008 (Thomason 669.f.7[59]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties declaration whereby to repeale and make voyd, all licenses, by himselfe granted for bringing any goods or commodi England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 470 9 0 0 0 0 0 191 F The rate of 191 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . His Majesties Declaration whereby to Repeale and make voyd , all Licenses , by Himselfe granted f●● bringing any Goods or Commodities , from the Cities of London and Westminster , and other pl●ces , in rebellion against His Majesty , contrary to His late Proclamation , prohibiting Trade and Commerce , with the said Citties and Places . WHereas since His Majesties late Proclamation , prohibiting Trade with the C●ties of London and Westminster , at the earnest and humble suit of certaine H●● Majesties faithfull Subjects of this City of Oxford , and other places , and fo●● reasons by them proposed , which appeared to be very pressing , some few licenses and dispensations have bin granted , under His Royall Signature , for bringin● some certaine quantities of sundry sorts of Goods and Commodities from the said Cities of London and Westminster . And whereas his Majesty hath since found , that by colour of such Licenses , there is a great Trade of almost all Commodities still continued with those Cities , to the enerving and frustrating the scope and intent of his said Proclamation , which in his Royall Wisedome he hath Judged most necessary to prevent : his Majesty hath therefore thought fit hereby to declare , that from henceforth , and from the date hereof , all such licenses by him granted as aforesaid , shall be void , and no more put in use , even although the same , or any of them may have bin obtained with intent onely to provide supplyes of such things , as might be needfull for his own Royal Person , or his dear Consort the Queens Majesty or for the Persons of the Prince or Duke of York , their highnesses , straightly charging & commanding all Persons whosoever have obtained , or are possessed of any such Licenses as aforesaid , and all other Persons whatsoever , that they presume not to bring , or cause to be brought any Goods or Commodities , from the said Cities of London and Westminster , or any othe● Towne or Place in Rebellion against his Majesty , directly or indirectly , mediately or immediately , unto this his City of Oxford , or any other place in obedience unto his Majesty , upo● such paines as are expressed in his Majesties said Proclamation , and such farther punishment a● may Justly be inflicted on them for contemning and infringing this his Royall Pleasure and Command . Given at Oxford under his Maiesties signe Manuall , the tenth day of December , in the nineteenth Yeare of his Reigne . 1643. God save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A78782	----	His Majesties farevvel speech unto the Lords Commissioners at Newport in the Isle of Wight. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78782 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[51]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78782 Wing C2305 Thomason 669.f.13[51] 99869822 99869822 162947 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78782) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162947) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[51]) His Majesties farevvel speech unto the Lords Commissioners at Newport in the Isle of Wight. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1648] With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Dec 5 1648". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78782 (Thomason 669.f.13[51]). civilwar no His Majesties farevvel speech unto the Lords Commissioners at Newport in the Isle of Wight.: England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 243 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms HIS MAIESTIES FAREVVEL SPEECH Vnto the Lords Commissioners at Newport in the Isle of Wight . MY LORDS , You are come to take your leave of me , and I beleeve we shall scarce ever see each other againe : but Gods will be done , I thanke God , I have made my peace with him , and shall without feare , undergoe what he shall be pleased to suffer men to doe unto me . My Lords , you cannot but know , that in my fall and ruine , you see your owne , and that also neere to you ; I pray God send you better friends then I have found . I am fully informed of the whole cariage of the plot against me and mine ; and nothing so much afflicts me , as the sence and feeling I have of the sufferings of my Subjects , and the miseries that hang over my three Kingdomes , drawne upon them by those who ( upon pretences of good ) violently pursue their owne interests and ends . These words His Majesty delivered with much alacrity , and cheerfulnesse , with a serene Countenance , and a cariage free from all disturbance . Thus parting with the Lords , leaving many tender Impressions , ( if not in them ) in the other hearers . 
A78789	----	For a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &. His Majestie will consent, that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting, designing, or assisting the rebellion of Ireland, shall expect no pardon ... Charles R. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78789 of text R39002 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2312). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78789 Wing C2312 ESTC R39002 18204567 ocm 18204567 171543 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78789) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171543) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 1629:30 or 2424:10) For a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &. His Majestie will consent, that all persons who have had any hand in the plotting, designing, or assisting the rebellion of Ireland, shall expect no pardon ... Charles R. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 broadside. s.n.], [S.l. : 1648. Title from first 4 lines of text. Statement of responsiblity transposed from head of title. "Tuseday, October 17. 1648." Incorrectly identified in reel guide as Wing no. C2140, which begins: "His Majesty's answer to the proposition of the 13th instant." Reproduction of original in the Societies of Antiquaries Library, London. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649. A78789 R39002 (Wing C2312). civilwar no Charles R. For a finall answer to your proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning delinquents, &c. His Majestie will consent, that al England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 408 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CHARLES R. FOr a finall Answer to your Proposition of the 13. of this instant concerning Delinquents , &c. His Majestie will consent , That all persons who have had any hand in the Plotting , designing , or assisting the Rebellion of Ireland , shall expect no Pardon , as is exprest in the first branch of this Proposition . As to all the rest of the Propositions , His Majesty cannot consent thereunto , as is proposed , otherwise then is here afterwards expressed , viz. As for all other persons comprised in the said first Branch , His Majestie for satisfaction of His two Houses will give way , That they may moderately compound for their Estates , and desires they may be admitted to the same . And for removing of distrust , and interruptions of the publique settlement , His Majestie will consent as followeth . That such of them as the two Houses of Parliament will insist on shall not be admitted to His Councels , and be restrained from comming to the Court , at such distance , as both Houses shall thinke fit , and shall not have any Office and Employment in the Common-wealth , without the consent of both Houses of Parliament , or shall absent themselves out of the Kingdome for some time , if both Houses of Parliament shall thinke fit . That all other persons in this Proposition shall submit to a moderate Composition , and for the space of three years shall not sit , or serve Members , or assistants in neither House of Parliament , without consent of both Houses of Parliament . Tuseday , October 17. 1648. His MAJESTIES Propositions . 1. THat His Majesty be put into a condition of Honour , Freedome and Safety . 2. That safely He may be restored to His Lands , and Revenues . 3. That he may have Composition for the Court of VVards , and such of His Revenues , as He shall part with . 4. That there may be an Act of Oblivion and Indempnity . Mr. Vines gave in a Paper in Answer to His Majesties , to satisfie His Majesties Conscience touching Bishops : then the Commons delivered a Paper , desiring a more satisfactory Answer to the businesse of the Church . Printed in the Year , 1648. 
A47456	----	King Charls his tryal at the high court of justice sitting in Westminster Hall, begun on Saturday, Jan. 20, ended Jan. 27, 1648 also His Majesties speech on the scaffold immediately before his execution on Tuesday, Ian. 30 : together with the several speeches of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, and the Lord Capel, immediately before their execution on Friday, March 9, 1649. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1650 Approx. 182 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 69 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2007-01 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A47456 Wing K556 ESTC R11695 12254327 ocm 12254327 57284 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A47456) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 57284) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 152:6) King Charls his tryal at the high court of justice sitting in Westminster Hall, begun on Saturday, Jan. 20, ended Jan. 27, 1648 also His Majesties speech on the scaffold immediately before his execution on Tuesday, Ian. 30 : together with the several speeches of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, and the Lord Capel, immediately before their execution on Friday, March 9, 1649. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Holland, Henry Rich, Earl of, 1590-1649. Hamilton, James Hamilton, Duke of, 1606-1649. The second edition, much enlarged and faithfully corrected. 136, [1] p. : port. Printed by J.M. for Peter Cole, Francis Tyton, and John Playford, London : 1650. "The several speeches of Duke Hamilton ... and Arthur Lord Capel upon the scaffold" (p. 85) has special t.p. Reproduction of original in Thomason Collection, British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. 2006-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2006-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-07 John Latta Sampled and proofread 2006-07 John Latta Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion King Charls HIS TRYAL AT THE High Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall Begun on Saturday , Jan 20. Ended Jan. 27. 1648. Also , His Majesties SPEECH On the SCAFFOLD , Immediately before his Execution , On Tuesday , Ian. 30. Together with the Several SPEECHES OF Duke HAMILTON , the Earl of HOLLAND , and the Lord CAPEL , Immediately before their EXECUTION , On Friday , March 9. 1649. The Second Edition , much enlarged , and faithfully Corrected . LONDON , Printed by J. M. for Pet●● Cole , Francis Tyton , and John Playford . 1650. King Charls HIS TRYAL AT THE High Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall , Begun on Saturday , January 20. and ended Saturday , Jan. 27. 1648. A List of the Names of the Judges and Officers of the High Court of Justice , appointed , by an Act of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled , for the Tryal of the King. THomas Lord Fairfax , General . Oliver Cromwel , Lievt . General . Henry Ireton , Commissary General . Philip Skippon , Major General . Sir Hardress Waller , Colonel . Colonel Valentine Walton . Colonel Thomas Harrison . Col. Edward Whalley . Col. Thomas Pride . Col. Isaac Ewers . Col. Richard Ingolsby . Col. Richard Dean . Col. John Okey . Col. Robert Overton . Col. John Harrison . Col. John Desborough . Col. William Goff . Col. Robert Duckenfield . Col. Rowland Wilson . Col. Henry Marten . Col. William Purefoy . Col. Godfrey Bosvil . Col. Harbottle Morley . Col. John Berkstead . Col. Matthew Tomlinson . Col. John Lambert . Col. Edward Ludlow . Col. John Hutchingson . Col. Robert Titchburn . Col. Owen Roe . Col. Robert Manwaring . Col. Robert Lilburn . Col. Adrian Scroop . Col. Alg : Sidney . Col. John Moore . Col. Francis Lassels . Col. Alexander Rigby . Col. Edm : Harvey . Col. John Venn . Col. Anthony Stapley . Col. Thomas Horton . Col. Thomas Hammond . Col. George Fenwick . Col. George Fleetwood . Col. James Temple . Col. Thomas Wayt. Sir Henry Mildway . Sir Thomas Honywood . Thomas Lord Grey . Philip Lord Lisle . William Lord Munson . Sir John Danvers . Sir Thomas Maleverer Sir John Bowcher . Sir James Harrington . Sir William Br●reton . Robert Wallop , Esquire . William Henningham , Esquire . Isaac Pennington , Alderman . Thomas Atkins , Alderman . Sir Peter Wentworth . Thomas Trencher● , Esquire . John Blackstone , Esquire . Gilbert Millington , Esq Sir William Constable . Sir Arthur Haslerig . Sir Michael Livessey . Richard Saloway , Esq Humphrey Saloway , Esq Cornelius Holland , Esq John Carne , Esq Sir William Armine . John Jones , Esq Miles Corbet , Esq Francis Allen , Esq Thomas Lister , Esq Ben : Weston , Esq Peregrin Pelham , Esq John Gourdon , Esq Francis Thorp , Esq Serjeant at Law. John Nutt , Esq Thomas Challoner , Esq John Anlaby , Esq Richard Darley , Esq William Say , Esq Iohn Aldred , Esq Iohn Fagge , Esq Iames Nelthorp , Esq Sir William Roberts . Henry Smith , Esq Edmond Wilde , Esq Iames Challener , Esquire . Iosias Barns , Esq Dennis Bond , Esq Humph : Edwards , Esq Gregory Clement , Esq Iohn Fray , Esq Thomas Wogan , Esq Sir Gregory Norton . Iohn Bradshaw , Esq Serjeant at Law. Iohn Dove , Esq Iohn Foulks , Alderman . Thomas Scot , Alderman . Thomas Andrews , Alderman . William Cawley , Esq Abraham Burrel , Esq Roger Gratwick , Esq Iohn Downes , Esq Robert Nichols , Esq Serjeant at Law. Vincent Potter , Esq Sir Gilbert Pickering . Iohn Weaver , Esquire . Iohn Lenthal , Esquire . Robert Reynolds , Esquire . Iohn Lisle , Esquire . Nicholas Love , Esquire . Sir Edward Baynton . John Corbet , Esquire . Thomas Blunt , Eq ; Thomas Boone , Esq Augustine Garland , Esquire . Augustine Skinner , Esq John Dickswel , Esq Simon Mayne , Esq John Brown , Esq John Lowrey , Esq John Bradshaw , Esq Serjeant at Law , Lord President of the Court. Counsellors assistant to the Court , and to draw up the Charge against the King , are , Doctor Dorislow . Mr Ask. Mr Steel , Attorney General . Mr Cook , Solicitor General . Clerks to the Court. Mr Broughton , Mr Phelps , Officers of the Court. Serjeant Danby , Serjeant at Arms , and Mace-Bearer . Col. John Humphrey , Sword-Bearer . Mr King , Cryer of the Court. The Messengers and Door-Keepers with Tip-Staves . Mr Walford , Mr Radley , Mr Payn , Mr Powel , Mr Hull , The manner of the Tryal of CHARLES STUART King of England , in the great Hall in Westminster . ON Saturday , being the 20. day of January 1648. The Lord President of the High Court of Justice with neer fourscore of the Members of the said Court , having sixteen Gentlemen with Partizans , and a Sword and a Mace , with their , and other Officers of the said Court marching before them , came to the place ordered to be prepared for their sitting , at the West end of the great Hall at Westminster ; where the Lord President in a Crimsion Velvet Chair , fixed in the midst of the Court , placed himself , having a Desk with a Crimsion Velvet Cushion before him ; The rest of the Members placing themselves on each side of him upon the several Seats , or Benches , prepared and hung with Scarlet for that purpose , and the Partizans dividing themselves on each side of the Court before them . The Court being thus sate , and silence made , the great Gate of the said Hall was set open , to the end , That all persons without exception , desirous to see , or hear , might come into it , upon which the Hall was presently filled , and silence again ordered . This done , Colonel Thomlinson , who had the charge of the Prisoner , was commanded to bring him to the Court , who within a quarter of an hours space brought him attended with about twenty Officers , with Partizans marching before him , there being other Gentlemen , to whose care and custody he was likewise committed , marching in his Rear . Being thus brought up within the face of the Court , The Sergeant at Arms , with his Mace , receives and conducts him streight to the Bar , having a Crimsion Velvet Chair set before him . After a stern looking upon the Court , and the people in the Galleries on each side of him , he places himself , not at all moving his Hat , or otherwise shewing the least respect to the Court ; but presently rises up again , and turns about , looking downwards upon the Guards placed on the left side , and on the multitude of Spectators on the right side of the said great Hall. After Silence made among the people , the Act of Parliament , for the Trying of CHARLS STVART KING of England , was read over by the Clerk of the Court ; who sate on one side of a Table covered with a rich Turky Carpet , and placed at the feet of the said Lord President , upon which table was also laid the Sword and Mace. After reading the said Act , the several names of the Commissioners were called over , every one who was present , being 80. as aforesaid , rising up and answering to his Call. Having again placed himself in his Chair , with his face towards the Court , Silence being again ordered , the Lord President stood up and said ; Lord President . CHARLES STVART , King of England ; The Commons of England Assembled in Parliament , being deeply sensible of the Calamities that have been brought upon this Nation ( which is fixed upon you as the principal Author of it ) have resolved to make inquisition for Blood , and according to that Debt and Duty they owe to Justice , to God , the Kingdom , and themselves , and according to the Fundamental Power that rests in themselves , They have resolved to bring you to Tryal and Judgement ; and for that purpose have constituted this High Court of Justice , before which you are brought . This said , M. Cook Attorney for the Common-wealth ( standing within a Bar on the right hand of the Prisoner ) offered to speak , but the King having a staff in his Hand , held it up , and laid it upon the said M. Cooks shoulder two or three times , bidding him hold ; Nevertheless , the Lord President ordering him to go on , he said : M. Cook. My Lord , I am commanded to charge CHARLES STVART , King of England , in the name of the Commons of England , with Treason and high Misdemeanors ; I desire the said Charge may be read . The said Charge being delivered to the Clerk of the Court , the Lord President ordered it should be read , but the King bid him hold ; Nevertheless , being commanded by the Lord President to read it , the Clerk begun . THE Charge of the Commons of ENGLAND , against Charles Stuart , KING of England , Of High Treason , and other High Crimes , exhibited to the High Court of Justice . THat the said CHARLES STVART being admitted King of England , and therein trusted with a limited Power , to govern by , and according to the Laws of the Land , and not otherwise ; And by his Trust , Oath , and Office , being obliged to use the Power committed to him , For the good and benefit of the People , and for the preservation of their Rights and Liberties ; Yet nevertheless out of a wicked Design , to erect , and uphold in himself and unlimited and Tyrannical Power to rule according to his Will , and to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the People ; Yea , to take away , and make void the Foundations thereof , and of all redress and remedy of misgovernement , which by the fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom , were reserved on the Peoples behalf , in the Right and Power of frequent and successive Parliaments , or National meetings in Councel ; He , the said CHARLES STVART , for accomplishment of such his Designs , and for the protecting of himself and his adherents , in His , and Their wicked Practises to the same Ends , hath Trayterously and maliciously levyed War against the present Parliament , and the People therein Represented . Particularly , upon or about the thirtieth day of June , in the year of our Lord , One thousand six hundred fourty and two , At Beverly , in the County of York ; And upon , or about the thirtieth day of July , in the year aforesaid , in the County of the City of York ; And upon , or about the twenty fourth day of August , in the same year , at the County of the Town of Nottingham ( when , and where He set up His Standard of War ; ) And also on , or about the twenty third day of October , in the same year , at Edg-Hill , & Keinton-field , in the County of Warwick ; And upon , or about the thirtieth day of November , in the same year , at Brainchford , in the County of Middlesex : And upon , or about the thirtieth day of August , in the year of our Lord , One thousand six hundred fourty and three , at Cavesham-bridge , neer Roding , in the County of Berks ; And upon , or about the thirtieth day of October , in the year last mentioned , at , or neer the City of Glocester ; And upon , or about the thirtieth day of November , in the year last mentioned , at Newbery , in the County of Berks ; And upon , or about the one and thirtieth day of July , in the year of our Lord , One thousand six hundred fourty and four , at Cropredy-Bridge , in the County of Oxon ; And upon , or about the thirtieth day of September , in the year last mentioned , at Bodmin , and other places neer adjacent , in the County of Cornwal ; And upon , or about the thirtieth day of November , in the year last mentioned , at Newbery aforesaid ; And upon , or about the eighth day of June , in the year of our Lord , One thousand six hundred fourty and five , at the Town of Leicester ; And also , upon the fourteenth day of the same month , on the same year , at Naseby-field , in the County of Northampton . At which several times and places , or most of them , and at many other places in this Land , at several other times , within the years aforementioned : And in the year of our Lord , One thousand six hundred fourty and six ; He the said CHARLES STVART , hath caused and procured many thousands of the Free-People of the Nation to be slain ; and by Divisions , Parties , and Insurrections , within this Land , by Invasions from Forraign parts , endevored and procured by Him , and by many other evil ways and means . He the said CHARLS STVART , hath not only maintained and carried on the said War , both by Land and Sea , during the years before mentioned ; but also hath renewed , or caused to be renewed , the said War against the Parliament , and good People of this Nation , in this present year , One thousand six hundred fourty and eight , in the Counties of Kent , Essex , Surry , Sussex , Middlesex , and many other Counties and places in England and Wales , and also by Sea ; And particularly , He the said CHARLES STVART , hath for that purpose , given Commission to his Son , the Prince , and others ; whereby , besides multitudes of other Persons , many such , as were by the Parliament intrusted and imployed , for the safety of the Nation ; being by Him or His Agents , Corrupted , to the betraying of Their Trust , and revolting from the Parliament , have had entertainment and Commission , for the continuing and renewing of War and Hostility , against the said Parliament and People as aforesaid . By which cruel and unnatural Wars by Him , the said CHARLES STVART , levyed , continued , and renewed , as aforesaid , much Innocent Blood of the Free-people of this Nation hath been spilt ; many Families have been undone , the Publike Treasury wasted and exhausted , Trade obstructed , and miserably decayed ; vast expence and damage to the Nation incurred , and many parts of the Land spoyled , some of them even to Desolation . And for further prosecution of His said evil Designs , He , the said CHARLES STVART , doth still continue his Commissions to the said Prince , and other Rebels , and Revolters , both English and Forraigners , and to the Earl of Ormond , and to the Irish Rebels and Revolters , associated with him ; from whom further Invasions upon this Land are threatened , upon the procurement , and on the behalf of the said Charls Stuart . All which wicked Designs , Wars , and evil Practises of Him , the said CHARLES STVARRT , have been , and are carryed on , for the advancing and upholding of the Personal Interest of Will and Power , and pretended Prerogative to Himself and his Family , against the publique Interest , Common Right , Liberty , Justice , and Peace Of the People of this Nation , by , and for whom he was entrusted , as aforesaid . By all which it appeareth , that He , the said CHARLS STUART , hath been , and is the Occasioner , Author , and Contriver of the said Vnnatural , Cruel , and bloody Wars , and therein guilty of all the Treasons , Murthers , Rapines , Burnings , Spoils , Desolations , Damage and Mischief to this Nation , acted or committed in the said Wars , or occasioned thereby . And the said John Cook , by Protestation ( saving on the behalf of the People of England , the liberty of Exhibiting at any time hereafter , any other Charge against the said Charls Stuart ; and also of replying to the Answers which the said Charls Stuart shall make to the Premises , or any of them , or any other Charge that shall be so Exhibited ) doth , for the said Treasons and Crimes , on the behalf of the said People of England , Impeach the said CHARLS STUART , as a Tyrant , Traytor , Murtherer , and a publike , and Implacable Enemy to the Common-wealth of England : And pray , That the said CHARLS STUART , King of England , may be put to answer All and Every the Premises , That such Proceedings , Examinations , Tryals , Sentence , and Judgment may be thereupon had , or shall be agreeable to Justice . IT is observed , that the time the Charge was reading , the King sate down in his Chair , looking sometimes on the Court , sometimes up to the Galleries ; and having risen again , and turned about to behold the Guards and Spectators , sate down , looking very sternly , with a countenance not at all moved , till these words , viz. Charls Stuart ( to be a Tyrant and Traytor , &c. ) were read , at which he laughed as he sate in the face of the Court. The Charge being read the Lord President replyed : Lord President . Sir , you have now heard your Charge read , containing such matter as appears in it ; you finde , That in the close of it , it is prayed to the Court , in the behalf of the Commons of England , that you answer to your Charge . The Court expects your Answer . The King. I would know by what power I am called hither : I was , not long ago , in the Isle of Wight , how I came there , is a longer story then I think is fit at this time for me to speak of ; but there I entred into a Treaty with both Houses of Parliament with as much publique faith as it 's possible to be had of any people in the world . I treated there with a number of Honorable Lords and Gentlemen , and treated honestly and uprightly ; I cannot say but they did very nobly with me , we were upon a conclusion of the Treaty . Now I would know by what Authority , I mean , lawful ; there are many unlawful Authorities in the world , Theeves and Robbers by the high-ways : but I would know by what Authority I was brought from thence , and carryed from place to place , ( and I know not what , ) and when I know what lawful Authority , I shall answer : Remember I am your King , your lawful King , and what sins you bring upon your heads , and the Judgment of God upon this Land , think well upon it , I say , think well upon it , before you go further from one sin to a greater ; therefore let me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here , and I shall not be unwilling to answer , in the mean time I shall not betray my Trust : I have a Trust committed to me by God , by old and lawful descent , I will not betray it to answer to a new unlawful Authority , therefore resolve me that , and you shall hear more of me . Lord President . If you had been pleased to have observed what was hinted to you , by the Court , at your first coming hither , you would have known by what Authority ; which Authority requires you , in the name of the People of England , of which you are Elected King , to answer them . The King. No Sir , I deny that . Lord President . If you acknowledg not the Authority of the Court , they must proceed . The King. I do tell them so , England was never an Elective Kingdom , but an Hereditary Kingdom for neer these thousand years ; therefore let me know by what Authority I am called hither : I do stand more for the Liberty of my People then any here that come to be my pretended Judges ; and therefore let me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here , and I will answer it , otherwise I will not answer it . Lord President . Sir , how really you have managed your Trust , is known ; your way of answer is to interrogate the Court , which beseems not you in this condition . You have been told of it twice or thrice . The King. Here is a Gentleman , Lievt . Col. Cobbet , ( ask him ) if he did not bring me from the Isle of Wight by force ? I do not come here as submitting to the Court ; I wil stand as much for the priviledg of the house of Cōmons , rightly understood , as any man here whatsoever . I see no House of Lords here that may constitute a Parliament , and ( the King too ) should have been . Is this the bringing of the King to his Parliament ? Is this the bringing an end to the Treaty in the publike Faith of the world ? Let me see a legal Authority warranted by the Word of God , the Scriptures , or warranted by the Constitutions of the Kingdom , and I will answer . Lord President . Sir , You have propounded a Question , and have been answered : seeing you will not answer , the Court will consider how to proceed ; in the mean time , those that brought you hither , are to take charge of you back again . The Court desires to know whether this be all the Answer you will give , or no. The King. Sir , I desire that you would give me , and all the world , satisfaction in this ; let me tell you , it is not a slight thing you are about . I am sworn to keep the Peace by that duty I ow to God and my Country , and I will do it to the last breath of my body , and therefore you shall do well to satisfie first God , and then the Country , by what Authority you do it , if you do it by a usurped Authority , that will not last long . There is a God in Heaven that will call you , and all that give you Power , to account : Satisfie me in that , and I will answer , otherwise I betray my Trust , and the Liberties of the People , and therefore think of that , and then I shall be willing . For I do avow , That it is as great a sin to withstand lawful Authority , as it is to submit to a Tyrannical , or any other ways unlawful Authority , and therefore satisfie God , and me , and all the world in that , and you shall receive my Answer : I am not afraid of the Bill . Lord President . The Court expects you should give them a final Answer , their purpose is to adjourn till Monday next , if you do not satisfie your self , though we do tell you our Authority ; we are satisfied with our Authority , and it is upon Gods Authority and the Kingdoms , and that Peace you speak of will be kept in the doing of Justice , and that 's our present Work. The King. Let me tell you , if you will shew me what lawful Authority you have , I shall be satisfied ; But that you have said satisfies no reasonable man. Lord Presid . That 's in your apprehension : we think it reasonable that are your Judges . The King. 'T is not my apprehension , nor yours neither , that ought to decide it . Lord Presid . The Court hath heard you , and you are to be disposed of as they have commanded . Two things were remarkable in this days Proceedings . 1. It is to be observed , That as the Charge was reading against the King , the silver head of his staff fell off , the which he wondred at , and seeing none to take it up , he stoops for it himself . 2. That as the King was going away , he looked with a very austere countenance upon the Court , with stirring of his Hat replyed , Well Sir , ( when the Lord President commanded the Guard to take him away , ) and at his going down , he said , I do not fear that , ( pointing with his Staff at the Sword ) . The people in the Hall , as he went down the stairs , cryed out , some , God save the King , and some for Justice . O Yes being called , the Court adjourned till Monday next , January 22. at 9. in the morning to the painted Chamber , and from thence to the same place again in Westminster Hall. At the high Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall , Munday , January 22. 1648. O Yes made . Silence commanded . The Court called , and answered to their names . Silence commanded upon pain of imprisonment , and the Captain of the Guard to apprehend all such as make disturbance . Upon the Kings coming in a shout was made . Command given by the Court to the Captain of the Guard to fetch and take into his custody those who make any disturbance . Mr Solicitor . May it please your Lordship , my Lord President , I did at the last Court in the behalf of the Commons of England , exhibit and give into this Court a Charge of high Treason , and other high Crimes , against the Prisoner at the Bar , whereof I do accuse him in the name of the People of England , and the Charge was read unto him , and his Answer required . My Lord , He was not then pleased to give an Answer , but instead of answering , did there dispute the Authority of this high Court. My humble Motion to this high Court , in behalf of the Kingdom of England , is , That the Prisoner may be directed to make a positive Answer , either by way of Confession , or Negation ; which if he shall refuse to do , That the matter of Charge may be taken pro confesso , and the Court may proceed according to justice . Lord President . Sir , You may remember at the last Court you were told the occasion of your being brought hither , and you heard a Charge against you , containing a Charge of high Treason , and other high Crimes , against this Realm of England ; you heard likewise , that it was prayed in the behalf of the People , that you should give an Answer to that Charge , that thereupon such proceedings might be had as should be agreeable to justice ; you were then pleased to make some scruples concerning the Authority of this Court , and knew not by what Authority you were brought hither ; you did divers times propound your Questions , and were as often answered , That it was by authority of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , that did think fit to call you to account for those high and capital Misdemeanours wherewith you were then charged . Since that the Court hath taken into Consideration what you then said , they are fully satisfied with their own authority , and they hold it fit you should stand satisfied with it too ; and they do require it , that you do give a positive and particular Answer to this Charge that is exhibited against you , they do expect you should either confess or deny it ; if you deny , it is offered in the behalf of the Kingdom to be made good against you ; their authority they do avow to the whole world , that the whole Kingdom are to rest satisfied in , and you are to rest satisfied with it , and therefore you are to lose no more time , but to give a positive Answer thereunto . The KING . When I was here last , 't is very true , I made that Question , and truly if it were only my own particular case , I would have satisfied my self with the Protestation I made the last time I was here against the legality of this Court , and that a King cannot be tryed by any Superiour Jurisdiction on Earth ; but it is not my case alone , it is the Freedom and the Liberty of the People of England , and do you pretend what you will , I stand more for their Liberties . For if Power without Law may make Laws , may alter the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , I do not know what Subject he is in England , that can be sure of his life , or any thing that he calls his own ; therefore when that I came here , I did expect particular Reasons , to know by what Law , what Authority you did proceed against me here , and therefore I am a little to seek what to say to you in this particular , because the Affirmative is to be proved , the Negative often is very hard to do : but since I cannot perswade you to do it , I shall tell you my Reasons as short as I can . My Reasons why in Conscience , and the duty I owe to God first , and my People next , for the preservation of their Lives , Liberties and Estates ; I conceive I cannot answer this , till I be satisfied of the legality of it . All proceedings against any man whatsoever — Lord President . Sir , I must interrupt you , which I would not do , but that what you do is not agreeable to the proceedings of any Court of Justice , you are about to enter into Argument , and dispute concerning the Authority of this Court , before whom you appear as a Prisoner , and are charged as an high Delinquent ; if you take upon you to dispute the Authority of the Court , we may not do it , nor will any Court give way unto it , you are to submit unto it , you are to give in a punctual and direct Answer , whether you will answer your Charge or no , and what your Answer is . The KING . Sir , by your favour , I do not know the forms of Law , I do know Law and Reason , though I am no Lawyer profess'd , but I know as much Law as any Gentleman in England ; and therefore ( under favour ) I do plead for the Liberties of the People of England more then you do , and therefore if I should impose a belief upon any man without Reasons given for it , it were unreasonable ; but I must tell you , That that Reason that I have as thus informed , I cannot yield unto it . Lord President . Sir , I must interrupt you , you may not be permitted , you speak of Law and Reason , it is fit there should be Law and Reason , and there is both against you . Sir , the Vote of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , it is the Reason of the Kingdom , and they are these that have given to that Law , according to which you should have ruled and raigned : Sir , you are not to dispute our Authority , you are told it again by the Court. Sir , it will be taken notice of , that you stand in contempt of the Court , and your contempt will be recorded accordingly . The KING . I do not know how a King can be a Delinquent ; but by any Law that ever I heard of , all men ( Delinquents , or what you will ) let me tell you , they may put in Demurrers against any proceeding as legal , and I do demand that , and demand to be heard with my Reasons , if you deny that , you deny Reason . Lord President . Sir , you have offered something to the Court , I shall speak something unto you the sence of the Court. Sir , neither you nor any man are permitted to dispute that point , you are concluded , you may not demur the Jurisdiction of the Court , if you do , I must let you know , that they over-rule your Demurrer , they sit here by the Authority of the Commons of England , and all your Predecessors , and you are responsible to them . King. I deny that , shew me one president . Lord President . Sir , you ought not to interrupt while the Court is speaking to you , this point is not to be debated by you , neither will the Court permit you to do it , if you offer it by way of Demurrer to the Jurisdiction of the Court , they have considered of their Jurisdiction , they do affirm their own Jurisdiction . The King. I say Sir , by your favour , that the Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature , I would know how they came to be so . Lord President . Sir , You are not to be permitted to go on in that speech , and these discourses . Then the Clerk of the Court read , as followeth : CHARLS STUART King of England , You have been accused on the behalf of the People of England of high Treason , and other high Crimes ; the Court have determined that you ought to answer the same . The King. I will answer the same so soon as I know by what Authority you do this . Lord President . If this be all that you will say , then , Gentlemen , you that brought the Prisoner hither , take charge of him back again . The King. I do require that I may give in my Reasons why I do not answer , and give me time for that . Lord President . Sir , 'T is not for Prisoners to require . The King. Prisoners ? Sir , I am not an ordinary Prisoner . Lord President . The Court hath considered of their Jurisdiction , and they have already affirmed their Jurisdiction ; if you will not answer , we shall give order to record your default . The King. You never heard my Reasons yet . Lord President . Sir , Your Reasons are not to be heard against the highest Jurisdiction . The King. Shew me that Jurisdiction where Reason is not to be heard . Lord President . Sir , We shew it you here , the Commons of England ; and the next time you are brought , you will know more of the pleasure of the Court , and , it may be , their final determination . The King. Shew me where ever the House of Commons was a Court of Judicature of that kind . Lord President . Serjeant , Take away the Prisoner . The King. Well Sir , Remember that the King is not suffered to give in his Reasons for the Liberty and Feeedom of all his Subjects . Lord President . Sir , You are not to have liberty to use this language ; how great a friend you have been to the Laws and Liberties of the People , let all England and the world judg . The King. Sir , under favour , it was the Liberty , Freedom , and Laws of the Subject that ever I took — defended my self with Arms , I never took up Arms against the People , but for the Laws . Lord President . The Command of the Court must be obeyed ; no answer will be given to the Charge . The King. Well Sir. Then the Lord President ordered the default to be recorded , and the contempt of the Court , and that no answer would be given to the Charge . And so was guarded forth to Sir Robert Cottons house . Then the Court adjourned to the Painted Chamber on Tuesday at twelve a clock , and from thence they intend to adjourn to Westminster Hall , at which time all persons concerned are to give their attendance . At the high Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall , Tuesday , Ianuary 23. 1648. O Yes made . Silence commanded . The Court called . Seventy three persons present . The King comes in with his Guard , looks with an austere countenance upon the Court , and sits down . The second O Yes made , and silence commanded . Mr Cook Solicitor General . May it please your Lordship , my Lord President , This is now the third time , that by the great grace and favour of this high Court the prisoner hath been brought to the Bar before any issue joyned in the cause . My Lord , I did at the first Court exhibite a Charge against him , containing the highest Treason this ever was wrought upon the Theatre of England : That a King of England , trusted to keep the Law , That had taken an Oath so to do , That had Tribute paid him for that end , should be guilty of a wicked design , subvert and destroy our Laws , and introduce an Arbitrary , and Tyrannical Government , in the defence of the Parliament and their Authority , set up his Standard for War against his Parliament and People ; and I did humbly pray , in the behalf of the People of England , that he might speedily be required to make an Answer to the Charge . But , my Lord , instead of making any answer , he did then dispute the Authority of this High Court ; Your Lordship was pleased to give him a further day to consider and to put in his Answer , which day being yesterday , I did humbly move , that he might be required to give a direct and positive Answer , either by denying , or confession of it ; but ( my Lord ) he was then pleased for to demur to the Jurisdiction of the Court , which the Court did then over-rule , and command him to give a direct and positive Answer . My Lord , Besides this great delay of Justice ; I shall now humbly move your Lordship for speedy Judgment against him . My Lord , I might press your Lordship upon the whole , That according to the known Rules of the Law of the Land , That if a Prisoner shall stand as contumacious in contempt , and shall not put in an issuable Plea ; guilty or not guilty of the Charge given against him , whereby he may come to a fair Tryal ; That as by an implicite Confession , it may be taken pro confesso , as it hath been done to those ▪ who have deserved more favor then the Prisoner at the Bar has done ▪ But besides , my Lord , I shall humbly press your Lordship upon the whole Fact ; The House of Commons , the supream Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kingdom , they have Declared , That it is notorious , That the matter of the Charge is true , as it is in truth ( my Lord ) as clear as chrystal , and as the Sun that shines at noon day , which if your Lordship and the Court be not satisfied in it have notwithstanding , on the People of Englands behalf , several witnesses to produce : And therefore I do humbly pray , and yet I must confess it is not so much I as the innocent blood that hath been shed ▪ the Cry whereof is very great for Justice and Judgment ; and therefore I do humbly pray , That speedy JUDGMENT be pronounced against the Prisoner at the Bar. Lord President . Sir , You have heard what is moved by the Councel on the behalf of the Kingdom against you . Sir , you may well remember , and if you do not , the Court cannot forget what delatory dealings the Court hath found at your hands , you were pleased to propound some Questions , you have had your Resolution upon them . You were told over and over again , That the Court did affirm their own Jurisdiction , That it was not for you , nor any other man , to dispute the Jurisdiction of the Supream and highest Authority of England , from which there is no Appeal , and touching which there must be no dispute ; yet you did persist in such carriage , as you gave no manner of obedience , nor did you acknowledge any Authority in them , nor the high Court , that constituted this Court of Justice Sir , I must let you know from the Court , That they are very sensible of these delays of yours , and that they : ought not , being thus Authorized by the supream Court of England , to be thus trifled withal , and that they might in Justice , if they pleased , and according to the Rules of Justice , take advantage of these delays , and proceed to pronounce judgment against you ; yet nevertheless they are pleased to give direction , and on their behalfs I do require you , That you make a positive Answer unto this Charge that is against you Sir , in plain terms , for Justice knows no respect of persons ; you are to give your positive and finall Answer in plain English , whether you be guilty or not guilty of these Treasons laid to your Charge . The KING after a little pause , said , When I was here yesterday , I did desire to speak for the Liberties of the People of England ; I was interrupted : I desire to know yet whether I may speak freely or not . Lord President . Sir , You have had the Resolution of the Court upon the like Question the last day , and you were told , That having such a Charge of so high a Nature against you , and your Work was , that you ought to acknowledge the JURISDICTION of the COURT , and to Answer to your CHARGE . Sir , if you Answer to your Charge , which the Court gives you leave now to do , though they might have taken the advantage of your contempt , yet if you be able to Answer to your Charge , when you have once Answered , you shall be heard at large , make the best Defence you can . But Sir , I must let you know from the Court , as their commands , that you are not to be permitted to issue out into any other discourses , till such time as you have given a positive Answer concerning the Matter that is CHARG'D upon you . The King. For the Charge , I value it not a Rush , it is the Liberty of the People of England that I stand for ; for me to acknowledge a new Court that I never heard of before , I that am your King , that should be an example to all the people of England for to uphold Justice , to maintain the old Laws ; indeed I do not know how to do it ; you spoke very well the first day that I came here , ( on Saturday ) of the Obligations that I had laid upon me by God , to the maintenance of the Liberties of my People : The same Obligation you spake of , I do acknowledge to God that I owe to him , and to my People , to defend as much as in me lies , the ancient Laws of the Kingdom , therefore untill that I may know that this is not against the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , by your favour I can put in no particular * Charge : If you will give me time , I will shew you my reasons why I cannot do it , and this — Here being interrupted , he said , By your favour , you ought not to interrupt me ; how I came here I know not , there 's no Law for it to make your King your Prisoner : I was in a Treaty upon the publique Faith of the Kingdom , that was the known — two Houses of Parliament that was the Representative of the Kingdom , and when that I had almost made an end of the Treaty ▪ then I was hurried away and brought hither , and therefore — Here the Lord President said ; Sir , you must know the pleasure of the Court. The King. By your favour Sir : Lord President . Nay Sir , by your favour , you may not be permitted to fall into those discourses ; you appear as a Delinquent , you have not acknowledged the authority of the Court , the Court craves it not of you , but once more they command you to give your positive Answer — Clark. Do your Duty . The King. Duty Sir ! The Clark reads . CHARLES STVART , KING of England , You are accused in the behalf of the Commons of England of divers high crimes and Treasons , which Charge hath been read unto You ; the Court now requires you to give Your positive and final Answer by way of confession , or denial of the Charge . The King. Sir , I say again to you , so that I might give satisfaction to the People of England of the clearness of my proceeding , not by way of Answer , not in this way , but to satisfie them that I have done nothing against that Trust that hath been committed to me , I would do it ; but to acknowledge a new Court against their Priviledges , to alter the fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , Sir you must excuse me . Lord President . Sir , this is the the third time that you have publiquely disown'd this Court , and put an affront upon it ; how far you have preserv'd Priviledges of the People , your actions have spoke it ; but truly Sir , mens intentions ought to be known by their actions , you have written your meaning in bloudy Characters throughout the whole Kingdom ; but Sir you understand the pleasure of the Court , — Clerk Record the default , — and Gentlemen , you that took charge of the Prisoner , take him back again . The King. I will only say this one word more to you , if it were only my own particular , I would not say any more , nor interrupt you . Lord President . Sir , you have heard the pleasure of the Court , and you are ( notwithstanding you will not understand it ) to find that you are before a COURT of JUSTICE . Then the King went forth with his Guard , and Proclamation was made , That all persons which had then appear'd , and had further to do at the Court might depart into the Painted-Chamber , to which place the Court did forthwith adjourn , and intended to meet in Westminster Hall by ten of the clock the next morning . Cryer . God bless the Kingdom of England . Wednesday January 4. 1648. THis day it was expected the High Court of Justice would have met in Westminster Hall about ten of the clock , but at the time appointed one of the Ushers by direction of the Court ( then sitting in the Painted Chamber ) gave notice to the people there assembled , That in regard the Court was then upon the examination of Witnesses in relation to present affairs , in the Painted-Chamber , they could not sit there , but all persons appointed to be there , were to appear upon further Summons . The Proceedings of the High Court of Justice sitting in Westminster Hall , on Saturday the 27. of January , 1648. O Yes made . Silence commanded . The Court called . Serjeant Bradshaw , Lord President ( in a Scarlet robe ) with sixty eight other Members of the Court. As the King comes in , a cry made in the Hall for Execution , Iustice , Execution . King. I shall desire a word to be heard a little , and I hope I shall give no occasion of interruption . Lord President . You may answer in your time , hear the Court first . King. If it please you Sir , I desire to be heard , and I shall not give any occasion of interruption , and it is only in a word , a sudden Judgment . — Lord President . Sir you shall be heard in due time , but you are to hear the Court first . King. Sir , I desire it will be in order to what I believe the Court will say ; and therefore Sir , an hasty Judgment is not so soon recall'd . Lord President . Sir , You shall be heard before the Judgment be given , and in the mean time you may forbear . King. Well Sir , shall I be heard before the Judgment be given ? Lord President . Gentlemen , it is well known to all , or most of you here present , That the Prisoner at the Bar hath been severall times convented and brought before the Court to make Answer to a Charge of Treason , and other high crimes exhibited against him in the name of the People of * England , to which Charge being required to Answer , he hath been so far from obeying the commands of the Court by submitting to their Justice , as he began to take upon him to offer reasoning and debate unto the Authority of the Court , and of the highest Court that constituted them to Try and judge him ; but being over-ruled in that , and required to make his Answer , he was still pleased to continue contumacious , and to refuse to submit or Answer : Hereupon the Court ▪ that they may not be wanting to themselves , to the trust reposed in them , nor that any mans wilfulness prevent Justice , they have thought fit to take the matter into their consideration ; They have considered of the contumacy , and of that confession , which in Law doth arise upon that contumacy ; They have likewise considered of the notoriety of the Fact charg'd upon this Prisoner , and upon the whole matter they are resolved , and have agreed upon a Sentence to be now pronounced against this Prisoner : but in respect he doth desire to be heard , before the Sentence be read , and pronounc'd , the Court hath resolved that they will hear him ; yet Sir , thus much I must tell you before-hand , which you have been minded of at other Courts , That if that you have to say be to offer any debate concerning Jurisdiction , you are not to be heard in it , you have offered it formerly , and you have indeed struck at the root , that is the power and Supreme Authority of the Commons of England , which this Court will not admit a debate of , and which indeed is an irrational thing in them to do , being a Court that acts upon Authority derived from them , that they should presume to judge upon their Superior , from whom there 's no Appeal . But Sir , if you have any thing to say in defence of your self concerning the matter charged , the Court hath given me in command to let you know they will hear you . The King. Since that I see that you will ●ot hear any thing of debate concerning that which I confess I thought most material for the peace of the Kingdom , and for the Liberty of the Subject , I shall wave it , I shall speak nothing to it , but only I must tell you , That this many a day all things have been taken away from me , but that that I call more dearer to me then my life , which is , My Conscience and my Honor ; and if I had respect to my Life more then the Peace of the Kingdom , the Liberty of the Subject , certainly I should have made a particular defence for my self , for by that at leastwise I might have delayed an ugly Sentence , which I believe will pass upon me ; Therefore certainly Sir , as a man that hath some understanding , some knowledge of the world , if that my true zeal to my Country had not over-born the care that I have of my own preservation , I should have gone another way to work then that I have done ; Now Sir I conceive , That an hasty Sentence once past may sooner be repented then recalled , and truly , the self-same desire that I have for the Peace of the Kingdom , and the Liberty of the Subject , more then my own particular , does make me now at last desire , That having something for to say that concerns both , I desire before Sentence be given , that I may be heard in the Painted-Chamber before the Lords and Commons , this delay cannot be prejudicial to you whatsoever I say , if that I say no reason , those that hear me must be Judges , I cannot be Judge of that that I have , if it be reason , and really for the welfare of the Kingdom , and the Liberty of the Subject , I am sure on 't very well t is worth the hearing ; Therefore I do conjure you , as you love that that you pretend , I hope it 's real , the Liberty of the Subject , the Peace of the Kingdom , that you will grant me the hearing before any Sentence be past , I only desire this , that you will take this into your consideration , it may be you have not heard of it before hand , if you will I 'le retire , and you may think of it , but if I cannot get this Liberty , I do here protest that so fair shews of Liberty and Peace are pure shews , and not otherwise , then that you will not hear your KING . Lord President . Sir , you have now spoken . King. Yes Sir. Lord President . And this that you have said is a further declining of the Iurisdiction of this Court , which was the thing wherein you were limited before King. Pray excuse me Sir , for my interruption , because you mistake me , It is not a declining of it , you do judge me before you hear me speak , I say it will not , I do not decline it , though I cannot acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court ; Yet Sir , in this give me leave to say ▪ I would do it , though I did not acknowledge it in this , I do protest it is not the declining of it , since I say , if that I do say any thing but that that is for the Peace of the Kingdom , and the Liberty of the Subject , then the shame is mine . Now I desire , that you will take this into your consideration , if you will I 'le withdraw . Lord President . Sir , This is not altogether new that you have moved unto us , not altogether new to us , though the first time in Person you have offered it to the Court ▪ Sir , you say you do not Decline the Jurisdiction of the Court. King. Not in this that I have said . Lord President . I understand you well Sir , but nevertheless that which you have offered , seems to be contrary to that saying of yours ; for the Court are ready to give a Sentence : it is not as you say , That they will not hear your King , for they have been ready to hear you ; they have patiently wa●ted your pleasure for three Courts together , to hear what you would say to the Peoples Charge against you , to which you have not vouchsafed to give any Answer at all ; Sir , This tends to a further delay : Truly Sir , such delaies as these neither may the Kingdom , nor Justice well bear ; You have had three several daies to have offered in this kind what you would have pleased ; This Court is founded upon that Authority of the Commons of England , in whom rests the Supreme Jurisdiction ; That which you now tender is to have another Jurisdiction , and a Co-ordinate Jurisdiction , I know very well you express your self . Sir , That notwithstanding that you would offer to the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber , yet nevertheless you would proceed on here , I did hear you say so ; but Sir , That you would offer there , what ever it is , it must needs be in delay of the Justice here , so as if this Court be resolved , and prepared for the Sentence , this that you offer they are not bound in Justice to grant ; but Sir , according to that you seem to desire , and because you shall know the further pleasure of the Court upon that which you have moved , the Court will withdraw for a time . King. Shall I withdraw ? Lord President . Sir , Yow shall know the pleasure of the Court presently , the Court withdraws for half an hour into the Court of Wards Sergeant at Arms , the Court gives command that the Prisoner be withdrawn , and they give order for his return again . The Court withdraws for half an hour and returns . Lord President . Sergeant at Arms , send for your prisoner . Sir , you were pleased to make a motion here to the Court to offer a desire of yours touching the propounding of somewhat to the Lords in the Painted Chamber for the Peace of the Kingdom ; Sir , you did in effect receive an Answer before the Court adjourned ; Truly Sir , their withdrawing and adjournment was pro forma tantum , for it did not seem to them that there was any difficulty in the thing ; they have considered of what you have moved , and have considered of their own Authority , which is founded , as hath been often said , upon the Supream Authority of the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament . The Court acts accordingly to their Commission ▪ Sir , the return I have to you from the Court , is this ; That they have been too much delayed by you already , and this that you now offer hath occasioned some little further delay , and they are JUDGES appointed by the highest JUDGES , and Judges are no more to delay then they are to deny Justice , they are good words in the old Charter of England , Nulli negabimus , nulli vendemus , nulli deferremus Justitiam : There must be no delay , but the truth is Sir , and so every man here observes it , That you have much delayed them in your contempt and default , for which they might long since have proceeded to judgment against you , and notwithstanding what you have offered , they are resolved to proceed to punishment , and to Judgment , and that is their unanimous resolution . King. Sir , I know it is in vain for me to dispute , I am no Sceptick for to deny the Power that you have , I know that you have Power enough ; Sir , I confess , I think it would have been for the Kingdoms Peace , if you would have taken the pains for to have shewn the Lawfulness of your Power , for this delay that I have desired , I confess it is a delay , but it is a delay very important for the Peace of the Kingdom , for it is not my Person that I look on alone , it is the Kingdoms well-fare , and the Kingdoms Peace , it is an old Sentence , That we should think on long before we have resolved of great matters suddenly ; Therefore Sir , I do say again , That I do put at your doors all the inconveniency of an hasty Sentence , I confess , I have been here now I think this week , this day eight days was the day I came here first , but a little delay of a day or two further may give Peace , whereas an hasty Judgement may bring on that trouble and perpetual inconveniency to the Kingdom , That the child that is unborn may repent it ; and therefore again , out of the Duty I ow to God , and to my Country , I do desire that I may be heard by the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber , or any other Chamber that you will appoint me . Lord Pres . Sir , you have bin already answer'd to what you even now moved , being the same you moved before , since the Resolution and the Judgement of the Court in it , and the Court now requires to know whether you have any more to say for your self , then you have said , before they proceed to Sentence . King. I say this Sir , That if you will hear me , if you will give me but this delay , I doubt not but I shall give some satisfaction to you all here , and to my People after that , and therefore I do require you , as you will answer it at the dreadfull day of Judgment , that you will consider it once again . Lord President . Sir , I have received direction from the Court. King. Well Sir. Lord President . If this must be re-enforc'd , or any thing of this nature , your answer must be the same , and they will proceed to Sentence if you have nothing more to say . King. Sir , I have nothing more to say , but I shall desire that this may be entered what I have said . Lord President . The Court then , Sir , hath something else to say unto you , which although I know it will be very unacceptable , yet notwithstanding they are willing , and are resolv'd to discharge their Duty , Sir , you spake very well of a precious thing that you call Peace , and it had been much to be wished that God had put it into your heart , that you had as effectually and really endeavoured and studied the Peace of the Kingdom , as now in words you seem to pretend ; but as you were told the other day , Actions must expound Intentions , yet Actions have been clean contrary ; and truly Sir , it doth appear plainly enough to them , That you have gone upon very erronious principles , the Kingdom hath felt it to their smart , and it will be no ease to you to think of it , for Sir , you have held your self , and let fall such Language , as if you had been no ways Subject to the Law , or that the Law had not been your Superiour . Sir , The Court is very well sensible of it , and I hope so are all the understanding People of England , That the Law is your Superiour , That you ought to have ruled according to the Law , you ought to have done so : Sir , I know very well your pretence hath been that you have done so , but Sir , the difference hath been who shall be the Expositors of this Law , Sir , whether you and your Party out of Courts of Justice shall take upon them to expound Law , or the Courts of Justice , who are the Expounders ; nay , the Soveraign and the High Court of Justice , the PARLIAMENT of England , that are not only the highest Expounders , but the sole makers of the Law. Sir , for you to set your self with your single judgment , and those that adhere unto you , to set your self against the highest Court of Justice , that is not Law. Sir , as the Law is your Superior , so truly Sir , there is something that is Superior to the Law , and that is indeed the Parent or Author of the Law , and that is the People of England , For Sir , as they are those that at the first ▪ ( as other Countries have done ) did choose to themselves this Form of Gouernment , even for Justice sake , that Justice might be administred , that Peace might be preserved ; so Sir , they gave Laws to their Governors , according to which they should Govern ; and if those Laws should have proved inconvenient , or prejudiciall to the Publique , they had a power in them , and reserved to themselves to alter as they shall see cause . Sir , it is very true , what some of your side have said , Rex non habet parem in Regno ; This Court will say the same , while KING , That you have not your Peer in some sense , for you are major singulis , but they will aver again , that you are minor universis ; and the same Author tels you , that in exhibitione Juris , there you have no power , but in _____ quasi minimus . This we know to be Law , Rex habet superiorem , Deum & Legem , etiam & curiam , and so says the same Author ; and truly , Sir , he makes bold to go a little further , Debent ei ponere frenum , they ought to bridle him ; and Sir , we know very well the stories of old , Those Wars that were called the Barons Wars , when the Nobility of the Land did stand out for the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and would not suffer the Kings that did invade to play the Tyrants free● , but called them to account for it , we know that truth , That they did Frenum ponere , But Sir , if they do forbear to do their Duty now , and are not so mindfull of their own Honor and the Kingdoms good , as the Barons of England of old were , certainly the Commons of England will not be unmindfull of what is for their preservation , and for their safety , Justitiae fruendi causâ Reges constituti sunt . This we learn , the end of having Kings , or any other Governors , it 's for the enjoying of Justice , that 's the end . Now Sir , if so be the King will go contrary to that End , or any other Governor will go contrary to the end of his Government ; Sir , he must understand that he is but an Officer in trust , and he ought to discharge that Trust , and they are to take order for the animadversion ▪ and punishment of such an offending Governor . This is not Law of yesterday Sir , ( since the time of the division betwixt you and your People , ) but it is Law of old ; And we know very well the Authors and the Authorities that do tell us what the Law was in that point upon the Election of Kings , upon the Oath that they took unto their People ; and if they did not observe it , there were those things called Parliaments ; The Parliaments were they that were to adjudge ( the very words of the Author ) the plaints and wrongs done of the King and the Queen , or their Children , such wrongs especially when the People could have no where else any remedy . Sir , that hath been the People of Englands case , they could not have their remedy elsewhere but in Parliament . Sir , Parliaments were ordained for that purpose to redress the grievances of the People , that was their main end ; and truly Sir , if so be that the Kings of England had been rightly mindfull of themselves , they were never more in Majesty and State then in the Parliament : but how forgetful some have been , Stories have told us ; We have a miserable , a lamentable , a sad experience of it . Sir by the old Laws of England , I speak these things the rather to you , because you were pleased to let fall the other day , you thought you had as much knowledg in the Law , as most Gentlemen in England , it is very well Sir. And truly Sir , it is very fit for the Gentlemen of England to understand that Law under which they must live , and by which they must be governed . And then Sir , the Scripture says , They that know their Masters will and do it not , what follows ? The Law is your Master , the Acts of Parliament . The Parliaments were to be kept anciently we find in our old Author twice in the year , That the subject upon any occasion might have a ready remedy and redress for his Grievance . Afterwards by several Acts of Parliament in the days of your Predecessor Edward the third , they must have been once a year . Sir what the intermission of PARLIAMENTS hath been in your time it is very well known , and the sad Consequences of it , and what in the interim instead of these PARLIAMENTS , hath been by you by an high and Arbitrary hand introduced upon the People , that likewise hath been too well known and felt . But when God by his Providence had so far brought it about , that you could no longer decline the calling of a Parliament , Sir , yet it will appear what your ends were against the Ancient and your Native Kingdom of SCOTLAND : The Parliament of England not serving your ends against them , you were pleased to dissolve it . Another great necessity occasioned the calling of this Parliament , and what your Designs and Plots and endeavours all along have been for the crushing and confounding of this Parliament , hath been very notorious to the whole Kingdom ; And truly Sir , in that you did strike at all ; That had been a sure way to have brought about that that this Charge laies upon you , Your Intention to Subvert the FVNDAMENTAL LAWES of the Land. For the great Bulwark of the Liberties of the People , is the PARLIAMENT of England ▪ and to Subvert and Root up that , which your aim hath been to do , certainly at one blow you had confounded the liberties and the property of England . Truly Sir , it makes me call to minde , I cannot forbear to express it , for Sir , we must deal plainly with you , according to the merits of your cause , so is our Commission , it makes me call to mind ( these proceedings of yours ) That we read of a great Roman Emperor , by the way let us call him a great Roman Tyrant , Caligula , That wisht that the People of Rome had had but one neck , that at one blow he might cut it off : and your proceedings hath been somewhat like to this ; for the body of the People of England hath been ( and where else ) represented but in the Parliament , and could you have but confounded that , you had at one blow cut off the neck of England : But God hath reserved better things for us , and hath pleased for to Confound your designs , and to break your Forces , and to bring your Person into Custody that you might be responsible to Justice . Sir , we know very well , That it is a question on your side very much prest , by what President we shall proceed ? Truly Sir , for Presidents , I shall not upon these occasions institute any long discourse , but it is no new thing to cite Presidents almost of all Nations , where the People ( when power hath been in their hands ) have been made bold to call their Kings to account , and where the change of Governement hath been upon occasion of the Tyranny and Mis-Government of those that have been placed over them ; I will not spend time to mention France , or Spain , or the Empire , or other Countries , volumes may be written of it ; But truly Sir , that of the Kingdom of Aragon , I shall think some of us have thought upon it , when they have the Justice of Aragon , that is a man tanquam in medio positus , betwixt the King of Spain , and the people of the Country , that if wrong be done by the King he that is the King of Aragon , the Justice hath power to reform the wrong , and he is acknowledged to be the Kings Superiour , and is the grand preserver of their priviledges , and hath prosecuted Kings upon their miscarriages . Sir ; What the Tribunes of Rome were heretofore , and what the Ephori were to the Lacedemonian State we know , that is the Parliament of England to the English State ; and though Rome seemed to lose it's Liberty when once the Emperors were ; yet you shall find some famous Acts of Justice even done by the Senate of Rome , that great Tyrant of his time Nero , condemned and judged by the Senate . But truly Sir , to you I should not mention these Forreign examples and stories . If you look but over Tweed , we find enough in your native Kingdom of Scotland , If we look to your first King Fergusius that your stories make mention of , he was an elective King , he dyed , and left two Sons both in their minority , the Kingdom made choyce of their Unkle his Brother to govern in the minority ; afterwards the elder brother giving small hopes to the people that he would rule or govern well , seeking to supplant that good Unkle of his that governed then justly , they set the elder aside , and took to the younger . Sir , if I should come to what your stories make mention of ▪ you know very well you are the 109. King of Scotland , for to mention so many Kings as that Kingdom , according to their power and priviledg , have made bold to deal withal , some to banish , and some to imprison , and some to put to death , it would be too long ; and as one of your own Authors says , it would be too long to recite the manifold examples that your own stories make mention of ; Reges ( say they ) we do create , we created Kings at first ; Leges , &c. We imposed Laws upon them ; and as they are chosen by the suffrages of the people at the first , so , upon just occasion , by the same suffrages they may be taken down again : and we will be bold to say , that no Kingdom hath yeelded more plentiful experience then that your Native Kingdom of Scotland , hath done concerning the deposition and the punishment of their offending and transgressing Kings , &c. It is not far to go for an example neer you , our Grandmother set aside , and your Father ●n Infant crowned ; and the State did it here ●n England , here hath not been a want of ●ome examples , they have made bold ( the Par●iament , and the People of England ) to call ●heir Kings to account , there are frequent ●xamples of it in the Saxons time , the time before the Conquest ; since the Conquest here want not some presidents neither , King Edward the second , King Richard the second , were dealt with so by the Parliament , as they were deposed and deprived ; and truly Sir , who ever shall look into their stories , they ●hall not finde the Articles that are charged upon them to come neer to that height and capitalness of Crimes that are layd to your charge , nothing neer . Sir , You were pleased to say the other day wherein they discent , and I did not contradict it , but take altogether , Sir , if you were as the Charge speaks , and no o●herwise admitted King of ENGLAND , but for that you were pleased then to alledg , now that almost for a thousand years these things have been , stories will tell you , if you go no higher then the time of the Conquest , if you do come down since the Conquest , you are the Twenty fourth King from William called the Conqueror , you shall find one half of them to come meerly from the State , and not meerly upon the point of Discent ; it were easie to be instanced to you , the time must not be lost that way . And truly Sir , what a grave and learned Judge in his time and well known to you , and is since printed for posterity , That although there was such a thing as a discent many times , yet the Kings of Enland ever held the greatest assurance of their Titles when it was declared by Parliament : And Sir , your Oath , the manner of your Coronation doth shew plainly , That the Kings of England , although it 's true by the Law the next Person in bloud is designed ; yet if there were just cause to refuse him , the people of England might do it . For there is a Contract , and Bargain made between the King and his People , and your Oath is taken , and certainly Sir , the Bond is reciprocal , for as you are the liege Lord , so they liege subjects , and we know very well that hath been so much spoken of , Ligantia est duplex , This we know now , the one tye , the one Bond , is the bond of perfection that is due from the Soveraign , the other is the Bond of Subjection that is due from the Subject , Sir if this Bond be once broken , farewell Soveraignty , Subjectio trahit , &c. These things may not be denyed Sir , I speak it the rather , and I pray God it may work upon your heart , that you may be sensible of your miscarriages . For whether you have been as by your Office you ought to be , a Protector of England , or the destroyer of England , let all England judge , or all the world that hath look'd upon it . Sir , though you have it by Inheritance in the way that is spoken of , yet it must not be denyed that your Office was an Office of Trust , and indeed , an Office of the highest Trust lodged in any single person ; For as you were the grand Administrator of Justice , and others were as your Deligates to see it done throughout your Realms , If your great Office were to do Justice and preserve your People from wrong , and instead of doing that you will be the great wrong doer your self ; If instead of being a Conservator of the Peace , you will be the Grand disturbe of the Peace , surely this is contrary to your Office , contrary to your Trust . Now Sir , if it be an Office of Inheritance , as you speak of your Title by Discent , let all men know that great Offices are Seizable and Forfeitable , as if you had it but for a year and for your Life ; Therefore Sir , it will concern you to take into your serious consideration your great miscarriages in this kind . Truly Sir , I shall not particularize the many miscarriages of your Reign whatsoever , they are famously known ; it had been happy for the Kingdom , and happy for you too , if it had not been so much known , and so much felt , as the story of your miscarriages must needs be , and hath been already . Sir , That that we are now upon by the command of the highest Court hath been and is to try and judg you for these great offences of yours . Sir , the Charge hath called you Tyrant , a Traytor , a Murtherer , and a publique Enemy to the Commonwealth of England . Sir , It had been well , if that any of all these terms might rightly and justly have been spared , if any one of them at all . King. Ha ? Lord Pres . Truly Sir , We have been told , Rex est dum bene regit , Tyrannus qui populum opp●●vit , and if so be that be the definition of a Tyrant , then see how you come short of it in your actions , whether the highest Tyrant by that way of Arbitrary Government , and that you have sought for to introduce , and that you have sought to put , you were putting upon the people , whether that was not as high an act of Tyranny as any of your predecessors were guilty of , nay , many degrees beyond it . Sir , the term Traytor cannot be spared , we shall easily agree it must denote and suppose a breach of Trust , and it must suppose it to be done by a Superior , and therefore Sir , as the People of England might have incurred that respecting you , if they had been truly guilty of it , as to the definition of Law , so on the other side , when you did break your Trust to the Kingdom , you did break your Trust to your Superior : For the Kingdom is that for which you were trusted . And therefore Sir , for this breach of Trust when you are called to account , you are called to account by your Superiors ▪ Minimus ad majorem in judicium vo●it . And Sir , the People of England cannot be so far wanting to themselves , which God having dealt so miraculously and gloriously for , they having power in their hands , and their great Enemy , they must proceed to do Justice to themselves , and to you ▪ For , Sir , the Court could heartily desire , That you would lay your hand upon your heart and consider what you have done amiss , That you would endeavor to make your Peace with God. Truly Sir , These are your high Crimes , Tyranny and Treason . There is a third thing too if those had not been , and that is Murther , which is layd to your charge . All the bloody Murthers that have been committed since this time that the division was betwixt you and your People must be layd to your charge , that have been acted or committed in these late Wars . Sir , it is an heinous and crying sin ; and truly Sir , if any man will ask us what punishment is due to a Murtherer , Let Gods Law , let mans Law speak . Sir , I will presume that you are so well read in Scripture as to know what God himself hath said concerning the shedding of mans blood ; Gen. 9. Numb . 35. will tell you what the punishment is , and which this Court in behalf of the Kingdom are sensible of , of that innocent blood that has been shed , wherby indeed the Land stands stil defiled with that blood , & as the text hath it , It can no way be cleansed but with the shedding of the blood of him that shed this blood . Sir , we know no Dispensation from this blood in that Commandment , Thou shalt do no Murther ; we do not know but that it extends to Kings , as well as to the meanest Peasants , the meanest of the People , the Command is universal ▪ Sir , Gods Law forbids it , Mans Law forbids , nor do we know that there is any manner of exception , not even in mans Laws , for the punishment of Murther in you . 'T is true , That in the case of Kings , every private hand was not to put forth it self to this work for their Reformation and punishment . But Sir , the People represented having power in their hands , had there been but one wilful act of Murther by you committed , had power to have convented you , and to have punished you for it . But then Sir , the weight that lies upon you in all those respects that have been spoken , by reason of your Tyranny , Treason , breach of Trust , and the Murthers that have been committed , surely Sir , it must drive you into a sad consideration concerning your eternal condition : as I said at first , I know it cannot be pleasing to you to hear any such things as these are mentioned unto you from this Court , for so we do call our selves , and justifie our selves to be a Court , and a High Court of Justice , authorized by the highest and solemnest Court of the Kingdom , as we have often said ; and although you do yet endeavor what you may to dis-court us , yet we do take knowledg of our selves to be such a Court as can administer Justice to you , and we are bound Sir , in duty to do it . Sir , all I shall say before the reading of your Sentence , it is but this ; The Court does heartily desire , that you will seriously think of those evils that you stand guilty of Sir , you said well to us the other day , you wisht us to have God before our eyes , Truly Sir , I hope all of us have so , that God that we know is a King of Kings , and Lord of Lords , that God with whom there is no respect of persons , that God that is the avenger of innocent blood , we have that God before us , that God that does bestow a curse upon them that with-hold their hands from sheding of blood , which is in the case of guilty Malefactors , and that do deserve death ; That God we have before our eyes , and were it not that the conscience of our duty hath called us unto this place , and this imployment , Sir , you should have had no appearance of a Court here : but Sir , we must prefer the discharge of our duty unto God , and unto the Kingdom , before any other respect whatsoever : and although at this time many of us , if not all of us , are severely threatened by some of your party what they intend to do , Sir , we do here declare , That we shall not decline or forbear the doing of our duty in the administration of Justice even to you , according to the merit of your offence , although God should permit those men to effect all that bloody design in hand against us . Sir , we will say , and we will declare it , as those Children in the fiery furnace , that would not worship the golden Image that Nebuchadnezzar had set up ▪ That their God was able to deliver them from that danger that they were neer unto ; but yet if he would not do it , yet , notwithstanding that , they would not fall down and worship the Image : we shall thus apply it , That though we should not be delivered from those bloody hands and hearts that conspire the overthrow of the Kingdom in general , of us in particular , for acting in this great work of Justice , though we should perish in the work , yet by Gods grace , and by Gods strength , we will go on with it : And this is all our Resolutions . Sir , I say for your self , we do heartily wish , and desire , that God would be pleased to give you a sense of your sins , that you would see wherein you have done amiss , that you may cry unto him , that God would deliver you from blood-guiltiness . A good King was once guilty of that particular thing , and was clear otherwise , saving in the matter of Vriah . Truly Sir , the story tels us , that he was a repentant King , and it signifies enough that he had dyed for it , but that God was pleased to accept of him , & to give him his pardon , thou shalt not die , but the child shal die , thou hast given cause to the enemies of God to blaspheme . King. I would desire onely one word before you give sentence , and that is , That you would hear me concerning those great imputations that you have layd to my charge . Lord Presid . Sir , You must give me now leave to go on , for I am not far from your Sentence , and your time is now past . King. But I shall desire you will hear me a few words to you , for truly what ever Sentence you will put upon me , in respect of those heavy imputations that I see by your speech you have put upon me , Sir , It is very true that — Lord Pres . Sir , I must put you in minde . Truly Sir I would not willingly , at this time especially , interrupt you in any thing you have to say that is proper for us to admit of , but Sir , you have not owned us as a Court , and you look upon us as a sort of people met together , and we know what language we receive from your party . King. I know nothing of that . Lord Pres . You dis-avow us as a Court , and therefore for you to address your self to us , not to acknowledg us as a Court to judg of what you say , it is not to be permitted ; and the truth is , all along from the first time , you were pleased to dis-avow and dis-own us , the Court needed not to have heard you one word ; For unless they be acknowledged a Court , and engaged , it is not proper for you to speak : Sir , we have given you too much liberty already , and admitted of too much delay , and we may not admit of any farther ; were it proper for us to do , we should hear you freely , and we should not have declined to have heard you at large , what you could have said or proved on your behalf , whether for totally excusing , or for in part excusing those great and hainous charges that in whole or in part are layd upon you . But Sir , I shall trouble you no longer , your sins are of so large a dimension , that if you do but seriously think of them , they will drive you to a sad consideration of it , and they may improve in you a sad and serious repentance . And that the Court doth heartily wish that you may be so penitent for what you have done amiss , that God may have mercy at least-wise upon your better part . Truly Sir , for the other , it is our parts and duties to do that that the Law prescribes , we are not here Jus dare , but Jus dicere ; we cannot be unmindful of what the Scripture tells us , For to acquit the guilty is of equal abomination as to condemn the innocent , we may not acquit the guilty ; what sentence the Law affirms to a Traytor , Tyrant , a Murtherer , and a publike Enemy to the Country , that sentence you are now to hear read unto you , and that is the sentence of the Court. The Lord President commands the sentence to be read . Make an O yes , and command silence while the sentence is read . O yes made . Silence commanded . The Clerk read the sentence , which was drawn up in parchment . Where as the Commons of England in Parliament had appointed them an High Court of Justice for the trying of Charls Stuart King of England , before whom he had been three times convented , and at the first time a Charge of High Treason , and other Crimes and Misdemeanors , was read in the behalf of the Kingdom of England , &c. Here the Clerk read the Charge . Which Charge being read unto him as aforesaid , he the said Charls Stuart was required to give his Answer , but he refused so to do , and so exprest the several passages at his Tryal in refusing to answer . For all which Treasons and Crimes , this Court doth adjudg , That the said Charls Stuart , as a Tyrant , Traytor , Murtherer , and a publique Enemy , shall be put to Death , by the severing his Head from his Body . After the sentence read , the Lord President said ; This sentence now read and published , it is the act , sentence , judgment , and resolution of the whole Court. Here the Court stood up , as assenting to what the President said . King. Will you hear me a word Sir ? Lord Pres . Sir , you are not to be heard after the sentence . King. No Sir ? Lord Presid . No Sir , by your favor Sir. Guard , withdraw your Prisoner . King I may speak after the sentence — By your favor Sir , I may speak after the sentence ever . By your favor ( hold ) the sentence Sir — I say Sir I do — I am not suffered for to speak , expect what Justice other people will have . O Yes . All maner of persons that have any thing else to do , are to depart at this time , and to give their attendance in the painted Chamber , to which place this Court doth forthwith adjourn it self . Then the Court rose , and the King went with his Guard to Sir Robert Cottons , and from thence to Whitehall . King Charls HIS SPEECH Made upon the SCAFFOLD at Whitehall-Gate immediately before his Execution . Tuesday , January 30. ABout ten in the Morning the King was brought from St. James's , walking on foot through the Park , with a Regiment of Foot , part before and part behinde him , with Colours flying , Drums beating , his private guard of Partizans , with some of his Gentlemen before , and some behinde bare-headed , Dr Juxon next behinde him , and Colonel Thomlinson ( who had the charge of him ) talking with the King bare-headed from the Park , up the stairs into the Gallery , and so into the Cabinet-Chamber , where he used to lie , where he continued at his Devotion , refusing to dine ( having before taken the Sacrament ) onely about an hour before he came forth , he drank a glass of Claret wine , and eat a piece of bread about twelve at noon . From thence he was accompanyed by Dr. Juxon , Colonel Thomlinson , and other Officers , formerly appointed to attend him , and the private guard of Partizans , with Musketiers on each side , through the Banqueting-house adjoyning , to which the Scaffold was erected , between Whitehall-Gate , and the G 〈…〉 ding into the Gallery from S. James's : The ●caffold was hung round with black , and the floor covered with black , and the Ax and Block layd in the middle of the Scaffold . There were divers Companies of Foot , and Troops of Horse placed on the one side of the Scaffold towards Kings-street , and on the other side towards Charing-Cross , and the multitudes of people that came to be Spectators very great . The King being come upon the Scaffold , look'd very earnestly on the Block , and asked Col. Hacker if there were no higher : and then spake thus ( directing his Speech chiefly to Col. Thomlinson . ) King. I Shall be very little heard of any body here , I shall therefore speak a word unto you here : Indeed I could hold my peace very well , if I did not think that holding my peace would make some men think , that I did submit to the guilt , as well as to the punishment : but I think it is my duty to God first , and to my Country , for to clear my self both as an honest man , a good King , and a good Christian , I shall begin first with my Innocency , Introth I think it not very needful for me to insist long upon this , for all the world knows that I never did begin a War with the two 〈◊〉 of Parliament , and I call God to witness , to whom I must shortly make an account , That I never did intend for to incroach upon their Priviledges , they began upon me , it is the Militia they began upon , they confest that the Militia was mine , but they thought it fit for to have it from me : and to be short , if any body will look to the dates of Commissions , of their Commissions and mine , and likewise to the Declarations , will see clearly that they began these unhappy Troubles , not I : so that as the guilt of these enormous Crimes that are layd against me , I hope in God that God will clear me of it , I will not , I am in charity : God forbid that I should lay it upon the two Houses of Parliament , there is no necessity of either , I hope they are free of this guilt : for I do beleeve that ill Instruments between them and me , has been the chief cause of all this blood-shed : so that by way of speaking , as I finde my self clear of this , I hope ( and pray God ) that they may too : yet for all this , God forbid that I should be so ill a Christian , as not to say that Gods judgments are just upon me : Many times he does pay Justice by an unjust Sentence , that is ordinary : I will onely say this , That an unjust Sentence * that I suffered for to take effect , is punished now by an unjust Sentence upon me , that is , so far I have said , to shew you that I am an innocent man. Now for to shew you that I am a good Christian : I hope there is * a good man that will bear me witness , That I have forgiven all the world , and even those in particular that have been the chief causers of my death ; who they are , God knows , I do not desire to know , I pray God forgive them , But this is not all , my Charity must go farther , I wish that they may repent , for indeed they have committed a great sin in that particular : I pray God with St. Stephen , That this be not layd to their charge , nay , not onely so , but that they may take the right way to the Peace of the Kingdom , for my Charity commands me , not onely to forgive particular men , but my Charity commands me to endeavor to the last gasp the Peace of the Kingdom : So ( Sirs ) I do wish with all my Soul , and I do hope ( there is * some here will carry it further ) that they may endeavor the Peace of the KINGDOM . Now ( Sirs ) I must shew you both how you are out of the way , and will put you in 〈◊〉 way : First , you are out of the way , for certainly all the way you ever have had yet , as I could finde by any thing , is in the way of Conquest ; certainly this is an ill way , for Conquest ( Sir ) in my opinion is never just , except there be a good just Cause , either for matter of Wrong or just Title , and then if you go beyond it , the first quarrel that you have to it , that makes it unjust at the end that was just at first : But if it be onely matter of Conquest , then it is a great Robbery : as a Pirat said to Alexander , that He was the great Robber , he was but a petty Robber : and so , Sir , I do think the way that you are in , is much out of the way . Now Sir , for to put you in the way , beleeve it you will never do right , nor God will never prosper you , until you give God his due , the King his due ( that is , my Successors ) and the People their due : I am as much for them as any of you : You must give God his due , by regulating rightly his Church ( according to his Scripture ) which is now out of order : For to set you in a way particularly now I cannot , but only this , A National Synod freely called , freely debating among themselve , must settle this , when that every Opinion is freely and clearly heard . For the King , indeed I will not ( then turning to a Gentleman that touched the Ax , said , Hurt not the Ax , that may hurt me * . For the King ) the Laws of the Land will clearly instruct you for that , therefore because it concerns my own particular , I onely give you a touch of it . For the people : And truly I desire their Liberty and Freedom as much as any body whomsoever , but I must tell you , That their Liberty and their Freedom consists i●●ving of Government ; those Laws , by which their Life and their Goods may be most their own . It is not for having share in Government ( Sir ) that is nothing pertaining to them ; A Subject and a Soveraign are clean different things , and therefore until they do that , I mean , That you do put the People in that Liberty as I say , certainly they will never enjoy themselves . Sirs , It was for this that now I am come here : If I would have given way to an Arbitrary way , for to have all Laws changed according to the power of the Sword , I needed not to have come here , and therefore I tell you ( and I pray God it be not layd to your charge ) That I am the Martyr of the People . Introth Sirs , I shall not hold you much longer , for I will onely say this to you , That intruth I could have desired some little time longer , because that I would have put this that I have said in a little more order , and a little better digested then I have done , and therefore I hope you will excuse me . I have delivered my Conscience , I pray God that you do take those courses that are best for the good of the kingdom & your own salvations . Dr. Juxon . Will your Majesty ( though it may be very well known your Majesties affections to Religion , yet it may be expected that you should ) say somewhat for the Worlds satisfaction . King. I thank you very heartily ( my Lord for that I had almost forgotten it . Introth Sirs , My Conscience in Religion I think is very well known to all the world , and therefore I declare before you all , That I dye a Christian , according to the profession of the Church of England , as I found it left me by my Father , and this honest man * I think will witness it . Then turning to the Officers , said ; Sirs , excuse me for this same , I have a good cause , and I have a gracious God , I will say no more . Then turning to Colonel Hacker , he said ; Take care they do not put me to pain , and Sir this , and it please you ; But then a Gentleman coming neer the Ax , The King said , Take heed of the Ax , pray take heed of the Ax , Then the King speaking to the Executioner , said , I shall say but very short Prayers , and when I thrust out my hands — Then the King called to Doctor Juxon for his Night-cap , and having put it on , he said to the Executioner , Does my hair trouble you ? who desired him to put it al● under his Cap , which the King did accordingly by the help of the Executioner and the Bishop : Then the King turning to Doctor Juxon , said , I have a good Cause and a gracious God on my side . Doctor Juxon . There is but one Stage more . This Stage is turbulent and troublesom ; it is a short one : But you may consider , it will soon carry you a very great way : it will carry you from earth to heaven ; and there you shall find a great deal of cordial joy and comfort . King. I go from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown ; where no disturbance can be , no disturbance in the world . Doctor Juxon . You are exchanged from a Temporal to an Eternal Crown , a good exchange . The King then said to the Executioner , is my hair well ? Then the King took off His Cloak and his George , giving his George to Doctor Iuxon , saying , Remember * — Then the King put off his Dublet , and being in his Wastcoat , put his Cloak on again , then looking upon the Block , said to the Executioner , You must set it fast . Executioner . It is fast Sir. King. It might have been a little higher . Executioner . It can be no higher Sir. King. When I put out my hands this way , * then — After that having said two or three words ( as he stood ) to himself , with hands and Eyes lift up ; Immediately stooping down , laid his neck upon the Block : And then the Executioner again putting his hair under his Cap , the King said ( Thinking he had been going to strike ) stay for the sign . Executioner . Yes , I will , and it please your Majesty . And after a very little pawse , the King stretching forth his hands , The Executioner at one blow severed his head from his body . That when the Kings head was cut off , the Executioner held it up , and shewed it to the Spectators . And his Body was put in a Coffin covered with black Velvet for that purpose , and conveyed into his Lodgings there : And from thence it was carried to his house at S. Iames's , where his body was put in a Coffin of lead , laid there to be seen by the people ; and about a fortnight after it was carried to Windsor , accompanied with the Duke of Lenox , the Marquess of Hartford , and the Earl of Southampton , and Doctor Iuxon , late Bishop of London , and others , and Interred in the Cappel-Royal in the Valt with King Henry the eight , having only this Inscription upon his Coffin . Charls , King of England , &c. 1648. Sic transit Gloria Mundi . FINIS . THE SEVERAL SPEECHES OF Duke Hamilton , Earl of CAMBRIDG , HENRY Earl of HOLLAND , AND ARTHUR Lord CAPEL , UPON THE SCAFFOLD Immediately before their EXECUTION , on Friday March 9. 1649. Also the several Exhortations , and Conferences with them upon the SCAFFOLD , BY D. Sibbald , M. Bolton , & M. Hodges . London , Printed for Peter Cole , Francis Tyton , and John Playford . 1650. The several speeches of the Earl of Cambridg , the Earl of Holland , and the Lord Capel , upon the Scaffold , &c. UPon Friday the ninth of this instant , being the day appointed for the Execution of the Sentence of Death upon the Earl of Cambridg , the Earl of Holland , and the Lord Capel , about ten of the Clock that morning L. Col. Beecher came with his Order to the several Prisoners at S. Iames's requiring them to come away ; According to which Order they were carried in Sedans with a Guard , to Sir Thomas Cottons house at Westminster , where they continued about the space of two hours , passing away most of that time in Religious and seasonable Conferences with the Ministers there present with them . After which , being called away to the Scaffold , it was desired , that before they went , they might have the opportunity of commending their souls to God by Prayer , which being readily granted , and the room voyded , Mr. Bolton was desired by the Lord of Holland to take the pains with them , which was accordingly done with great appearance of solemn Affection among them . Prayer being concluded , and hearty thanks returned by them all to the Minister who performed , as also to the rest who were their assistants in this sad time of trouble ; the Earl of Cambridg prepared first to go towards the place of Execution ; and after mutual embraces , and some short ejaculatory expressions , to and for his Fellow-sufferers , he took his leave of them all , and went along with the Officers , attended upon by Dr. Sibbald , whom he had chosen for his Comforter in this his sad condition . The Scaffold being erected in the new Pallace-yard at Westminster , over against the great Hal-Gate , in the sight of the place where the High Court of Iustice formerly sate ( the Hal-doors being open , ) there was his Excellencies Regiment of Horse commanded by Cap. Disher , and several Companies of Col. Hewsons and Colonel Prides Regiments of Foot drawn up in the place : When the Earl came from Westminster-Hall nere the Scaffold , he was met by the Under-sheriff of Middlesex , and a Guard of his men , who took the charge of him from Lievt . Col. Beecher and the Partizans that were his Guard ; The Sheriff of London being also , according to command from the High Court of Iustice ; present to see the Execution performed . The Earl of Cambridg being come upon the Scaffold , and two of his own servants waiting upon him , he first spake to the Doctor as followeth : Earl of Cambridg . Whether shall I Pray first ? Dr. Sibb●ld . As Your Lordship pleases . Earl of Cambridg . My Lord of Denbigh has sent to speak with me . I know not the fashion . I may ask you Sir ; Do these Gentlemen expect I should say any thing to them , or no ; They cannot hear ? Dr. Sibbald . There will be a greater silence by and by . It will not be amiss , if your Lordship defer your speaking till you hear from his Lordship . Cambridg . There is something in it . He was with the House . Dr. Sibbald . I suppose he would give no interruption to your Lordship , at this time , were there not something of concernment in it . Cambridg . He is my Brother , and has been a very faithfull servant to this State , and he was in great esteem and reputation with them . He is in the Hall , and sent to speak with a Servant of mine , to send something to me . Dr. Sibbald . It will not lengthen the time much if you stay while you have a return from him . My Lord , you should do well to bestow your time now in meditating upon and imploring of the Free-mercy of God in Christ for your Eternall Salvation , and look upon that ever-streaming Fountain of his precious Bloud , that purgeth us from all our sins , even the sins of the deepest dye ▪ The Bloud of Jesus Christ washes away all our sins , and that Bloud of Christ is poured forth upon all such as by a lively Faith lay hold upon him . God so loved the world , that he gave his only begotten Son , to the end , that whosoever believed in him should not perish , but have everlasting Life ; That is now , my Lord , the Rock on which you must chiefly rest , and labor to fix your self in the Free-mercy of God through Christ Jesus , whose mercies are from everlasting to everlasting , unto all such as with the Eye of Faith behold him : Behold Jesus the Author and Finisher of your Salvation , who hath satisfied the Justice of God by that Al-sufficiency of his Sacrifice , which once for all he offered upon the Cross for the sins of the whole World , so that the sting of Death is taken away from all believers , and he hath sanctified it as a passage to everlasting blessedness : It is true , the Waters of Iordan run somewhat rough and surly , betwixt the Wilderness and our passage into Canaan ; but let us rest upon the Ark ( my Lord ) the Ark Christ Iesus , that will carry us through and above all those waves to that Rock of Ages , which no flood nor waves can reach unto , and to him who is yesterday , to day , and the same for ever , against whom the Powers and Principalities , the Gates of Hell , shall never be able to prevail ; Lift up and fasten your eyes now upon Christ Crucified , and labor to behold Iesus standing at the right hand of his Father , ( as the Protomartyr Stephen ) ready to receive your Soul , when it shall be separated from this Frail and Mortal body : Alas , no man would desire Life , if he knew before-hand what it were to live , it is nothing but sorrow , vexation and trouble , grief and discontent that waits upon every condition , whether publique or private ; in every station and calling there are several miseries and troubles that are inseparable from them ; Therefore what a blessed thing it is to have a speedy and comfortable passage out of this raging sea , into the Port of everlasting Happiness : We must pass through a Sea , but it is the Sea of Christ Blood in which never Soul suffered shipwrack , in which we must be blown with winds and Tempests , but they are the Gales of Gods Spirit upon us , which blow away all contrary winds of diffidence in his Mercy . Here one acquainting the Earl , his servant was coming , he answered , So Sir ; And turning to the under-Sheriffs son , said , Cambridg . Sir , have you your Warrant here ? Sheriff . Yes , my Lord , we have a Command . Cambridg . A Command . I take this time , Sir , of staying , in regard of the Earl of Denbighs sending to speak with me ; I know not for what he desires me to stay . Dr. Sibbald . I presume Mr. Sheriff will not grudg your Lordship a few minutes time , when so great a work as this is in hand . His Lordships servant being returned , and having delivered his Message to the Earl of Cambridg privately , he said , So , it is done now ; and then turning to the Front of the Scaffold , before which ( as in all the rest of the Pallace ) there was a great concourse of people , He said ; Earl of Cambridg . I think it is truly not very necessary for me to speak much , there are many Gentlemen and Souldiers there that sees me , but my voyce is so weak , so low , that they cannot hear me , neither truly was I ever at any time so much in love with speaking , or with any thing I had to express , that I took delight in it ; yet this being the last time that I am to do so , by a Divine Providence of Almighty God , who hath brought me to this end justly for my sins . I shall to you Sir , Mr. Sheriff , declare thus much , as to the matter that I am now to suffer for , which is , as being a Traytor to the Kingdom of England : Truly Sir , it was a Country that I equally loved with my own , I made no difference , I never intended either the generality of it's prejudice , or any particular mans in it ; What I did was by the Command of the Parliament of the Country where I was born , whose Commands I could not disobey , without running into the same hazard there , of that condition that I am now in : The ends , Sir , of that Engagement is publique , they are in Print , and so I shall not need to specifie them . Dr. Sibbald . The Sun perhaps will be too much in your Lordships face ; as you speak . Cambridg . No Sir , it will not burn it . I hope I shall see a brighter Sun then this Sir , very speedily . Dr. Sibbald . The Sun of Righteousness . my Lord. Cambridg . ( But to that which I was saying Sir. ) It pleased God so to dispose that Army under my Command , as it was ruined ; and I , as their General , clothed with a Commission , stand here , now ready to dye ; I shall not trouble you with repeating of my Plea , what I said in my own Defence at the Court of JUSTICE , my self being satisfied with the Commands that are laid upon me , and they satisfied with the justness of their procedure , according to the Laws of this Land. God is just , and howsoever I shall not say any thing as to the matter of the Sentence , but that I do willingly submit to his Divine Providence , and acknowledg that very many ways I deserve even a wordly punishment , as well as hereafter , for we are all sinful , Sir , and I a great one ; yet for my comfort I know there is a God heaven that is exceeding merciful ; I know my Redeemer sits at his right hand , and am confident ( clapping his hand to his brest ) is mediating for me at this instant , I am hopeful through his Free-Grace and al-sufficient merits , to be , pardoned of my sins , and to be received into his mercy , upon that I rely , trusting to nothing but ▪ the Free-Grace of God through Jesus Christ , I have not been tainted with my Religion I thank God for it , since my Infancy it hath been such as hath been profest in the Land , and established , and now 't is not this Religion , or that Religion , nor this or that fancy of men that is to be built upon , t is but one that 's right , one that 's sure , and that comes from God. Sir , and in the Free-Grace of our Saviour . Sir , there is truly something that * ( had I thought my Speech would have been thus taken ) I would have digested it into some better method then now I can , and shall desire these Gentlemen that does write it , that they will not wrong me in it , and that it may not in this manner be published to my disadvantage , for truly I did not intend to have spoken thus when I came here . There is , Sirs , terrible Aspersions has been laid upon my self ; truly such as , I thank God , I am very free from ; as if my actions and intentions had not been such as they were pretended for ; but that notwithstanding what I pretended it was for the King , there was nothing less intended then to serve him in it . I was bred with him for many years , I was his Domestique servant , and there was nothing declar'd by the Parliament , that was not really intended by me ; and truly in it I ventured my Life one way , and now I loose it another way : and that was one of the ends , as to the King ; I speak only of that , because the rest has many particulars , and to clear my self from so horrid an Aspersion as is laid upon me : neither was there any other design known to me by the incoming of that Army , then what is really in the Declaration published . His Person , I do profess , I had reason to love , as he was my King , and as he had been my Master : it has pleased God now to dispose of him , so as it cannot be thought flattery to have said this , or any end in me for the saying of it , but to free my self from that Calumny which lay upon me : I cannot gain by it ; yet truth is that which we shall gain by for ever . There hath been much spoken , Sir , of an invitation into this Kingdom : it 's mentioned in that Declaration , and truly to that I did , and do remit my self : and I have been very much laboured for discoveries of these Inviters . 'T is no time to dissemble . How willing I was to have served this Nation in any thing that was in my power , is known to very many honest Pious and Religious men ; and how ready I would have been to have done what I could to have served them , if it had pleased them to have preserved my Life , in whose hands there was a power : They have not thought it fit , and so I am become unuseful in that which willingly I would have done . As I said at first , Sir , so I say now concerning that point ; I wish the Kingdoms happiness , I wish its peace ; and truly Sir , I wish that this bloud of mine may be the last that is drawn : and howsoever I may perhaps have some reluctancie with my my self as to the matter of my suffering , for my Fact , yet I freely forgive all ; Sir , I carry no rancor along with me to my grave : His will be done that has created both heaven and earth , and me a poor miserable sinful creature now speaking before him . For me to speak , Sir , to you of State-business , and the Government of the Kingdom , or my opinion in that , or for any thing in that nature , Truly it is to no end , it contributes nothing : My own inclination hath been to Peace , from the begining ; and it is known to many , that I never was an ill instrument betwixt the King and his People ; I never acted to the prejudice of the Parliament ; I bore no Arms , I medled not with it ; I was not wanting by my Prayers to God Almighty for the happiness of the King ; and truly I shall pray still , that God may so direct him as that may be done which shall tend to his Glory , and the peace and happiness of the Kingdome . I have not much more to say , that I remember of ; I think I have spoken of my Religion . Dr. Sibbald . Your Lordship has not so fully said it . Cambridg . Truly I do believe I did say something . Dr. Sibbald . I know you did , 't is pleasing to hear it from your Lordship again . Cambridg . Truly Sir , for the Profession of my Religion , That which I said was the established Religion , and that which I have practised in my own Kingdom where I was born and bred ; my Tenents they need not to be exprest , they are known to all , and I am not of a rigid opinion ; many Godly men there is , that may have scruples which do not concern me at all at no time ; they may differ in opinion , and more now then at any time ; differing in Opinion does not move me ( not any mans ) my own is clear : Sir , The Lord forgive me my sins , and I forgive freely all those , that even I might as a Wordly man , have the greatest animosity against ; We are bidden to forgive ; Sir , 'T is a Command laid upon us ( and there mentioned ) Forgive us our Trespasses , as We forgive them that trespass against us . Dr. Sibbald . 'T is our Saviours Rule , Love your Enemies , blesse them that curse you , Pray for them that Persecute you , do good to them which despightfully use you . Cambridg . Sir , it is high time for me to make an end of this , and truly I remember no more that I have to say , but to pray to God Almighty a few words , and then I have done . Then kneeling down with Doctor Sibbald , He prayed thus . MOST Blessed Lord , I thy poor and most unworthy Servant come to th●● , presuming in thy infinite mercy and the merits of Jesus Christ , who sits upon the Throne , I come flying from that of Justice , to that of mercy , and tenderness for his sake which shed his bloud for sinners , that he would take compassion upon me , that he will look upon me as one that graciously hears me , that he would look upon me as one that hath redeemed me , that he would look upon me as one that hath shed his bloud for me , that he would look upon me as one who now cals and hopes to be saved by his Al-sufficient merits ; for his sake , Glorious God , have compassion upon me in the freeness of thy infinite mercy , that when this sinful Soul of mine shall depart out of this frail carcass of clay , I may be carried into thy everlasting Glory ; O Lord , by thy Free-Grace , and out of thy infinite mercy hear me , and look down , and have compassion upon me ; and thou Lord Iesus , thou my Lord , and thou my God , and thou my Redeemer , hear me , take pitty upon me , take pitty upon me gracious God , and so deal with my soul , that by thy precious merits I may attain to thy Ioy and Bliss ; O Lord , remember me so miserable and sinful a creature ; Now thou O Lord , thou O Lord that dyed for me , receive me , and receive me into thy own bound of mercy ; O Lord I trust in thee , suffer me not now to be confounded , Satan has had too long possession of this soule , O let him not now prevail against it , but let me , O Lord , from henceforth dwell with thee for evermore . Now Lord it is thy time to hear me , hear me gracious Iesus , even for thy own goodness , mercy , and truth ; O Glorious God , O blessed Father , O holy Redeemer , O gracious Comforter , O holy and blessed Trinity , I doe render up my soul into thy hands , and commit it with the mediation of my Redeemer , praising thee for all thy dispensation that it has pleased thee to confer upon me , and even for this , praise , and honor , and thanks of this time forth for evermore . Dr. Sibbald . My Lord , I trust you now behold with the Eye of Faith the Son of Righteousness shining upon your soul , and will chearfully submit unto him , who hath redeemed us through his bloud , even the bloud of Jesus Christ , that you may appear at the Tribunal of God , clothed with the white robe of his unspoted Righteousness ; The Lord grant that with the eye of Faith you may now see the heavens opened , and Jesus Christ standing at the right hand of God , ready to receive you into his arms of mercy . Cambridg . Then the Earl turning to the Executioner , said , shall I put on another Cap , must this hair be turned up from my neck ? there are three of my servants to give satisfaction . Dr. Sibbald . My Lord , I hope you are able to give all that are about you satisfaction , you are assured that God is reconciled unto you through the bloud of Christ Jesus , and the Spirit of the Lord witnesseth to you that Christ is become now a Jesus unto you ; My Lord , fasten the eyes of your Faith upon Jesus the Author and finisher of your salvation , who himself was brought to a violent death for the redemption of mankinde , he chearfully submitted to his Fathers good pleasure in it , and for us , blessed and holy is he that has part ( my Lord ) in the first resurrection ; That is , in the first riser Jesus Christ , who is both the Resurrection and the Life , over him the second death shall have no power , 't is the unspeakable joy of a believer . That at the hour of death his soul hath an immediate passage from this earthly Tabernacle to that Region of endless Glory , yea , to the presence of God himself , in whose presence there is fulness of joy , and at whose right hand there are pleasures for evermore . Then the Earl of Cambridg turning to the Executioner , said , which way is it that you would have me lie ▪ Sir ? Executioner . The Executioner pointing to the front of the Scaffold , The Earl replyed , What , my head this way ? Then the Under-sheriffs son , said ; My Lord , the Order is that you should lay your head towards the High-Court of Justice . The Earl of Cambridg , after a little discourse in private with some of his servants ▪ kneeled down on the side of the Scaffold , and prayed a while to himself . When he had finished his prayers , D. Sibbald spake to him thus : My Lord , I humbly beseech God , That you may now with a holy and Christian courage give up your soul to the hand of your Faithful Creator and gracious Redeemer ; and not be dismaied with any sad apprehension of the Terrors of this death : And what a blessed and glorious exchange you shall make within a very few minutes ! Then with a Chearful and smiling Countenance , The Earl embracing the Dr. in his Arms said , Cambridg . Truly Sir , I do take you in mine arms , and truly , I bless God for it , I do not fear , I have an assurance that is grounded here ; ( laying his hand upon his heart . ) Now that gives me more true joy then ever I had , I pass out of a miserable world to go into an Eternal and glorious Kingdom ; and Sir , though I have been a most sinful creature , yet Gods mercy I know is infinite , and I bless my God for it , I go with so clear a Conscience , That I know not the man that I have personally injured . Dr. Sibbald . My Lord , it is a marvellous great satisfaction that at this last hour you can say so , I beseech the Lord for his eternal mercy strengthen your faith , that in the very moment of your dissolution , you may see the arms of the Lord Jesus stretched out ready to receive your soul . Then the Earl of Cambridg embracing those his servants which were there present , said to each of them , You have been very faithful to me , and the Lord bless you . Cambridg . Then turning to the Executioner , said , I shall say a very short prayer to my God , while I lie down there : and when I stretch out my hand ( my right hand ) then Sir , do your duty ; and I do freely forgive you , and so I do all the world . Dr. Sibbald . The Lord in great mercy go along with you , and bring you to the possession of everlasting life , strengthening your Faith in Jesus Christ . This is a passage , my Lord , a short passage unto eternal glory . I hope , through the free grace of your gracious God , you are now able to say , O Death , where is thy sting ? O Grave ! where is thy victory ? and to make this comfortable answer , Blessed be God , blessed be God , who hath given me an assurance of victory through Christ Jesus . Then the Earl of Cambridg said to the Executioner , Must I lie all along ? Execut. Yes , and 't please your Lordship . Camb. When I stretch out my hands — but I will fit my Head , first , tell me if I be right , and how you would have me lie . Execut. Your shirt must be pin'd back , for it lies too high upon your shoulders , ( which was done accordingly . ) Dr Sibbald . My Lord , now , now lift up your eyes unto Jesus Christ , and cast your self now into the everlasting arms of your most gracious Redeemer . Then the Earl having layd his Head over the Block , said , Is this right ? Dr Sibbald . Jesus the Son of David , have mercy upon you . Execut. Lie a little lower Sir. Camb. Well , stay then till I give you the signe . And so having layn a short space devoutly praying to himself , he stretched out his right hand , whereupon the Executioner at one blow severed his Head from his Body , which was received by two of his Servants , then kneeling by him , into a Crimsion Taffety Scarf , and that with the Body immediately put into a Coffin , brought upon the Scaffold for that purpose , and from thence conveyed to the house that was Sir JOHN HAMILTONS at the Me●●es , where it now remains . This execution being done , the Sheriffs Guard went immediately to meet the Earl of Holland , which they did in the mid way between the Scaffold and Westminster-Hall , and the Under-Sheriffs son having received him into his charge , conducted him to the Scaffold , he taking Mr. Bolton all the way in his hand , passed all along to the Scaffold discoursing together : upon which being come , observing his voyce would not reach to the people , in regard the Guard compassed the Scaffold , he said : Holland . It is to no purpose ( I think ) to speak any thing here . Which way must I speak ? And then being directed to the front of the Scaffold , he ( leaning over the rails ) said ; I think it is fit to say something , since God hath called me to this place . The first thing which I must profess , is , what concerns my Religion , and my breading , which hath been in a good Family that hath ever been faithful to the true Protestant Religion , in the which I have been bred , in the which I have lived , and in the which by Gods grace and mercy I shall dye . I have not lived according to that education I had in that Family where I was born and bred : I hope God will forgive me my sins , since I conceive that it is very much his pleasure to bring me to this place for the sins that I have committed . The cause that hath brought me hither , I beleeve by many hath been much mistaken : They have conceived that I have had ill designs to the State , and to the Kingdom : Truly I look upon it as a Judgment , and a just Judgment of God ; not but I have offended so much the State , and the Kingdom , and the Parliament , as that I have had an extream vanity in serving them very extra-ordinarily . For those actions that I have done , I think it is known they have been ever very faithful to the Publique , and very particularly to Parliaments . My affections have been ever exprest truly and clearly to them . The dispositions of affairs now have put things in another pasture then they were when I was engaged with the Parliament . I have never gone off from those principles that ever I have professed : I have lived in them , and by Gods grace will dye in them . There may be alterations and changes that may carry them further then I thought reasonable , and truly there I left them : but there hath been nothing that I have said , or done , or professed , either by Covenant , or Declaration , which hath not been very constant , and very clear upon the principles that I ever have gone upon , which was to serve the King , the Parliament , Religion ( I should have said in the first place ) the Common-wealth , and to seek the Peace of the Kingdom : That made me think it no improper time , being prest-out by accidents and circumstances , to seek the Peace of the Kingdom , which I thought was proper , since there was something then in agitation , but nothing agreed on for sending Propositions to the King ; that was the furthest aym that I had , and truly beyond that I had no intention , none at all . And God be praised , although my blood comes to be shed here , there was I think scarcely a drop of blood shed in that action that I was engaged in . For the present affairs , as they are , I cannot tell how to judg of them : and truly they are in such a condition , as ( I conceive ) no body can make a judgment of them : and therefore I must make use of my Prayers , rather then of my opinion , which are , that God would bless this Kingdom , this Nation , this State ; that he would settle it in a way agreeable to what this Kingdom hath been happily governed under ; by a King , by the Lords , by the Commons : a Government that ( I conceive ) it hath flourished much under , and I pray God the change of it bring not rather a prejudice , a disorder , and a confusion , then the contrary . I look upon the Posterity of the King , and truly my Conscience directs me to it , to desire , that if God be pleased that these people may look upon them with that affection that they ow , that they may be called in again , & they may be , not through blood , nor through disorder , admited again into that power , and to that glory , that God in their birth intended to them . I shall pray with all my Soul for the happiness of this State , of this Nation , that the blood which is here spilt , may be even the last which may fall among us : and truly I should lay down my life with as much cheerfulness as ever person did , if I conceived that there would no more blood follow us : for a State or Affairs that are built upon blood , is a foundation for the most part that doth not prosper . After the blessing that I give to the Nation , to the Kingdom , and truly to the Parliament , I do wish with all my heart , happiness , and a blessing to all those that have been authors in this business ; and truly that have been authors in this very work that bringeth us hither : I do not onely forgive them , but I pray heartily and really for them ; as God will forgive my sins , so I desire God may forgive them . I have a particular relation as I am Chancellor of Cambridg , and truly I must here , since it is the last of my prayers , pray to God that that Vniversity may go on in that happy way which it is in , that God may make it a Nursery to plant those persons that may be distributed to the Kingdom , that the Souls of the people may receive a great benefit , and a great advantage by them , and ( I hope ) God will reward them for their kindness , and their affections that I have found from them . * I have said what Religion I have been bred in , what Religion I have been born in , what Religion I have practised ; I began with it , and I must end with it . I told you that my actions and my life have not been agreeable to my breeding , I have told you likewise that the Family where I was bred hath been an exemplary Family ( I may say so I hope , without vanity ) of much affection to Religion , and of much faithfulness to this Kingdom , and to this State. I have endeavored to do those actions that have become an honest man , and which became a good Englishman , and which became a good Christian . I have been willing to oblige those that have been in trouble , those that have been in persecution , and truly I finde a great reward of it ; for I have found their prayers and their kindness now in this distress , and in this condition I am in , and I think it a great reward , and I pray God reward them for it . I am a great sinner , and I hope God will be pleased to hear my prayers , to give me faith to trust in him , that as he hath called me to death at this place , he will make it but a passage to an eternal life through Jesus Christ , which I trust to , which I rely upon , and which I expect by the mercy of God. And so I pray God bless you all , and send that you may see this to be the last execution , and the last blood that is likely to be spilt among you . And then turning to the side-rail , he prayed for a good space of time ; after which Mr Bolton said : My Lord , now look upon him whom you have trusted . My Lord , I hope that here is your last prayer : there will no more prayers remain , but praises : And I hope that after this day is over , there will a day begin that shall never have end : And I look upon this ( my Lord ) the morning of it , the morning of that day . My Lord , you know where your fulness lies , where your riches lie , where is your onely rock to anchor on . You know there is fulness in Christ : If the Lord comes not in with fulness of comfort to you , yet resolve to wait upon him while you live , and to trust in him when you dye , and then say , I will dye here , I will perish at thy feet , I will be found dead at the feet of Jesus Christ . Certainly , he that came to seek and save lost sinners , will not reject lost sinners when they come to seek him : He that intreateth us to come ▪ will not slight us when we come to intreat him . My Lord , there is enough there , and fix your heart there , and fix your eyes there , that eye of Faith , and that eye of hope , exercise these graces now , there wil be no exercise herafter . As your Lordship said , here take an end of Faith , and take an end of Hope , and take a farewel of Repentance : and all these , and welcom God , and welcom Christ , and welcom Glory , & welcom Happiness to all Eternity ; and so it will be a happy passage then , if it be a passage here from misery to happiness . And though it be but a sad way , yet if it will bring you into the presence of joy , although it be a vally of tears , although it be a shadow of death , yet if God wil please to bring you , and make it a passage to that happiness , welcom Lord. And I doubt not but God will give you a heart to taste some sweetness and love in this bitter potion and to see something of mercy and goodness to you , and shew you some sign and token of good , so that your soul may see that which we have had already experience of ( blessed be God for it ) many experiences , many expressions , not only in words , but tears ; God hath not left us without much comfort nor evidence , and I hope , my Lord , you that have given so many evidences to us , I hope you want none your self ; but that the Lord will be pleased to uphold and support you , and bear up your spirit , and if there want evidence , there is reliance ; my security lies not in my knowing that I shall come to heaven , and come to glory , but in my resting and relying upon him : When the Anchor of Faith is thrown out , there may be shakings and tossings , but there is safety ; nothing shall interrupt safety , although something may interrupt security ; my safety is sure , although I apprehend it not : And what if I go to God in the dark ? What if I come to him , as Nicodemus did , staggering in the night ? It is a night of trouble , a night of darkness ; though I come trembling and staggering in this night , yet I shall be sure to find comfort and fixedness in him : And the Lord of heaven be the strength , stay , and the support of your soul , and the Lord furnish you with all those graces which may carry you into the bosom of the Lord Jesus , that when you expire this life , you may be able to expire it into him , in whom you may begin to live to all eternity , and that is my humble prayer . — Holland . Mr Bolton , God hath given me long time in this world , he hath carried me through many great accidents of Fortune ; he hath at last brought me down into a condition , where I find my self brought to an end , for a disaffection to this State , to this Parliament , that ( as I said before ) I did believe no body in the world more unlikely to have expected to suffer for that Cause : I look upon it as a great Judgment of God for my sins . And truly Sir , since that the death is violent , I am the less troubled with it , because of those violent deaths that I have seen before , principally my Saviour that hath shewed us the way , how and in what manner he hath done it , and for what cause , I am the more comforted , I am the more rejoyced . It is not long since the King my Master passed in the same manner , and truly I hope that his purposes and intentions were such , as a man may not be ashamed , not only to follow him , in the way that was taken with him , but likewise not ashamed of his purposes , if God had given him life . I have often disputed with him concerning many things of this kind , and I conceive his sufferings , and his better knowledg , and better understanding ▪ ( if God had spared him life ) might have made him a Prince very happy towards himself , and very happy towards this Kingdom . I have seen and known , that those blessed Souls in Heaven have passed thither by the gate of sorrow , and many by the gate of violence : and since it is Gods pleasure to dispose me this way . I submit my soul to him , with all comfort , and with all hope , that he hath made this my end , and this my conclusion , that though I be low in death , yet nevertheless this lowness shall raise me to the highest glory for ever . Truly , I have not said much in publique to the People , concerning the particular actions that , I conceive , I have done by my counsels in this Kingdom , I conceive they are well known , it were something of vanity ( methinks ) to take notice of them here , I 'le rather dye with them , with the comfort of them , in my own bosom ; and that I never intended in this action , or any action that ever I did in my life , either malice , or bloodshed , or prejudice to any creature that lives . For that which concerns my Religion , I made my profession before of it , how I was bred , and in what manner I was bred , in a Family that was looked upon to be no little notorious , in opposition to some liberties , that they conceived then to be taken ; and truly , there was some mark upon me , as if I had some taint of it , even throughout my whole ways , that I have taken ; every body knows what my affections have been , to many that have suffered , to many that have been in troubles in this Kingdom , I endeavored to relieve them , I endeavored to oblige them , I thought I was tied so by my Conscience , I thought it by my Charity , and truly very much by my Breeding ; God hath now brought me to the last instant of my time , all that I can say , and all that I can adhere unto , is this , That as I am a great sinner , so I have a great Saviour , that as he hath given me here a fortune , to come publiquely in a shew of shame in the way of this suffering ( truly I understand it not to be so , ) I understand it to be a glory , a glory when I consider who hath gone before me , and a glory when I consider I had no end in it , but what I conceive to be the service of God , the King , and the Kingdom , and therefore my Heart is not charged much with any thing in that particular , since I conceive God will accept of the intention , whatsoever the action seem to be : I am going to dye , and the Lord receive my Soul ; I have no reliance but upon Christ , for my self I do acknowledg that I am the unworthiest of sinners ; my life hath been a vanity , and a continued sin , and God may justly bring me to this end for the sins I have committed against him , and were there nothing else but the iniquities that I have committed in the way of my life , I look upon this as a great Justice of God to bring me to this suffering , and to bring me to this punishment , and those hands that have been most active in it , if any such there hath been , I pray God forgive them , I pray God that there may not be many such Trophees of their Victories , but that this may be , as I said before , the last shew that this People shall see of the blood of persons of Condition , of persons of Honour : I might say something of the way of our Tryal , which certainly hath been as extraordinary as any thing I think hath ever been seen in this Kingdom ; but because that I would not seem as if I made some complaint , I will not so much as mention it , because no body shall believe I repine at their actions , that I repine at my fortune : It is the Will of God , it is the Hand of God under whom I fall , I take it intirely from him , I submit my self to him , I shall desire to roul my self into the Arms of my blessed Saviour , and when I come to this place , ( pointing to the Block ) when I bow down my self there , I hope God will raise me up ; and when I bid farewel , as I must now to Hope and to Faith , that Love will abide , I know nothing to accompany the Soul out of this World but Love , and I hope that Love will bring me to the Fountain of Glory in Heaven , through the Arms , Mediation , and the Mercy of my Saviour Jesus Christ , in whom I believe , O LORD help my unbelief . Hodges . The Lord make over unto you the Righteousness of his own Son , it is that Treasury that he hath bestowed upon you , and the Lord shew you the light of his countenance , and fill you full with his joy and kindness , O my dear Lord , the Lord of Heaven and Earth be with you , and the Lord of Heaven and Earth bring you to that safety . Holland . I shall make as much haste as I can to come to that Glory , and the Lord of Heaven and Earth take my Soul ; I look upon my self intirely in Him , and hope to find mercy through Him , I expect it , and through that Fountain that is opened for sin , and for uncleanness , my Soul must receive it , for did I rest in any thing else , I have nothing but sin and corruption in me ; I have nothing but that , which instead of being carryed up into the Arms of God and Glory , I have nothing but may throw me down into Hell. Bolton . But , my Lord , when you are clothed with the Righteousness of another , you will appear glorious , though now sinful in your self ; The Apostle saith , I desire not to be found in my own Righteousness , and when you are clothed with another , the Lord will own you , and I shall say but thus much , Doubt not that ever God will deny Salvation to sinners , that come to him , when the end of all his death and sufferings was the Salvation of sinners , when as , I say , the whole end , and the whole design , and the great Work that God had to do in the World , by the death of Christ , wherein he laid out all his Counsels , and infinite Wisdom , and Mercy , and Goodness , beyond which there was a Non ultra in Gods thoughts , when this was the great design , & great end , the Salvation of siners , that poor Souls should come over to him and live ; certainly when sinners come , he will not reject , he will not refuse . And my Lord , do but think of this , the greatest work that ever was done in the World , was the Blood of Christ that was shed , never any thing like it ; and this Blood of Christ that was shed , was shed for them that come , if not for them , for none , it was in vain else : You see the Devils they are out of capacity of good by it , the Angels they have no need of it , wicked men will not come , & there are but a few that come over , and should he deny them , there were no end nor fruit of the blood and sufferings of the Lord Jesus ; and had your Lordship been with Christ in that bloody Agony , when he was in that bloody sweat , sweating drops of blood , if you had asked him , Lord what art thou now a doing ? Art thou not now reconciling an angry God and me together ? Art thou not pacifying the wrath of God ? Art thou not interposing thy self between the Justice of God and my Soul ? Would he not have said , Yea ? and surely then he will not deny it now . My Lord , his passions are over , his compassions still remain , and the larger and greater , because he is gone up into a higher place , that he may throw down more abundance of his mercy and grace upon you ; and my Lord , think of that infinite love , that abundance of riches in Christ : I am lost , I am empty , I have nothing , I am poor , I am sinful : be it so , as bad as God will make me , and as vile as I possibly can conceive my self , I am willing to be ; but when I have said all , the more I advance that riches , and honour that grace of God. And why should I doubt , when by this he puts me into a capacity , into a disposition for him to shew me mercy , that by this I may the better advance the riches of his grace , and say , grace , grace to the Lord to all eternity , that God should own such a creature , that deserves nothing ; and the less I deserve , the more conspicuous is his grace : and this is certain , the riches of his grace he throweth amongst men , that the glory of his grace might be given to himself ; if we can give him but the glory of his grace , we shall never doubt to partake of the riches of it , and that fulness , my Lord , that fulness be your comfort , that fulness of Mercy , that fulness of Love , that fulness of Righteousness and Power be now your riches , and your only stay , and the Lord interpose himself between God and you ; as your faith hath endeavored to interpose him between God and your soul , so I doubt not but there he stands , my Lord , to plead for you , and when you are not able to do any thing your self , yet lie down at the feet of him that is a merciful Saviour , and knows what you would desire , and wait upon him while you live , trust in him when you dye , there is riches enough , and mercy enough , if he open not , yet dye at his door , say , there I 'l dye , there is mercy enough . Holland . And here is the place where I lie down before him , from whence I hope he will raise me to an eternal glory through my Saviour , upon whom I rely , from whom only I can expect mercy ; into his Arms I commend my spirit , into his bleeding Arms , that when I leave this bleeding body that must lie upon this place , he will receive that soul that ariseth out of it , and receive it into his eternal mercy , through the merits , through the worthiness , through the mediation of Christ that hath purchased it with his own most precious blood . Bolton . My Lord , Though you conclude here , I hope you begin above ; and though you put an end here , I hope there will never be an end of the mercy and goodness of God : and if this be the morning of Eternity , if this be the rise of Glory , if God pleaseth to throw you down here , to raise you up for ever , say , Welcom Lord , welcome that death that shall make way for life , and welcom any condition that shall throw me down here , to bring me into the possession of Jesus Christ . Hodges . My Lord , if you have made a Deed of Gift of your self to Jesus Christ , to be found only in him , I am confident you shall stand at the day of Christ , my dear Lord , we shall meet in happiness . Holland . Christ Jesus receive my soul , my soul hungers and thirsts after him , clouds are gathering , and I trust in God through all my heaviness , and I hope , through all impediments , he will settle my Interest in him , and throw off all the claim that Satan can make unto it , and that he will carry my soul , in despite of all the calumnies , and all that the Devil and Satan can invent , will carry it into eternal mercy , there to receive the blessedness of his presence to all Eternity . Hodges . My Lord , it was his own by Creation , it is his own now by Redemption and purchase , it is likewise his own by Resignation ▪ O my Lord , look therefore up to the Lamb of God , that sits at the right hand of God , to take away the sins of the World ; O that Lamb of God! Holland . That Lamb of God , into his hands I commit my soul ; and that Lamb of God that sits upon the Throne to judg those twenty four that fall down before him , I hope he will be pleased to look downward , and judg me with mercy that fall down before him , and that worship him , and that adore him , that only trusts upon his mercy , for his compassion ; and that as he hath purchased me , he would lay his claim unto me now , and receive me . Bolton . My Lord , think of this , There is no condemnation to them who are in Christ : Who is it that can condemn ? it is Christ that justifies ; and therefore look now upon this , my Lord , upon this Christ , upon this Christ that justifies : Hell , Death , Sin , Satan , nothing shall be able to condemn , it is Christ that justifies you . Holland . Indeed if Christ justifie , no body can condemn , and I trust in God , in his Justification ; though there is confusion here without us , and though there are wonders and staring that now disquiet , yet I trust that I shall be carried into that mercy , that God will receive my soul . Bolton . I doubt not , my Lord , but as you are a Spectacle and of pity here , so you are an object of Gods mercy above . Holland . Then the Earl of Holland looking over among the people , pointing to a Souldier , sayd , This honest man took me prisoner , you little thought I should have been brought to this , when I delivered my self to you upon conditions : And espying Captain Watson on horseback , putting off his Hat , sayd to him , God be with you Sir , God reward you Sir. Bolton . My Lord , throw your self into the arms of mercy , and say , There I will Anchor , and there I will dye , he is a Saviour for us in all conditions , whither should we go ? he hath the words of eternal life , and upon him do you rest , wait while you live , and even trust in death . Holland . Here must now be my Anchor , a great storm makes me find my Anchor , and but in storms no body trust to their Anchor , and therefore I must trust upon my Anchor , ( Vpon that God , said Mr Bolton , upon whom your Anchor trusts , ) yea , God , I hope , will anchor my soul fast upon Christ Jesus ; and if I dye not with that clearness and that heartiness that you speak of , truly , I will trust in God , though he kill me , I will rely upon him , and in the mercy of my Saviour . Bolton . There is mercy enough , my Lord , and to spare , you shall not need to doubt , they shall never go begging to another door , my Lord , that come to him . Then the Earl of Holland speaking to Mr Hodges , said , I pray God reward you for all your kindness , and pray , as you have done , instruct my Family , that they may serve God with faithfulness , with holiness , with more diligence , then truly I have been careful to press them unto : You have the charge of the same place , you may do much for them , and I recommend them to your kindness , and the goodness of your Conscience . Dr Sibbald standing by upon the Scaffold , in his passage to Col : Beecher , expressed himself thus to his Lordship : Dr Sibbald . The Lord lift up thought of his countenance upon you , and you shall be safe . Holland . Then the Earl of Holland embraced Lieut : Col : Beecher , and took his leave of him : After which he came to M. Bolton , and having embraced him , and returned him many thanks for his great pains and affections to his soul , desiring God to reward him , and return his love into his bosom . Mr Bolton said to him , The Lord God support you , and be seen in this great extremity ; the Lord reveal and discover himself to you , and make your death the passage unto eternal life — Holland . Then the Earl of Holland turning to the Executioner , said , Here , my friend , let my Clothes and my Body alone , there is Ten pounds for thee , that is better then my Clothes I am sure of it . Executioner . Will your Lordship please to give me a sign when I shall strike ? And then his Lordship said , You have room enough here , have you not ? and the Executioner said , Yes . Bolton . The Lord be your strength , there is riches in him ; The Lord of Heaven impart himself to you , he is able to save to the uttermost : We cannot fall so low , as to fall below the everlasting Arms of God ; and therefore the Lord be a support and stay to you in your low con●●●n , that he will be pleased to make this an advantage to that life and glory that will make amends for all . Holland . Then the Earl of Holland turning to the Executioner , said , Friend , do you hear me , if you take up my Head , do not take off my Cap. Then turning to his Servants , he said to one , Fare you well , thou art an honest fellow : and to another , God be with thee , thou art an honest man ; and then said , Stay , I will kneel down , and ask God forgiveness ; and then prayed for a pretty space , with seeming earnestness . Bolton . The Lord grant you may find life in death . Holland . Which is the way of lying ? ( which they shewed him . ) And then going to the front of the Scaffold , he said to the People , God bless you all , and God deliver you from any such accident as may bring you to any such death as is violent , either by War , or by these accidents ; but that there may be peace among you , and you may find , That these accidents that have hapned to us , may be the last that may happen in this Kingdom ; it is that I desire , it is that I beg of God , next the saving of my soul : I pray God give all happiness to this Kingdom , to this People , and this Nation . And then turning to the Executioner , said , How must I lie ? I know not . Execut. Lie down flat upon your belly : and then having laid himself down , he said ▪ Must I lie closer ? Execut. Yes , and backwarder . Holland . I will tell you when you shall strike ; and then as he lay , seemed to pray with much affection for a short space , and then lifting up his head , said , Where is the man ? and seeing the Executioner by him , he said , Stay while I give the Sign ; and presently after stretching out his hand , and the Executioner being not fully ready , he said , Now , now , and just as the words were coming out of his mouth , the Executioner at one blow severed his Head from his Body . The Execution of the Lord of Holland being thus performed , the Lord Capel was brought to the Scaffold as the former , and in the way to the Scaffold , he put off his Hat to the people on both sides , looking very austerely about him : And being come upon the Scaffold , Lieut : Col : Beecher said to him , Is your Chaplain here ? Capel . No , I have taken my leave of him ; and perceiving some of his Servants to weep , he said , Gentlemen , refrain your selves , refrain your selves ; and turning to Lieut : Col : Beecher , he said , What , did the Lords speak with their Hats off or on ? Lieut : Col : Beecher . With their Hats off : And then coming to the front of the Scaffold , he said , I shall hardly be understood here , I think ; and then began his Speech , as followeth . Capel . THe conclusion that I made with those that sent me hither , and are the cause of this violent death of mine , shall be the beginning of what I shall say to you : When I made an Address to them ( which was the last ) I told them with much sinceri●y , That I would pray to the God of all mercies ●hat they might be partakers of his inestimable and boundless mercies in Jesus Christ , and truly , I still pray that Prayer ; and I beseech the God of Heaven forgive any injury they have done to me , from my soul I wish it . And truly , this I tell you , as a Christian , to let you see I am a Christian ; but it is necessary I should tell you somewhat more , That I am a Protestant : And truly , I am a Protestant , and very much in love with the profession of it , after the manner as it was established in England by the Thirty nine Articles , a blessed way of profession , and such a one , as truly , I never knew none so good : I am so far from being a Papist , which some body have ( truly ) very unworthily at some time charged me withall , that truly , I profess to you , that though I love good works , and commend good works , yet I hold , They have nothing at all to do in the matter of Salvation ; my Anchor-hold in this , That Christ loved me , and gave himself for me , that is that that I rest upon . And truly , something I shall say to you as a Citizen of the whole world , and in that consideration I am here condemned to dye : Truly , contrary to the Law that governs all the world , that is , The Law of the Sword ; I had the protection of that for my life , and the honor of it ; but truly , I will not trouble you much with that , because in another place I have spoken very largely and liberally about it , I believe you will hear by other means what Arguments I used in that case : But truly , that that is stranger , you that are English men , behold here an English man now before you , and acknowledged a Peer , not condemned to dye by any Law of England , not by any Law of England ; Nay , shall I tell you more ( which is strangest of all ) contrary to all the Laws of England that I know of . And truly , I will tell you , in the matter of the Civil part of my death , and the cause that I have maintained , I dye ( I take it ) for maintaining the fifth Cōmandment , injoyned by God himself , w ch injoyns reverence & obedience to Parents : All Divines on all hands , though they contradict one another in many several Opinions , yet all Divines on all hands , do acknowledg , that herin is intended Magistracy & Order ; and certainly I have obeyed that Magistracy and that Order under which I have lived , which I was bound to obey ; and truly , I do say very confidently , that I do dye here for keeping , for obeying that fifth Commandment , given by God himself , and written with his own finger . And now , Gentlemen , I will take this opportunity to tell you , That I cannot imitate a better nor a greater ingenuity then his that said of himself , For suffering an unjust Judgment upon another , himself was brought to suffer by an unjust Judgment . Truly Gentlemen , that God may be glorified , that all men that are concerned in it , may take the occasion of it , of humble repentance to God Almighty for it , I do here pre●ess to you , that truly I did give my Vote to that Bill of the E. of Strafford , I doubt not but God Almighty hath washed that away with a more precious blood , and that is , with the blood of his own Son , and my dear Saviour Jesus Christ , and I hope he will wash it away from all those that are guilty of it ; truly , this I may say , I had not the least part , nor the least degree of malice in the doing of it ; but I must confess again to Gods Glory , and the accusation of mine own frailty , and the frailty of my Nature , that truly it was an unworthy Cowardice , not to resist so great a torrent as carried that business at that time . And truly , this I think I am most guilty of , of not courage enough in it , but malice I had none ; but whatsoever it was , God , I am sure , hath pardoned it , hath given me the assurance of it , That Christ Jesus his blood hath washed it away ; and truly , I do from my soul wish , That all men that have any stain by it , may seriously repent , and receive a remission and pardon from God for it . And now , Gentlemen , we have had an occasion , by this intimation , to remember his Majesty , our King that last was ; and I cannot speak of him , nor think of it , but truly , I must needs say , That in my Opinion , that have had time to consider all the Images of all the greatest and vertuousest Princes in the world ; and truly , in my Opinion , there was not a more vertuous , and more sufficient Prince known in the world , then our gracious King Charls that dyed last : God Almighty preserve our King that now is , his Son ; God send him more fortunate and longer days , God Almighty so assist him , that he may exceed both the vertues and sufficiencies of his Father : For certainly , I that have been a Councellor to him , and have lived long with him , and in a time when discovery is easily enough made , for he was young ( he was about thirteen , fourteen , fifteen or sixteen years of age ) those years I was with him , truly I never saw greater hopes of vertue in any young person then in him , great Judgment , great Vnderstanding , great Apprehension , much Honor in his Nature , and truly , a very perfect English man in his inclination ; and I pray God restore him to this Kingdom , and unite the Kingdoms one unto another , and send a great happiness both to you and to him , that he may long live and Raign among you , and that that Family may Raign till thy Kingdom come , that is , while all Temporal Power is consummated : I beseech God of his mercy , give much happiness to this your King , and to you that in it shall be his Subjects , by the grace of Jesus Christ. Truly , I like my beginning so well , that I will make my conclusion with it , that is , That God Almighty would confer of his infinite and inestimable grace and mercy to those that are the Causers of my coming hither , I pray God give them as much mercy as their own hearts can wish ; and truly , for my part , I will not accuse any one of them of malice , truly I will not , nay , I will not think there was any malice in them ; what other ends there is , I know not , nor I will not examine , but let it be what it will , from my very soul I forgive them every one : And so the Lord of Heaven bless you all , God Almighty be infinite in goodness and mercy to you , and direct you in those ways of obedience to his commands to his Majesty , that this Kingdom may be a happy and glorious Nation again , and that your King may be a happy King in so good and so obedient People ; God Almighty keep you all , God Almighty preserve this Kingdom , God Almighty preserve you all . Then turning about , and looking for the Executioner ( who was gone off the Scaffold ) said , Which is the Gentleman ? which is the man ? Answer was made , He is a coming : He then said , Stay , I must pull of my Dublet first , and my Wastcoat : Then the Executioner being come upon the Scaffold , the Lord Capel said , O friend , prethee come hither : Then the Executioner kneeling down , the L , Capel said , I forgive thee from my Soul , and not only forgive thee , but I shall pray to God to give thee all grace for a better life : There is Five pounds for thee ; and truly for my clothes and those things , if there be any thing due to you for it , you shall be very fully recompenced ; but I desire my body may not be stripped here , and no body to take notice of my body but my own servants : Look you friend , this I shall desire of you , that when I lie down , that you would give me time for a particular short prayer . Lieu. Col. Beecher . Make your own sign , my Lord. Cap. Stay a litle , which side do you stand upon ? ( speaking to the Executioner ) Stay , I think I should lay my hands forward that way ( pointing fore-right , ) and answer being made , Yes ; he stood still a little while , and then said , God Almighty bless all this People , God Almighty stench this blood , God Almighty stench , stench , stench this issue of blood ; this will not do the business , God Almighty find out another way to do it . And then turning to one of his Servants , said , Baldwin , I cannot see any thing that belongs to my wife , but I must desire thee to beseech her to rest wholly upon Jesus Christ , and be contented and fully satisfied : And then speaking to his Servant , he said , God keep you ; and Gentlemen , let me now do a business quickly , privately , and pray let me have your prayers at the moment of death , that God would receive my soul . Lieut. Col. Beecher . I wish it . Capel . Pray at the moment of striking joyn your prayers , but make no noise ( turning to his servants ) that 's inconvenient at this time . Servant . My Lord , put on your Cap. Capel . Should I , what wil that do me good ? Stay a little , is it well as it is * now ? And then turning to the Executioner , he said , Honest man , I have forgiven thee , therefore strike boldly , from my soul I do it . Then a Gentleman speaking to him , he said , Nay , prethee be contented , be quiet good Mr — be quiet . Then turning to the Executioner , he said , Well , you are ready when I am ready , are you not ? And stretching out his hands , he said , Then pray stand off Gentlemen . Then going to the front of the Scaffold , he said to the People , Gentlemen , though I doubt not of it , yet I think it convenient to ask it of you , That you would all joyn in Prayers with me , That God would mercifully receive my soul , and that for his alone mercies in Christ Jesus . God Almighty keep you all . Execut. My Lord , shall I put up your hair ? Capel . I , I , prethee do : and then as he stood lifting up his hands and eyes , he said , O God , I do with a perfect and a willing heart submit to thy Will : O God , I do most willingly humble my self : And then kneeling down , said , I will try first how I can lie ; and laying his head over the Block , said , Am I wel now ? Executioner . Yes . And then as he lay with both his hands stretched out , he said to the Executioner , Here lies both my hands out , when I lift up my hand thus , ( lifting up his right hand ) then you may strike . And then after he had said a short prayer , he lifted up his right hand , and the Executioner at one blow severed his Head from his Body , which was taken up by his Servants , and put ( with his body ) into a Coffin , as the former . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A47456-e190 * This is as the King express'd , but I supposed he meant Ans . * Here a Malignant Lady interrupted the Court , ( saying not halfe the people ) but she was soon silenced . Notes for div A47456-e13130 * Strafford . * Pointing to Dr. Juxon . * Turning to some Gentlemen that wrote . * Meaning if he did blunt the edg . * Pointing to D. Juxon . * It is thought for to give it to the Prince . * Stretching them out . Notes for div A47456-e14780 * Observing the Writers . * Looking towards M. Bolton . * As he was putting up his hair . 
A78802	----	His Majesties gracious message to both His Houses of Parliament, February the 20th England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78802 of text R230941 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2329). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78802 Wing C2329 ESTC R230941 99896596 99896596 170754 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78802) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 170754) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2424:11; 2514:24b) His Majesties gracious message to both His Houses of Parliament, February the 20th England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library and the Folger Shakespeare Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A78802 R230941 (Wing C2329). civilwar no His Majesties gracious message to both His Houses of Parliament, February the 20th. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 220 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE HIS MAIESTIES GRACIOUS MESSAGE To both His Houses of PARLJAMENT , FEBRUARY the 20th . WHereas His Majesty hath ( together with a Treaty ) proposed a Cessation of Arms to both His Houses of Parliament now 16. dayes since , to which as yet He hath received no Answer : To the end that His Majesty may so cleerly understand the Houses , that no such Imputations ( as have been formerly ) may after be laid upon Him upon occasion of any thing that may intervene : His Majesty desires , if a Cessation shall be approved of by them , That the day upon which the Cessation is thought fit to begin , and such particular Limits and Conditions of that Cessation as are necessary to be understood and agreed on before the Cessation it selfe can actually begin , be proposed by them at the same time with their Approbation of it , Since as His Majesty supposeth by the present great Preparation of severall Forces of the Earle of Essex to march severall wayes , that till such time as this be done , they doe not conceive themselves obliged to an actuall Cessation ; So neither till then doth His Majesty conceive Himselfe obliged to it . 
A78808	----	His Majesties gracious message to both Houses of Parliament, sent from Nottingham, August 25. With the answer of the Lords and Commons to the said message: and His Majesties reply to the same. Sept. 2. Together with the answer and humble petition of both Houses to His Majesties last message: and also His Majesties message in reply to the said answer, Sept. 11. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78808 of text R19423 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E116_47). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 9 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78808 Wing C2334 Thomason E116_47 ESTC R19423 99860667 99860667 112792 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78808) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 112792) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 20:E116[47]) His Majesties gracious message to both Houses of Parliament, sent from Nottingham, August 25. With the answer of the Lords and Commons to the said message: and His Majesties reply to the same. Sept. 2. Together with the answer and humble petition of both Houses to His Majesties last message: and also His Majesties message in reply to the said answer, Sept. 11. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Dorset, Edward Sackville, Earl of, 1591-1652. England and Wales. Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). His Maiesties gracious and last message, sent by the Earle of Dorset ... from Nottingham 25 August 1642. [2], 14 p. Printed by Robert Barker, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: And by the Assignes of John Bill, London : MDCXLII. [1642] Also published with title: His Maiesties gracious and last message, sent by the Earle of Dorset. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Sep: 14". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78808 R19423 (Thomason E116_47). civilwar no His Majesties gracious message to both Houses of Parliament, sent from Nottingham, August 25.: With the answer of the Lords and Commons to England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 2128 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 B The rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES GRACIOUS MESSAGE To both Houses of Parliament , sent from Nottingham , August 25. With the Answer of the Lords and Commons to the said Message : And HIS MAJESTIES REPLY to the same . Sept. 2. TOGETHER With the Answer and humble Petition of both Houses to His Majesties last Message : And also His Majesties Message in Reply to the said Answer , Sept. 11. 1642. LONDON : Printed by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXLII . DIEV · ET MON · DROIT CR royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ His Majesties gracious Message to both Houses of Parliament , sent from Nottingham , 25. August , 1642. By the Earles of Southampton and Dorset , Sir Iohn Culpeper Knight , Chancellour of the Exchequer , and Sir VVilliam Vvedall , KNIGHT . WE have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the distractions of this Our Kingdom ; Our very soul is full of anguish untill We may finde some remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a civill War : And though all Our endeavours tending to the Composing of those unhappy differences betwixt Vs & Our two Houses of Parliament ( though pursued by Vs with all Zeal and Sincerity ) have bin hitherto without that Successee Whoped for ; Yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the publike Peace , that We shall not be discouraged from using any Expedient , which by the blessing of the God of Mercy may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happinesse to all Our good Subjects : To this end observing that many Mistakes have arisen by the Messages , Petitions and Answers betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament , which happily may be prevented by some other way of Treatie , wherein the Matters in difference may be more cleerly understood , and more freely transacted ; We have thought fit to propound to you , That some fit persons may be by you inabled to treat with the like number to be authorized by Vs , in such a manner , and with such freedom of Debate , as may best tend to that happy Conclusion , which all good-men desire , The Peace of the Kingdom : Wherein as We promist in the Word of a King all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto Vs , if you shall choose the place where We are for the Treaty , which We wholly leave to you , presuming of the like care of the safety of those We shall imploy , if you shall name another place ; So We assure you and all Our good Subjects , that ( to the best of Our understanding ) nothing shall be therein wanting on Our part , which may advance the True Protestant Religion , Oppose Poperie and Superstition , Secure the Law of the Land ( upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative , as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject ) Confirm all just Power & Priviledges of Parliament , and render Vs and Our people truely happy by a good Vnderstanding betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament . Bring with you as firm Resolutions to do your duty , and let all Our good People joyn with Vs in Our prayers to Almighty God for his blessing upon this Work . If this Proposition shall be rejected by you , We have done Our duty so amply , that God will ab●olve Vs from the Guilt of any of that blood which must be spilt . And what opinion soever other Men may have of Our Power , We assure you nothing but Our Christian & Pious care to prevent the Effusion of blood hath begot this Motion , Our Provision of Men , Arms and Money being such as may secure Vs from further violence , till it please God to open the eyes of Our People . ❧ The Answer of the Lords and Commons to His Majesties Message of the 25. of August . 1642. May it please Your Majestie , THe Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , having received Your Majesties Message of the 25 of August , do with much grief resent the dangerous and distracted state of this Kingdom , which we have by all means endeavoured to prevent , both by our severall Advices and Petitions of Your Majesty , which have bin not only without successe , but there hath followed that , which no ill counsell in former times hath produced , or any age hath seen , namely , those severall Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament , whereby their Actions are declared Treasonable , and their Persons Traitors ; And thereupon Your Majestie hath set up Your Standard against them , whereby You have put the two Houses of Parliament , and in them this whole Kingdom out of Your Protection ; so that untill Your Majestie shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations , whereby the Earl of Essex and both Houses of Parliament , and their adherents and assistante , and such as have obeyed and executed their commands & directions , according to their duties , are declared Traitors , or otherwise delinquents ; And untill the Standard set up in pursuance of the said Proclamations be taken down , Your Majestie hath put us into such a condition , that whilest we so remain we cannot by the fundamentall Priviledges of Parliament , the publike trust reposed in us , or with the generall good and safetie of this Kingdome give Your Majestie any other Answer to this Message . Joh. Browne Cler. Parliament . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. s His MAJESTIES Reply To an Answer sent by the two Houses of Parliament to His MAJESTIES Message of the 25. of August , concerning a Treatie of Accommodation . WE will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the Kingdom , nor how those meanes have been interpreted , because being desirous to avoid effusion of blood We are willing to decline all memory of former bitternesse that might make Our offer of a Treatie lesse readily accepted . We never did Declare , nor ever intended to Declare both Our Houses of Parliament Traitours , or set up Our Standard against them , and much lesse to put them and this Kingdom out of Our Protection : We utterly Professe against it before God and the World . And further to remove all possible Scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Vs ; We hereby Promise , so that a day he appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all Persons as Traitours or otherwayes , for assisting of Vs , We shall with all cheerfulnesse upon the same day recall Our Proclamations and Declarations , and take down Our Standard : In which Treaty We shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our Subjects ; Conjuring you to consider the bleeding , condition of Ireland , and the dangerous condition of England , in as high a degree as by these Our offers We have declared Our Self to do : And assuring you that Our chief desire in this world is to beget a good understanding and mutuall confidence betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament . To the KINGS most Excellent MAJESTIE The humble Answer and Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , unto the KINGS last Message . May it please Your Majestie . IF we the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled should repeat all the waies we have taken , the endeavours we have used , and the expressions we have made unto Your Majestie to prevent those Distractions and Dangers Your Majestie speaks of , likely to fall upon this Kingdom , we should too much enlarge the Reply ; therefore as we humbly , so shall we onely let Your Majestie know , that we cannot recede from our former Answer , for the Reasons therein expressed : For that Your Majestie hath not taken down Your Standard , Recalled Your Proclamations and Declarations , whereby You have declared the Actions of both Houses of Parliament to be Treasonable , and their Persons Traitours , and You have published the same since Your Message of the 25 of August , by Your late Instructions sent to Your Commissioners of Array : Which Standard being taken down , and the Declarations , Proclamations and Instructions recalled , if Your Majestie shall then upon this our humble Petition , leaving Your Forces , Return unto Your Parliament , and receive their faithfull Advice , Your Majestie will finde such Expressions of our fidelities and duties as shall assure You , That Your Safety , Honour and Greatnesse can onely be found in the Affections of Your People , and the sincere Counsels of Your Parliament whose constant and undiscouraged Endeavours and Consultations have passed through Difficulties unheard of , onely to secure Your Kingdoms from the violent Mischiefs and Dangers now ready to fall upon them , and every part of them ; who deserve better of Your Majestie , and can never allow themselves ( representing likewise Your whole Kingdom ) to be balanced with those persons , whose desperate Dispositions and Counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our Endeavours for the relieving of bleeding Ireland , as we may fear our Labours and vast expences will be fruitlesse to that distressed Kingdom . As Your presence is thus humbly desired by vs , so is it in our hopes Your Majestie will in Your Reason beleeve , there is no other way then this to make Your Majesties self happy , and Your Kingdom safe . Jo. Brown Cler. Par. His Majesties Message In Reply to the Answer and humble Petition of both Houses of Parliament . WE have taken most wayes , used most endeavours , and made most reall expressions to prevent the present Distractions and Dangers , let all the world judge , as well by former Passages , as by Our two last Messages , which have been so fruitlesse , that ( though We have descended to desire and presse it ) not so much as a Treatie can be obtained , unlesse We would denude Our Self of all Force to defend Vs from a visible Strength Marching against Vs , and admit those Persons as Traitours to Vs , who according to their Duetie , their Oathes of Allegiance , and the Law , have appeared in defence of Vs their King and Liege Lord ( whom We are bound in Conscience and Honour to preserve ) though We disclaimed all Our Proclamations and Declarations , and the erecting of Our Standard as against Our Parliament . All We have now left in Our Power is , to expresse the deep Sense We have of the publike misery of this Kingdom , in which is involved that of Our distressed Protestants of Ireland , and to apply Our Self to Our necessary Defence , wherein We wholly rely upon the providence of God , the Iustice of Our Cause , and the Affection of Our good People , so far We are from putting them out of Our Protection . When you shall desire a Treaty of Vs , We shall piously remember whose Blood is to be spilt in this Quarrell , and cheerfully embrace it . And as no other Reason induced Vs to leave Our city of London , but that with Honour and Safety We could not stay there ; nor raise any Force , but for the necessary Defence of Our Person and the Law , against Leavies in opposition to both ; so We shall suddenly and most willingly return to the One , and disband the Other , as soon as those Causes shall be removed . The God of Heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those Iudgements which hang over this Nation , and so deal with Vs and Our Posterity , as We desire the Preservation and Advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the Law and the Liberty of the Subject , the just Rights of Parliament , and the Peace of the Kingdom . FINIS . 
A78810	----	By the King. His Majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of Robert Earle of Essex. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78810 of text R212652 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[9]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78810 Wing C2341 Thomason 669.f.7[9] ESTC R212652 99871247 99871247 160991 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78810) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160991) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[9]) By the King. His Majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of Robert Earle of Essex. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Leonard Lychfield, printer to the Vniversity, Oxford [i.e. London] : 1643. Actual place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Essex, Robert Devereux, -- Earl of, 1591-1646 -- Early works to 1800. Pardon -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78810 R212652 (Thomason 669.f.7[9]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties gracious offer of pardon to the rebells now in armes against him, under the command of Robert Earle of Essex. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 682 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . His Majesties Gracious Offer of Pardon to the Rebells now in Armes against Him , under the Command of Robert Earle of Essex . WHereas an Actuall and open Rebellion is raised , and severall Armies marching against Us , under the command and conduct of Robert Earle of Essex , and other Persons under his Commissions and authority , who falsly pretend that what they do is by Vertue of Our Authority , & for Our Service , and so seduce many of Our weak Subjects from their Duty and Allegiance into this horrid and odious Rebellon against Us . We doe therefore once more declare the said Robert Earle of Essex , and all such who by any Commission under him , have levied or doe command any Souldiers to bee guilty of High Treason ; and that this Rebellion is raised to take away Our Life from Us , to destroy Our Posterity , to change the blessed Protestant Religion established by the Lawes of the Land , to suppresse the Law of the Kingdome , to take away the Liberty of the Subject , and to subject both to an unlimited arbitrary power . And We doe therefore Will and Command all Our loving Subjects upon their Allegiance , and their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , that they apprehend the said Earle of Essex , and all such who , by vertue of any Commission under him , have levied , or doe now command any Souldiers in any places of this Kingdome , as guilty of high Treason . And whereas We understand that , at this time , the said Robert Earle of Essex , and some other Commanders who have equall or independent authority from him , doe traiterously lay siege to , and intend to assault Our Towne of Redding , We , considering that the most part of those Commanders and Souldiers are seduced by specious pretexts above said , have , out of Our Princely Grace and Clemency , thought fit , and doe hereby declare , That We are pleased to grant Our free and generall Pardon as well to all Captaines and inferiour Officers ( not formerly excepted in any of Our Declarations or Proclamations ) as to all common Souldiers now before Our Towne of Redding , or elsewhere , as to Persons seduced by the cunning & falshood of the authors of the present Rebellion : If such Captains , inferior Officers and souldiers shall disband within six dayes after the publishing of this Our Proclamation , so as they commit no hostile Act in the meane while . And We doe farther declare , That such Officers as aforesaid , shall returne to their due Obedience to Us , and render themselves to the Lieutenant-Generall , or other principall Officer of Our Army , or to the Governour of that Our Towne of Redding , and be willing to serve Us , shall be entertained in Our Army , or if they be not willing to serve , shall have Our Pardon and free Passe , provided they take an Oath never to take up Armes against Us . And that such common souldiers as shall lay downe their Armes according to this Our Proclamation , shall receive Our like Gracious Pardon , and be entertained in Our service , if they shall be willing , or otherwise , taking the aforesaid Oath , have five shillings in money given them , and a Passe to carry them to their dwellings . But in case this Our Gracious Mercy to them , produce not those good effects We hope for , such extremity of punishment they are to expect , as the highnesse of so Treasonablean Act in its owne nature deserves . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the eighteenth day of April in the nineteenth Year of our Reigne . God save the KING . Oxford , Printed by Leonard Lychfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1643. 
A70321	----	A view of the nevv directorie and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the Church of England in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface, for the abolishing the one, and establishing the other. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. 1646 Approx. 323 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 61 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-06 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A70321 Wing H614B ESTC R2266 12412051 ocm 12412051 61555 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A70321) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 61555) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 741:3, 892:2 or 1702:2) A view of the nevv directorie and a vindication of the ancient liturgie of the Church of England in answer to the reasons pretended in the ordinance and preface, for the abolishing the one, and establishing the other. Hammond, Henry, 1605-1660. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). Proclamation commanding the use of the Booke of common prayer. The third edition. [12], 106 p. Printed by Henry Hall ..., Oxford [Oxfordshire] : 1646. Attributed to Henry Hammond. cf. NUC pre-1956. Caption title: By the King, a proclamation commanding the use of the Booke of common-prayer ... p. [3]-[6] This item is incorrectly identified in the reel guides at reels 741:3 and 892:2 as Wing H614. Reproduction of originals in Union Theological Seminary Library, New York and Huntington Library. Includes bibliographical references. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Selection was intended to range over a wide variety of subject areas, to reflect the true nature of the print record of the period. In general, first editions of a works in English were prioritized, although there are a number of works in other languages, notably Latin and Welsh, included and sometimes a second or later edition of a work was chosen if there was a compelling reason to do so. Image sets were sent to external keying companies for transcription and basic encoding. Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Westminster Assembly (1643-1652). -- Directory for the publique worship of God. Church of England. -- Book of common prayer. Church of England -- Liturgy -- Controversial literature. 2005-12 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-12 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2006-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2006-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-04 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A VIEW OF THE NEW DIRECTORIE , AND A VINDICATION OF THE ANCIENT LITURGIE OF THE Church of England . In Answer to the Reasons pretended in the Ordinance and Preface , for the abolishing the one , and establishing the other . The Third Edition . OXFORD , Printed by HENRY HALL , Printer to the UNIVERSITY . 1646. BY THE KING . A Proclamation Commanding the use of the Booke of Common-Prayer according to Law , notwithstanding the pretended Ordinances for the New Directory . WHereas by a Printed Paper , dated the third of Ianuary last past , intituled , An Ordinance of Parliam●●t for taking away the Book of Common-Prayer , and for establishing and putting in execution of the Directory for the publique worship of God ; It is said to be ordained among other things , That the Book of Common-Prayer should not remain , or be from thenceforth used in any Church , Chappell or place of publique Worship within the Kingdome of England or Dominion of Wales ; And that the Directory for publique Worship in that printed Paper set forth , should be from thenceforth used , pursued , and observed in all exercises of publique Worship of God in every Congregation , Church , Chappell , and place of publique Worship . And by another printed Paper , dated the 23. day of August last past , intituled , All Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the more effectuall putting in execution the Directory for publique Worship , &c. particular directions are set down for the dispersing , publishing , and use of the said Directory , in all parishes , Chappelries , and Donatives , and for the calling in and suppressing of all Books of Common-Prayer , under severall forfeitures and penalties to be levyed and imposed upon conviction before Iustices of Assize , or of Over and Terminer , and of the Peace , as by the said two printed Papers may appeare . And taking into Our consideration , that the Book of Common Prayer , which is endeavoured thus to be abolished , was compiled in the times of Reformation , by the most learned and pious men of that Age , and defended and confirmed with the Martyrdome of many ; and was first established by Act of Parliament in the time of King Edward the sixth , and never repealed or laid aside , save only in that short time of Queen Maries Reign , upon the returne of Popery and superstition ; and in the first yeare of Queen Elizabeth , it was again revived and established by Act of Parliament , and the repeale of it then declared by the whole Parliament , to have béen to the great decay of the due honour of God , and discomfort to the Professors of the truth of Christs Religion : and ever since it hath béen used and observed for above fourescore yeares together , in the best times of peace and plenty that ever this Kingdome enjoyed ; and that it conteines in it an excellent Forme of Worship and Service of God , grounded upon holy Scriptures , and is a singular meanes and helpe to devotion in all Congregation , and that , or some other of the like Forme , simply necessary in those many Congregations , which cannot be otherwise supplyed by learned and able men , and kéeps up an uniformity in the Church of England ; And that the Directory , which is sought to be introduced , is a meanes to open the way , and give the liberty to all ignorant Factious or evill men , to broach their own fancies and conceits , be they never so wicked and erroneous ; and to mis , lead People into sin and Rebellion , and to utter those things , even in that which they make for their Prayer in their Congregations as in Gods presence , which no conscientious man can assent or say Amen to . And be the Minister never so pious and religious , yet it will breake that uniformity which hitherto hath béen held in Gods service , and be a meanes to raise Factions and divisions in the Church ; And those many Congregations in this Kingdome , where able and religious Ministers cannot be maintained , must be left destitute of all helpe or meanes for their publique worship and service of God : And observing likewise , that no reason is given for this alteration , but only inconvenience alleadged in the generall ( and whether pride and avarice be not the ground , whether rebellion and destruction of Monarchy be not the intention of some , and sacriledge and the Churches possessions the aymes and hopes of others , and these new Directories , the meanes to prepare and draw the people in for all , Wée leave to him who searches and knowes the hearts of men , ) And taking into Our further consideration , that this alteration is introduced by colour of Ordinances of Parliament made without and against Our consent , and against an expresse Act of Parliament still in force , and the same Ordinances made as perpetuall binding Lawes , inflicting penalties and punishments , which was never , before these times , so much as pretended to have been the use or power of Ordinances of Parliament , without an expresse Act of Parliament , to which Wée are to be parties . Now lest Our silence should be interpreted by some as a connivance or indifferency in Us , in a matter so highly concerning the Worship and Service of God , the Peace and Unity of the Church and State , and the establish'd Lawes of the Kingdome , Wée have therefore thought fit to publish this Our Proclamation ; And Wée do hereby require and command all and singular Ministers in all Cathedrall and Parish-Churches , and other places of publique Worship , within Our Kingdome of England or Dominion of Wales ; and all other to whom it shall appertaine , that the said Booke of Common-Prayer be kept and used in all Churches , Chappels , and places of publique Worship , according to the said Statute made in that behalfe in the said first yeare of the said late Quéen Elizabeth ; And that the said Directory be in no sort admitted , received , or used , the said pretended Ordinances , or any thing in them conteined to the contrary notwithstanding . And Wee do hereby let them know , that whensoever it shall please God to restore Us to Peace , and the Lawes to their due course ( wherein Wée doubt not of his assistance in his good time ) Wée shall require a strict account and prosecution against the breakers of the said Law , according to the force thereof . And in the meane time , in such places where Wée shall come , and find the Booke of Common-Prayer supprest and laid aside , and the Directory introduced , Wée shall account all those that shall be ayders , actors or contrivers therein , to be persons disaffected to the Religion and Lawes established : and this they must expect , besides that greater losse which they shall sustain by suffering themselves thus to be deprived of the use and comfort of the said Booke . Given at Our Court at Oxford this thirteenth day of November , in the one and twentieth yeare of Our Raigne . 1645. GOD SAUE THE KING . A PREFACE TO THE Ensuing Discou●se . Sect 1 THat the Liturgy of the Church of England , which was at first as it were written in bloud , at the least sealed , and delivered downe to us by the Martyrdom of most of the compilers of it , should ever since be daily solicited , and call'd to the same stage and Theatre , to fill up what was behinde of the sufferings of those Fathers , is no strange or new piece of oeconomy in the Church of God. This proposition I shall take liberty briefly to prove by way of introduction to the ensuing discourse , and shall hope that you will acknowledge it with me , if you but consider these severalls . Sect 2 1. That there is not a surer evidence and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by which to discerne the great excellency of moderation in that booke , and so the apportionatenesse of it , to the end to which it was designed , then the experience of those so contrary fates , which it hath constantly undergone , betwixt the persecutors on both extreame parts , the assertors of the Papacy on the one side , and the Consistory on the other , the one accusing it of Schisme , the other of Complyance , the one of departure from the Church of Rome , the other of remaining with it , like the poore Greeke Church , our fellow Martyr , devoured by the Turke for too much Christian Profession ; and damn'd by the Pope for too little , it being the dictate of naturall Reason in Aristotle , ( whose rules have seldome failed in that kinde since hee observed them ) that , the middle vertue is most infallibly knowne by this , that it is accused by either extreame as guilty of the other extreame : that the true liberality of mind is by this best exemplified , that it is defamed by the prodigall for parsimony , and by the niggard for prodigality , by which ( by the way ) that great blocke of offence , which hath scandalized so many , will be in part removed , and the reproaches so continually heaped upon this booke , will to every discerning Judge of things , passe for as weake an unconcluding argument of guilt in it , as the scarres of a Military man doth of his cowardice , or the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the every Topicke of rayling Rhetorick , Mal. 5. of the unchristiannesse of the person on whom they are powred out . Sect 3 2. That ever since the reproaches of men have taken confidence to vent themselves against this booke , there hath nothing but aire and vapour been vomited out against it , objections of little force to conclude any thing , but onely the resolute contumacious , either ignorance , or malice of the objectors , which might at large be proved , both by the view of all the charges that former Pamphlets have produced , all gathered together and vindicated by Mr. Hooker , and that no one charge of any crime , either against the whole , or any part of it , which this Directory hath offered ; which as it might in reason , make such an act of malice more strange , so will it to him that compares this matter with other practises of these times , ( whose great engine hath beene the calumniari fortiter the gaining credit by the violence of the cry , when it could not be had by the validity of the proofes , most men being more willing to believe a calumnie , then to examine it ) make it but unreasonable to wonder at it ; It being an experiment of daily observation , that those which have no crime of which they are accusable , are therefore not the lesse , but the more vehemently accused , prosecuted , and dragg'd to execution , that the punishment may prove them guilty , which nothing else could , it being more probable in the judgement of the multitude , ( who especially are considered now adaies , as the instruments to act our great designes ) that a nocent person should plead not guilty , then an innocent bee condemned , which prejudice , as it might bee pardon'd from the charity wherein 't is grounded , that they who are appointed to punish vilenesses , will not be so likely to commit them , so being applyed to usurping judges , ( whose very judging is one crime , and that no way avowable , but by making use of more injustices ) will prove but a piece of Turcisme , which concludes all things honest , that prove successefull , or of the moderne Divinity in the point of Scandall , which makes it a sufficient exception against any indifferent usage , that it is by some excepted against , a competent cause of anger , that men are angry as it though never so without a cause . Sect 4 3. That it hath been constantly the portion , and prerogative of the best things ( as of the best men ) to be under the crosse , to have their good things of this world 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with persecutions , Mar. 10. 30. and so no strange thing that that which is alwaies a dealing with the Crosse , should be sometimes a panting , and gasping under it ; There was never any surer evidence of the cleannesse of a creature amongst the Jewes , then that it was permitted to be sacrificed , the Lamb , and the Turtle emblemes of innocence , and charity , and the other Christian virtues , were daily slaughter'd and devoured , while the Swine , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and all the uncleaner creatures were denied that favour , placed under a kind of Anathema , or Excommunication sentence , of such it was not lawfull , no not to eate ; and so it must be expected in the anti-type , that all the heat of the Satanicall impression , all the fire of zeale , the sentence to be sacrificed , and devoted , should fall as now it doth , on this Lambe-like , Dove-like creature , of a making not apt to provoke any man to rage , or quarrell , or any thing , but love of communion , and thankesgiving to God for such an inestimable donative . Sect 5 4. That a Liturgy being found by the experience of all ancient times , as a necessary hedge , and mound to preserve any profession of Religion , and worship of God in a Nationall Church , it was to be expected that the enemy and his instruments , which can call destruction mercy , embroyling of our old Church the founding of a new ( we know who hath told one of the Houses of this Parliament so , that they have laid a foundation of a Church among us , which if it signify any thing , imports that there was no Church in this Kingdome before that Session ) should also think the destroying of all Liturgy , the only way of security to Gods worship , the no-forme being as fitly accommodated to no-Church , as the no-hedge , no-wall to the Common , or desert , the no-inclosure to the no-plantation . Sect 6 5. That the eradication of Episcopacy , first Voted , then Acted , by the Ordination of Presbyters by Presbyters without any Bishop , which begun to be practised in this Kingdome , about the end of the last year , was in any reason to be accounted prooemiall and preparatory to some farther degree of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or disorder , and to be attended by the abolition of the Liturgy in the beginning of this new year , ( Episcopacy and Liturgy being like the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , among the Aegyptians , this Daughter to attend that Mother , as among the Barbarians when their Prince dyed , some of the noblest were constantly to bear him company out of the World , not to mourn for , but to dye with him . ) A thing that the People of this Kingdome could never have been imagined low or servile enough to bear or endure ( I am sure within few years they that sate at the sterne of action conceived so , and therefore we fain by Declaration , to disavow all such intention of violence ) till by such other assayes and practises and experiments , they were found to be , satis ad servitutem parati , sufficiently prepared for any thing that was servile , almost uncapable of the benefit or reliefe of a Jubilee , like the slave in Exodus , that would not go out free , but required to be bored thorow the eare by his Master , to be a slave for ever . Sect 7 6. That it is one profest act of Gods secret wisedome , to make such tryalls as this , of mens fidelity , and sense , and acknowledgment of his so long indulged favours , to see who will sincerely mourn for the departing of the glory from Israel , whether there be not some that ( with the Captive Trojan Women in Homer , who wept so passionatly at the fall of Patroclus , but made that publike losse the season to powre out their private griefes ) are sensible of those sufferings of the Church only wherein their interests are involved , and more neerly concerned ; whether not some that count the invasion of the Revenues of the Church a Sacriledge , a calamity , and sinne unparallell'd , but think the abolition of the Liturgy unconsiderable , a veniall sin and misery ? whether that wherein Gods glory is joyned with any secular interest of our own , that which makes the separation betwixt Christ and Mammon , may he allowed any expression of our passion or zeale , i. e. in effect ? whether we powre out one drop for Christ in all this deluge of tears , or whether like uncompounded selfe-lovers , whose only centre and principle of motion is our selves , we have passion to no spectacle but what the looking-glasse presents to us , with a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , making God the pretence , and apology , for that kindnesse which is paid and powred out unto another shrine . For of this there is no doubt , that of all the changes of late designed and offered to authority , there is none for which flesh and bloud , passions and interests of men can allow so free a suffrage , so regretlesse a consent , as this of the abolition of the Liturgy , ( The sluggishnesse of unguifted men , the only thing that is affirmed to be concerned in , or to gain by it , is perfectly mistaken as shall anon appear ) and were there not a God in Heaven , the care of whose honour obliged us to endeavour the preservation of it , were not a future growth of Atheisme and Prophanenesse the feared consequent of such abolition , and notorious experience ready to avow the justnesse of this fear , I have reason to be confident that no Advocate would offer Libell , no Disputer put in exception , against this present Directory ; I am privy to my own sense , that I should not , I have rather reason to impute it to my selfe , that the want of any such carnall motive to stir me up to this defence , might be the cause that I so long defer'd to undertake it , and perhaps should have done so longer , if any man else had appear'd in that Argument . And therefore unlesse it be strange for men , when there be so many tempters abroad , to be permitted to temptations , sure Gods yeelding to this act of the importunity of Satan ( who hath desir'd in this new way to explore many ) will not bee strange neither . Sect 8 Lastly , that our so long abuse of this so continued a mercy , our want of diligence , in assembling our selves together ( the too ordinary fault of too many of the best of us ) our generall , scandalous , unexcusable disobedience to the commands of our Church , which requires that service to be used constantly in publike every day , the vanity of prurient tongues and itching ears , which are still thirsting newes and variety , but above all , the want of ardor and fervency in the performance of this prescribed service , the admitting of all secular company ( I mean worldly thoughts ) into its presence , preferring all secular businesse before it , the generall irreverence and indifference in the celebrations , may well be thought to have encouraged Satan to his expetivit , to the preferring his petition to God , and his importunity at length to have provoked God to deliver up our Liturgy to him and his Ministers , to oppose and maligne , to calumniate and defame , and at last to gain the countenance of an Ordinance , to condemne and execute it as at this day . The Lord be mercifull to them that have yeelded to be instrumentall to that great destroyer in this businesse . Sect 9 I have thus far laboured to presse home that part of Saint Peters exhortation 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not to think the calamity strange which hath befallen this Church in this matter , on no other purpose , but to discharge that duty which we owe to Gods secret providence , of observing the visible works of it , that discerning our selves to be under his afflicting hand , we may , 1. Joyn in the use of all probable means to remove so sad a pressure , by humbling our selves , and reforming those sinnes which have fitted us for this captivity , then 2. that we may compassionate and pardon , and blesse , and pray for those whose hands have been used in the execution of this vengeance and reproach upon the Land : and Lastly , That we may endeavour , if it be possible , to disabuse and rectify those , who are capable , by more light , of safer resolutions ; To which purpose these following animadversions being designed in the bowells of compassion to my infatuated Country-men , and out of a sincere single desire that our sins may have some end or allay , though our miseries have not , ( and therefore framed in such a manner , as I conceived , might prove most usefull , by being most proportionable to them , who stood most in need of them , without any oblation provided for any other shrine , any civility for the more curious Reader ) are here offered to thee , to be dealt with as thou desirest to be treated at that last dreadfull tribunall , which sure then will be with acceptation of pardon , and with that Charity ( the but just return to that which mixt this antidote for thee ) which will cover a multitude of sinnes . CHAP. I. IN the Ordinance prefixt to the Directory ( being almost wholly made up of formes of Repeale ) there are only two things worthy of any stay or consideration . Sect 1 1. The motives upon which the Houses of Parliament have been inclined to think it necessary to abolish the Book of Common-Prayer , and establish the Directory , and those are specified to be three . First the consideration of the manifold inconveniencies that have risen by the Book in this Kingdome . 2. The resolution according to their Covenant , to reforme Religion according to the Word of God , and the best reformed Churches . 3. Their having consulted with the Learned , and Pious ; and Reverend Divines to that purpose , from whence they conclude it necessary to abolish the Booke . Sect 2 To this conclusion infer'd upon these premises , I shall confidently make this return , 1. That the conclusion is as illogicall as any that an Assembly of wise men have ever acknowledged themselves to be guilty of , no one of the three Motives being severally of strength to beare such a superstructure , and therefore all together being as unsufficient ; for if the conclusion were only of the prudence , or expedience , of taking it away , somewhat might be pretended for that inference from the premises , supposing them true : But when 't is of necessity ( and that twice repeated and so not casually fallen from them ) there must then be somewhat of precept divine in the premises to induce that necessity , or else it will never be induced : for I shall suppose it granted by them with whom I now dispute , that nothing is necessary in the worship of God , but what God hath prescribed , the necessity of precept being the only one that can have place in this matter , and the necessitas medii , being most improper to be here pleaded . But that there is no such direct precept , so much as pretended to by those three motives , it is clear , and as clear , that all together do not amount to an interpretative precept . For that a lawfull thing though prest with manifold inconveniences should be removed , is no where commanded the lawfull Magistrate , but left to his prudence to judge whether there be not conveniences on the other side , which may counterballance those inconveniences ; much lesse is it commanded the inferiour Courts in despight of King and standing Law. For what ever of expedience , and so of prudence might be supposed to interpose , that may be sufficient to incline a Wise Magistrate to make a Law , but not any else , either to usurpe the power of a Law-maker , or to do any thing contrary to establish'd Lawes ; there being nothing that can justify the least disobedience of Subjects to their Prince , or the Lawes of the Kingdom , but that obligation to that one superiour Law of that higher Prince , our Father which is in heaven , which being supposed , 't is not all the resolutions and Covenants in the world that can make it lawfull for any so to disobey , much lesse necessary , any more , then the saying Corban in the Gospell , i. e. pretending a vow will free the Child from the obligation of honouring or relieving his Father , or then Herod's vow made it lawfull to cut off the head of John the Baptist : and then how far the consultation with those Divines may induce that necessity , will upon the same ground also be manifest to any , especially that shall remember , with what caution that Assembly was by the Houses admitted to consult , and with what restraints on them , and professions , that they were call'd only to be advisers , when they were required , but not to conclude any thing , either by a generall concurrence , or by that of a Major part , any farther then the reasons which they should offer them might prevaile with them ; to which purpose it was so ordered , that if any one man dissented from the rest of their Divines , his opinions and reasons were as much to be represented to the Houses , as that other of the rest of the Assembly . Sect 3 By this I conceive it appears , that I have not quarrell'd causelesly with the Logick of this conclusion , the premises pretending at most but motives of expedience , and so as unable to infer a necessity , as a Topicall argument is to demonstrate , or a particular to induce an universall . That which I would in charity guesse of this matter , as the cause of this mistake , is my not groundlesse suspition , that when the Presbyterians had prepared the premises , the Independents framed the conclusion , the former of these joyning at last with the other in a resolution of taking away the Book , but only on prudentiall considerations ; not out of conscience of the unlawfulnesse , and proportionably setting down those reasons but prudentiall reasons ; and the latter though restrained from putting conscience into the premises , yet stealing it secretly into the conclusion , so each deceiving and being deceived by each other , I am not sure that my conjecture is right in this particular , yet have I reason to insert it . 1. Because I find in many places of the Directory certain footsteps of this kind of composition and compliance , and mixture of those so distant sorts of Reformers . 2. Because the Presbyterians which have sformerly appeared both in other and in this Kingdome ( whose copy these present reformers of that party hath transcribed ) have constantly avowed the lawfulnesse of Liturgy , and so cannot affirme any necessity of abolishing ; witnesse Calvin himselfe ( whom we shall anon have occasion to produce ) and the practise of his Church of Geneva , and neerer to our selves , witnesse those foure classes , which in Q. Elizabeths daies , had set themselves up in this Kingdome . These had made complaint to the Lord Burleigh against our Liturgy , and entertained hopes of obtaining his favour in that businesse about the year 1585. he demanded of them , whether they desired the taking away of all Liturgy , they answered , no , he then required them to make a better , such as they would desire to have settled in the stead of this . The first Classis did accordingly frame a new one , somewhat according to the Geneva forme : But this the second Classis disliked , and altered in 600. particulars ; that again had the fate to be quarrell'd by the third Classis , and what the third resolved on , by the fourth ; and the dissenting of those Brethren , as the Division of tongues at Babel , was a faire means to keep that Tower then from advancing any higher . Nay even for our neighbours of Scotland themselves , what ever some of them of late have thought fit to do , since they became Covenanteers , ( in animosity perhaps and opposition to that terrible mormo , the Liturgy , sent to them from hence ) we know that they were Presbyterians formerly , without seeing any necessity of abolishing Liturgy . Sect 4 'T is no newes to tell you that M. Knox wrote a Liturgy , wherein there is frequent mention of the daies of Common-Prayer ; and among many other particulars , these ensuing , worthy your remarke . 1. Plain undisguised confessions of such faults , which this age , though as notoriously guilty of as they , will not put into publike formes , or leave upon record against themselves , as , That for the pleasure and defence of the French they had violated their Faith , of breaking the leagues of unity and concord , which their Kings and Governours had contracted with their Neighbours , and again , that for the maintenance of their friendship , they have not feared to break their solemne oathes made unto others . To which I might adde , from another Confession , that Whoredome and Adultery are but pastimes of the flesh , crafty dealing deceit and oppression is counted good conquest , &c. but that it would looke too like a Satyre against some part of that Nation at this time thus to specifie . 2. Their great sense and acknowledgment of obligations from this Kingdome of England , and not only prayers for continuance of peace between England and Scotland , but even execrations on all ( and so sure on those their successours of this age ) which should continue or contribute ought toward the breaking of it , the words are these . Seeing when we by our power were altogether unable , &c. thou didst move the hearts of our neighbours ( of whom we had deserved no such favour ) to take upon them the common burthen with us , and for our deliverance , not only to spend the lives of many , but also to hazard the estate and tranquillity of their Realme , Grant unto us that with such reverence we may remember thy benefits received , that after this in our default , we never enter into hostility against the Nation of England , suffer us never to fall into that ingratitude and detestable unthankfulnesse , that we should seek the destruction nnd death of those whom thou hast made instruments to deliver us from the tyranny of mercilesse strangers , [ the French. ] Dissipate thou the Counsells of such as deceitfully travaile to stirre the hearts of either Realme against the other , let their malitious practises be their own confusion , and grant thou of thy mercy , that love , and concord , and tranquillity may continue and encrease among the inhabitants of this Island , even to the coming of our Lord Jesus Christ . 3. That some of their formes of words are directly all one with ours , others with some small additions retaining our formes , as in the Prayer for the King , and the Exhortation before the Sacrament , and the adjuration of the Parties to be married will appeare . 4. That on their day of Fast ( though that be with great care provided and ordered to be the Sunday twice together , quite contrary to the Canons and custome of the Primitive Church , yet ) 't is then appointed , that the Minister with the People shall prostrate themselves , &c. a posture of most humble bodily adoration , made to reproach those who will not so much as recommend or direct any one kind of corporall worship or gesture of humiliation in all their Directory . The inlarging to this mention of particulars I acknowledge to be a digression . But the presenting to your knowledge or remembrance this Scottish Liturgy is not ; By which superadded to the former , and by much more which might from other Churches be added to that , it briefly appears what is or hath been the uniforme judgment of the Presbyterians in this matter , directly contrary to the concluded necessity of abolishing . Sect 5 Which necessity on the other side the Independents have still asserted , and for that and other such differences have avowed their resolutions to be the like scourges to them as they have been to us , professing ( and ad homines , unanswerably proving the reasonablenesse of it ) to reforme the Geneva reformation ( as a first rude and so imperfect draught just creeping out of Popery there , and therefore not supposeable to be compleat at the first assay ) as the Presbyterians upon the same pretences have design'd and practised on our English Reformation . Sect 6 All this I have said against the concluded necessity in case , or on supposition that the premises were true , but now I must add the falsenesse of those also , and then if the necessity will still remain , I must pronounce it a piece of Stoicall fatality , an insuperable unruly necessity indeed , that will acknowledge no Lawes , or bounds , or limits to confine it . Sect 7 And first for the manifold inconveniences , if that phrase denote those severalls which in the Preface to the Directory are suggested , I shall in due place make it appear . 1. That there are no such inconveniencies . 2. That greater then those may easily , and hereafter shall be produced against their Directory , and consequently that , although true inconveniencies were supposed sufficient to inferre a necessity of abolition , yet such only pretended names of inconveniency , such Chimaera's and Mormo's ( especially over-ballanced with reall ones in the other scale ) would be abundantly insufficient to do it . But if the manifold inconveniences have a larger prospect to referre to , we shall conclude it very uncharitable not to mention those , which might possibly have had the same effect with us as with them , convinced us also to be their Proselytes , and in the mean time very unjust to put so uncertain an equivocall phrase into a law , which we have no Criterion , or nomenclature to interpret ; but beyond all , very imprudent to mention and lay weight on such sleight and such no inconveniencies afterward specified , when others might have been produced better able to bear the envy of the accusation . Sect 8 As for your resolution , if it went no higher then the Covenant , and that but to reforme Religion , according to the Word of God , and the example of the best reformed Churches , I am sure it cannot oblige or so much as incline you to take away that Book , there being nothing in it , 1. Contrary to designe of Reformation . 2. Contrary to the word of God , or 3. Contrary to the example of the best reformed Churches . Sect 9 Not 1. to Reformation , for Reformation is as contrary to abolition of what should be reformed , as cure to killing ; and if it be replyed , that the abolition of Liturgy , as unlawfull may be necessary to the reforming of Religion , I shall yeeld to that reply on that supposition , but then withall adde , that Liturgy must first be proved unlawfull , and that testified from divine infallible principles ; which because it is not thorow this whole Book so much as pretended , both that and the second suggestion from the Word of God must necessarily be disclaimed , and then the example of the best reformed Churches will soon follow , not only because all other Reformed Churches ordinarily known by that Title , have some kind of Liturgy , and that is as contrary to abolition , as the continuing of ours without any change , but because no Reformation is to be preferr'd before that which cuts off no more then is necessary to be cut off , and which produces the Scripture rule , the sword of the Spirit for all such amputations ; and therefore the Church of England , as it stands established by Law is avowable against all the Calumniators in the world , to be the best and most exemplary reformed ; so farre , that if I did not guesse of the sense of the Covenant more by the temper then words of the Covenanteers , I should think all men , that have Covenanted to reforme after the example of the best Reformed Churches , indispensably obliged to conforme to the King - Edward , or Queen Elizabeth-English Reformation , the most regular perfect pattern that Europe yeeldeth . Sect 10 As for the truth of the last affirmation that they have consulted with the Divines called together to that purpose , although I have no reason to doubt of it , yet this I know , that very many of the learned'st there present , were , immediately before their imbarking in that imployment , otherwise minded , and that therefore so suddain an universall change of minds savours either of some strong charme , or strange inconstancy , and I shall make bold to aske this Question of that whole number of Divines , whether I should do them wrong in affirming , that there yet are not ten Divines in that number that think all Liturgy unlawfull , and consequently that it was necessary ( not to reforme , but ) to abolish our Booke , which is the stile of the Ordinance . If this challenge of mine may not be answer'd with a plain punctuall subscription of so many to the condemnation of all Liturgy as unlawfull , I am sure this is an Argument , ad homines , unanswerable . And the ground of my challenge , and of my specifying that number , is the relation we have oft had of the but seven dissenting Brethren , i. e. the but so many of the Independent Party among them , which upon my former ground I now suppose the only mortall enemies to all Liturgy . But if I am mistaken , and this be the common sense of those Assemblers ; then have I reason to add to my former complaints this other of their so over-cautious expressions , which through this whole Book hath not once intimated either the whole or any part to be unlawfull , but only quarrel'd the inconveniencies , which suppose it otherwise to be lawfull . Sect 11 And this much might suffice of the first observable in the Ordinance , the concluding this abolition to be necessary . But because I would foresee and prevent all possible rejoynder , and because I would here interpose some considerations which would otherwise take up a larger place , I shall suppose the Presbyterians may have another motion of the word necessary , of a lower importance then this under which we have hitherto proceeded against them ( though still the Independents , whose judgment is not wont to be despised in the framing of Ordinances , cannot be imagined to take it in any other ) and that is , that it shall signifie only a Politicall necessity , or that which is necessary , if not to the being , yet to the well being , i. e. to the Peace and prosperity of this Kingdome . Now because there be two parts of every Christian Kingdome , a State and a Church , and so two branches of Policy , Civill and Ecclesiasticall , I shall not undertake to be so far Master of their sense , as to pitch upon either as that wherein they affirme this abolition necessary , but say somewhat to both , and to shew that it is not necessary in either sense of Politicall necessity . Sect 11 And first that the abolition of Liturgy cannot have so much as a benigne influence on the State , much lesse be necessary to the prosperity of it , I shall inferre only by this vulgar aphorisme , that any notable or grand mutation , if from some higher principle it appear not necessary to be made , will be necessary not to be made , at least not to be made 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , altogether , but only by degrees and prudent dispensings . I shall not any farther enlarge on so plain a theme , then to mention one proportion or resemblance of this truth in the naturall body observed by the Physitians in the cure of an hydropicall patient , who , when the body lyes covered with such a deluge of water , that it proves necessary to make some sluce to let out the burthenous superfluity , do not yet proceed by any loose way of letting out all at once , because the violent effluvium , or powring out of Spirits constantly consequent to that , would certainly destroy the Patient , and endanger him on dry ground , as much , or more , then in the midst of those waters ; but the method is a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the making so small a hole in the skin , that shall drain the body by insensible degrees by drawing out a little at once , and never above a pint at a time , though many gallous are designed to passe by this way of evacuation . I shall adde no more to this resemblance , but that the totall violent illegall abolition of Liturgy in a setled Church , is certainly of this nature , and being superadded to the change of the Government into a Forme quite contrary to that which for 1600 years hath prevailed in the universall Church of Christ , there setled by the Apostles , may be allow'd the stile of insignis mutatio ; a mutation of some considerable importance to a Christian State , which being admitted altogether without any preparative alleviating steps , will ( by the rapid suddain motion at least , if there were nothing else ) have a dangerous influence upon the whole body , of which the cunningest diviner cannot at this instance foresee the effects , or prevent the emergent mischiefes which succeeding times may discover . If it be said , that this abolition is now necessary to conclude the present Warre , and that be affirmed to be the Politick necessity here meant , I answer , that if it were able to do that , I should acknowledge it the strongest argument that could be thought on to prove it Politically necessary , this Warre being so unnecessarily destructive , and any thing that could rid us of that , so strongly convenient , that if Conscience would permit the use of it , I should allow it the title of necessary . But to make short of this , no man can believe that these Armies were raised or continued to subdue the Common Prayer-Booke , for , besides that there was a time when 't was found necessary for the Houses to declare , that they had no design to take away that Book , for feare the People should be disobliged by it , and another when the Earle of Essex his Army exprest some kindnesse to it ; 'T is now confest by the pretenders of both Perswasions , Presbyterians and Independents , one that they doe not , the other that they must not take up Armes for Religion , and so that kind of politicall necessity of abolishing the Book is , and by themselves must be disclaimed also . Sect 12 Now for the second branch of this necessity , that which is in order to Ecclesiasticall or Church-policy , we shall take liberty in this place to consider this matter at large , because it may perhaps save us some pains hereafter , and because their pretending of this necessity of doing what they do , is a tentation , if not a challenge to us to do so , and then we shall leave it to the Reader to judge what grounds may hence be fetcht for this pretended necessity . And this must be done by laying together the severall things that are in our Liturgy , and are purposely left out in the Directory , and so are as it were the Characteristicall note , by which the Directory is by the Assemblers designed to differ from our Liturgy , as so much food from poyson , Christian from Antichristian ( if Necessity be properly taken , ) or ( if improperly for that which is necessary only to the well being ) as a more perfect and more profitable , from that which , if it be so at all , is not either ( in their opinion ) in so high a degree . Sect 13 Now the severalls of our Liturgy which are purposely avoyded in this Directory , I have observed to be principally these ; Of those that are more extrinsecall , sixe . 1. The prescribing of Formes , or Liturgy it selfe . 2. Outward or bodily worship . 3. Vniformity in performing Gods service . 4. The Peoples bearing some part in the service . 5. The dividing the Prayers into severall Collects , and not putting them all into one continued Prayer . 6. The Ceremonies of kneeling in the Communion , of Crosse in Baptisme , of Ring in Marriage , &c. Then of those that are intrinsecall , and parts of the Service . 1. The Absolution , in the beginning of the Service next after the Confession , and before the Communion , and in the Visitation of the sicke . 2. The Hymnes , the Introite , the Te Deum , &c. 3. The use of the Doxology or giving glory to God. 4. The Confession of the Faith in the Creeds . 5. The frequent repeating of the Lords Prayer , and the Prayers for the King. 6. The observation of the divers Feasts commemorative , not only of Christ , but of Saints departed , and assigning Services , Lessons , Epistles , and Gospels , and Collects to them . 7. The reading the Commandements , and the Prayers belonging to that Service . 8. The order of the Offertory . 9. Private Baptisme . 10. A prescript forme of Catechisme . 11. Confirmation . 12. The solemnities of burying the dead . 13. Thankesgiving after Child-birth . 14. Communion of the sick . 15. The Service containing the Commination . 16. The observation of Lent , and the Rogation , and I would add also of the Ember weekes . This may seem too loose a taske , to enlarge on each of these , and yet we are in justice to this Book , and for an answer to the pretended Necessity of abolishing it , obliged to do so , as briefly as it may , only so farre as may serve to give the Reader a view of the lawfulnesse at least , and withall of the usefulnesse of each of these , and consequently of no-appearance of reason why it should be thought necessary to abolish any one of them , much lesse of all the rest for that ones sake . Sect 14 , And first for the prescribing of Formes of Prayer , or Liturgy it selfe , we shall referre it to judgment whether it be necessary in Ecclesiasticall Policy , i. e. strongly conducing to the benefit and edification of a Church to interdict or banish it out of the Kingdome , when we have proposed these few things concerning it . 1. The example of God himselfe and holy men in the Old Testament , prescribing set Formes of blessing the People to be used daily by Aaron and his Sonnes , Numb . 6. 23. The Lord blesse thee and keep thee , &c. set Formes for the People to use themselves , Deut. 26. 3. 5. Thou shalt say before the Lord , A Syrian , &c. as also at the going out of their Armies , Deut. 20. 3. and of Thankesgiving , Exod. 15. 1. made by Moses , and it seems learnt by heart by all the people ; and in the same words used again by Miriam , v. 21. and so it appears ; Isa . 38. 20. that Hezekiah did not only forme a set thankesgiving , but used it all the daies of his life , and the same Hezekiah , 2. Chron. 29. 30. in his thankesgiving commanded the Levites also to sing praises to God with the words of David and Asaph , i. e. Formes already prepared to his hand by those sacred Pen-men . Sect 15 2. The practise of the Jewes since Ezra's time constantly using set Formes of Prayer by way of Liturgy ; For this I shall produce no other proofe then the testimony of a learned Member of their Assembly , M. Selden in his notes on Eutychius , vouching all his affirmations out of the ancient records of the customes of the Jewish Nation , from whom , that they may be of authority with you , I shall transcribe these severalls , That certain formes of praying , which were to be used by every one daily by Law , or received custome , were instituted by Ezra and his house , i. e. his consistory . That the Jewes about the end of the Babylonish Captivity had their ancient manners as well as language so depraved , that without a Master they either were not able to pray as they ought , or had not confidence to do so . And therefore that for the future , they might not recede either in the matter of their prayers ( through corruption ) or expression ( through ignorance ) from that forme of piety commanded them by God , this remedy was applyed by the men of the great Synagogue , Ezra and his 120. Collegues , ( where by the way is observeable one speciall use and benefit of set Forms , not only to provide for the ignorance , but to be an hedge to the true Religion , to keep out all mixtures or corruptions out of a Church : To which purpose also the Councells in the Christian Church have designed severall parts which we still retain in our Liturgy , a reall and a valuable benefit if it were considered . ) That of this kind there were 18. Prayers or Benedictions call'd in the Gemarae composed or appointed Prayers , That the three first of these , and the three last respected the glory of God , the twelve other intermediate were spent on those prime things that were necessary , either to the whole People or every particular man , ( proportionable to which perhaps it is , that our Saviour who accommodated most institutions of his Baptisme and his last Supper , &c. to the customes of the Church , did also designe his prayer , as it is set downe in Matthew , though not according to the number of the Jewish prayers , yet to the generall matter and forme of them , the three first branches of it , and the conclusion , which may passe for three branches more , referriug to the glory of God and the other intermediate to our private and publike wants . ) That these Prayers were to be learnt by every man , that the Prayers of the unskillfull might be as perfect as of the most eloquent . That every act or praying was begun with Psal . 51. 15. O Lord open thou our lips , and our mouthes shall shew forth thy praise ( the very forme of words still retain'd in Saint James his Liturgy , and in ours before the Introite ) and concluded with Psal . 19. the last verse , Into thy hands , &c. That of these 18. Prayers no one was to be omitted , that if any other were added , they were counted of , like free-will-offerings , as the other were answerable to the prescribed , and were called by that name . That the additions might be made only in those Prayers which concern their own wants , because those were capable of variation , but not to those that concern'd God. That on Sabboth and Feast-daies no man might use a voluntary prayer . That about the time of the Jewes destruction Gamaliel and his Sanhedrim added a 19. Prayer , and after him others , so that at length the daily service grew to an 100. Prayers . That it is likely that the Pagans came to use their set Formes in their Sacrifice also , ( and perhaps the Mahumedans too ) by the example of the Jewish Church , for which he there referres the Reader to many Books of the Learned . I conceive the authority of this Gentleman hath not beene despised by the House of Commons , and the Assemblers ( when it hath chanced to agree with their designs or interest ) and therefore I have thus farre , as an Argument ad homines , insisted on it . Sect 16 3. The not onely practise , but precept of Christ in the New Testament who did not only use himselfe a set forme of words in prayer , three times together using the same words , Mat. 26. 44. and upon the crosse in the same manner , praying in the Psalmists words , only changed into the Syriack dialect , which was then the vulgar : but also commanded the use of those very words of his perfect forme , which it seems he meant not only as a pattern , but a forme it selfe ( as the Standard weight , is not only the measure of all weights , but may it selfe be used ) Luk. 11. 2. when you pray , say , Our Father , &c. which precept no man can with a good conscience ever obey , that holds all set formes necessary to be cast out of the Church . Sect 17 4. The practise , not only of John the Baptist , who taught his Disciples to pray , Luk. 11. 1. ( which occasioned Christs Disciples to demand , and him to give them a forme of Prayer ) but especially of the Apostles , of which we find intimations 1. Cor. 14. 26. when you come together every one of you hath a Psalme , which sure referres to some of the Psalmes of David or Asaph , used then ordinarily in their devotions , ( and that as even now I said , authorized by the example of Christ himselfe upon the Crosse , who it is thought , repeated the whole 22. Psalme , it is certaine the first verse of it , My God My God why hast thou forsaken me ) and so certainly a set forme , and that of Prayer too ( of which thanksgivings and Prayses are a part . ) But because every one had his severall Psalme , it is therefore reprehended by the Apostle , as tending to confusion , and by that consequence , Saint Pauls judgment is thence deducible for the joyning of all in the same form , as being the only course tending to edification in the end of that verse , and then sure 't would be hard , that that which the Apostle conceived the only course for edifying , should now be necessary to be turn'd out of the Church , as contrary to edification . Farther yet , 't is clear by text , that the Apostles when they met together , to holy duties ( such are Fasting , Prayer , receiving the Sacrament ) continued very long time , sometimes a whole day together . This being too much to be alwaies continued in the Church , and unsuteable to every mans businesse , is said to have been the occasion that S. James first made choice of some speciall Prayers most frequently by them used , which was after called his Liturgy , which ( or some other in the disguise of that ) the Greek Church still use on solemne daies . This also being of the longest for every daies use , St. Basil is said to have shortned , and that again St. Chrysostome ; how certain these reports are , I shall not take upon me to affirme , but only adde , that the Greek Church , who are most likely to know the truth of it by their records , do retain all these three Liturgies , and would loudly laugh at any man that should make doubt whether St. James , S. Basil , and S. Chrysostome , were not the Authors of them . 2. That the judgement of that Church ( if they are deceived also , and may not be thought worthy to be heeded by our Assemblers ) is yet an argument of great authority to any prudent man , if not that these Liturgies were purely the same with those that were written by that Apostle , and those holy men , yet that there were such things as Liturgies of their penning . The like might be added of that short forme of St. Peters , which alone they say was used in the Roman Church for a great while , till after by some Popes it was augmented , and the same of St. Marks Liturgy . I am sure S. Augustine speaking of some formes retained in the Church , and still to be found in our Liturgy , particularly that of Sursum corda , Lift up your hearts , &c. saith , that they are verba ab ipsis Apostolorum temporibus petita , words fetcht from the times of the Apostles , which supposes that they did use such Formes . And for that particular mention'd by S. Augustine , it is agreeable to the Constitutions of the Apostles , l. 8. c. 16. ( which collection if it be not so antient as it pretends , doth yet imitate Apostolicall antiquity ) and so in S. James's , and Basils and Chrysostomes Liturgy in the same words with our Booke as farre as to the word [ bounden ] and for many other such particular Formes used by us , we find them in Cyril of Hierusalems Catechisme , one of the antientest Authors we have , and then that it should be necessary for the Church to turne out what the Apostles had thus brought into it , will not easily be made good by our Assemblers . Sect 18 5. The practice of the universall Church from that time to this , which is so notorious to any that is conversant in the writings of the Antient Fathers , and of which so many testimonies are gathered together for many mens satisfaction by Cassander , and other writers of the Liturgica , that 't were a reproach to the Reader to detain or importune him with testimonies of that nature . To omit the practice of * Constantine , who prescribed a forme for his Souldiers ( a Copy of which we have in Euseb . de vit . Const . l. 4. c. 20. ) I shall only mention two grand testimonies for set Formes , one in the 23. Canon of the third Councell of Carthage , Quascunque sibi preces aliquis describet non iis utatur , nisi prius eas cum instructioribus fratribus contulerit , No man may use any Prayers which he hath made , unlesse he first consult with other learneder Christians about them , and the other more punctuall , Concil . Milev . c. 12. Placuit ut preces quae probatae fuerint in Concilio ab omnibus celebrentur . Nec aliae omninò dicantur in Ecclesia , nisi quae à prudentioribus tractantur , vel comprobatae in Synodo fuerint , ne fortè aliquid contra fidem , aut per ignorantiam , aut per minus studium sit compositum . It was resolv'd on , that the Prayers that were approv'd in the Councell should be used by all , and that no other should be said in the Church but those that had been weighed by the more prudent , or approv'd in a Synod , lest any thing , either through ignorance or negligence should be done against the Faith. Instead of such Citations ( and because whatsoever argument is brought from that Topick of Ecclesiasticall tradition , is now presently defamed with the title of Popish and Antichristian , because forsooth Antichrist was a working early in the Apostles time , and every thing that we have not a mind to in antiquity , must needs be one of those works ) I shall rather chuse to mention another , as a more convincing argument ad homines , and that is , Sect 9 6. The judgement and practice of the Reformed in other Kingdomes , even Calvin himselfe in severall ample testimonies , one in his Notes upon Psal . 20. 1. another in his Epistle to the Protector . I shall not give my selfe license to transcribe these , or multiply more such Testimonies , only for the honour not only of Liturgy in generall , but particularly of our Liturgy , 't will be worth remembring that Gilbertus a German , many years since , in a book of his , propounds our Book of Prayer for a sample of the Formes of the ancient Church ; And for the purity of it , and thorough Reformation , that Cranmer procured the King Edwards Common-Prayer-Book to be translated into Latine , and sent it to Bucer , and required his judgment of it , who answer'd , that there was nothing in it , but what was taken out of the Word of God , or which was not against it , commodè acceptum , being taken in a good sense , some things indeed , saith he , quae nisi quis , &c. unlesse they be interpreted with Candor , may seem not so agreeable to the Word of God , and which unquiet men may wrest unto matter of contention . As may be seen at large in Bucers Scripta Anglicana . Upon this occasion that Book of King Edwards was again survey'd , and in those particulars , that were subject to such Cavils , corrected . After which time the quarrells about that Book were generally with the Papists ( not so much with the opposite extreame ) and therefore John Ould in Queen Maries daies wrote against them in defence of it , and of the King Edwards Reformation . And Cranmer made a challenge , that if he might be permitted by the Queen to take to him P. Martyr , and foure or five more , they would enter the lists with any Papists living , and defend the Common-Prayer-Book to be perfectly agreeable to the Word of God , and the same in effect which had been for 1500. years in the Church of Christ . This for the reputation of the Book . Then for the fruit and benefit that by the use of it redounded to Christians , take an essay by M. John Hullier , Fellow of Kings Colledge in Cambridge , who was Martyr'd in Queen Maries daies , Anno 1557. and being at the stake , among many other Books that were thrown into the fire to him , it happened that a Common-Prayer-Book fell between his hands , which he joyfully receiving opened , and read till the flame and smoke suffered him not to see any more , and then he fell to prayer , holding his hands up to Heaven , and the Book betwixt his armes next his heart , thanking God for that mercy in sending him it , the relation is M. Foxes , and from thence the plea authentick , that the tree that bare wholsome fruit , should not be cut down by the Law , Deut. 10. 20. even when Warre was to be made on a City , and as Maimon : addes l. de Idol . though it were worshipt for an Idol , and if that which was then of so dear esteem be now so necessary to be cast out , it is an ill indication of the times into which we are fallen . Sect 20 7. The reasons on which the very Heathens themselves took up the same practice , which was uniuersall ( it seems ) through all the World , more Catholick then the Church it selfe . To this purpose beside those Authors which M. Selden referres to , I shall only adde these three testimonies , first of Plato , l. 7. de leg . where he commands , That whatever Prayer or Hymnes the Poets composed to the Gods , they should first shew them to the Priests ( as if they were in a manner leprous till then ) before they publisht them , lest they should aske evill things instead of good , ( an infirmity th●t these daies are very subject unto ) The second in Thucyd. l. 6. p. 434. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Set formes for severall occasions , and a common joynt sending them up to heaven . The third in Alexander ab Alex. l. 4. c. 17. That the Gentiles read their Prayers out of a Book before their Sacrifices , Nè quià praeposterè dicatur , aliquis ex scripto praeire & adverbum referre solitus est , That the work might not be done preposterously . Which two reasons of theirs , the one lest they should stray in the matter of their Prayers , the other lest offend in the manner , may passe for Christian reasons , as seasonable with us , as they were among them . And no necessity that those reasons should be despised by us neither . Sect 21 8. The irrationall concludings , or shortnesse of discourse of those which are against set formes , especially in two things , the first observed by D. Preston ( whose memory is , I hope , not lost among these Assemblers ) and made use of in a printed worke of his to the confuting of them . That while they in opposition to set Formes require the Minister to conceive a Prayer for the Congregation , they observe not , that the whole Congregation is by that means as much stinted , and bound to a set Forme , to wit of those words which the Minister conceives , as if he read them out of a Book . 2. That the persons with whom we have now to deale , though they will not prescribe any Forme of Prayer , yet venture to prescribe the matter of it in these words , pag. 14. the Minister is to call upon the Lord to this effect : Now why the prescription of the matter is not the stinting of the Spirit , as well as the forme of words ( unlesse the Spirit , like the Heathen Mercury be the God of eloquence , and be thought to deale in the words only ) or why the promise of dabitur in illâ horâ , it shall be given you in that houre , should not be as full a promise for matter , as for expressions ; especially when that Text forbids care or provision , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , not only how , but what they should speake , and the promise is peculiarly for the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , it shall be given you what you shall speak , and this is it , that is attributed to the Spirit , v. 20. ( from whence if I should conclude , that the Holy Ghost taught the Disciples onely the matter of their answer ; and they themselves were left to put it in Forme of words , there is nothing in that Text against that assertion ; and that it was so in their penning of the New Testament , many probable Arguments might be produced if it were now seasonable , ) and consequently , why the prescribing of one should not be unreasonable in them , that condemne all prescribing of the other , I confesse is one of those things , which my charity hath made me willing to impute to the shortnesse of discourse , because I am unwilling to lay any heavier charge upon it . Sect 22 From all which considered , and a great deale more which might be added from the usefulnesse of known Formes to those , whose understandings are not quick enough to go along with unknown , and if they have no other , are fain oft times to return without performing any part of so necessary duty of prayer in the Church , from the experience of the effects of the contrary doctrine , the many scandalous passages which have fallen from Ministers in their extemporary Prayers ( of which meer pity and humanity , civility and mercy to Enemies , restraines us from inserting a large Catalogue ) and the no manner of advantage above that which set Formes may also afford , but only of satisfaction to the itching eare , exercise and pleasure to the licentious tongue , and the vanity of the reputation of being able to performe that office so fluently ( which yet is no more then the Rabbins allow Achitophel , that he had every day three new Formes of Prayer ) or of having a plentifull measure of the Spirit ; which is beleeved to infuse such eloquence , I shall now conclude it impossible that any humane eye should discern a Necessity , in respect of Ecclesiasticall policy , or edifying the Church , why all Liturgy should be destroyed , not wash't , not purg'd with Sope , such any Reformation would be , but torne and consumed with nitre , for such is abolition , why it should suffer this Ostracisme , ( unlesse as Aristides did for being too vertuous ) be thus vehemently first declamed , and then banish'd out of the Church . Sect 23 Secondly , for outward bodily worship 't is particularly prohibited by the Directory at one time , at the taking of our seates or places when we enter the Assembly , ( directly contrary to that of Isidor , si quis veniat cum lectio celebratur adoret tantùm Deum , if any come in when the Lesson is a reading , let him only performe adoration to God , and hearken to what is read ) and never so much as recommended at any time , nor one would think , permitted in any part of their publick service , like the Persians in Strabo l. 15. that never offer'd any part of the flesh to the Gods in their sacrifices , kept all that to themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , supposing the Gods would be content with the soules , which in the blood were powred out and sacrificed to their honour , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they said that the Gods wanted and desired the soules for a sacrifice , but not any thing else ; of which People Herodotus l. 1. hath observed that they had neither Temples nor Altar , and laugh'd at them which built either , but went to the top of some hill or other , and there sacrificed , preferring such naturall Altars before any other . The former of these is the avowed Divinity of these men ( and might perhaps have been attended with the latter too , were it not that there be so many Churches already built conveniently to their hands . ) Instead of which , our Liturgy hath thought fit not only to recommend but prescribe bodily worship , first by directing in the Rubrick what part of service shall be performed kneeling , then by reading the Venite , where all encourage and call upon the others to worship , and fall down , and kneele , &c. to worship , i. e. adore , which peculiarly notes bodily worship , and so surely the falling down , and kneeling before the Lord. And of this I shall say , that it is 1. An act of obedience to that precept of glorifying God in our bodies , as well as souls . 2. Atranscribing of Christs Copy , who kneeled , and even prostrated himselfe in Prayer : of many holy men in Scripture , who are affirmed to have done so ( and that affirmation written for our example ) and even of the Publican , who though standing , yet by standing a far off , by not looking up , by striking his breast , did clearly joyn bodily worship to his prayer , of [ Lord be mercifull to me a sinner ] used at his coming into the Temple , and in that posture thrived better then the Pharisee in his loftier garbe , went away more justified , saith our Saviour , as a vessell at the foot of a hill , will ( say the Artists ) receive and contain more water , then the same or a like vessell on the top of it would be able to do ( and he that shall do the like , that shall joyn adoration of God , and nothing but God , to the use of that or the like fervent ejaculation at his entrance into Gods house , will sure have Christs approbation of the Publicans behaviour to justify him from any charge of Superstition in so doing ) and besides 3. The most agreeable humble gesture , and so best becoming , and * evidencing and helping the inward performance of that most lowly duty of Prayer , and consequently that it may be charg'd with blasphemy ; as well and as properly , as with supersition , and probably would be so , if the latter were not the more odious of the two : and indeed why kneeling or bowing should be more lyable to that censure , then either mentall or orall prayer , there is no reason imaginable , it being as possible that one may be directed to a false object ( and so become Idolatrous , or superstitious in the true notion of those words ( as they denote the worship of Idols , or dead men , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or superstites ) as the other , and ( for the improper notion of Superstition ) the one again as much capable of being an excesse in Religion ( the mind or tongue being as likely to enlarge and exceed as the body ) or of using a piece of false Religion , as the other , the bodily worship duely performed to God , being the payment of a debt to God ( and no doubt acceptable , when 't is paid with a true heart ) and no way an argument of want , but a probable evidence of the presence and cooperation of inward devotion , as I remember Nazianzen saith of his Father , Or. 8. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , he shewed a great deale in the outside , but kept the greater treasure within in the invisible part . And on the other side , the stiffenesse of the knee , an argument of some eminent defect , if not of true piety , yet of somewhat else , and Christs prediction , Joh. 4. that the time should come that the worshippers should worship God in spirit and truth , ( being not set in opposition to bodily worship , but to the appropriating it to some singular places , Jerusalem , or that Mountain ) not producible as any apology or excuse for such omission . To these briefe intimations I shall need adde no more , when the conclusion that I am to inferre is so moderate , being only this , that it is not necessary to turn all bowing or kneeling , or bodily worship out of the Church , ( were there any superstition in any one or more gestures , this were too great a severity , to mulct the Church of all , above the proportion of the most unlimited arbitrary Court , whose amercements must alwaies be within the compasse of salvo contenemento , which this will not be , if there be no competency of bodily worship left behind ) and that the Liturgy doth better to prescribe it at fit times , then the Directory to omit all mention of it at all times , unlesse by way of dislike and prohibition . Which conclusion will be the more easily evinced against them , by asking them whether in their Family-Parlour-Prayers , or in their private Closet Prayers , they do not approve and practice that gesture ; which as I believe in charity they do , so I must from thence inferre , that by them the House of God , is the only place thought fit to be despised . And if it be replyed , that the Directory forbids not kneeling , but only commands it not , leaving it free to use or not to use , I answer , 1. That the effect of this liberty is very remarkeable among them , and equall to that of a prohibition , no man almost of their perswasion ever kneeling in their Churches . 2. That the never so much as recommending it , is very near a forbidding of it . 3. That bowing or adoration is directly forbidden once ( which , by the way , is as much the defining of a Ceremony , viz. that of standing or going upright , and so as contrary to the Independents perswasions , and to the great clamorous complaint for Liberty in Ceremonies , as any prescription of kneeling or bowing can be . ) 4. That kneeling also is at the receiving of the Sacrament forbidden , by necessity of consequence , sitting being prescribed , and therefore that that reply or excuse is false also . And so now what speciall advantage this is like to bring in to this Church of ours , to have the Bodies of negligent , or prophane , or Factions men left ( without any so much as an admonition ) to their own inclinations , and so what depth of Ecclesiasticall policy there was which made this change so necessary , I desire may now be judged . Sect 24 Thirdly , For uniformity in that Service ; ( which our Liturgy labours to set up , by prescribing the manner of it , but the Directory hath taken away by leaving all to the chance of mens wils , which can no more be thought likely to concurre in one forme , then Democritus's Atomes to have met together into a world of beautifull Creatures , without any hand of providence to dispose them ) it hath certainly the approbation of all wise men , and command of S. Paul , 1. Cor. 14. 40. in that grand place , Let all things be done decently and in order . Of which I conceive the clear importance to be , that all be done in the Church according to custome and appointment . The former implyed in 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( custome being the only rule of decency , and therfore the indecency of wearing long haire , is proved by being against nature , i. e. saith Suidas in the Scripture phrase , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a custome of some continuance in that place , and thereupon S. Paul thinks it enough against au Ecclesiasticall usage , and that which might supersede all strife about it , 1. Cor. 11. 16. [ we have no such customes , &c. ] and the latter in plain words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , according to order or appointment ( for so the words literally import ) and then upon these two grounds is uniformity built , and necessarily results , where all that is done in the Church , is ruled by one of these , by custome or by Law , which being here commanded by Saint Paul , is a proofe of the more then lawfulnesse of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prescription of Ceremonies in a Church , and of uniformity therein . And then what necessity there is or can be that St. Pauls command shall be so neglected , all care of uniformity so disclaimed , all 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , constitution , or ordinance , for any Ecclesiasticall matter ( unlesse their ordinance against all such constitutions ) so solemnly disavowed , it will be hard to imagine , or guesse , unlesse it be on purpose to observe M. Prynnes rule of Conforming the Church to the State , to fill one as full of disorder and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and confusion as the other . I remember a saying of Socrates which Plato and Cicero record from him , Mutatâ Musicâ mutantur & mores , that the change of a kind of Musicke , had a great influence on mens minds , and had a generall change of manners consequent to it , I conceive uniformity in Gods service to be parallell to Musick , being it selfe an outward concord or harmony of the most different affections ; and that that should be not only changed , but lost , I cannot understand any necessity , unlesse it be that some such like effects may be wrought in Religion also . Sect 25 For the Fourth , the Peoples bearing some part in the Service ( whether by way of response in the Prayers , and hymnes , or by reading every other verse in the Psalme ) mentioned in Theodorets story l. 2. c. 24. where speaking of Flavianus and Diodorus , he saith of them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. they divided the Quire of Singers into two parts , and appointed them to sing the Psalme successively , which custome began by them ( who saith he , were admirable men , and labour'd extreamly to stirre up all men to Piety , and to that end invented this ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , prevail'd over the whole world , or by way of mutuall charity , returning a Prayer for the Priest , who began one peculiarly for them ; which Innocentius referres to , in his Letter to Aurelius and Augustine , calling them communes & alternas preces , to which he there attributes more force , quàm privatis , then to private , or by way of following the Presbyter in Confession of sinnes , both at the beginning of the Service , and before the Communion ; or in Profession of Faith in the Creeds , wherein every the meanest Christian is to have his part ; ) it is certainly designed by the Church , from the example of pure antiquity , to very gainfull uses , to quicken devotion , which the length of continued hearing may have leave to dull and slacken , and to recall those thoughts which may , upon the like temptation , have diverted to other objects ; in a word , to engage every one to be made no idle or unprofitable Spectator of the Service : and as long as there is still need of that helpe to these so necessary ends , and not the least shew or pretence of objection against it , how necessary it can be to reject it wholly , and lay all the taske upon the Priest , and not require so much as an Amen ( which it seems was in fashion in S. Pauls time ) of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Lay Person , I leave to the most prejudicate Reader to give sentence for me . Sect 26 As for the Letany , wherein the People are more exercised then in any other part of the Service , 't is certainly designed to make it more proportionable to the title bestowed on it by the Antients of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest or intense Prayer , and in Methodius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , earnest Petitions , ( and in the Greek Liturgies simply 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , intense or earnest ) from Act. 12. 5. Luk. 22. 44. This continuall joyning of the people in every passage of it , tending very much both to the improving and evidencing that fervor and intension , which can never be more necessary then throughout that Service ; of which I shall in passing say these three things , and justify them against any gain-sayer , that there is not extant any where , 1. a more particular excellent enumeration of all the Christians either private or common wants , as farre as is likely to come to the cognisance of a Congregation : nor 2. a more innocent blamelesse Forme , against which there lyes no just objection , and most of the unjust ones that have been made , are reproachfull to Scripture it selfe , from whence the passages excepted against are fetcht , as that particularly of Praying for Gods mercy upon all men , from 1. Tim. 2. 1. nor 3. a more artificiall composure for the raising that zeale , and keeping it up throughout , then this so defamed part of our Liturgy ; for which and other excellencies undoubtedly it is , ( and not for any Conjuring or Swearing in it ) that the Devill hath taken care that it should drink deepest of that bitter cup of Calumny and Reviling , which it can no way have provoked , but only as Christ did the reproach of the diseased man , What have I to do with thee ? &c. when he came to exorcize and cast out the Devill that possest him . And for this to be throwne out of the Church , sure there is no other necessity , then there was that there should be Scandals and Heresies in it , onely because the Devill and his Factors would have it so . Sect 27 5. For the dividing of Prayers into divers Collects or Portions , and not putting all our Petitions into one continued Prayer , these advantages it hath to give it authority . 1. the practice of the Jewes , whose Liturgy was dispensed into Lessons , &c. and 18. Collects , or short Prayers . 2. The example of Christs prescribing a short Forme , and in that , saith S. Chrysostome , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , teaching us the me asure or length due to each Prayer of ours , Hom. de Annâ . f. 965. and setting a mark of Heathenisme , Mat. 6. and of Pharisaisme , Mat. 23. 14. on their long Prayers . 3. The advice of the Antients , who tell us S. Peters Forme , used for a great while in the Roman Church , was a short one , and that Christ and S. Paul commanded us to make our Prayers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , short and frequent , and with little distances betweene . And so Ephiphanius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 : orat . c. 24. directs to offer our Petitions 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , with all frequency ; and Cassian , de instit . mon. l. 2. c. 10. from the universall consent of them , Vtilius censent breves orationes sed creberrimas fieri , The way that is resolved to be most profitable , is to have short Prayers , but very thick or frequent . And he addes a consideration which prompted them to this resolution , Vt Diaboli insidiantis jacula succinctà brevitate vitemur , That by that means the Divells darts which he is wont to find and steale his time to shoot into our breasts , may by the brevity of our Prayers be prevented . To these many more might be added , but that the no-advantage on the other side above this ( save onely the reputation of the labour and patience of speaking or hearing so much in a continued course , in one breath as it were ) will save us the paines of using more motives to perswade any , that sure it is not necessary to exchange this pleasant easie course of our Liturgy , for the tedious toylsome lesse profitable course in the Directory . Sect 28 6. For the Ceremonies used in the severall Services , much might be said , as particularly for that of kneeling ( in opposition to sitting at the Lords Supper designed in the Directory : ) 1. That it is agreeable to the practice of all Antiquity , who though they kneeled not , because the Canon of the Councell of Nice , obliged all to stand in the Church between Easter and Whitsuntide , or on the Lords day all the yeare long , ( which by the way absolutely excludes sitting , as also doth that saying of Optatus l. 4. That the People may not sit in the Church , and of Tertullian , l. de Orat. c. 12. That 't was an Heathen custome to sit in the Church , and therefore ought to be reprehended ; ) yet used the Prayer-gesture at receiving , i. e. bowing their bodies and heads , which the Fathers call adoration : kissing of the hand , is the propriety of the Latine word , but but the ordinary denotation of it , bowing the body , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is more then the former , the cultus major , among the Learned ; For as Herodotus observes of the Eastern Nations , that the manner of equalls , was to kisse one another at meeting , of inferiours to kisse the hand of the Superiour , but of the Suppliants or Petitioners , that would expresse the greatest humility to bow themselves before him , so was this last of the three continued among the primitive Christians in their Services of the greatest piety and humility , Climacus , p. 298. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , when I receive I worship , or adore , agreeable to which the great men in the French Churches , who receive it passing or going ( a meer Aegyptian Passe-over custome ) do first make a lowly cringe or curtesie before they take it in their hands . 2. that Christs Table-gesture at the delivering it , is no Argument for sitting , both because it is not manifest by the Text that he used that , save only at the Passe-over , from which this Supper of the Lord was distinct , and was celebrated by blessing , and breaking , and giving the bread , &c. to which some other gesture might be more proper , and more commodious , and because Christs gesture in that is no more obligingly exemplary to us , then his doing it after Supper was to the Apostles , who yet did it Fasting , Act. 13. 2. and generally took it before the agapae , and as by Plinies Epistle it appears , so early in the morning , that the Congregation departed and met again , ad capiendum cibum promiscuum , to take their meales together . As also 3. that the contrary gesture of sitting , as it was , not many years since , by a full Synod of Protestants in Poland forbidden , if not condemned , because they found it used by the Arrians , as complying with their opinion , who hold our Saviour to be a meer Creature , so is it now profest by some of our late Reformers writings to be a badge and cognisance of their beleeving in the infallibility of Christs promise of coming to raign on this Earth again , and take them into a familiar and ( a kind of ) equall conversation with him , the Doctrine of the Millenaries , once in some credit , but after condemn'd by the Church , and though favoured by some Learned men , both antiently and of late , is not yet sure cleare enough to come into our Creed or Liturgy : or to be profest and proclaimed by that gesture , when ever we receive the Sacrament . The evidence or proofe of it being primarily that in the Revelation , which by the rest of that Book I am very apt to suspect may signifie any thing rather then what the letter of the words imports to us at the first view of them . But I shall not enlarge on this , nor the other Ceremonies mention'd , but referre the Reader to the Learned Satisfactory unanswer'd labour of M. Hooker , on these Subjects , and then aske him when he hath read him , 1. whether he repent him of that paines , 2. whether in his Conscience he can thinke it necessary , or tending to edification to cast all these causelesly out of this Church , or the whole Liturgy for their sakes . Sect 29 Now for those things that are more intrinsecall to the Liturgy , and parts of the Service ; as 1. For the pronouncing of Absolution , which Christ so solemnly instated on the Priest in his Disciples ( by three severall acts , 1. unto Peter as the mouth of the Apostles , Mat. 16. 19. then by way of promise to them all together , Cap. 18. 18. then by way of actuall instating it on them breathing that power and the Holy Ghost on them together , John 20. 23. ) and which is so distinctly named by S. James , c. 5. 15. in the case of sicknesse , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( not as we render they shall be forgiven him , as if it were 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and belonged only to Gods act of pardoning , but ) impersonally Absolution shall be given him ; and so constantly preserved and exercised in the universall Church in publike and private , and approv'd ( as farre as our Liturgy uses it ) even by those who affirm that power in the Minister to be onely declarative , that any man conversant either in the Gospell , or writings of the Fathers , or modern Authors , or that hath but seen Knox'es Scotch Liturgy , and observ'd that part of it , about the receiving of Penitents , would be amazed to see a Directory for the publike worship of God ( which is a large phrase and containes the whole Office of the Priest ) and in it a Title for the visitation of the sicke , and yet find never a word about Absolution , no not in case of scruple , doubt , or temptation , pag. 67. or the death bed it selfe . This exercise of those Keyes of of the Kingdome of Heaven , i. e. of the Church , this pronouncing of Gods pardon , and actuall giving the Pardon and Peace of the Church to all her penitent Children , especially that more particular act before the Communion , and on the Bed of sicknesse ; is , beside the obedience to Christ , so necessary an expression of Christian charity in every Church to its poore members , and the denying of it , where it is due , so barbarous an inhumanity ( which yet I hope no man shall be the worse for , but those that do deny it ) that as the turning of Publike Censures out of this Church , is a rare example of despight unto Christs command , ( there being no Nationall Church from Christs time to this to be found without it , till this of ours for these last three years ) so the sending of Absolution after it , and the affirming it to be necessary to be done , and appointing all foot-steps of it to be turn'd out of the Service , is a piece of disorder , as contrary to Charity as to Piety , to Reason as Religion , this being so far from the blame of an exuberancy in our Service , that there is more reason to wish that there were more of this nature , then that that , which we have already , were omitted . 2. For the Hymnes of the Church , it will not be amisse perhaps to give you first the true notion of the word ; there being among the Hebrewes three sorts of Songs , 1. Mizmor , a concise or short verse , 2. Tehillah , Praise , celebrating or depredicating of God , and 3. Schir , a Canticle , as the word is used in the title of that Song of Songs . And answerable to these three , we have Col. 3. 17. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Psalmes and Hymnes , and Songs , where the word Hymne is answerable to the second of these , a praising and magnifying of God in and for some of his most remarkeable acts of mercy and power . Thus was it the dictate even of nature it selfe among the Heathens , to imploy a great part of their Poetry , i. e. their Piety ( for so Orpheus the first and most famous Writer of Hymnes , was called Theologus Poeta , a Poet that was a Divine also ) in framing of Hymnes to their Gods ; though those of Musaeus and Linus , the other two Theologi Poetae , are not now to be met with . The like we have still of Homer also , and I remember Galen the famous Physitian , in one of his Books De usu partium , describing the composure of the Foot , breakes out of a suddaine into an excellent acknowledgement , which hee calls 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a true Hymne in laud of that God which made these curious bodies of men . This duty of naturall Piety , Christianity certainly hath not obstructed , but elevated it to a far higher pitch by superadding that greatest obligation taken from the Redemption of Mankind , to that old one of the Creation . And thus in all Ages of the Church some Hymnes have been constantly retained to be said or sung in the Churches , I mean not only the daily lections of the Psalmes of David ( which yet this Directory doth not mention , but only commands a more frequent reading of that Book , then of some other parts of Scripture ) nor the singing of some of those Psalmes in Metre , ( which yet this Directory doth not prescribe neither , save onely on daies of Thankesgiving , or after the Sermon , if with convenience it may be done , making it very indifferent , it seems , whether it be kept at all in the Church or no , unlesse on those speciall occasions . ) But the alternate reading of the Psalmes both by Priest and people , ( Psalmi ab omnibus celebrentur , Let the Psalmes be said by all , in the Milevit . Counc . Can. 12. ) the constant use of some speciall Psalmes , as the Introite , and of other more purely Christian Hymnes , either framed by holy men in the Scripture in reference to Christs Incarnation , or by the Church since on purpose to blesse and praise God for his mercies in Christ , which sure deserve a daily celebration from every Christian , as well and as richly as any Victory over Enemies , though it be one of theirs over the King himselfe , can deserve of them upon any such day of Thanksgiving . Of this kind is the Te Deum , a most Divine and admirable Forme , called antiently , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a triumphant Song , generally thought to be composed by Saint Augustine and S. Ambrose , on the day that S. Ambrose baptized S. Augustine , and fitted to that purpose with an acknowledgment of the Trinity , in reference to S. Augustines conversion from Manichaisme . If this be true , then sure is it one of those , the repeating of which moved S. Augustine to so much passion , that he faith in his Confessions , l. 9. Quantum flevi in hymnis & Canticis Ecclesiae tuae , that and the like Hymnes of the Church fetcht many tears from him . Of which I shall only say , that to any man that hath but an humble , faithfull , thankfull fervent heart to go along with it , it is as Christian a piece of praise and prayer , as any humane pen could contribute toward the publike worship of God , which he that hath had the use of in the Church , and now thinkes fit to banish out of it , shewes his own former coldnesse and non-proficiency under that means of grace , and that he never joyned in it with any zeale or earnestnesse , or else his retchlesse ingratitude to the Church which hath allow'd him the benefit of it . Sect 31 The like might be added of those two other in the administration of the Sacrament of the Lords Supper , the former before the Sacrament beginning with Lift up your hearts , and ending with the Holy , holy , holy , Lord God of Hosts , &c. a forme to be found with little variation , both in S. Jameses , S. Basils , and S. Chrysostomes Liturgy , the other , after the Sacrament , Glory be to God on high , &c. called antiently hymaus Angelicus , the Angelicall hymne , from the first part of it which was sung by Angels , and both these such ancient , pure , excellent composures in themselves , and so fitly accommodated to the present businesse , and all that I have named , so farre from any appearance of evill , so free from any the least objection of any the most petulant malicious calumniator ( as far as I yet ever heard ) so well-becoming a Congregation of Saints , who by praising God in the Church , should practice before hand , and fit themselves for the singing of Hallelujahs perpetually in heaven , and in the meane time beare the Angels company here ( who Saint Chrysostome tells us , sing all the hymnes with us : ) that 't is little better then fury , ( savouring much of the temper of that evill spirit on Saul , that was exorcized with Davids Musicke , and therefore may be allowed to have malice to that and the like ever since ) to think it necessary to throw this piece of heaven out of the Church . Sect 32 3. For the Doxology so constantly annexed to many parts of our service , in these words , ( wherein the people either are to begin or answer ) Glory be to the Father , &c. It is an ancient piece of very great consideration , the former versicle of it being , at 't is affirmed by good authorities , composed by the first Councell of Nice , and appointed by them to be used in the Church , as a lesser Creed , or confession of the Trinity , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Consubstantiality of the Sonne and Holy Ghost , with the Father ( at which it hath therefore antiently been the custome to stand up ; confession of God , being a praising of him ( as the word in other languages imports ) to which therefore that posture is most due ) which may well passe for no fable , because 't is cleare , that soon after that time , Flavianus sang it aloud in the Church of Antioch , as appears by * Zozomen , and * Theodoret , ( and if we may believe * Nicephorus , St. Chrysostome joyn'd with him in it ; ) Of this Philostorgius the Arrian Historiographer tells us , An. 348. Flavianus having gotten a Congregation of Monkes together , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was the first that began that forme of Doxology , others using that other Forme of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Glory to the Father , by the Sonne , in the Holy Ghost , making the Son inferiour to the Father , and the Holy Ghost to the Sonne , as Eunomius and Eudoxius did , which it seems Philostorgius himself most approv'd of , ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , saith his Epitomator of him ) others ( not as Gotofred mends his Copy , and reads it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , but as the Oxford Manuscript ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Glory to the Father , and the Son in the Holy Ghost . These two severall Forms , and some say a third [ in the Sonne and the Holy Ghost ] were it seemes proposed against Athanasius in the Councell of Antioch , An. Dom. 341. and by men of severall perswasions used in the Church of Antioch , as a Character , by which 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , they exprest their severall opinions , saith Zozomen , l. 3. c. 19. and l. 4. 27. & by so doing , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , every one applyed the Psalme or Hymne ( to the end of which , as now with us , it was , it seems , then annext ) to his opinion . In which narration of Philostorgius , we have no reason to suspect any-thing , but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that Flavianus was the first that sang it , wherein his favour to the Arians might make him partiall , or the truth might be , he was the first that sang it at Antioch , for there Athanasius was in a Councell condemn'd , and so still the Forme might in other places be used more antiently . This first verse being on this occasion brought into the Church as a testimony , and Pillar of the Catholick verity against the Arians , and annext by ancient custome to the end of the Psalmes in the Liturgy , St. Jerome or some body before him , being moved by the noise of the Macedonians ( who accepted against that part of it concerning the Holy Ghost , affirming that that Doctrine of the Divinity of the Holy Ghost was novell ) is said to have beene the Author of adding the other verse or line to the former , in opposition to them , As it was in the beginning , &c. to signifie this to be the ancient Catholick , no new private doctrine or opinion ; and yet that it was very near , if not as ancient as the former , may be guest by what Theodoret , l. 2. c. 24. saith of Leontius Bishop of Antioch , that he was wont to say to himselfe the Arrian Doxology so softly , that no word could be heard by him that stood next , but 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 for ever and ever , ( the close of the second line ) and this saith he , while Flavianus , who opposed him , was a Lay-man . And if this be a time wherein such Formes as these , ( which besides giving glory to God , do secure and defend the Catholick Doctrine of the Trinity , against all antient or moderne Arrians , and Macedonians ) are necessarily to be cast out , as hinderances to growth and edification , sure the design is only to plant Heresies in the Church ( to which alone that may prove impediment ) but nothing else . Sect 33 Having said this , 't will not be needfull to adde concerning the fourth head , more then only the acknowledgement of my wonder and astonishment , why the same calamity and tempest that carried away this lesser Creed , should also be able to raise so fierce a Torrent , as to drive and hurry with it the three larger Creeds also , especially that not only of the Nicene Fathers , but of the Apostles themselves ; Against the matter of which I have not heard , that the Presbyterians have any objection , and sure the Beads-mans Divinity , that turnes the Creed into a Prayer , hath not only concluded the use of it to be a stinting of the Spirit . What the effect of this part of Reformation is likely to be , will not be hard to divine , even Barbarisme and Atheisme within a while , the turning God and Christ , and all the Articles of the Creed out of mens braines also , and not ( as yet it is ) only out of their hearts ; what is the necessity of doing it , will not so easily be resolved even by him that hath imbibed the Assemblers principles , unlesse it be to gratify the Separatists , who are profest denyers of one Article , that of the Holy Catholick Church , resolving the end and the effect of the Holy Ghost's descent to have been only to constitute particular Congregations , and none else . As for the great patterne of the Presbyterians , the practise of Geneva or Scotland , that appears by Knox's Common Prayer-Book , to have allowed a set Forme of Confession of Faith , and designed it , for the publick use as the first thing in that Book of Prayers , though the truth is , the Apostles , or other ancient Creeds being set aside , one of the Geneva forming is fain to supply the place of them , which yet by the setting the severall parts of the Apostles Creed in the margent , both there and in the order of Baptisme , appeares rather to be an interpretation of it , and so still the Separatists must be the onely men in the Church fit to be considered , or else apparently there is no such Politicall necessity of this neither . Sect 34 For the fifth thing , the so frequent repetition of the Lords Prayer , and Prayers for the King in our Service , this account may be briefly given of it . For the former , that in our Common Prayer-Book , there be severall Services for severall occasions , of the Sacraments , &c. for severall dayes , as the Letany ; for severall times in the day , not only Morning and Euening , but one part to be said earlier in the morning , and then toward noone a returne to another part , ( as the antient Primitives had three Services in a forenoone . 1. That for the Catechumeni , consisting of Prayers , Psalmes , and Readings ; then a 2. For the Penitents , such as our Letany ; and a 3. For the Fideles , the Faithfull , our Communion Service , ) and even that which is assigned to one time so discontinued by Psalmes , and Hymnes , and Lessons , that it becomes in a manner two Services , clearly two times of Prayer . Now our Saviour commanding , when you pray , say our Father ; we have accordingly so assigned it , to be once repeated in every such part of Service , and I remember to have heard one of the gravest and most reverend men of the Assembly , being asked his opinion about the use of the Lords Prayer , to have answer'd to this purpose , God forbid that I should ever be upon my knees in Prayer , and rise up without adding Christs forme to my imperfect petitions . And whereas this Directory is so bountifull , as to recommend this Prayer to be used in the Prayers of the Church , and yet so wary as but to recommend it , it is thereby confest that it is lawfull to retain a set Forme , ( for that is surely so , and then the often using of a lawfull thing will not make it unlawfull ) but withall that Christs command in points of his Service shall no more oblige to obedience , then the commands of men , for if it did , this would be more then recommended . And now why that which may , say they , commendably ( must , say we , necessarily in obedience to Christ ) be used in the Prayers of the Church , and being repeated oftner then once , shall be usefull to him who was not come at the first saying , or may be said more attentively by him who had before been too negligent , should be necessary to be used but once , when all mens zeale or understanding of so divine a Forme or perhaps presence at that part of the Service , shall not necessarily go along with it , I leave to more subtile Divines to instruct us . This I am sure of , that God hath made a peculiar promise to importunity in Prayer , to a coming often to him on the same errand , and Luk. 18. 5. by a phrase in the Parable seems to say , that he that comes oft to God in this manner , will at length force him to shame , if he do not grant his Petition , for that is the meaning of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . And from thence the Fathers use a bold phrase in their Liturgies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , I put thee to shame , i. e. importune thee , Basil . in Liturg. and in the Psaltery of the Greek Church , which hath many Prayers mixt with it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 unlesse thy owne goodnesse put thee to shame , &c. Now that this will not be subject to the censure of vain repetitions , Mat. 6. 7. which is the onely exception made against it , ( if the example of David , Psal . 136. be not sufficient to authorize the repeating any Forme often , which is as faultlesse as that was ) might largely be evidenced , 1. By the nature of the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , there used , which both Hesychius and Suidas apply to an other matter , and explain it by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , long , idle , unseasonable formes , such as Battus used in his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his long-winded Hymnes so full of Tautologies , which Munster therefore rendreth 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 do not multiply words , unprofitably or unseasonably , 2. By the customes of the Heathens which Christ there referres to [ 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , use not , &c. as the Heathens ] and which are evident in their writers , especially their Tragedians ; where 't is plain , that their manner was to sound , or chant , for many houres together , some few empty words to the honour of their Gods , such the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in their Bacchannals , from the noise of which they were call'd Evantes ; such in Sophocles , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. and especially in the Virgins Chorus of AEschylus's Tragedy , called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Where there are near an hundred Verses , made up of meer Tautologies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and an enumeration of the severall names of the Gods with unsignificant noyses added to them , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and within two verses the same again , and much more of the same stile . Two notable examples of this Heathenish custome ; the Scripture affords us one , 1 King. 18. 26. where the Prophets of Baal from morning till noon , cry O Baal , hear us , and it followes , they cryed with a loud voyce , and cut themselves , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 according to their custome or rites ( that loud crying the same words so long together , was as much a Heathenish rite , as the cutting of themselves . ) The other of the Ephesians , Act. 19. 34. who are affirm'd to have cryed with one voice for two houres space , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Great is Diana of the Ephesians , and 3. by the designed end that Christ observes of that Heathen custome , 1. That they may be heard by that long noyse , for which Elius scoffes them , 1 King. 18 , 27. Cry aloud , perhaps your God is a talking , or a pursuing , &c. 2. That their Petitions may be more intelligible to their Gods , to which Christ opposes , your Heavenly Father knoweth what you have need of , and so needs not your Tautologies to explain them to him . Much more might be said for the explaining of that mistaken place , but that it would seem unnecessary to this matter , the exception being so causelesse , that the Vindication would passe for an extravagance . Sect 35 Of the Prayers for the King , the account will not bee much unlike , St. Paul commands that prayers , and supplications , and intercessions , and thanksgivings be made for Kings , &c. 1 Tim. 2. 1 , 2. where though the mention of those severall sorts of Prayers , signified by those foure words , might be matter of apology , for the making severall addresses to God for Kings in one service , supposing them proportion'd to those sorts in that text , yet have we distributed the frequent prayers for him into the severall services , one solemne prayer for him , in the ordinary daily service , ( and only a versicle before as it were prooemiall to it ) another in the Letany , another after the commandements ( of which though our book hath two formes together , yet both the Rubrick and Custome , gives us authority to interpret , it was not meant that both should be said at once , but either of the two chosen by the Minister , ) another before the Communion , where the necessity of the matter , being designed for the Church militant , makes it more then seasonable to descend to our particular Church , and the King the supreame of it ; just as Herodotus relates the custome of the Persians , l. 1. p. 52. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 they pray for all the Persians , peculiarly for the King. To this practice of ours so grounded in the Apostle , we shall adde , 1. The reward promised ( by the Apostles intimation ) to such Prayers ( if not , as I conceive , by those words , that we may live a peaceable and quiet life , &c. that peaceable and quiet life , of all blessings the greatest , seeming to be a benefit or donative promised to the faithfull discharge of that duty , of praying , and supplicating , and interceding and giving thankes for Kings , yet certainly somewhat else ) in that high Declaration made concerning it in the next words , for this is good and acceptable before Good our Saviour , whose acceptation is reward sufficient to any action , and yet who never accepts but rewards also . 2. The practice of the antient Christians , set down by Tertull. Sacrificamus pro salute Imperatoris pura prece , our prayers are sent up a pure sacrifice for the prosperity of the Emperor , and that quoties conveniebant , in another place , at every meeting or service of the Church , & precantes semper pro omnibus Imperatoribus , vitam prolixam , Imperium securum , domum tutam , exercitus fortes , Senatum fidelem , populum probum , Orbem quietum , quaecunque hominis & Casaris vota sunt , praying alwaies for the Emperours , and begging of God for them , long life , secure reigne , the safety of his house , couragious Armies , a faithfull Senate , a good people , a quiet world , all those severalls , ( which would make up more prayers then our book hath assigned ) all that either as Man or King they can stand in need of ; and so Athenagoras and others to the same purpose , especially when they have occasion to justifie the fidelity of Christians to their unchristian Emperours , having no surer evidence to give of that , then the frequency of their prayers for them , which they which thinke necessary to abbridge , or supercede , must give us leave by that indication to judge of somewhat else , by occasion of that to pick to observe their other demonstrations of disloyalty to those that are set over them by God ; And to any that are not guilty of that crime , nor yet of another , of thinking all length of the publike service unsupportable , I shall refer it to be judged , whether it be necessary , that the King be prayed for in the Church , no oftner then there is a Sermon there . Sect 36 6. The Communion of Saints ( which if it were no Article in our Creed , ought yet to be laid up , as one of the Christians tasks or duties ) consists in that mutuall exchange of charity and all seasonable effects of it , between all parts of the Church , that triumphant in heaven , Christ and the Saints there , and this on earth militant ; which he that disclaimes , by that one act of insolence , casts off one of the noblest priviledges , of which this earth is capable , to be a fellow-citizen with the Saints , and a ●llow-member with Christ himselfe . The effects of this charity on their parts is , in Christ intercession , and in the Saints suffrages , and daily prayers to God for us , but on our part thankesgivings and commemorations , which 't is apparent the Primitive Christians used , very early solemnizing the day of Christs resurrection , &c. and rehearsing the names of the Saints out of their Dipticks , in time of the offertory before the Sacrament ; besides this so solemne a Christian duty , another act of charity there is , which the Church owes to her living sonnes , the educating them in the presence of good examples , and setting a remarke of honour on all which have lived Christianly , especially have died in testimony of the truth of that profession ; and again , a great part of the New Testament , being story of the lives of Christ and his Apostles , ( and the rest but doctrine agreeable to what those lives expressed ) it must needs be an excellent compendium of that book , and a most usefull way of infusing it into the understanding , and preserving it in the memory of the people , to assigne proper portions of Scripture in Lessons , Epistles , and Gospells to every day , every Sunday , every Festivall in the year ( which are none in our Church , but for the remembrance of Christ , and the Scripture-Saints ) to infuse by those degrees all necessary Christian knowledge , and duties into us , the use of which to the ignorant is so great , that it may well be feared , that when the Festivalls , and solemnities for the birth of Christ , and his other famous passages of life and death , and resurrection and ascension , and mission of the Holy Ghost , and the Lessons , Gospells ( and Collects ) and Sermons upon them , be turn'd out of the Church , together with the Creeds also , 't will not be in the power of weekly Sermons on some head of Religion , to keep up the knowledge of Christ in mens hearts , a thing it seems observ'd by the Casuists , who use to make the number of those things that are necessariò credenda , necessary to be beleeved , no more , then the Festivalls of Christ make known to men , and sure by antient Fathers whose Preaching was generally on the Gospells for the day ; as appears by their Sermons de tempore , and their Postils . To all these ends are all these Festivals , and these Services designed by the Church , ( and to no other that is capable of any the least brand of novell or superstitious ) and till all this antidote shall be demonstrated to be turn'd poyson , all these wholesome designes , to be perfectly noxious , till ill or no examples , uncharitablenesse , schismaticall cutting ourselves off from being fellow-members with the Saints , and even with Christ our head , till ingratitude , ignorance , and Atheisme it selfe , be canonized for Christian and Saint-like , and the onely things tending to edification in a Church , there will hardly appeare any so much as politick necessity to turn these out of it . Sect 37 7. For the reading of the Commandements , and prayer before , and the responses after each of them , though it be not antiently found in the Church , as a part of the Service , ( but only retain'd in the Catechisme ) till King Edwards second Liturgy , ( and therefore sure no charge of Popery to be affixt on it ) yet seemeth it to me a very profitable part of devotion , being made use of as it ought . The Priest after a premised prayer for grace to love and keep Gods Commandements , is appointed to stand and read every of the Commandements distinctly to the people , as a kind of Moses , bringing them from God to them ; These are they to receive in the humblest affection of heart , and posture of body , as means to try and examine themselves , and to humble themselves in a sense of their severall failings , and thereupon implore ( every one for himselfe , and for others , even for the whole Kingdome ) first Gods mercy for pardon for all that hath been committed against the letter of each commandement , or what ever Christ and the Gospell hath set down under any , or reducible to any of those heads . 2. Grace to performe for the time to come , what ever may be acceptable to Christ in that particular . This being thus distinctly and leasurely done to each particular precept , the heart enlarging to every particular under that , proves an excellent forme of confession of sinnes , and of resolution ( and prayer for strength ) to forsake them . And let me tell you , were Gods pardon thus fervently and often called for by each humble soule in a Kingdome , for every mans personall , and the whole Kingdomes Nationall sins , the Atheisme speculative and practicall , the impiety , infidelity , want of love and fear , and worship of God. &c. in the first Commandement , and so throughout all the rest , and the grace of God , to worke all the contrary graces in every heart , in the heart of the whole Kingdome ; as humbly and heartily invoked , the benefit would certainly be so great , and so illustrious , that none but Satan , who is to be dethroned , and part with his Kingdome by that meanes , would ever deem it necessary to cast out this part of Service , and have nothing at all in exchange for it . 8. For the order of the Offertory , it must first be observed , that in the Primitive Apostolick Church , the Offertory was a considerable part of the action , in the administring and receiving the Sacrament ; the manner of it was thus . At their meetings for divine service , every man as he was able brought something along with him , bread , or wine , the fruits of the Season , &c. of this , part was used for the Sacrament , the rest kept to furnish a common table for all the brethren ( and therefore in Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to celebrate the Feast , is to administer that Sacrament , being joyn'd there with the mention of Baptisme ) rich and poor to eate together , no one taking precedence of other , or challenging a greater part to himselfe , by reason of his bringing more ; this is discernible in Saint Pauls words , chiding the Corinthians for their defaults in this matter , 1 Cor. 11. 21. every man , saith he , takes and eats before another his owne supper , ( i. e. ) the rich that brought more , eats that which he brought , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , as if he were at home eating his own private meale , without respect to the nature of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which were a common meale for all , and so while one is filled to the full , some others have little or nothing to eat , which is the meaning of that which followes , one is hungry , and another is drunken ; after the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ceased , and the bringing of the fruits of the season , which were as a kind of first-fruit offering , was out-dated , whether by Canon of the Church , or by contrary custome , this manner was still continued , that every receiver brought somewhat with him to offer , particularly bread , and wine mixt with water . Justin. Mart. Apol. 2. p. 97. sets down the manner of it clearly in his time , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. the bread and the wine of the brethren , i. e. Communicants , is brought to the Priest or Prefect , ( not as the Latine interpreter reads Praefecto fratrum ) as if 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 were to be joyn'd with 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which belongs to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ) and he receiving it , gives laud and praise unto God , in the name of the Sonne and the Holy Ghost , and all the people joyne in the Amen , then do the Deacons distribute that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the bread , over which he hath thus given thankes , and then , saith he , over and above , the richer sort , and every one as he shall think good contributes , and that which is so raised , is left with the Priest , who out of that stock succours the Orphan and Widow , and becomes a common provider for all that are in want . This clearly distinguisheth two parts of the Offertory , one designed for the use of all the Faithfull in the Sacrament , another reserved for the use of the poore ; the former called 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Oblations , in the Councell of Laodicea , the other 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in that of Gangra , and proportionably , the repository for the first called Sacrarium in the fourth Councell of Carthage , Can. 93. ( and by Passidonius in the life of St. Augustine , Sacritarium unde altari necessaria inseruntur , where those things are laid , and from whence fetcht which are necessary to the Altar ) the other Gazophylacium or treasury , the first St. Cyprian calls Sacrificia , sacrifices , the second Eleemosynae , Almes , l. de op . & Eleem. parallell to those which we find both together mentioned , Act. 24. 17. I came to bring almes to my Nation and offerings . This , saith Justin Martyr , is our Chrestian Sacrifice , which will more appeare to him that considers that the feasting of the People , their partaking of the Sacrifice , having their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , was alwaies annexed to sacrifices , both among Jewes and Heathens , which the Apostle calls partaking of the Altar , and consequently that the Sacrifice , and the feast together , the sacrifice in the offertory , the feast in the eating and drinking there , do compleate and make up the whole businesse of this Sacrament , as farre as the People are concerned in it ; and all this blest by the Priest , and God blest and praised by Priest and People , and so the title of Eucharist belongs to it . Thus , after Justin Irenaeus . The Offertory of the Christians is accounted a pure sacrifice with God , as when St. Paul , saith he , mentions the acts of the Philippians liberality , he calls them 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an acceptable sacrifice ( and so Heb. 3. 16. to doe good and to communicate forget not , such acts of liberality to those that want , for with such Sacrifices God is well pleased ) and presently defines what this Sacrifice was , primitiaecarum quae sunt ejus creaturarum , the first fruits of Gods creatures . So Tertullian , modicam unusquisque stipem menstruâ die adponit , every one brings somewhat every Month , just parallell to our Offertory at Monthly Communions ; Much more might be said of this out of ancient Constitutions and Canons , if 't were not for my desire of brevity . Effectually St. Cyprian , Locuples & dives es , & dominicam celebrare te credis , & corbonam non respicis , qui in dominicum sine sacrificio venis , qui partem de sacrificio quod pauper obtulit , sumis ? Art thou rich , and thinkest thou receivest as thou oughtest , and respectest not the Corban , feedest on the poore mens Sacrifice , and bringest none thy selfe ? and Saint Augustine to the same purpose ; And 't is worth observing that many authorities , which the Papists produce for the externall Sacrifice of the body of Christ in the Masse , are but the detortion and disguising of those places which belong to the Offertory of the People , and in the Canon of the Masse that prayer which is used for the offering up of Christ , ( larded with so many crosses ) plainly betrayes it selfe to have been first instituted by relation to these guifts and oblations , as appears by the mention of Abels Sacrifice , and Melchizedecks offering ( that of Abels the fruit of the Earth , Mechizedecks a present onely of Bread and Wine to Abraham ) and the per quem haec omnia semper bona creas ( by whom thou createst all these good things ) which belongs evidently to the fruits of the Earth , but is by them now most ridiculously applyed to the body of Christ . I have beene thus large in shewing the originall of the Offertory , because it hath in all ages been counted a speciall part of divine worship , the third part of the Christian Holocaust , saith Aquinas , 2a . 2ae . q. 85. art . 3. ad . 2. the observation of which is yet alive in our Liturgy ( I would it had a more chearfull universall reception in our practice ) especially if that be true which Honorius saith , that instead of the ancient oblation of Bread and Wine , the offering of money was by consent receiv'd into the Church in memory of the pence in Judas's sayle . Now that this offering of Christians to God for pious and charitable uses , designed to them who are his Proxyes and Deputy-receivers , may be the more liberally and withall more solemnly performed , many portions of Scripture are by the Liturgy designed to be read to stirre up and quicken this bounty , and those of three sorts , some belonging to good works in generall , others to almes-deeds , others to oblatious , and when it is received and brought to the Priest , he humbly prayes God to accept those almes , and this is it which I call the service of the Offertory , so valued and esteemed among all Antients , but wholly omitted in this Directory ( only a casuall naming of a Collection for the poore by way of sage caution , that it be so order'd , that no part of the publike worship be thereby hindred ) upon what grounds of policy or pretence of necessity , I know not , unlesse out of that great fear , lest works of charity ( which the Apostle calls an acceptable sacrifice , and with which God is well pleased ) should passe for any part of the service or worship of God , which after Praying to him is an act that hath the greatest remark , and highest character set upon it , and when it is thus in the Offertory , is accounted as pars cultûs , a part of worship , say the Schoole-men . And beside , where it is used , as it ought , proves of excellent benefit ( when prudent faithfull Officers have the dispensing of it ) toward the supplying and preventing the wants of all , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Minister is thereby enabled to be the guardian of all that are in want , saith Justin . M. Apol. 2. and sure necessity hath little or no law or reason in it , when the rejecting of such customes as these proves the only necessary . Sect 39 9. For private Baptisme , that which our Liturgy prescribes is , that all possible care be taken , that all Children that are to be Baptized , be brought to Church , and not without great cause and necessity Baptized at home in their houses . And yet when great need shall compell them so to do , then an order of administring it is prescribed , such as in case the Child dye , it may not be deprived of the Sacrament , and in case it live , it may as publikely be presented , and with Prayer received into the Church , and pronounced to be baptized already , which is equivalent , as if it had been baptized in the publick . The clear confest ground of this practice is the desire of the Church not to be wanting to any the meanest creature , in allowing it that which Christ hath given it right to , and to encourage and satisfie the charitable desires of Parents , which in danger of instant death require it for them . This ground seems clearly to be acknowledg'd by the Compilers of this Directory , pag. 41. where 't is affirmed , that the posterity of the Faithfull borne within the Church , have by their birth ( not by their living to the next Lords day , or till they can be brought to Church ) interest in the Covenant and right to the seale of it , ( which sure is Baptisme ) and then what necessity there is , that they that are acknowledg'd to have right to that seale , should yet not be permitted to have it , ( as in case private Baptisme be excluded , some of them infallibly shall not ) I professe my understanding too short to reach ; And as ignorant I must confesse to be also , why , when they come to the Congregation , it should be utterly unlawfull for them to be Baptized in the place where Fonts have hitherto been placed , i. e. near the door of the Church , as the Directory appoints ; A new scandalous piece it seems of Popery , and Superstition , ( which is as dangerous as private Baptisme , and therefore with it together forbidden ) and yet very ancient , and farre from any superstitious intent ; Baptisme being at first in any convenient pond or river , as the Gospell , and after that Just . Martyr tells us , and is noted by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which is literally , to dope over head in the water , and by the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 a swimming or diving place , by which the Fathers expresse the Font. But when Churches were built , then there was an erection also of Baptisteria , at first without , but after within the Churches , and those placed neare the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or Porch of the Church , on no other design undoubtedly , then to signifie the Sacrament there celebrated to be a rite of initiation , or entrance into the Church , ( as the Chancell or upper part of the Church was assigned unto the other Sacrament to signifie it to belong to those only that were come to some perfection ) against which 't is not possible any thing should be objected of unfitnesse , but that the Ministers voyce will not in some Churches so easily be heard by the whole Congregation , which if it may not be helpt , by raising his voyce at that time , will not yet infuse any Popery or Superstition into it the charge that is here so heavily laid on it , ( as well as that of unfitnesse ) of which if it be guilty , Superstition is become a strange ubiquitary , ready to fly and affixe it selfe to any thing they will have it , and shall as justly be fast'ned by me on their negative , or prohibition of Baptisme in that place [ it is not to be administred in the places where Fonts , &c. ] as upon our positive appointing it . For sure if a significant rite , or designation of place , &c. without any other guilt , then that it is so , be superstitious , an unsignificant interdiction of it will be as much ; and if the positive superstition be to be condemned , the negative must be so also . Sect 40 10. For the prescript Forme of Catechisme , it is placed by our Church in our Liturgy , and as fit to be placed there as any directions for Preaching can be in theirs , ( which takes up so great a part in their Religion , and consequently in their Directory ) the previous instruction of youth being so much more necessary then that , as a foundation is then any part of the superstructure , that being necessary to the end only , but this over and above necessary to make capable of the other necessary . Of this particular Catechisme I might say somewhat , which would be worthy to be observed in these times , how much Christian prudence the Church hath shewed in it , in setting down for all to learn , only those few things which are necessary to the plainest and meanest for the direction of Christian faith and practice ; and if we would all keep our selves within that moderation , and propose no larger Catalogue of credenda to be believ'd by all then the Apostles Creed , as 't is explain'd in our Catechisme , doth propose , and lay the greater weight upon consideration and performance of the vow of Baptisme , and all the commands of God as they are explained ( and so the obligation , to obedience enlarged ) by Christ , and then only adde the explication of the nature and use of the Sacraments in those most commodious and intelligible expressions ( and none other ) which are there set down , I should be confident there would be lesse hating and damning one another ( which is most ordinarily for opinions ) more piety and charity , and so true Christianity among Christians and Protestants , then hitherto hath been met with . But seeing , though this be fit to be said , yet 't is unnecessary in this place , this Catechisme being not put in ballance with any other way of instructing youth in the Directory , but only sold or cast away for nought , and no money , nothing taken or offered in exchange for it , I am superseded from this , and only left to wonder why Ca●echizing of Children in the faith and knowledge of their vowed duty , ( which I hope is no stinting of their Spirits ) should be one of those burthens which 't is so necessary should be thrown off , and not so much as consider'd in this Directory . Sect 41 11. For Confirmation , which ( being a thing wherein the Bishop is a party , will , I must expect , be matter of some envy and odium but to name it , and ) being so long and so scandalously neglected in this Kingdome ( though the rule have also been severe and carefull in requiring it ) will now not so easily be digested , having those vulgar prejudices against it , yet must I most solemnly professe my opinion of it , That it is a most antient Christian custome , tending very much to edification . Which I shall make good by giving you this view of the manner of it . It is this , that every Rector of any Parish , or Curate of charge , should by a familiar way of Catechizing instruct the youth of both sexes within his Cure in the principles of Religion , so farre , that every one of them before the usuall time of coming to the Lords Supper , should be able to understand the particulars of the vow made in Baptisme for the credenda and facienda , yea and fugienda also , what must be believed , what done , and what forsaken ; and be able to give an intelligent account of every one of these , which being done , every such Child so prepared , ought to be brought to the Bishop for Confirmation . Wherein the intent is , that every such Child attain'd to years of understanding shall singly and solemnly before God , the Bishop and the whole Congregation , with his own mouth , and his own consent , take upon himselfe the obligation to that , which his Godfathers and Godmothers in Baptisme promised in his name , and before all those reverend witnesses , make a firme publick renew'd promise , that by Gods helpe he will faithfully endeavour to discharge that obligation in every point of it , and persevere in it all the daies of his life . Which resolution and promise so heightned with all those solemnities , will in any reason have a mighty impression on the Child , and an influence on his actions for ever after . And this being thus performed by him , the Bishop shall severally impose his hands upon every such child ( a Ceremony used to this purpose by Christ himselfe ) and blesse , and pray for him , that now that the temptations of sinne , begin more strongly , in respect of his age to assault him , he may receive grace and strength against all such temptations or assaults , by way of prevention and speciall assistance , without which obtained by prayer from God , he will never be able to do it . This is the summe of Confirmation , and were it rightly observed ( and no man admitted to the Lords Supper , that had not thus taken the Baptisme-bond from the sureties into his owne name , and no man after that suffered to continue in the Church , which brake it wilfully , but turn'd out of those sacred coutts , by the power of the keyes in excommunication ) it would certainely prove , by the blessing of God there begged , a most effectuall means to keep men , at least within some tearmes of Christian civility , from falling into open enormous sins ; and that the defaming and casting out of this so blamelesse gainfull Order should be necessary or usefull to any policy , save only to defend the Devill from so great a blow , and to susteine and uphold his Kingdome , I never had yet any temptation or motive to suspect or imagine . Instead of considering any objections of the adversary , against this piece , whether of Apostolicall or Ecclesiasticall discipline ( which I never heard with any colour produced ) I shall rather expresse my most passionate wish unto my Friends , those who sincerely wish the good of this Nationall Church , that they will endeavour their utmost to revive these meanes of regaining the purity and exemplary lives of all its members , when God by restoring our Peace shall open a doore for it . Sect 42 12. For the Solemnities of Buriall , as they are certainly uselesse to them who are dead , so are they not designed by us but to the benefit of the living in Lessons and Prayers upon those occasions , as also for the freeing us from the imputation of rudenesse and uncivility ( which Christianity teaches no body ) to those bodies which shall have their parts in the resurrection , and to their memories , which the obligation of Kindred , friendship , at least the common band of Christianity , make pretious to us ; and that it should be necessary , and tend to edification , not to pray such seasonable Prayers , heare , and impresse upon our hearts such seasonable Lessons , ( at a time when they are exemplified before our eyes , and our hearts being softned with mourning , are become more malleable ) to performe such laudable Christian Civilities , only for fear we should ( not pray but ) be thought to pray to or for them , over whom , or near whose hearse , or by or toward whom we thus pray , ( which that we do not , our Prayers that then we use , are ready to testify ) is another unreasonable , able to evidence the power of prejudice and faction to any that is not sufficiently convinced of it . Sect 43 13. For that of thankesgiving after Childbirth , as it may be acknowledged , to be taken up in proportion to , or imitation of Purification among the Jewes , so is it not thereby lyable to any charge of evill ; For herein is a merveilous mistake among men , to think that because the continuing of circumcision was so forbidden by St. Paul Gal. 5. 2. therefore it should be unlawfull for any Christian Church , to institute any usage which had ever been commanded the Jewes . For the reasons which made the retaining of circumcision so dangerous , will not be of any force against other customes of the Jewes , as 1. That it was prest by the Judaizing Christians , as necessary to justification , Gal. 5. 4. which is in effect the disclaiming of Christ or of any profit v. 2. or effect v. 4. by him , a falling from grace , and renouncing the Gospell , 2. That it was contrary to that liberty or manumission from the Judaicall Law which Christ had purchased , v. 13. to have circumcision imposed as a Law of Gods still obligatory , when Christ by his death hath cancelled it . 3. That some carnall professors , which thought by this meanes to escape the opposition , and persecution ; which then followed the doctrine of Christ , and profession of Christianity , did much boast that they put themselves and their Disciples in a course to void the crosse , c. 6. 12. which is the meaning of that , v. 13. that they may glory in your flesh , i. e. in your being circumcised , as that is by Saint Paul opposed to glorying in the Crosse , v. 14. i. e. the persecution that followed profession of the Gospell , as c. 5. 11. he mentions it as the only reason of his being persecuted , that he would not Preach Circumcision : agreeable to which is that of Ignatius in Ep. ad Magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. If we till now live according to the Law of the Jewes and circumcision of the flesh , we deny that we have received grace , for the divinest Prophets lived according to Jesus Christ , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , for doing so were persecuted : which they that desired to avoid , and therefore would be circumcised , or Preach Circumcision , those are the men Saint Paul so quarrels with , as those that would not suffer for Christs sake , that were not much in love with that Crosse of his . To which a fourth reason may also be added , that many of the Ceremonies of the Law did presignifie the future Messias , and the teaching the necessity of such observances as not yet abolisht , is the professing Christ not to be the Messias . All which notwithstanding , it still remaines very possible , that a rite formerly commanded the Jewes , not as significative of the future Messias , but as decent in the worship of God , without any depending on it for justification , without any opinion that the Jewish Law obliges us , and without any feare of being persecuted by the Jewes , or consequent compliance with them , may now be prescribed by the Christian Church , meerely as a humane institution , judging that decent or usefull now which was so then , and in this case , if nothing else can be objected against it , save only that God once thought fit to prescribe it to his owne People , there will be little fear of danger in , or fault to be found with any such usage . For it is an ordinary observation which Paulus Fagius in his Notes on the Targum ( a most learned Protestant ) first suggested to me , that many of the Jewish Ceremonies were imitated by Christ himselfe under the Gospell . I might shew it you in the Apostles , who were answerable to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the missi or messengers among the Jewes , and were by Christ our High-Priest sent abroad to all Nations to bring in ( that peculium , which of all others he counted most his due , having paid so deare for it ) sinners to their Saviour , as they were among the Jewes , sent by the High-Priest to fetch in the dues to the Temple . So also the imposition of hands , a forme of benediction among the Jewes , as antient as Jacob himselfe , Gen. 48. 14. In blessing Josephs Sonnes , and is often used by Christ to that same purpose . And even the two Sacraments are of this nature , Baptisme related to the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , washings used by them at the initiating or admitting of Proselytes , and Christs taking bread , and giving Thanks , &c. after Supper ( wherein the other Sacrament was first instituted ) was directly the Postcoenium among the Jewes , not a peculiar part of the Passeover Feast , but a Ceremony after all Feasts , very usuall among them . So the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , from the Assemblies civill or sacred among the Jewes , is made use of to signifie the Christian Church , which Christ was to gather together . So the Lords day , one day in seven , proportionable to their Sabbath . So 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Elders among the Jewes , are brought by the Apostles to signifie an Order in the Church , and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , colleges of many of them together , called by Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , sacred Societies , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Counsellors and Assistants of the Bishops , and his 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in Ep. ad Trall : are parallell to the Sanhedrim , or Councell of Elders that were joyned to Moses in his government , to facilitate the burthen to him . The same may be said of the Deacons which were an imitation of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Treasurer or Steward among them , and consequently the place , where the goods which they were to distribute were kept , is parallell to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the treasury , and so the Bishop also , saith Grotius , is a transcript of the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the head of the Congregation . And the Patriarchs among Christians are taken from the heads of the Tribes among them , called ordinarily by the 72 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and in the New Testament 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Adde unto these the Christian Censure of Excommunication answerable to their 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( whether it were from sacred or onely from civill Assemblies among them , it matters little , for the civill among them may be accommodated to Ecclesiasticall among Christians , as in some of the fore-mentioned is acknowledged , and as the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , which signifies primarily any kind of Assembly , and is so taken , Matth. 6. 5. is appropriated to a place of divine worship in other places ) and the severall degrees of it in the Christian Church , answerable to their Niddui , Cherem , and Schammatha ; And so for Absolution also . All this I have said , and might adde much more to make the demand appear no unreasonable one , that it may be lawfull for the Church to use a custome , which hath some resemblance of some Ceremony in force antiently among the Jewes , viz. that of the Purification of Women in our Churching . Which objection being removed there will remain no other , and then that it should be simply unlawfull or unedifying , to take notice of the deliverance of each Woman , or to pay acknowledgement to God for it , and necessary to set up such Schooles of ingratitude in the Church , is more then ingenuous nature will suffer any Christian to believe , upon the bare authority of these Assemblers . Sect 44 14. The Communion of the sick , if it be superstition and Popery also , ( as sure is implyed by the no mention of it at the visitation of the sick in the Directory ) 't is sure of a very long standing in the Church ; the Canons of the Councells about the Lapsi and Excommunicate , that generally take care that they should have the Peace of the Church in extremis ( answerable to our Absolution at that time ) and if with expressions of penitent hearts they desire it , the Sacrament also , are evidences so clear of this custome , that I shall not need produce any testimonies ; those that are moved with the practice of Antiquity being sufficiently furnisht with them ; If any man be unsatisfied in this , let him read the famous story of the dying Serapion in Eusebius , l. 6. c. 36. And that it should be necessary to the edification of that Church , that this viaticum , ( as the Fathers call'd it ) should be denyed every hungring and thirsting traveller at that time , when it might yeeld him most comfort , and our charity most inclines us to allow it him , nay that the Church should be thought to suffer by that in any eminent manner ( if it were ill ) which is done privately only to some particular , ( and order taken that all publikely should be warned to receive the Communion frequently in the Church , and so not want it on the bed , or trouble the Minister then for it ) and consequently the Church perhaps never hear of it , this is againe a new kind of necessity , to be fetcht from some under-ground Fundamentall Lawes of I know not whose laying , that the Christian Church never heard of till these times . Sect 45 15. As for the Service of the Commination , fitted for the first day of Lent , which by denuntiations against particular sins under the Law , ( appointed to be read to , and attested by the people , with an Amen of acknowledgement , that every such offendor is by the Law cursed , not of Prayer that he may be so dealt with in Gods justice ) is designed to bring men to humiliation and contrition for sinne , the speciall duty of that day and the ensuing season , and closeth with most affectionate prayers for such penitents ; it is matter of some panick senselesse feares to some ignorant men ( which are very tender and passionate friends to their beloved sinnes , and dare not subscribe to the condemnation of them ) but very usefull to awake even those and all others out of this security , as a Feaver to cure the Lethargick to kindle a fire about mens eares , that they may see their danger , and make out to the use of all Christian means of repentance and devotion , and laying hold on Christ to avert it ; and if such a bug-beare as that of being thought to curse our selves and friends in the saying Amen to the threatnings ( which will be true to all impenitents whether we say Amen or no ) be sufficient to exorcize such an exorcist , to cast out of the Church such a powerfull means of bringing sinners to repentance , or if bare prejudice of the Assemblers without either hearing or objecting against it , be enough to make it necessary to be left out of our service , the Divell will never be in danger from his enemies , as long as he may have but the spell of the Directory to put them thus to flight for him . Lastly , for the observation of Lent , &c. if they be consider'd in generall as Fasts , there will sure be no necessity to renounce them ; the Jewes had their Fasts as well as Feasts ( and those set publick , not only voluntary private Fasts ) and not only that great day of Expiation appointed by God himselfe , but occasionall ones appointed by men , and yet , when appointed , as constantly observed as that other , the Fast of tbe fourth month , of the fifth , of the seventh , and of the tenth month , Zach. 8. 19. and under Christianity , though in the time of Christs presence with the Disciples , they fasted not , yet the fasting of John's Disciples , nay the twice a week of the Pharisees themselves , is not ( though mention'd yet ) reprehended , but implicitly approved by Christ , and of his own , saith he , they should not have that immunity long , the dayes should come when the Bridegroome should be taken away ( and that is ever since Christs ascension ) and then shall they fast in those dayes . 'T were easie to justifie this through the writings , and by the practice of the whole Church of God , till these dayes of 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 let loose , till these dayes of animosities and Epicurisme , have made the usage of Fasts by Papists , a command to us not to use them , and concluded the abating any thing of our gluttony to be an intrenchment on our Christian Liberty , and both those deceits together quarrell'd all Christian times of fasting out of our practice first , then out of our Kalender . This being said in generall of fasting , the application of this to these fasts of the Church , will be indisputably satisfactory to any , that shall but consider the occasions of each of them , of the Lenten-fast , the knowne forty daies example of abstinence in Christ , whereupon saith St. Jerome , Vnam quadragesimam sec : traditionem Apostolorum , &c. jejunamus , We fast the Lent according to the tradition of the Apostles , and Epiphanius joynes with him to make the Lent fast an Apostolicall tradition , and others of the Antients concurring for the practice of it , if not so punctuall for the tradition ; Saint Basil may speake for all in hom . 2. of Fasting , that there was no age nor place , but knew it , and observed it . And then I know no necessity of despising Christs patterne , and Apostolicall practice , unlesse it be the same which obliges to the destroying of Episcopacy ( which as it is an imparity opposite to the equalitie of Presbyters , is clearly deducible from both those Authorities , to which it seems this yeare is resolv'd to prove fatall ; ) that so there may be at length as little imitation of Christ among us , as reverence to Apostles . Then for Rogation week , though the originall or occasion of that cannot be deduced so high , but is by Historians referred to Claud : Mamertus Bishop of Vienne in France , for the averting of some Judgements , which on the observation of many inauspicious accidents and prodigies were sadly feared to be approaching , yet will it not be Necessary to turne the Fasts , or the Letanies , or the Services assigned to it out of the Church , as long as dangers are either present , impendent , or possible , or indeed as long as there be sinnes enough among us to abode us ill , or provoke any wrath of Heaven , any judgments on us ; And when all those occasions cease , I am content those Services may be laid aside also , i. e. when we meet all together in heaven . Next , the Ember weeks are of great Antiquity in the Church called the quatuor tempora in the Latine Fathers , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( from whence I conceive is the English Ember ) in the Greek , and ( beside the first institution of them for quarterly seasons of devotion , proportion'd to each part of the yeare , as the first fruits of every season , that the whole , and each division of it might be blest by it , and again beside their answerablenesse to those foure times of solemne Fast mention'd among the Jewes , that we Christians may not be inferiour unto them in that duty ) an admirable use is assign'd to them in the Church , in imitation of the Apostles , Act. 13. 3. by Fasting and Prayer , to prepare for the ordination of Ministers , immediately consequent to every such week , that God would send , and furnish worthy Instruments of his glory to serve him in that glorious Office , and till Ministers are acknowledg'd to be generally so good , that either they cannot or need not be better , till those are also grown immortall ( as the framers of this Ordinance ) and so no use of care for succession , I shall suppose it not over-necessary to precipitate these out of the Church of Christ , but rather wish that there were in our Liturgy some Service appointed of Lessons and Prayers for this purpose , to be used constantly on the dayes of Fast through those weekes . Sect 47 Thus have I , as briefly as I could , examined all the pretended exuberances of our Liturgy , which have required it thus to be more then lanced even to a deliquium animae , to many fainting fits a long while , and at last to it 's fatall period , if our Assemblers may be allowed of the Jury , and this Ordinance have leave to be the executioner ; And as yet to the utmost of our impartiall thoughts can we not discerne the least degree of Necessity , of any the most moderate signification of the word , to own so tragicall an Exit . The leafes which have been spent in this search , as it may seem unnecessarily , might perhaps have been better employed ; Yet will it not be unreasonable to expect a favourable reception of them , when 't is considered , that by this meanes a farther labour is spared , there needing no farther answer to the whole body of the Directory , or any part of it , when it shall thus appeare , that there was no necessity for the change , nay ( which I conceive hath all along been concluded ) that the continuance of the Liturgy , unlesse some better offer or bargain were proposed to us , is still in all policy , in all secular or Christian prudence most necessary . And therefore when we have considered the second particular in the Ordinance , and to that annext a view of some severalls in the Preface , the Readers taske will be at an end , and his patience freed from the tentation of our importunity . Sect 48 The second thing then in the Ordinance is , that all the severals which this Ordinance is set to confront , are Statutes of Edward the sixth , and of Queen Elizabeth , all which are without more adoe repealed by this Ordinance ; which I mention not as new acts of boldnesse , which now we can be at leasure to declame or wonder at , but to justifie the calumniated Sons of this Church , who were for a long time offered up maliciously to the Peoples hatred and fury , first as illegall usurpers , and adders to Law , then as Popishly affected , and the patterne of Queen Elizabeths time vouched to the confirming of this their Charge , and the Erection of her very Picture in some Churches , and solemnization of a day for her annuall remembrance , ( by those who will not now allow any Saint , or even Christ himselfe the like favour ) design'd to upbraid those wayes and reprove those thoughts . It seemeth now 'tis a season for these men to traverse the scene , to put off disguises , and professe openly and confidently , what 'till now they have been carefull to conceale , that their garnishing the Sepulchre of Queen Elizabeth was no argument that they were cordially of her Religion , or meant kindnesse sincerely to the Queen Elizabeths Reformation . Some seeds we know there were of the present practises transmitted hither from our Neighbour Disciplinarians in the dayes of Q. Elizabeth , and some high attempts in private zeale in Hacket , and Coppinger , and Arthington , at one time , which when God suffered not to prosper , it was the wisedome of others to call phrensie and madnesse in those undertakers . And generally that is the difference of fate between wickednesse prospering and miscarrying , the one passeth for Piety , the other for Fury . I shall now not affirme , ( or judge my Brethren ) but meekly aske this question , and leave every mans own Conscience to answer ( not me , but ) himselfe in it sincerely , and without partiality , whether if he had lived in the dayes of Q. Elizabeth , and had had his present perswasions about him , and the same encouragements and grounds of hope , that he might prosper and go thorough with his designs , he would not then in the matter of Religion have done just the same ; which now he hath given his Vote , and taken up Armes to doe . If he say , out of the uprightnesse of his heart , he would not , I shall then only aske why it is done now , what ill planet hath made that poyson now , which was then wholesome food , why Q. Elizabeths Statutes should be now repealed , which were then so laudable ? If any intervenient provocation , or any thing else extrinsecall to the matter it selfe have made this change now necessary , this will be great injustice in the Actors . Or if the examples of severity in her dayes , ( the hanging of Coppin and Thacker , An. 1583. at S. Edmundsbury , for publishing Brownes book , ( saith Cambden ) which ( saith Stow p. 1174. ) was written against the Common-Prayer-Book ) might then restrain those that were contrary-minded , I know no reason why the Lawes by which that was done , should not still continue to restrain ; or at least why Conscience should not be as powerfull , as Feare . From all this I shall now take confidence to conclude , that were there not many earlier testimonies to confirme it , this one Ordinance would convince the most seducible mistaker of these two sad truths . Sect 49 1. That the preservation of Lawes , so long and so speciously insisted on was but an artifice of designe to gaine so much either of authority to their Persons , or of power and forte into their hands , as might enable them to subvert and abolish the most wholesome Lawes of the Kingdome , and in the mean time to accuse others falsly of that , which it was not their innocence , but their discretion , not their want of will , but of opportunity , that they were not really , and truly , and perfectly guilty of themselves , that so they most compleatly own and observe the principles by which they move , and transcribe that practice , which hath been constantly used by the Presbyterians , ( wheresoever they have appear'd ) to pretend their care & zeale to liberty , that by that means they may get into power ( like Absalom a passionate friend to justice , when he had an itch to be King ; or like Deioces in Herodotus , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , his ambition of Magistracy made him content to be just ) which as soon as they attain , they inclose , and tyrannically make use of to the enthralling and enslaving all others ; Even Lawes themselves , the only Bounds and Bulwarks of Liberty , which alone can secure it from servitude on one side , and licentiousnesse on the other ( which very licentiousnesse is the surest way to servitude , the licentiousnesse of one implying the oppression and captivity of some other , and being it selfe in a just weighing of things the greatest * slavery as much as the mans own unruly passions are greater Tyrants then Lawes , or lawfull Princes ) are to be levell'd in their Jehu-march , to be accused and found to be at last the only guilty things , and the same calamity designed to involve the pretended Enemies of Lawes and the Lawes themselves . Sect 50 The second truth that this unhappy Ordinance hath taught us , is that which a while ago had been a Revelation of a Mystery indeed , which would without any other auxiliary have infallibly quencht this flame ( which now like another Aetna and Vesuvius is gotten into the bowells of this Kingdome , and is there likely to rage for ever , if it be not asswaged from Heaven , or determin'd through want of matter , by having devoured all that is combustible ) but now is a petty vulgar observation , that hath no influence or impression on any man , and therfore I scarce now think it worthy the repeating ; and yet to conclude this period fairly , I shall ; 't is only this , That the framers of this Ordinance , that have so long fought for the defence of the establisht Protestant Religion , will not now have Peace , unlesse they may be allowed liberty to cast off and repeale every of those Statutes , that of the second and third of Edward the sixth , that of the fifth and sixth of the same King , that of the first of Qu. Elizabeth , that of the fifth , that of the eighth of the same Queen , ( though not all at once , yet as farre as concernes the matter in hand , by which you may be assured , that the fragments of those Statutes which remain yet unabolished , are but reserved for some other opportunity , as ready for a second and third sacrifice , as thus much of them was for this ) by which the Protestant Religion stands established in this Kingdome , and in which the whole worke of Reformation is consummate . And all this upon no higher pretence of Reason , then only a Resolution to do so , a not being advised by their Divines to the contrary , and ( to countenance the weaknesse of those two motives ) a proofelesse scandalous mention , or bare naming of manifold inconveniencies , which might as reasonably be made the Excuse of Robbing , and Murthering and Damning ( as farre as an Ordinance would reach ) all men but themselves , as of abolishing this Liturgie . Lord lay not this sinne to their Charge . CHAP. II. Sect 1 THe Preface to the Directory , being the Oratour to perswade all men to be content with this grand and suddain change , to lay down with patience and aequanimity , all their right which they had in the venerable Liturgy of the Church of England , and account themselves richly rewarded , for doing so , by this new framed Directory , begins speciously enough , by seeming to lay down the only reasons , why our Ancestors a hundred yeares agoe , at the first Reformation of Religion , were not only content , but rejoyced also in the Booke of Common Prayer , at that time set forth ; But these reasons are set down with some partiality , there being some other more weighty grounds of the Reformers framing , and others rejoycing in that Booke , then those negative ones which that preface mentions , viz. the perfect Reformation wrought upon the former Liturgy , the perfect conformity of it with , and composure out of the Word of God , the excellent orders prescribed , and benefit to be reaped from the use of that Booke , and the no manner of reall objection , or exception of any weight against it ; All which if they had been mentioned , as in all justice they ought , ( especially when you report not your own judgements of it , but the judgements of those rejoycers of that age , who have left upon record those reasons of their rejoycing ) this Preface had soon been ended , or else proved in that first part , an answer or confutation of all that followes . But 't is the manner of men now adaies , to conceale all that may not tend to their advantage to be taken notice of , ( a practice reproached by honest Cicero , in his bookes of offices of life , in the story of the Alexandrian ship-man , that went to relieve Rhodes , and out-going the rest of his fellowes , sold his Corne at so much the more gain , by that infamous artifice , though not of lying , yet of concealing the mention of the Fleet that was coming after ) and to cut off the locks of that Sampson whom they mean to bind , pare and circumcise the clawes of that creature they are to combate with ; I mean to set out that cause , and those arguments at the weakest , to which they are to give satisfaction . And yet by the way , I must confesse , that even these weake arguments which they have named , are to me of some moment , as first , The redresse of many things which were vaine , erroneous , superstitious and Idolatrous , which argues that all is not now involv'd under any of those titles , nor consequently to be abolisht , but further reform'd only . 2. That they which did this , were wise and pious , which they that were , would never take pains to purge that which was all drosse , their wisedome would have helpt them to discern that it was so , and their piety oblige them to reject it altogether , and not to save one hoofe , when all was due to the common slaughter . 3. That many godly and learned men rejoyced much in the Liturgy , which argues that all was not to be detested ; unlesse either these men now be somewhat higher then Godly or Learned , of that middle sort of rationalls , that Iamblichus out of Aristotle speaks of , betwixt God and Man , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or unlesse it be confest that many Godly and Learned men may be mistaken in a matter of this moment , and then these may be also mistaken at this time . Sect 2 Having therefore made use of that artifice , mention'd some generall slight grounds of mens approving and rejoycing in the new-formed Liturgy , the Composers of that Preface , I mean speedily to weigh them down , with a heape of contrary sad matter , and then to leave it to the Readers judgement , whether they are not his friends , thus to disabuse him , and his silly good-natur'd ancestors , that were thus slightly flatter'd into a good opinion of an inconvenient , if not mischievous Liturgy . Great hast is therefore made , and some arts and preparations used , to work upon the affection more then judgement of the Reader , and this is done by that Rhetoricall pathetick stroke [ Howbeit , long and sad experience hath made it manifest ] Words of some consideration and efficacy , but that they have one weak part in them , an infirmity that this age is very subject to , and to murmurers , and passionate lovers of newes and change , how irksome and tedious soever the experience of this Liturgy hath been , 't is notoriously certain that it hath not been said , save only againe to those evill eyes ; but on the other side , a continuall flote and tide of joy to all true English-men , to see and observe the prosperity and flourishing of this Church , in a perpetuall swelling and growth , ever since the establishing of that Protestant Liturgy and Religion together among us , till at last ( about the time when this vast calamity brake in upon us ) it was grown to such an height , as was certainly never heard of ( or by Enemies themselves affirmed at any other time to have been ) in this Kingdome , or ( were it not a little like boasting , to which yet you have constrein'd us , I should adde ) in any other part of Europe also for these many hundred yeares . Sect 3 But what is it that this so falsely supposed sad experience hath made manifest ? Why , that the Liturgy used in the Church of England ( notwithstanding the paines and Religious intentions of the Compilers of it ) hath prov'd an offence , not only to many of the Godly at home , but also to the Reformed Churches abroad . In which words we shall not take advantage of the Confession of the Religious intentions of the Compilers of our Liturgy , which signifies the offence here spoken of in their notion of it to be acceptum , non datum , taken when it was not given ; nor 2. Oppose those religious intentions to the irreligious mistakes of others , and accusations of those things which were so religiously intended ; nor 3. Compare the reputations of those Persons which compiled that Liturgy , whether in King Edwards ( Cranmer , Ridley , P. Martyr ) or in Queene Elizabeths dayes ( Parker , Grindall , Horne , Whitehead , &c. ) with the Members of this Assembly , much lesse the intentions of them , which in the mouth of Enemies is acknowledged religious , with the intentions of these , which if we may measure by their more visible enterprizes , and the Covenant , in which they have associated contrary to all Lawes of God and men , we shall have temptation to suspect not guilty of over-much Religion , or good purpose to the government of this Kingdome ; nor 4. Confront the number of those that are here confest to be pleased and benefited , against those others that are said to be offended , which were argument enough for that which is established , that considering the danger of change , it ought in all reason rather to stand to please one sort , and benefit them still , then to be pull'd down to comply with the other . But we shall confine our selves to that which the objectors principally designed as a first reason for which our Liturgy must be destroyed , because , forsooth , say they , it hath prov'd an offence , &c. For the thorough examining of which reason , it will be necessary to inquire into these three things . 1. What they mean by offence . 2. What truth there is in the assertion , that the Liturgy hath prov'd so to the Godly at home , and to the Reformed Churches abroad . 3. How farre that might be a reason of destroying that which proves an offence . Sect 4 For the first , the word Offence is an equivocall mistaken word , and by that means is many times a title of a charge or accusation , when there is no reall crime under it ; For sometimes , in our English language especially , it is taken for that which anybody is displeased or angry at , and then if the thing be not ill in it self , that anger is a causelesse anger , which he that is guilty of , must know to be a sinne , and humble himselfe before God for it , and fall into it no more , and then there need no more be said of such offences , but that he that is or hath been angry at the Liturgy , must prove the Liturgy to be really ill , ( which if it could be done here , the matter of Offence would never have been charged on it , for that is set to supply the place of a greater accusation ) or else confesse himselfe , or those others so offended , to have sinned by such anger . But then 2. If we may guesse of the meaning of the word by the reason which is brought to prove the charge [ For not to speak , &c. ] it is set here to signifie . 1. The burthen of reading all the Prayers . 2. The many unprofitable burthensome Ceremonies , which hath occasion'd mischiefe by disquieting the Consciences of those that could not yeeld to them , and by depriving them of the ordinances of God , which they might not enjoy without conforming or subscribing to those Ceremonies . To proceed then to the second thing , what truth there in this Assertion , and view it in the severalls of the proofe . Sect 5 For the first of these , the burthen of reading the Prayers ; if they were enough to prove the Liturgy offensive , all Christian vertues would be involv'd in that charge , because they have all some burthen and difficulty in them , and for this particular , seeing we speak to Christians , we might hope that the Service would not passe for a burthen to the Godly ( who are here named ) i. e. to minds truly devout , as if it were longer then it is ; and that it may not do so , I am sure it is very prudently framed with as much variety , and as moderate length of each part , as could be imagined , and sure he that shall compare the practices , will find the burthen and length both to Minister and People to be as great , by observing the prescriptions in the Directory , in the shortest manner , as this that our Liturgy hath designed . 3. For the many unprofitable burthensome Ceremonies . Every of those Epithets is a calumny ; for 1. They are not many , To the People I am sure , For kneeling and standing , which are the only Ceremonies in the daily Service , will not make up that number ( and for the rest , there is but a superaddition of some one in each Service . ) As for sitting bare , if reason it selfe will not prescribe that civility to be paid to God in the House of God , ( where without any positive precept , Jacob put off his shooes from his seet ) neither doth our Liturgy prescribe it . 2. They are not unprofitable , but each of them tending to advance the businesse to which they are annext , kneeling to increase our humility , and joyn the body with the soule in that duty of adoration , standing to elevate , and again to joyn with the soule in Confession of God and Thankesgiving , and the rest proportion'd to the businesse in hand ; and 3. If not many , nor unprofitable , then not burthensome also . As for the disquieting the Consciences of many godly Ministers and People , who could not yeeld to the Ceremonies ; I answer , that by what hath formerly been said , and the no-objection in this Directory against any such , it appears that there is no Ceremony appointed in our Liturgy which is improper or impertinent to the action , to which it is annext , much lesse in it self unlawfull . And then for mens Consciences to be disquieted , it argues that they have not , in that manner , as they ought , desired information ; as for Ministers , we know that all that have been received into that Order , have voluntarily subscribed to them , and consequently have receded from their own subscription , if they have refused to conforme . And we desire to know what tender respect will be had to the Consciences of those , who will submit to your Directory , and afterward refuse to conforme unto it . I am sure the denuntiations which we have heard of against the dissenting Brethren , about the matter of Jurisdiction and Censures ( and now lately concerning the depravers of your Directory ) have been none of the mildest , although those are your own fellow-Members , that have assisted you as affectionately in the grand Cause as any , and never made themselves liable to your severity , by having once conformed to you in those particulars . And so 3. For depriving them of the Ordinances of God , &c. if that were the punishment appointed for the obstinate and refractory , 't is no more then the Lawes of the Land appointed for their Portion , and in that sure not without any example in Scripture and Apostolicall practice , who appointed such perverse Persons to be avoided , which is a censure as high as any hath been here on such inflicted . What Ordinances they were of which such men were deprived , I conceive is specified by the next words , that sundry good Christians have been by means thereof kept from the Lords Table , which must needs referre to those that would not kneele there , and why that should be so unreasonable , when the very Directory layes the matter so , that none shall receive with them who do not sit , there will be little ground , unlesse it be that no posture in the Service of God can be offensive , but only that of kneeling , which indeed hath had the very ill luck by Socinus , in his Tract Coenâ Domini , to be turn'd out of the Church as Idololatricall ( with whom to affirme the same will be as great a complyance , as kneeling can be with the Papists . ) And by these as superstition at least , I know not for what guilt , except that of too much humility , as being in M. Archer his Divinity , as before I intimated , a betraying of one of the greatest comforts in the Sacrament , the sitting fellow-Kings with Christ in his earthly Kingdome , confessing thereby that some mens hearts are so set on that earthly Kingdome , that the hope of an Heavenly Kingdome will not yeeld them comfort , unlesse they may have that other in the way to it ; and withall telling us , that he and his Compeeres are those men . Sect 6 Having survey'd these stveralls , and shewed how unjustly the charge of Offence is laid on the Liturgy , and how little 't is prov'd by these reasons , I shall only adde , that the proposition pretended to be thus proved by these particulars , is much larger then the proofe can be imagined to extend . For part of the proposition was , that the Liturgy was offence to the Reformed Churches abroad ; To which the [ For ] is immediately annext , as if it introduced some proofe of that also . But 't is apparent , that the proofes specified inferre not that , for neither the burthen of reading is Offence to them , nor are their Consciences disquieted , nor they deprived of Gods Ordinances by that means . In which respect 't is necessary for us to conclude , that the word Offence , as applyed to them , is taken in that other notion , that they are displeased and angry at it . To which we then must answer , that although there is no guilt inferred from the undergoing this fate of being disliked by some , but rather that it is to be deemed an ill indication to be spoken well of by all , yet have we never heard of any Forraigne Church which hath exprest any such offence ; the utmost that can be said , is ( and yet not so much as that is here suggested ) that some particular men have exprest such dislike ; to whom we could easily oppose the judgment of others more eminent among them who have largely exprest their approbation of it . And 't is observeable , that Calvin himselfe , when from Franckfort he had received an odious malitious account of many particulars in our Liturgy ( as any will acknowledge that shall compare the report then made , with what he finds ) though he were so farre transported as to call them ineptias , follies , yet addes the Epithet of tolerabiles , that though such , they were yet tolerable . And therefore In the third place , I may now conclude , that if all that is thus affirm'd to prove the Offence in the Liturgy , used in the Church of England , were ( after all this evidence of the contrary ) supposed true , yet is it no argument to inferre the justice of the present designe which is not reforming , but abolishing both of that and all other Liturgy . Were there Offence in the length of the Service , that length might be reform'd , and yet Liturgy remain ; were there offence in the Ceremonies , or mischiefe in the punishing them that have not conformed , those Ceremonies might be left free , that Conformity be not thus prest , and still Liturgy be preserved inviolate . As for the Forreigne Churches , 1. I shall demand , whether only some are thus offended , or all . Not all , for some of the wisest in these Churches have commended it ; and if some only , then it seems others are not offended , and why must we be so partiall , as to offend & displease some , that we may escape the offending others ? not sure because we more esteem the judgments of the latter , for by the Apostles rule the weaker men are , the more care must be taken , that they be not offended . 2. I shall suppose that their Liturgy , or their having none at all , may possibly offend us , and then demand why they shall not be as much obliged to change for the satisfying of us , as we of them ? I am ashamed to presse this illogicall discourse too farre , which sure never foresaw such examination , being meant only to give the people a formall specious shew for what is done , a heap of popular Arguments , which have of late gotten away all the custome from Demonstrations , and then , Si populus vult decipi , decipiatur , if the tame Creature will thus be taken , any fallacy , or Topicke doth as well for the turn , as if Euclid had demonstrated it . Sect 8 In pursuit of this popular Argument it followes , that by this means , i. e. of the Liturgy , divers able and faithfull Ministers were debarred from the exercise of their Ministry , and spoyled of their livelyhood , to the undoing of them and their Families . To which I answer , 1. That if this be true , it is very strange that so few of this present Assembly were of that number . For of them I may surely say many , very many in proportion , were not debarred of the exercise of their Ministry , were not dispoyled of their livelyhood , &c. And if any one was , which I professe I know not , I believe it will be found , that the standing of Liturgy brought not those inflictions upon him . The conclusion from hence will be , that either these present Assemblers concurred not in judgment with those many able and faithfull Ministers ( and then why do they now bring their Arguments from them , whose judgement they did not approve and follow ? ) or else that they were not so valiant , as to appear when sufferings expected them , or else that they had a very happy Rainbow hanging over their heads to avert from them that common storme . But then 2. It might be considered , whether those mentioned penalties have not been legally , and by act of Parliament , inflicted on those who suffer'd under them , and then whether that will be ground sufficient to abolish a Law , because by force thereof some men that offended against it have beene punished . 3. Whether some men did not choose non-conformity as the more instrumentall to the exercise of their Ministry , changing one Parish for the whole Diocesse , and preaching oftner in private Families , then any other did in the Church , and withall , wheter this had not the encouragement of being the more gainfull trade , of bringing in larger Pensions , then formerly they had receiv'd Tythes . 4. Whether the punishments inflicted on such , have not generally been inferiour to the rigour of the Statute , and not executed on any who have not been very unpeaceable , and then whether unpeaceable persons would not go neare to fall under some mulcts , what ever the Forme of Government , what ever the Church Service were , none having the promise of inheriting 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the Land of Canaan , an happy prosperous life in this world , but they whose meeknesse and obedience to Lawes have given them aclaime to that priviledge . 5. Whether the number of those , who by Ordinances have lately been so debarred of the exercise of their Ministry , and spoyled of their livelyhood , have not been farre greater then all those together ; that ever the Liturgy thus offended since the Reformation . 6. Whether this Directory , should it be establisht , would not be so imposed , that they which obey it not , shall be subject to these or the like penalties . Sect 9 'T is added in the next place , to raise the cry , and encrease the Odium , and to involve the Prelates and the Liturgy in the same calamity , ( for otherwise what hath the Prelates labouring , &c. to do with the Liturgy ? ) That the Prelates and their Faction have laboured to raise the estimation of the Liturgy to such an height , as if there were no other worship , or way of worship of God among us , but only the Service-book , to the great hindrance of the Preaching the Word . To which I answer , 1. That this or any other action of the Prelates , if supposed never so true , and never so extravagant , is wholly extrinsecall and impertinent to the businesse of the Liturgy , and the more impertinent , by how much the more extravagant , such actions being easily coerced , and reduced by and according to the rule , and such unreasonable enhaunsments separable , without any wound or violence to the Liturgy . Give the Liturgy its due , not its usurped estimation , and we are all agreed . 2. 'T is here acknowledged that this was but laboured , not affirmed that it was effected , and then this sure is too heavy a doom on the Liturgy , for that their labouring ; we do not find that Saint Paul was stroke dead , like Herod , because the Lycaonians meant and laboured to do sacrifice unto him , Act. 14. 16. But then 3. He that shall consider who they are which make this objection , will sure never be moved by it . For certainly they that have formerly set the prime of their wits and endeavours to vilify and defame the Liturgy ; and now that they think they have power , have absolutely abolisht it , will go neer to be partiall when they are to judge of the due estimation of it ; they that declaime at Bishops for advancing it , will they be just and take notice of their own contempts , which enforced the Bishops thus to rescue and vindicate it ? I shall not expect it from them , nor till then , that they will deliver any more then popular shewes of truth in this matter . For 4. The Prelates have not raised the book to an higher estimation then the Law hath raised , that is , that it may be observed so as may tend to edification , nor do we now desire any greater height of value for it , then you for the Directory , I shall adde , nor so great neither , for we do not exclude all others as unlawfull , as you have done , and then I am confident God will not lay that charge on us , which you do on the Prelates , nor any man that shall consider how different our Titles are , though our claimes not proportion'd to them . A piece of modesty and moderation which we challenge you to transcribe from us . 5. All this all this while is a meere Calumny , if by the Service Book is meant the use of the Prayers in the Liturgy , for no Prelate ever affirm'd , or is known to have thought , that there is no other way of worship of God , but that among us . But then 6. We adde that this way of publicke Prayer by set Forme , the only one establisht by Law ; ( and so sure to be esteem'd by us before any other ) is also in many respects the most convenient for Publick worship , of which affirmation we shall offer you no other proof or testimony , then what Mr. Calvin , whom before we named , hath given us in his Epistle to the Protector , in these words , Quod ad formulam , &c. As for Forme of Prayers , and Ecclesiasticall Rites , I very much approve , that it be set or certain . From which it may not be lawfull for the Pastors in their Function to depart , that so there may be provision made for the simplicity and unskillfullnesse of some , and that the consent of all the Churches among themselves may more certainly appear : and lastly also , that the extravagant levity of some , who affect novelties , may be prevented . So probable was my conjecture , that at first I interposed , that the men that had here imposed upon their fellowes so farre , as to conclude the abolition of Liturgy necessary , were those that undertook to reforme Geneva as well as England , to chastise ▪ Calvins estimation of it , as well as that of our Prelates . Sect 10 As for that pompous close , that this hath been to the great hindrance of the Preaching of the Word , and to the justling it out as unnecessary , or at best inferiour to the reading of Common-Prayer , I answer , 1. That the Liturgy , or the just estimation of it , is perfectly uncapable of this charge , it being so farre from hindring , that it requires the Preaching of the Word , assignes the place where the Sermon shall come in , hath Prayers for a blessing upon it . 2. That if any where Sermons have been neglected , it hath not been through any default either of the length or estimation of the Liturgy : for these two , if Faction and Schisme did not set them at oddes , would very friendly and peaceably dwell together , and each tend much to the proficiency and gain which might arise from either . Prayers would prepare us to heare as we ought , i. e. to practice also ; and Sermons might incite and stirre up the languishing devotion , and enliven and animate it with zeale and fervency in Prayer . And constantly the more we esteemed the Ordinance , and set our selves to the discharge of the duty of Prayer , the more should we profit by Sermons which were thus received into an honest heart thus fitted , and made capable of impression by Prayer . These two may therefore live like Abraham and Lot , and why should there be any wrangling or controversie betwixt thy Heards-men and my Heards-men ? But seeing it is made a season of complaining , I answer . 3. That it is on the other side most notorious , that in many places the Sermon hath justled out the Common Prayers , and upon such a provocation , ( and only to prevent the like partiality or oppression ) it may be just so farre now to adde , that as long as the Liturgy continues in its legall possession in this Church , there is no other legall way ( as that signifies , commanded by Law ) of the publicke worship of God among us , and although that voluntary Prayer of the Minister before Sermon , when it is used , is a part of the worship of God , ( as all Prayer is ) yet is it not prescribed by the Law , nor consequently can it without usurpation cut short or take away any part of that time which is by that assigned to the Liturgy ; the free-will offerings , though permitted , must not supplant the daily prescribed oblations , the Corban must not excuse the not honouring of Parents , the customes which are tolerated , must not evacuate or supercede the precepts of the Church . As for Sermons , which in this period seem the onely thing that is here opposed to Liturgy ; I hope they do not undertake to be as eminent a part of the worship of God among us as Prayer . If they do , I must lesse blame the poor ignorant people , that when they have heard a Sermon or two think they have served God for all that day or week , nor the generality of those seduced ones , who place so great a part of Piety in hearing , and think so much the more comfortably of themselves from the number of the houres spent in that Exercise , which hath of late been the only businesse of the Church , ( which was by God instil'd the House of Prayer ) and the Liturgy at most used but as Musick to entertain the Auditors till the Actors be attired , and the Seates be full , and it be time for the Scene to enter . This if it were true , would avow and justifie that plea in the Gospell , [ Lord open unto us , for thou hast taught in our streets ] i. e. we have heard thee Preach among us . Which sure Christ would not so have defamed with an [ I will say unto them , go you Cursed , &c. ] if it had been the prime part of his worship to be such hearers ; the consideration of that place will give us a right notion of this businesse , and 't is this , that hearing of Sermons , or what else appointed by the Church for our instruction , is a duty of every Christian prescribed in order to practice or good life , to which knowledge is necessarily preparative , and so , like many others , actus imperatus , an act commanded by Religion , but so far from being it selfe an immediate or elicite act of worship precisely or abstractly , as it is hearing , that unlesse that proportionable practice attend it , 't is but an aggravation and accumulation of our guilts , the blessednesse not belonging to the hearing , but the [ and keeping the Word of God ] and the go you Cursed , to none more then to those that heare and say , but doe not : and for the title of worship of God , whether outward or inward , outwardly exprest , or all Prayer certainly and adoration of God is the thing to which that most specially belongs , as may appeare , Psal . 95. 6. where that of worshipping is attended , with falling down and kneeling before the Lord our maker . And even your Directory , though it speak extream high of Preaching the Word , yet doth not it stile it any part of Gods worship , as it doth the reading the Word of God in the Congregation , p. 12. because indeed our manner of Preaching is but an humane thing , and the word of man. This I should not here have said , because I would be sure not to discourage any in the attending any Christian duty ( and such I acknowledge hearing to be , and heartily exhort all my Fellow Labourers in their severall Charges , to take heed to Doctrine , to Reproofe , to Exhortation , to be as frequent and diligent in it , as the wants of their Charges require of them ; and my fellow Christians also , that they give heed to sound Doctrine , that they require the Law at the Priests mouth , as of a messenger of the Lord of Hosts , and againe to take heed how they hear ) but the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or impropriety of speech , that I say no more , that is in this matter discernible in the words of the Directory , and the consequent dangers which experience hath forced us to observe in them , who place the worship of God especially in hearing , have extorted thus much from us , which may be usefull to give us a due valuation of Sermon and Prayer , the former as a duty of a Christian , the latter a duty too , and an elicite act , a prime speciall part of worship also . Sect 11 And whereas 't is added , that the Liturgy by man is made no better then an Idol . 1. That is a speech of great cunning , but withall of great uncharitablenesse : cunning , in setting the words so cautiously thus , not an Idoll , but [ no better then ] ( as they , that will rayle , but would not pay for it , whose feare doth moderate the petulancy of their spleen , and coveteousnesse keep them from letting any thing fall that the Law may take hold of , are wont to do ) and yet withall signifying as odiously as if it had been made an Idoll indeed . Whereas the plain literall sense of the words if it be taken , will be this , that an Idoll is not worse then our Common-Prayer-Book is to many , or that it is used by many as ill as an Idoll is wont to be used , which is then the most bitter piece of uncharitablenesse , if not grounded on certaine knowledge , and that impossible to be had by others , as could be imagined . The truth is , this Directory hath now proved that there is a true sense of these words , the Compilers of which have demonstrated themselves to be those many that have made our Liturgy no better then an Idoll , have dealt with it as the good Kings did with the abominations of the Heathens , brake it in pieces , ground it to powder , and thrown the dust of it into the Brook ; for abolition is the plain sence for which that is the metaphore . But then 2. 'T is possible , the calme meaning of those odious words is no more then this , that many have given this an estimation higher then it deserves . If any such there be , I desire not to be their advocate , having to my task only the vindication of its just esteem ; but yet cannot resist the temptation which prompts me to return to you , that some men as neare the golden meane as the Assemblers , have said the like of Preaching , though not exprest in it so large a Declamatory figure ; and I shall ask , whether you have not possibly given them some occasion to do so ( as great perhaps as hath been given you to passe this sentence on them ) at least now confirmed them in so doing , by applying or appropriating to the Preaching of the word ( in the Modern notion of it , and as in your Directory it is distinguisht from reading of the Scriptures ) the title which S. Paul gives to the Gospell of Christ , saying , that it is the Power of God unto Salvation , and one of the greatest and most excellent works of the Ministry of the Gospell , p. 27. which former clause of power of God , &c. though it be most truly affirmed by S. Paul of their Preaching the Gospell , and also truly applyed or accommodated to that Preaching or interpreting of Scripture , which is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the due application of the Scripture-rule to particular cases , yet it is not true in universum , of all that is now adayes call'd Preaching , much of that kind being 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , of a mortiferous poysonous savour , not to them that perish , but to the most Christian auditory it meets with ; And that the railing of every Pulpit - Rabshakeh , the speaking evill of Dignities , &c. should be stiled the power of God to Salvation , I have little temptation to believe . And whether the latter clause be true also , I referre you to S. Aug. Ep. 180. ad Honorat . where speaking of damages that come to the People by the absence of the Minister , and consequently of necessaria Ministeria , the speciall , usefull necessary acts of the Ministery , he names the Sacraments , and receiving of Penitents , and giving of comfort to them , but mentions neither Praying nor Preaching in that place . I shall adde no more , but that some have on these , and the like grounds , been tempted to say , that you Idolize Preaching , because you attribute so much to any the worst kind of that , above what others have conceived to be its due proportion . And yet we hope you think not fit to abolish Preaching on that suggestion , and consequently , that it will be as unjust to abolish Liturgy on the like , though it should be prov'd a true one , this being clearly the fault of Men , and not of Liturgy , as that even now of the Lycaonians and not of Paul , especially when the many , which are affirmed to have thus offended , by Idolizing the Liturgy , are said to be ignorant and superstitious , whose faults , and errors , and imprudencies , if they may prove matter sufficient for such a sentence , may also rob us of all the treasures we have , of our Bibles and Soules also . For thus hath the Gospell been used as a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or charme , and that is but little better then an Idoll , and so have some persons been had in admiration , and believed as if they were infallible , and so in a manner Idoliz'd also , and that this should be a capitall crime in them , that were thus admired , would be a new piece of severity , that few of Draco's Lawes could parallel . Sect 12 The next charge ( which is an appendent proofe of this ) is that the People pleasing themselves in their presence at that Service , and their Lip-labour , in bearing a part in it , have thereby hardned themselves in their ignorance , and carelesnesse of saving knowledge and true piety . To this I answer . 1. That 't is no fault to be so pleased with presence at that service ( the congregation of many Saints is to any a pleasing company ) and therefore if it were immediate to , and inseparable from the Liturgy , would not be a charge against it , nor in any probability hinder , but advance the desire , and acquisition of saving knowledge and true piety , which is there proposed , to all that are present at the Liturgy . But if the phrase signifie being pleased with the bare presence , or the being present , and doing nothing of that they come for , as the Lip-labour seems to denote the hard labour of the lip , and not joyning any zeale or intention of the heart , it is then but an uncharitable censure again , if it be not upon certain knowledge ; and if it be , 't is as incident to that order of the Directories proposing , as to our Liturgy . One may please himself with a bare presence at Sermon , and either sleep it out , or think on some worldly matter ; one may say all or most of the Ministers Prayer after him , and sigh and groan at every period , and satisfy himself that this is a gallant work of piety , but truly I would be unwilling to be he that should passe this censure on any , whose heart I did not know ( for sure it is not necessary that any man should leave his heart at home , when his body is present , or employ it on some thing else , when his lips are busied either in our Liturgy or that Directory Prayer , ) nor , if I did so , should I think that the Directories order for worship should be rejected for this fault of others , if there were nothing else to be said against it . As for the Peoples bearing a part in the Service , which seems to referre to the responses , this hath had an account given of it already . Sect 13 Only in the whole period put together , this seems to be insinuated , that the saving knowledge , and true piety , is no where to be had , but in those Sermons , which are not ushered in with the Liturgy ; which we shall not wonder at them for affirming , who have a long time thus perswaded the people , that all saving knowledge is to be had from them , and their compliees , and blasted all others for carnall men , of which many discriminative Characters were formerly given , as kneeling or praying at the time of entrance into pue or pulpit ; but now it seems the use of the Liturgy supplies the place of all , as being incompatible with saving knowledge and true piety . If this be true , that will be a very popular plausible argument I confesse , and therefore I shall oppose unto it , that which I hope will not passe for boast either with God or Angels , that of the Sermons which have been Preacht since the Reformation in this Kingdome , and commended to the Presse and publick view , very few were Preacht by those that excluded the Liturgy out of the Churches , and that since this Directory came into use , and so made a visible discrimination among men , there hath been as much saving knowledge , i. e. Orthodox doctrine , and exhortation to repentance , Prayer , Faith , Hope , and Love of God , Selfe-deniall , and readinesse to take up the crosse , ( duties toward God ) and to Allegiance , Justice , Mercy , Peaceablenesse , Meeknesse , Charity even to Enemies , ( and the rest of the duties toward man ) to be heard in the Sermons of those that retain the Liturgy , and as much obedience to those observable in the lives of those that frequent it , as is to be met with in the espousers of the Directory . If it be not thus , I confesse I shall have little hope , that God will suffer such a jewell as the Liturgy is , to continue any longer among us so unprofitably , and yet if men were guilty of this fault also , & the Liturgy of the unhappinesse of having none but such Clients , yet would not this be sufficient authority for any men to abolish it , any more then it will be just to hang him who hath been unfortunate , or to make any mans infelicity his guilt . I beseech God to inflame all our hearts with that zeale , attention , fervency , which is due to that action of Prayer in our Liturgy , and that cheerfull obedience to all that is taught us out of his Word , and then I am sure this argument or objection against our Liturgy will be answered , if as yet it be not . Sect 14 The next objection is the Papists boast , that our Book is a compliance with them in a great part of their Service , and so that they were not a little confirm'd in their Superstition and Idolatry , &c. Where I shall 1. demand , is there any Superstition or Idolatry in that part of the Service wherein we thus comply with them ? if so , 't is more then a complyance with Papists , 't is in it selfe a down-right damning sin ; and if there be not , but all that is Idolatrous or superstitious in their Service is reform'd in ours , then sure this will be farre from confirming them in either of those , if they depend any thing upon our judgments , or our compliance . 2. 'T is a little unreasonable , that they who will not believe the Papists in any thing else , should believe their boast against us , and think it an accusation sufficiently proved , because they say it ; whereas this affirmation of the Papists , if it be theirs , ( and not the Assemblers rather imposed upon them ) is as grosse , though perhaps not as dangerous a falsity , as any one which the Assemblers have condemn'd in them . For 3. The truth is notorious , that our Reformers retain'd not any part of Popish Service , reformed their Breviary and Processionall , and Masse-book , as they did their Doctrine , retained nothing but what the Papists had received from purer Antiquity , and was as clear from the true charge of Popery , as any period in either Prayer or Sermon in the Directory ; which argues our complyance with the ancient Church , and not with them ; the very thing that Isaac Casaubon so admired in this Church of ours , the care of antiquity and purity , proclaiming every where in his Epistles to all his friends , that there was not any where else in the world the like to be found , nor ever hoped he to see it till he came into this Kingdome . And sure there is no Soloecisme in this , that we being a Reformed Church , should desire to have a Reformed Liturgy , which hath alwaies had such a consent and sympathy with the Church , that it will not be a causelesse fear , lest the abolition of Liturgy as farre as God in judgment permits it to extend , ( the just punishment of them that have rejected it ) be attended with the abolition of the Church in time , and even of Christianity also . Sect 15 As for the confirming of Papists in their Superstition by this means . I desire it be considered whether it be a probable accusation , viz. 1. Whether the rejecting that which the Papists have from antiquity , as well as what they have obtruded on , or superadded to it , be a more likely means to winne them to heare us or reforme themselves , then our retaining with them what they retain from Antiquity , i. e. whether a Servant ( much more whether a Brother ) that is reprehended as much for his diligence , as for his neglects , for his good and faithfull , as for his ill and false services , be more likely thereby to be enclined to mend his faults , then he that is seasonably and meekly reprov'd for his miscarriages only ? It was good advice in that ancient Epistle to Polycarpus , ascribed to S. Ignatius , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , meeknesse is the best means to bring down the most pestilent adversary , and the resemblance by which he expresses it as seasonable , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Fomentations are most proper to allay any exasperation of humors . And 't is Hippocrates's advice , that the Physitian should never go abroad without some 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , lenitives or mollifying applications about him ; It seems there was nothing of so daily approved use as those . And that will avow this method of complying with adversaries , as farre as we may , to be a probable and a wise , as wel as a Christian course , to bring them from their Superstition , and not to confirme them in it . And another use there is wherein the Papi●●s themselves confesse this complyance was Politick , to take all scruple out of the heads and hearts of the People of England , concerning the lawfulnesse of this Reformation , ( This is the opinion of the Papists , exprest in a Book call'd Babel and Jerusalem , or Monarcho-machia Protestantium , subscribed by P.D.M. but conceived to be Patisons p. 314. ) that they might conceive , that the Service and Religion still continued the same , but was translated into English only , for their better edification , and so , saith he , it was indeed very politickly handled . 2. Whether that which drives away all Papists from all kind of communion or conversation with us , from all hearing of our Preaching or Doctrine , be more likely to work them over to our side , then that which permits them to come to our Churches with us . For this is notoriously known , that as our Liturgy now is , and was framed in Qu. Elizabeths dayes , the Papists did for ten years together , at the beginning of her Reign , come to Church with us , and so continued , till the Popes excommunicating the Queen and our Nation , made it so appear unlawfull for them . And perhaps but appear too , for an accoun● might be given of this businesse , that it is no way unlawfull ( by his own principles ) to a Papist , remaining thus , to come to our Churches , and be present at our Liturgy , and ( if that be thought an objection or reproach against us , I shall then adde ) not only to ours , but to that Service which is performed according to the Directory also , the only difference being , that if both by them were conceived lawfull , ( as by mistake , I beleeve , in them neither now is ) our Liturgy would bee more likely to attract them , then the Directory ; And this we conceive not such a fault as to offer any excuse for it , ( for if S. Paul by being a Jew to the Jew , could hope to gain the Jew , why should not we ( without being Papist to the Papists , but onely Christians in those things wherein they are so too ) expect to gain the Papist also ? For supposing this to be , as you call it , a complyance with them , sure 't were a more probable gaining way , then to denounce enmity to all , whom they ever converst with ; I meane to the primitive Liturgies for no other crime , but because they made use of them . Who are best Diviners in this matter , they , or we , experience may perhaps hereafter prove . In the mean , I cannot imagine , but Liturgy and moderation , and charity , may be able to bring in as faire a shole of Proselytes , to convert as many Papists to us , or at least to confirme Protestants , as an Ordinance for Sequestration of all their goods , and Halter , and a Directory will be able to doe , yea with an Ordinance for the Ordination of Ministers by meer Presbyters too , call'd in to assist them . Sect 16 And whereas 't is added in that same Section , that the Papists were very much encouraged in that expectation , when upon the pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of the former Ceremonies , new ones were daily obtruded upon the Church . 1. I demand an occasion of that phrase [ pretended warrantablenesse of imposing of Ceremonies . ] May any Ceremonies be imposed or no ? if they may , then an act of Parliament may certainly do it , and such was that which confirm'd our Liturgy , and so the warrantablenesse not pretended ; if not , why then do you impose entring the Assembly not irreverently , p. 10. and taking their places without bowing ? For that generall , and that negative is notation of some Ceremony , if it have any sence in it . The phrase [ not irreverently ] prescribes some reverence , there being no middle betweene those two , and consequently the forbidding of the one being a prescription of the other . For I shall aske . Is keeping on the hat irreverence at that time ? If it be , then pulling it off , or not keeping of it on is a Reverence then required ; And if this be avoyded by saying , that this is only there directed , not commanded . I reply , that an Ordinance prefixt for the establishing that direction , requiring that what is there directed , shall be used , amounts to a prescription . The same may be said of causing the Man to take the Woman by the right hand in Marriage , in the Directory , which is the prescribing of a Ceremony , as much as if the Ring had been appointed to be used there also . 2. I answer , that we know not of any Ceremonies which have been obtruded or forced on any which the Law hath not commanded , ( or if there had , this had been nothing to the Liturgy , nor consequently to be fetcht in as a part of a charge against it ; ) That of bowing at the entrance into the Church , is the most likely to be the Ceremony here spoken of , and yet that is neither a new one ( never by any Law or Canen turn'd out at the Reformation , but only not then imposed under any command , and since disused in some places ) nor yet was it lately imposed or obtruded on the Church , but on the other side in the Canon of the last so hated Convocation , ( which alone could be said to deale with the Church in this matter ) it was only recommended , and explained , and vindicated from all mistake , and then the practice of using of it left to every mans liberty , with the caution of the Apostle , that they that use it should not condemne them that use it not , nor they that use it not , judge them that use it . 3. That the warrantablenesse of imposing the former Ceremonies was no means or occasion of obtruding new daily , but rather an hedge to keep off such obtrusion ; for when it is resolved by Law , that such Ceremonies shall be used , 't is the implicite intimation of that Law , that all other uncommanded are left free , and that , without authority , ( as the word [ daily ] supposes the discourse here to mean ) no other can be obtruded . For sure 't is not the quality of Law to steale in illegall pressures , but to keep them out rather , to define and limit our Liberty , not to enthrall us , to set us bounds and rules of life , not to remove all such . But then 4. That it may appeare of how many truths this period is composed ( every one of them with the helpe of one syllable a [ not ] set before the principall verbe , able to become such ) I shall adde that the very obtrusion of such Ceremonies , if they had been obtruded , would never have encouraged a rational Papist to expect our return to them , but only have signified that we meant by complying with them , as far as it was lawfull , to leave them without excuse , if they did not do so too , comply with us in what they might , and restore the Peace and Union of Christendome by that means . This with any moderate Papist would most probably work some good , and for the more fiery Jesuited , I am confident none were ever more mortally hated by them , then those who were favourers of the Ceremonies now mentioned , and for the truth of what I say , you are obliged to believe that passage in Romes Master-piece , which you appointed to be set out , wherein the King , and the late Archbishop of Canterbury , were by the Popish contrivers designed to slaughter as Persons whom they despaired to gain to them : but that any of the now Assemblers were so hated , or so feared , or thought so necessary to be taken out of the way , we have not yet heard , but are rather confident that if a pention of Rome , or a Cardinalls cap , will keep them long together to do more such work as this , so reproachfull to the Protestant Religion , they should be so hired , rather then dissolve too speedily . Sect 17 In the next place , 't is found out by experience , that the Liturgy hath been a great means to make and encrease an idle and unedifying Ministry , which contented it selfe with set formes made to their hands by others without putting forth themselves to exercise the gift of Prayer . To this I answer , that those Ministers are not presently proved to be idle and unedifying which have been content to use the Liturgy . I hope there may be other waies of labour , beside that of extemporary Prayer ( which can be no longer a labour then while it is a speaking . ) For 1. I had thought that these men might have acknowledged Preaching and Catechizing , the former at least , to have been the work of a Minister , and that an edifying work , and that sure those men have been exercised in , who have retain'd the Liturgy also . 2. Study of all kind of Divine learning , of which the haters of Liturgy have not gotten the inclosure , may passe with fober men for a labour also , and that which may tend to edification , if it hath charity joyned with it , and that may be had too , without hating the Liturgy . But then 3. I conceive that this Directory is no necessary provision against this reproached idlenesse , or unedifyingnesse in any that were formerly guilty of them in the daies of Liturgy . For sure the labour will not be much increased to the Minister , that shall observe the Directory , because either he may pray ex tempore , which will be no paines , but of his lungs and sides in the delivery , or else a forme being composed by any , according to the Directory ( which is in effect a Forme it selfe , ) he may thenceforth continue as idle as he who useth our forme of Liturgy , and hee which hath a mind to be idle , may make that use of it , and that you acknowledge , when you interpose that caution P. 8. [ that the Ministers become not hereby slothfull and negligent ] which were wholly an unnecessary caution , if this Directory made idlenesse impossible ; and if a caution will serve turne , the like may be added to our Liturgy also , without abrogating of it . And for the edifying , I desire it may be considered , whether the extravagancies and impertinences , which our experience ( as well grounded as that which taught these men this mystery of the idle unedifying Ministry ) bids us expect from those who neglect set formes , do more tend to the edifying of any then the use of those Prayers which are by the piety and judgment of our Reformers composed , and with which the Auditory being acquainted , may with uninterrupted devotion goe along and say , Amen . Sect 18 And whereas 't is added in this place , that our Lord Christ pleaseth to furnish all his servants whom he calls to that Office with the gift of Prayer . I desire 1. That it may be shewed what evidence we have from any promise of Christ in his word , that any such guift shall be perpetually annext by him to the Ministry ; I beleeve the places which will be brought to enforce it , will conclude for gifts of healing , making of Psalmes , and other the like also , which Ministers do not now adaies pretend to . 2. I would know also why Christ , if he do so furnish them , may not also be thought to help them to the matter of their Prayers ( in which yet here the Directory is fain to assist them , and pag. 8. supposes the Minister may have need of such help and furniture , ) as well as the forme of words , in which the Liturgy makes the supply . 3. I shall not doubt to affirme , that if the gift of Prayer signifie an ability of Praying in publick without any premeditation , discreetly and reverently , and so as never to offend against either of those necessaries , every Minister is not furnisht with this gift , some men of very excellent abilities wanting that suddaine promptnesse of elocution , and choice of words for all their conceptions others being naturally modest and bashfull , and not endued with this charisma of boldnesse , which is a great part , a speciall ingredient of that which is here called the gift of prayer . And even for those which have the former of these , and are not so happy as to want the latter , that yet they are not sufficiently gifted for Prayer in Publick , experience hath taught us by the very creditable relations of some , who have falne into so many indiscretions , that we say no worse in that performance . 'T is true that God enableth men sufficiently in private to expresse their necessities to him , being able to understand sighs and groanes , when words are wanting , and as well content with such Rhetorick in the Closet as any , but this is not peculiar to Ministers , and for any such ability in publick , there will not be the like security , unlesse the language of sighs and groanes , without other expressions be there current also , which appears by some , who are forced to pay that debt to God in that coyne , having through unthriftinesse provided no other ; and yet 't were well also if that were the worst of it , but the truth is , blasphemy is somewhat worse then saying nothing . Sect 19 The last objection is , That the continuance of the Liturgy would be a matter of endlesse strife and contention in the Church , and a snare to many godly Ministers , &c. to the end of that page . Where 1. Is observeable the temper and resolution of these men , of whom such speciall care is taken , which makes it so necessary for them , not only to strive and contend , 1. against establisht Law. 2. about formes of Prayer , ( which sure is none of the prime Articles of the Creed ) but also to strive for ever , which being observed , it seems 2. That they have a very charitable opinion of all us who are assertors of Liturgy , that we will never strive or contend for it , for otherwise the strife may be as endlesse upon its taking away . And sure in ordinary judging ( if they be not sure that none are contentious , but their favourites ) we see no reason , why the introduction of a new way of worship , should not be more matter of strife , and so also a snare to more ( if any can be ensnared or scandalized , but they ) then the continuance of the old establisht Liturgy . Where , by the way , the snare they speak of seems to signifie that which catches and entraps their Estates and not their Soules , causeth them to be persecuted , &c. which is a notable paralogisme and fallacy put upon the Scripture use of that phrase , if we took pleasure in making such discoveries . But then 3. We desire experience may be judge , and upon the sentence which that shall give , that it may be considered , whether upon the ballancing of the Kingdome , it will not be found that a far greater number are now at this time offended at the Directory , and thereby ensnared in their Estates , if they lye within your power , then formerly at any time ( I shall adde in all times since the Reformation , put together ) ever were by the Liturgy . As for that passge which is added in the close of this Section , that in these latter times God vouchsafeth to his People more and better meanes for the discovery of errour and Superstition . ] Though this sounds somewhat like his Divinity who makes the power of resisting Kings , to be a truth which God pleas'd to reveale in these latter times , for the turning Antichrist out of the World , but hid in the primitive times , that Antichrist might come in , yet I shall not now quarrell with it ( because 't is possible it may have another sence , and I would not deny any thing but what is apparently and inexcusably false ) but from thence assume , 1. That I hope God vouchsafeth these means to them , that use the Liturgy also ; For if it must be supposed a sinne , to continue the use of it , 't is not , I hope , such a wasting sinne , as to deprive men of all grace , even of the Charismata , which unsanctified men may be capable of , and of means of knowledge , which is but a common grace , and therefore I must hope that the phrase [ his people ] is not here meant in a discriminative sence ( like the Montanists forme of nos spirituales , in opposition to all others , as animales & psychici ) to signifie only those that are for the Directory , for then let them be assured , Gods gifts are not so inclosed , but that Oxford is vouchsafed as plentifull means for the discovery of errour and superstition , as London , and have , among other acts of knowledge , discovered this one by Gods blessing , ( which again I shall mention ) that there may be as much errour and superstition in rejecting of all Liturgy , as in retaining of any , in opposing Ceremonies , as in asserting them , a negative ( as I said ) touch not , tast not , kneele not , bow not , as well and positive Superstition ; as also that there be errors in practice , as well as doctrine , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , infidelities against the Commandements , and Sermon of Christ in the Mount , as well as against the Creed it selfe , and that imposing of Lawes on the King and Kingdome by the Sword , abolishing Liturgy , setting up Directories by that sterne way of arguments , those carnall weapons of militia or warfare , when they are not only practised , but asserted for lawfull , are errours , damnable errours also , and such as are very near the ordinary notion of Superstition , the teaching for doctrines the Commandements of men , I would I might not say of — also . But then 2. All this being supposed of Gods granting better means of knowledge now , then formerly , I shall yet interpose , that sure this is not a truth of an unlimited extent , for there have been Apostles , which had better means then we , and they that were nearest them , ( and knew their doctrines , and practices , better then it is possible we should ) had so also , nay Vniversall Councells meeting in the Holy Ghost , and piously and judiciously debating , had by the priviledge of Prayer , more right to that promise of Christs being in the midst of them , and leading them into all truth , then an illegally congregated Assembly ; and all these have been greater favourers of Liturgy then any of equall authority with them have been of your Directory ; And 3. If all were supposed and granted which you claime , yet still the means of knowledge now vouchsafed do not make you infallible , lay not any morall or physicall necessity on you to be faultlesse or errorlesse , and therefore still this may be errour in you as probably , as Liturgy should be Superstition in us . And for gifts of Preaching and Prayer , I answer , if they are and have been truly gifts , others of former times may by the Spirit have had as liberall a portion of them , as we . For sure those dayes wherein the spirit was promised to be powred out on all flesh , are not these dayes of ours , or of this age , exclusively to all others ; Of this I am confident , that some other ages have had them in such a measure , as was most agreeable to the propagating of the Gospell , and if that were then by forming or using of Liturgies , why may it not be so at this time also ? Sect 21 Having given you my opinion of these passage , and yeelded to them for quietnesse sake , a limited truth , I must now adde , that if they be argumentative , and so meant as a proofe that these Assemblers are likely to be in the right , while they destroy Liturgy , although all the Christian world before them have asserted it , this will be a grosse piece of insolency and untruth together ; a taking upon them to be the only People of God , of these latter times , nay to have greater judgment , knowledge , gifts , then all the whole Christian World , for all Ages together , including the Apostles and Christ himselfe , have had . For all these have been produced together with the saffrage of Jewes , Heathens , Mahometans also , to maintain set Pormes ; and though it be true , that some of late have found out many Superstition● that never were discover'd before , one or other almost in every posture or motion in Gods Service , yet this sure is by the helpe of an injustice in applying without all reason that title to those actions , and not by a greater sagacity in discerning , making many acts of indifferent performance , nay of Piety it selfe , go defamed and mourning under the reproach of Superstition , and not bringing any true light into the World , that before was wanting . This one Odium fastned on all Orthodox Ministers in this Kingdome at this time , of being superstitious , and the mistake of the true notion of the word which hath to that end been infused into many , ( but is by a Tract lately printed somewhat discover'd ) hath brought in a shole of Sequestrations of Livings , which have been very necessary and instrumentall , to the maintaining of these present distempers . And now at length it proves in more respects then one , that what ever unsatiate hydropicall appetites are tempted to take away , is presently involved under that title , a name that hath an universall malignity in it , makes aay thing lawfull prize that is in the company . God will in time display this deceit also . Sect 22 Having mentioned these so many reasons of their abolishing our Liturgy , i. e. their so many slanders against our Church and Church-men , all which if they were true , hang so loose and so separable from Liturgy , that they cannot justifie the abolition of it ; At length they shut up their suggestions with [ Vpon these and many the like weighty considerations , and because of divers particulars contained in the Book , they have resolved to lay aside the Book ] where if the many considerations unmentioned be of no more truth or validity then these , and so be like weighty considerations , I acknowledge their prudence in not naming them , and think that no part of the World is like to prove the worse for this their reservednesse , only by the way a generall charge is nothing in Law , and in generalibus latet dolus , is a legall exception against any thing of this nature . But if they have any other which they conceive to be of any weight , they are very unjust and very uncharitable to us , thus to ensnare our Estates ( the fault even now laid upon the Prelates ) by requiring our approbation of their Directory , and conformity of our practice to it ; and yet not vouchsafe us that conviction , which they are able , to satisfie us of the reasons of their proceedings . But the truth is , we shall not charge this on them neither , being made confident by the weaknesse of the motives produced , that they have not any more effectuall in store . And for the particulars contained in the Book , if there were any infirme parts in it , any thing unjustifiable , ( which we conceive their Conscience tells them there is not , having not in this whole Book produced one , and yet their charity to it not so great , as to cover or conceale any store of sins ) yet would not this inferre any more then only farther Reformation of the Book , which is not the design against which we now argue . Sect 23 And having proceeded to so bloudy a sentence upon such ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , in the Gospell phrase ) testimonies and accusations so unsufficient and unproportionable to such a condemnation , they could not but foresee the opinion that would be had of the action , and the ill and odious consequents that would attend it , which therefore to keep off , is the next endeavour , by professing that what is done , is not from any love of Novelty . And truly 't is well you tell us so , for otherwise the semblance of that love and other actions , might have perswaded us mortalls , who see but the outsides , so to judge . And still notwithstanding the affirmation ( which is not of much value in your own cause , unlesse we had more testimonies of the Authors infallibility , then this Preface hath afforded us ) the consideration of the matter and termes of the change from what and to what , of the no manner of advantage or acquisition by it to recompence all the disadvantages , the great temerity , if not impiety to boot , in separating from this nationall , and in scorning and defying the practice of the Vniversall Church , and the great illegality , that I say no worse , of your action and the preparatory steps of motion to it , may tempt us to affirme , that it must needs be a love of novelty , even a Platonick love , as the phrase is now a dayes , a love of novelty , as novelty , without any other hoped for reward , without any other avowed design in seeking it ; for if there be any other which may be own'd , I am confident it hath already appeared by what hath been said , that this is not the way to it . But then 2. Such a profession as this will not sure signifie much , to innovate , and yet to say we love nor innovation , to act with a proud high hand in despight of so much at least of God , as is imprinted in the Lawes of man , and our lawfull Superiours , and then to excuse it by saying we love not to do so , will 〈◊〉 little alleviate the matter before any equall Judge . 'T is certain there is something unlovely in the reproachfull name of sinne , how glibly soever the pleasures of it go down , yea and even in the sinne it selfe , it hath the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the two Cups in Homer , more truly then that to which he applyes it , its bitter and hatefull , as well as its sweeter lovelier parts , extemplo quodcunque malum committitur , ipsi Displicet , and if men may leave and excuse to commit adultery so long , till they fall in love not only with the pleasure of it , but the very sinfulnesse of it , and the name and reproach also , we shall give them a good large space of Repentance : the short is , the mention of Novelty is an evidence that the Composers Conscience tells them , that what they now do is such , and 't is not their not loving it ( perhaps onely thinking , perhaps only saying they do not love it ) which will much lessen the fault , but rather define it to be an act against Conscience , to be and continue guilty of so huge a novelty , when they professe they love it not . Sect 24 The next envy that they labour to avoyd , is the having an intention to disparage the Reformers , of whom they are perswaded , that were they now alive they would joyn with them in this worke . This is another 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to blanch your actions with contrary intentions , to do that which is most reproachfull to the Reformers , to obliterate , or which is worse , to defame their memory ( whom yet at the beginning you called wise and pious ) and then say you intended them no disparagement , nay to make them repent and retract after their death ( i. e. to put them in a kind of Purgatory ) to undertake for them that they have changed their minds , and not only that they are now content to part with that finally out of the Church , the short temporary losse of which , one of them ( Arch-Bishop Cranmer in one of his letters publisht by Miles Coverdale ) laments as the severest part of the Persecuters tyranny toward him , viz. that they would not permit him the use of the Common-Prayer-Book in the Prison ; but withall that they are grown zealots too , are content to act most illegally and seditiously to cast it out . The judgment of this matter we leave to any arbitration . 1. Whether it be likely that they would joyn , against Law to take that away , which they compiled , or make all prescribed Formes unlawfull , who did not think any fit in publick , but those which were prescribed . 2. Whether any man can have ground of such perswasion , when they dyed in the constant exercise of it , and have sent them no message from the dead of their change of 〈◊〉 3. Whether it be not strongly improbable , that they of the first Reformation , who in Qu. Maries dayes flying and living in Franckfort , and there meeting with the objections that have been produced by our new Reformers , maintained the Booke against them all , would now if they were return'd to us from a longer exile , disclaime all that they had thus maintain'd . 4. Whether it be not an argument of a strong confidence and assurance , ( which is the most dangerous mother or Schisme and Heresie imaginable ) of strong passions and weak judgment , to think that all men would be of their side ( as Hacket thought verily that all London would rise with him , as soon as he appear'd in Cheap-side ) upon no other ground of that perswasion mention'd , but only that they are of it , which is but in effect as the same Hacket did , shewing no evidence of his being a Prophet , but only his confidence , which produced all kind of direfull Oathes that he was , and hideous imprecations on himselfe , if he were not so . That which is added by way of honour to those Martyrs , that they were excellent instruments to begin the purging and building of his house , may be but an artifice of raising their own reputation , who have perfected those rude beginnings , or if it be meant in earnest , as kindnesse to them , 't is but an unsignificant civility , to abolish all the records of their Reformation , and then pay them a little prayse in exchange for them , Martyr their ashes ( as the Papists did Fagius and Bucer ) and then lay them down into the earth again , with a dirge or anthem , defame the Reformation , and Commend the Reformers , but still to intimate how much wiser and Godlier you are , then all those Martyrs were . Sect 25 Thus far they have proceeded ad amoliendam invidiam ; Now to the positive motives , of setting up this great work of innovation , and those are 1. To answer in some measiure the gracious providence of God which at this time calleth upon them for farther Reforma●●●● : What they should mean by the gratious providence of God in this place , I confesse I cannot guesse , ( if it be not a meer name to adde some credit to the cause ) unlesse it be the prosperity and good successe of their Armes ; which if throughout this Warre they had reason to brag or take notice of ( as sure they have not , but of Gods hand many times visibly shewed against them , in raising the low estate of the King , 〈…〉 means , and bringing down their mighty strengths , as the Septuagint makes God promise to fight against Amalek 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , by secret hand , by invisible , ) yet sure would not that justify the taking up of those Armes , much lesse be able to consecrate all other sins , that those Armes may enable any to be guilty of . 'T is the Turks Divinity , as before I intimated , to passe sentence on the action by the prosperity of the man , to make one killing of a Father villany and sacriledge , because the design it aim'd at miscarrie● , and another of the same making an heroick act , that God was pleased with , because it brought the designer to the Kingdome : And therefore , I beseech you , look no longer on the cause through the deceiveable and deceitfull glasses of your conceited victories , but through that one true glasse the word of Christ in the New Testament ; and if that call you to this farther Reformation , go on in Gods name ; But if it be any else that calleth you , ( as sure somewhat else it is you mean , for if it were Gods word you would ere now have shew'd it us , and here have call'd it Gods word , which is plain and intelligible , not Gods providence , which is of an ambiguous signification ) if any extraordinary revelation however convey'd to you ; this you will never be able to approve to any that should doubt your call , and therefore I shall meekly desire you , and in the bowells of Christian compassion to your selves , if not to your bleeding Country , once more to examine seriously , what ground you have in Gods Word , to satisfie conscience of the lawfullnesse of such attempts , which you have used , to gain strength to work your Reformation ; and this we the rather desire to be shewed by you , because you adde , that having consulted with Gods holy word , you resolve to lay aside the former Liturgy , which cannot signify that upon command of Gods word particularly speaking to this matter , you have done it , for then all this while , you would sure have shewed us that word , but that the word of God , hath led you to the whole work in generall , which you have taken in hand , and therefore that is it , which as a light shining in so dark a place , we require you in the name of God to hold out to us . Sect 26 After this there is a second motive , the satisfaction of your own consciences . This I cannot speak to , because neither I know them , nor the grounds of them , save only by what is here mentioned , which I am sure is not sufficient to satisfie conscience , ( phancy perhaps it may ) only this I shall interpose , that it is possible your own consciences may be erroneous , and we are confident they are so , and then you are not bound to satisfie them , save only by seeking better information , which one would think might be as feaseable a task as abolishing of Liturgy . Sect 27 Next a third motive is mentioned , that you m●y satisfie the expectation of other Reformed Churches ; so this first I say , that this is not the rule for the reforming of a Nationall Church 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and independent . And such I conceive , the last Canon of the Councell of Ephesus , will by consequence conclude this of England to be ; and its ●●ing so is a sufficient plea. 1. To clear us from all shew of Schisime in Separating from the Roman Church ) to which we were not , according to the Ephesine rule , subjected as a part ) though we reformed our selves , when the Pope vehemently required the contrary , and would not himselfe be reformed ; and from the Church universall , of which we still remain a member undivided . 2. To answer this motive of our Assemblers , by telling them that in the reforming such a Church ( as this of ours , if not by others , yet by them is acknowledged to be ) the care must be , to do what the head and members of the Church , shall in the fear of God resolve to be fittest , and not what other Churches expect ; for if that were the rule , it would be a very fallacious and very puzling one , the expectations of severall Churches being as severall , and the choice of some difficulty , which of them was fittest to be answer'd . But then secondly , what the expectation of other Churches have been in this point , or what the reasons of them , we do not punctually know , only this we do , that after your solliciting of many ( which is another thing , somewhat distant from their expecting ) we hear not of any , that have declared their concurrence in opinion with you in this : But on the contrary , that in answer to your Letter directed to the Church of Zeland , the Wallachrian Classis made this return to you , that they did approve set and prescribed formes of publique Prayer , as profitable and tending to edification , quite contrary to what you before objected of the Offence to the Protestant Churches abroad , and now of their expectation , &c. ) and give reasons for that approbation , both from Texts of Scriptures , and the generall practice of the Reformed Church , avouching particularly the forementioned place of Calvin , and conclude it to be a precise singulari●y in those men who do reject them . And now , I beseech you , speak your knowledge , and instance in the particular , if any Church have in any addresse made to you , or answer to your invitation , signified their expectation that you should abolish Liturgy , or their approbation of your fact , able to counterballance this censure from the pen of those your friends thus unexpectedly falne upon you . Some ingenuity either of making good your assertion of the Churches or else of Confession that you cannot , will be in common equity expected from you . Sect 28 The desires of many of the Godly among your selves ( which you mention as a fourth motive for abolition ) wil signify little , because how many suffrages soever might be brought for the upholding of Liturgy , those who are against it shall by you be called , the godly , and that number what ever it is , go for a multitude . But then again , Godly they may be , but not wise , ( piety gives no infallibility of doctrine to the possesor ) at least in this point , unlesse you can first prove the Liturgy to be ungodly ▪ nay they that rejoyced in it , were , as you say , godly and learned , and they that made it wise and pious , & therefore sure some respect was due to the wise , as well as godly in the abrogation . And yet it may be added farther , that the way of the expressing of the desires of those whom you mean by the Godly , hath been ordinarily be way of Petitions , and those it cannot be dissembled have been oft framed and put into their hands ( I say not by whom ) even in set prescribed Formes , not thinking it enough to give them a Directory for matter , without stinting their Spirits , by appointing the words also . This shewes that the desires of those many of the Godly , are not of any huge consideration in this businesse , and yet I have not heard to my remembrance of any Petition , yet ever so insolent , as to demand what you have done ( in answer it seems to some inarticulate groans or sighes ) the abolition of all Liturgy . Sect 29 The last motive is , That you may give some publique testimony of your endeavours for uniformity in divine worship promised in your Solemne League and Covenant . To this the answer will be short , because it hath for the main already been considered . 1. That the Covenant it selfe is unlawfull , which therefore obliges to nothing but Repentance , and restitution of a stray Subject to his Allegiance to God and the King again . 2. That there is one speciall thing considerable of this Covenant , which will keep it either from obliging or from being any kind of excuse or extenuation of the crimes that this action is guilty of , and that is the voluntary taking of that Covenant on purpose , thus to ensnare your selves in this obligation , to do what should not otherwise be done ; We before told you , that Herods oath would not justifie the beheading of John , and shall now adde , that if some precedaneous hatred to John , made Herod lay this designe before hand , that Herodias's Daughter should dance , that upon her dancing he would be vehemently pleas'd , that upon her pleasing of him he would sweare to give her any thing she should aske , even to halfe his Kingdome , and the same compact appoint her to 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Petition , to take John Baptist's head for her reward , ( as 〈◊〉 not unlikely , but that as Herodias was of counsell with her Daughter , so Herod might be with Herodias ) if the train I say , lay thus , sure Herods oath would take off but little from the crimson dye of his murther , but rather superadde that sin of deep Hypocrisie , of making piety , and the Religion of oaths , a servant and instrument to his incest and murthering of a Prophet . And then I shall no farther apply , then by asking this question , did you not take this Covenant on purpose to lay this obligation upon you , and now pretend that for your Covenants sake , you must needs do it ? If you cannot deny this , O then remember Herod . But if you took the Covenant without any such designe , but now find your selves thus ensnared by it , then rather remember the times to get out of that snare , and not to to engage your selves faster in it . 3. I answer , that if by uniformity be meant that among our selves in this Kingdome , the taking away our Liturgy by Ordinance , while it remaines establisht by valid Law , is no over-fit means to that end , nothing but a new Act , and an assurance that all would be obedient to that Act , can be proper for that purpose ; and I am sure there are some men in the World , whom if such an Act displeased , the obedience would not be very uniforme ; what ever it may seem to be when better Subjects are supp●sed to be concluded by it . But if it be uniformity with the best reformed Churches ( as your Covenant mentions ) then 1. That uniformity in matters of Form or Ceremony is no way necessary , ( Communion betwixt Churches may be preserv'd without it ) nor near so usefull , as that other among our selves , and therefore the bargain will be none of the most thriving , when that acquisition is paid so dear for , uniformity with strangers purchased with confusion at home , as bad a market , as unequall a barter , as if we should enter upon a Civill Warre , for no other gain , then to make up a Peace with some Neighbour Prince ; which none but a mad Statesman would ever counsell . But then 4. The Covenant for such uniformity , obliges not to make this Directory , which I shall prove . 1. By the verdict of those themselves which have taken the Covenant , of whom many , I am confident , never conceived themselves thereby obliged to abolish Liturgy , there being no such intelligible sence contained in any bran●h of the Covenant , any such intention of the imposers avowed at the giving of it . 2. Because we conceive we have made it manifest , that that part of the Covenant which mentions uniformity with other Best Reformed Churches , doth not oblige to abolish Liturgy , not only because the generall matter of the Covenant referres unto the Government , and not to the Liturgy , but because this of England , as it now stands establisht by Law , is the best Reformed , both according to that rule of Scripture , and standard of the purest Ancient Church ; For which we have 〈◊〉 the testimony of Learned Protestants of other Countries , preferring it before their owne , and shall be ready to justify the boast by any test or 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that shall be resolved on fit to decide this doubt or competition between this of ours , and any that you shall Vote or name to be the best . Sect 30 The like challenge we shall also make in return to a tacit intimation of yours more then once falne from you in this Preface , and in the body of the Directory , p. 40. and 73. viz. that the Church of England hath hitherto been guilty of Superstition in her Liturgy . To which we first reply by desiring , that you mention any one particular wherein that accusation may appeare to be true , ( and we hereby undertake to maintain the contrary against all the learnedst in that Assembly ) which if you will not undertake to specifie and prove , you must acknowledge to be guilty of great uncharitablenesse in affirming . I shall not be so uncharitable as to wish that the judgment of the Civill Law may be your doome , and the sentence that belongs to Superstition be the reward of your defamation , I shall not say so much as the Lord reprove , by way of imprecation , but once more repeat , Lord lay it not to your charge . Sect 31 Upon these grounds you proceed , that [ having not consulted with flesh and blood , &c. ] This sure in St. Pauls phrase , Gal. 1. 16. signifies not consulting with men , though Apostolicall ; as consulting with them is opposed to immediate revelation from Heaven , and then sure your Assembly was very spirituall , and very heavenly , for with them you confesse to have consulted , but if you mean by the phrase , in a larger sense , earthly or humane interests , I shall only ask , whether all the actions which have proceeded from you are so visibly divine and unmixt with earth , so apparently uninterested , that your own testimony should be sufficient to give credit to this affirmation ? Sect 32 Having said this , you proceed to the conclusion , that you resolved to set up the Directory , and in it to hold forth such things as are of divine Institution in every Ordinance , and other things be set forth according to the rules of Christian Prudence ; agreeable to the generall rules of the word of God. And now 't is a little strange , ( but yet that which my temper obliges me to desire may still be my fate , when I fall upon a Controversie with any ) that we which have been at such distance all this while , should just now meet at parting , that such contradictory premises , should beget the same conclusion ; For there is not a better Rule in the World , nor any which I would rather chuse to be judged by in this matter , then that which is here proposed by you ; Only I desire a little importunately to be advertised , where it is that the Compilers of our Liturgy have swerved from it . Where you have swerved , we have instanced in many particulars in our Answer to the Ordinance , and shall now once for all demand , what rules of prudence oblige you to turne those many severals there mentioned out of the Service of the Church , every one of them tending to edification directly , over and above the agreeablenesse of each to the generall rules of Scripture , in particular , whether it be agreeable to Christian Prudence to abolish a Liturgy , which hath been so piously and discreetly framed , by those who have seal'd our Reformation with their bloud , and instead of it to bring in a voluntary way of serving God in a Nationall Church , where there be many thousand Parishes , and no such promise of divine inspiration or enthusiasme , but that there may be still some number of those Ministers , who will not be able to speak constantly in the Congregation , so as in the presence of Angels they ought to speak . The experiments that have given us reason thus to fear , and desire prevention of the like , we are again tempted to adde unto this paper , but we delight not to demonstrate them guilty of Blasphemies , who have accused us of Superstition . We desire this fault may be cured by some milder recipe . Sect 33 As for that which in passing you say , that by your Directory Ministers may be directed to keep like soundnesse of Doctrine , this indeed is a prerogative of the Liturgy , ( which hath alwayes been used as an hedge to keep out errours , and to retain a common profession of Catholick verities ) but cannot belong to your Directory , which hath neither Creed nor Catechisme , nor one Article of Religion , or Doctrine asserted in it , but leaves that wholly to the Preacher whose doctrine that it should be sound at all , or agree with the doctrine of all other Preachers , and so be like sound , here is no provision made . Sect 34 We have thus call'd your Preface also to some tryall , and found it of such a composure and temper , 1. So many variations from truth ( which one that desires to be civill , must be unjust if he do not call them so ) that we cannot with any pleasure give an accompt of our judgement of them . 2. So many unconcluding prem●ses , Affirmations , which if they were all supposed true , would never come home to abolition , and among all the heap , so no one truth which is of importance or weight toward that conclusion , that now we conceive we have discharged the task , given the Reader such a view of the inward parts of this spacious fabrick , that he will not wonder , that we are not so passionately taken with the beauty , as to receive at a venture whatsoever is contain'd in it ; For supposing there were never an unseasonable Direction in all the Book following , yet the reception of that , being founded in the abolition both of ours , and of all Liturgy , the Christian prudence agreeable to the Word of God , which is here commended to us , obliges us to stop our ears to such slight temptations , and never to yeeld consent , to the but laying aside that forme of Service , which we have by establisht Law so long enjoyed , to the great content and benefit of this Nation ; though God knowes some have not made so holy , others so thankful an use of it , as it deserved of us , some neglecting it , others slandring , and so many bringing worldly hearts along with them , which though they are great evils , under which this divine Liturgy hath suffered , yet being the infelicities , not the crimes , the crosse , which hath made it like unto our Saviour , in being spit on , revil'd , and crown'd with thornes ( for such he cals the cares of this world , the most contumelious part of the suffering ) and not at all the guilt ( being wholly accidentall and extrinsecal to it ) must never be exchanged , for the certain evils , naturall and intrinsecall to the no-Liturgy , and withall the greater mischiefes which may probably follow this alteration ; for all which patience and submission , we have not the least kind of invitation , save only that of the noyse , and importunity of some enemies , which should it be yeelded to , would , I doubt not , be resisted and prest again , with the Petitions of many thousands more , importuning the return and restitution of the Liturgy again ; unlesse by this means the Devill should gain an absolute and totall manumission , cast off all his trashes , and presently get rid of both his enemies , Religion , and Liturgy together . A Postscript by way of Appendix to the two former Chapters . Sect 1 THe truth of all which we have hitherto spoken , if we have not sufficiently evidenced it already , will abundantly appear by one farther testimony , which is authentick and undeniable to them , against whom we speak . And it is , ( what the providence of God , and the power of truth hath extorted from them ) their own confession , in a book just now come to my hands , called , a Supply of Prayer for the Ships that want Ministers to pray with them , agreeable to the Directory established by Parliament , published by authority . From which these things will be worth observing , 1. That the very body of it is a set forme of Prayer , and so no Superstition in set formes . 2. That their publishing it by authority , is the prescribing of that forme , and so 't is lawfull to prescribe such formes . 3. That the title , [ of Supply of Prayer ] proveth that some there are , to whom such supplies are necessary , and so a Directory not sufficient for all . And 4. That [ its being agreeable to the Directory . ] Or as it is , word for word form'd out of it , ( the Directory turn'd into a Prayer ) sheweth , that out of the Directory a Prayer may easily first be made , and then constantly used , and so the Minister ever after continue as idle without exercising that gift , as under our Liturgy is pretended , and so here under pretence of supplying the ships , all such idle Mariners in the ship of the Church are supplyed also , which it seems was foreseen at the writing that preface , to the Directory , where they say , the Minister may if need be , have from ●hem some helpe and furniture . 5. That the Preface to this new Work entitled , A reason of this work , containeth many other things , which tend as much to the retracting their former work , as Judas's throwing back the mony did to his repentance . Sect 2 As 1. That there are thousands of Ships belonging to this Kingdome , which have not Ministers with them , to guide them in Prayer , and therefore either use the Common Prayer , or no Prayer at all . This shewes the nature of that fact of those which without any objection mentioned against any Prayer in that book , which was the only help for the devotion of many thousands , left them for some Months , to perfect irreligion and Atheisme , and not Praying at all . And besides these ships which they here confesse , how many Land-companies be there in the same condition ? how many thousand families which have no Minister in them ? of which number the House of Commons was alwaies wont to be one , and the House of Lords , since the Bishops were removed from thence , and to deale plainly , how many Ministers will there alwaies be , in England and Wales , for sure your care for the Vniversities is not so great as to be likely to worke Miracles , which will not have skill , or power , or gift , ( which you please ) of conceiving Prayers as they ought to do ? and therefore let me impart to you the thoughts of many prudent men ( since the newes of your Directory , and abolition of our Liturgy ) that it would prove a most expedite way to bring in Atheisme ; and this it seems , you do already discern and confesse in the next words , that the no prayer at all , which succeeded the abolishing of the Liturgy , is likely to make them rather Heathens then Christians , and hath left the Lords day without any marke of piety or devotion : a sad and most considerable truth , which some persons ought to lament with a wounded bleeding conscience , the longest day of their life , and therefore we are apt to beleeve your charity to be more extensive , then the title of that book enlarges it , and that it hath designed this supply , not only to those ships , but to all other in the like want of our Liturgy . Your only blame in this particular hath been , that you would not be so ingenuous , as Judas and some others , that have soon retracted their precipicous action , and confest they did so , and made restitution presently , while you , rather then you will ( to rescue men from heathenisme caused by your abolition ) restore the Book again , and confesse you have sinned in condemning an innocent Liturgy , will appoint some Assembler , to compile a poor , sorry , piteous forme of his own , of which I will appeale to your greatest flatterer , if it be not so low that it cannot come into any tearmes of comparison , or competition , with those formes already prescribed in our book ; and so still you justify your errour , even while you confesse it . Sect 3 2. That 't is now hoped that 't will be no griefe of heart to full Christians ; if the thirsty drink out of cisterns , when themselves drink out of fountaines , &c. which is the speciall part of that ground , on which we have first formed , & now labour'd to preserve our Liturgy , on purpose that weaker Christians may have this constant supply for their infirmities , that weake Ministers may not be forced to betray their weaknesse , that they that have not the gift of Prayer ( as even in the Apostles times there were divers gifts , and all Ministers , had not promise to succeed in all , but one in one , another in another gift by the same spirit ) may have the helpe of these common gifts , and standing treasures of Prayer in the Church , and ( because there be so many of these kinds to be lookt for in a Church ) that those which are able to pray as they ought , without a forme , may yet in publick submit to be thus restrain'd , to the use of so excellent a forme thus set before them , rather then others should be thus adventur'd to their own temerity , or incurre the reproach of being thought not able ; and then this providing for the weak , both Minister and People , will not now , I hope , be charged on the Liturgy , by those , who hope their supply of Prayer will be no griefe to others . Sect 4 3. That these Prayers being enlivened , and sent up by the spirit in him that prayeth , may be lively prayers , and acceptable to him , who is a spirit , and accepts of service in spirit and truth . Where 1. It appears by that confession , that as the place that speaks of worshipping in spirit and truth , is not of any force against set prayers , so neither is that either of the Spirits helping our infirmities , belonging , as it is here confest most truly , to the zeale , and fervor , and intensenesse of devotion infused by the Spirit , and not to the words wherein the addresse is made , which if the Spirit may not infuse also , in the use of our Liturgy , and assist a Minister and Cnngregation in the Church , as well and as effectually as a company of Mariners in a ship , I shall then confesse that the Directory first , and then this Supply , may be allow'd to turne it out of the Church . Sect 5 Lastly , That in truth though Prayers come never so new , even from the Spirit , in one that is a guide in Prayer , if the Spirit do not quicken and enliven that prayer in the hearer that followes him , it is to him but a dead forme , and a very carcase of Prayer , which words being really what they say , a truth , a perfect truth , and more soberly spoken , then all or any period in the Preface to the Directory , I shall oppose against that whole Act of abolition , as a ground of confutation of the principall part of it , and shall only adde my desire , that it be considered what Prayers are most likely to be thus quickned and enlivened by the spirit in the hearer , those that he is master of , and understands and knowes he may joyn in , or those which depend wholy on the will of the Speaker , which perhaps he understandeth not , and never knowes what they are , till they are delivered , nor whether they be fit for him to joyne in ; or in plainer words , whether a man be likely to pray , and aske most fervently he knowes not what , or that which he knowes , and comes on purpose to pray . For sure the quicking and enlivening of the Spirit , is not so perfectly miracle , as to exclude all use of reason or understanding , to prepare for a capacity of it , for then there had been no need to have turn'd the Latine Service out of the Church , the spirit would have quickned those Prayers also . CHAP. III. HAving thus past through the Ordinance and the Preface , and in the view of the Ordinance stated and setled aright the comparison betwixt the Liturgy and the Directory , and demonstrated the no-necessity , but plain unreasonablenesse of the change , and so by the way insisted on most of the defects of the Directory , which are the speciall matter of accusation we professe to find in it , I shall account it a Superfluous Importunity to proceed to a review of the whole body of it , which makes up the bulk of that Book , but instead of insisting on the faults and infirme parts of it ( such are , the prohibition of adoration toward any place , p. 10. that is of all adoration , while we have bodies about us , for that must be toward some place ; the interdicting of all parts of the Apochryphall Books , p. 12. which yet the ancient Church avowed to be read for the directing of manners , though not as rule of Faith ; the so frequent mention of the Covenant in the directions for Prayer , once as a speciall mercy of God , p. 17 . which is the greatest curse could befall this Kingdome , and a great occasion , if not Author of all the rest , which are now upon it , then as a means of a strict and religious Vnion , p. 21. which is rather an engagement of an irreligious Warre ; then as a pretious band that men must pray that it never be broken , p. 21. which is in effect to pray , that they may never repent , but continue in Rebellion for ever . Then as a mercy again , p. 37. as if this Covenant were the greatest treasure we ever enjoyed . Then the praying for the Armies by Land and Sea , p. 38. with that addition [ for the defence of King , and Parliament and Kingdome ] as resolving now to put that cheat upon God himselfe , which they have used to their Fellow-Subjects , that of fighting against the King for the defence of him , ( Beloved be not deceived , God is not mocked . ) Then affirming that the Fonts were superstitiously placed in time of Popery , and therefore the Child must now be baptized in some other place , p. 40. while yet they shew not any ground of that accusation , nor never will be able to do . Then that the customes of kneeling and praying by , and towards the dead , is superstitious , p. 73. which literally it were , ( Superstitum cultus ) if it were praying to them , but now is farre enough from that guilt . And lastly , that the Lords day is commanded in the Scripture to be kept holy , p. 85. the sanctification of which we acknowledge to be grounded in the Scripture , and instituted by the Apostles , but not commanded in the Scripture by any revealed precept . ( The first that we meet with to this purpose , is that of Ignatius Epist . ad Magnes . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let us therefore Sabbatize no longer : Let every Christian celebrate the Lords day , which saying of an Apostolick writer being added to the mention of the Lords day in the New Testament is a great argument of the Apostolicke institution of that day , which the universall practice of the Church ever since doth sufficiently confirme unto us , and we are content and satisfied with that authority , although it doth not offer to shew us any command in the Scripture for it . And then you may please to observe , that the same Ignatius , within a page before that place forecited , for the observing of the Lords day , hath a command for Common-Prayer , and I conceive for some set Forme , I shall give you the words , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Let all meet together to the same , whether action or place in Prayer , Let there be one Common-Prayer , one mind , &c. and Clem. Alex. to the same purpose , the Altar which we have here on Earth , is the company of those that dedicate themselves to Prayers , as having 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , a common voice , and one mind , which cannot well be , unlesse there be some common Forme by all agreed on . ) Instead I say of pressing these or the like frailties upon this work , which will argue the Composers of it to be men and fallible , I shall rather desire to expresse and evidence my charity ( & my endeavor to read it without any prejudice ) by adding my opinion , that there be some things said in it ( by way of direction for the matter of Prayer , and course of Preaching ) which agree with wholsome doctrine , and may tend to edification , and I shall not rob those of that approbation which is due to them , nor conceive our Cause to need such peevish meanes to sustaine it ; Being not thereby obliged to quarrell at the Directory absolutely as a Booke , but onely as it supplants the Liturgy ( which if it had a thousand more excellencies in it then it hath , it would not be fit to do . ) And being willing to give others an example of peaceablenesse , and of a resolution to make no more quarrells then are necessary , and therefore contributing my part of the endeavour to conclude this one assoon as is possible : And the rather because it is in a matter , which ( if without detriment to the Church , and the Soules of men , the Book might be universally received , and so the experiment could be made ) would , I am confident , within very few years , assoon as the pleasure of the change and the novelty were over , prove its owne largest confutation , confesse its own wants and faults ; and so all but mad men see the errour , and require the restitution of Liturgy againe . This I speak upon a serious observation and pondering of the tempers of men , and the so mutable habits of their minds , which as they are 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily changed from good to evill , so are they ( which is the difference of men from laps'd Angels ) 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , easily reduced also to their former state again , when reason comes to them in the coole of the day , when the heat of the kindnesse is past , and a satiety hastning in its stead , or if it prove not so well , yet falling from one change to another , and never coming to stability . How possible this may prove in this particular , I shall now evidence no farther , then by the parallel vehement dislikes , that the Presbyteriall Government hath already met with among other of our reforming Spirits , very liberally exprest in many Pamphlets which we have lately received from London , but in none more fully then in the Epistle to the Book entituled , John Baptist , first charging the Presbyterians ( who formerly exclaimed against Episcopacy for stinting the spirit ) that they began to take upon them to establish a Dagon in his throne , in stinting the whole worship of the God of Heaven , &c. and in plain words without mincing or dissembling , that they had rather the French King , nay the great Turk should rule over them , then these . The only use which I would now make of these experiments is this , to admire that blessed excellent Christian grace of obedience ( and contentment with our present lot , whatsoever it be , that brings not any necessity of sinning on us . ) I mean , to commend to all , in matters of indifference , ( or where Scripture hath not given any immediate rule , but left us to obey those who are set over us ) that happy choice of submitting , rather then letting loose our appetites , of obeying , then prescribing ; A duty , which besides the very great ease it brings with it , hath much of vertue in it , and will be abundant reward to it selfe here on earth , and yet have a mighty arreare remaining to be paid to it in Heaven hereafter ; which when it is heartily considered , it will be a thing of some difficulty to invent or feigne a heavier affliction to the meek and quiet spirit , a more ensnaring piece of treachery to the Christian Soule , ( I am sure to his Estate and temporall prosperity ) then that of contrary irreconcileable commands , which is now the case , and must alwaies be when Ordinances undertake to supersede Lawes , when the inferiour , but ore-swaying power , adventures to check the Superiour . Of which subject I have temptation to annex a full tyde of thoughts , would it not prove too much a 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and be most sure to be so esteemed by them to whom this addresse is now tendred . The good Lord of Heaven and Earth encline our hearts to keep that Law of his , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Eph. 6. 2. which is a prime Commandement , and that with a promise of secular Peace and aboundance annext ( if not confined ) to it . To conclude therefore , and summe up all in a word , we have discover'd by this briefe survey , the reasonablenesse of this act of Gods providence , in permitting our Liturgy to be thus defamed , though in all reason the Liturgy it selfe deserve not that fate , the no-inconveniencies so much as pretended to arise from our Liturgy , to which the Directory is not much more liable , the no-objection from the word of God against the whole or any part of it produced , or offered by you , the no-manner of the least or loosest kind of necessity to abolish it , the perfect justifiablenesse , and with all usefullnesse of set forms above extemporary effusions , the very many particulars of eminent benefit to the Church , and of authority in it , preserved in our Liturgy , but in the Directory totally omitted , and that in despight of all Statutes both of King Edward , and Queen Elizabeth , by which the Reformation of this Church is establisht among us , and I trust shall still continue , notwithstanding the opposition of those who pretended kindnesse , but now runne riot against this reformation , we have shew'd you also the true grounds of our ancestors rejoycing in our Liturgy , instead of the partiall imperfect account given of that businesse by your Preface , the wonderfull prosperity of this Church under it , contrary to the pretended sad experience , &c. and withall we have made it clear , that all the exceptions here proposed against the Liturgy , are perfectly vain and causelesse ; as that it hath prov'd an offence , &c. the ordinary crime charg'd on those actions that are lyable to no other , and so that offence without a cause ; that this offence hath been by the length of the service , which will only offend the prophane , and withall , is as observeable in your Service ; by the many unprofitable burthensome Ceremonies , which have been shewed , neither to be many , nor unprofitable , nor burthensome , by the disquieting of Consciences , i.e. only of the unquiet , by depriving them of the Ordinance , i.e. those who would rather loose the Sacrament , then receive it kneeling , or reverently ; that the offence was extended to the reformed Churches abroad also , and yet for that no one proof offered , nor Church named , that was so offended : and if there were , yet still this supposed offensivenesse , no just plea for any thing but Reformation . So also that by means of the Liturgy , many were dibarred of the exercise of their Ministry , the suggestion for the most part a meer calumny , and that which was true in it , ready to be retorted upon these Reformers ; that the Prelates have labour'd to raise the estimation of the Liturgy too high , yet that no higher then you would the value of your Directory , to have it the rule for the manner of publick worship , or if they did , this is the fault of those Prelates , not of the Liturgy : who yet were said but to have labour'd it neither , not to have effected it , and even that labour or desire of theirs , to have amounted no higher , then Calvins Letter to the Protector would avow ; that this hath been to the justling out of Preaching , which is rather a speciall help to it , and prescribes it , and allowes it its proper place , but hath oft the ill luck to be turn'd out by Preaching ; that it hath been made no better then an Idoll , which if it be a fault in the Liturgy , is farre more chargeable on the hearing of Sermons , that the people please themselves in their presence , and lip-labour in that service ; an uncharitable judging of mens hearts , and a crime to which your Directory makes men as lyable as the Liturgy , that our Liturgy is a compliance with Papists , and so a means to confirme them in their Idolatry , &c. whereas it complies with them in nothing that is Idolatrous , &c. and by complying with them , where they do with antiquity and truth , it is more apt to convince them of their errours , and by charity to invite , then by defiance , that it makes an idle Ministry ; which sure the Directory will not unmake , being as fit for that turne , either by forming and conning the Prayer there delineated , or by depending on present conceptions , as the Liturgy can be , that it hinders the gift of Prayer , which if it signify the elocution , or conception of words in Prayer , is not peculiar to the Minister , and for any thing else , hindring it no more then the Directory doth ; that the continuance of it would be matter of endlesse strife , &c. which sure 't is more reasonable to think of an introduction of a new way of Service , then the retaining of the old ; that there be many other weighty considerations , and many particulars in the book , on which this condemnation is grounded , and yet not one of these mention'd , but kept to boil in their own breasts , if there be any , or which is more likely , falsely here pretended to inflame the reckoning ; that they are not mov'd to this by any love of novelty , and yet do that which is most novell ; that they intend not to disparage the Reformers , and yet do that which is most to their disparagement , that they do this to answer Gods providence , which never call'd them to this work ; to satisfie their own Conscience , which if Erroneous , must not thus be satisfied ; to satisfie the expectation of other Churches , which expect it not , or if they did , might rather conforme to us and satisfy us , and the desires of many of the Godly at home , whose piety is no assurance that their desires are reasonable , and yet are not known to have exprest any such desires ; that they may give testimony of their endeavours for uniformity , whereas with other Churches , there is no such necessity of conforming in such matters , and within our selves , nothing is so contrary to uniformity , as this endeavour . And Lastly , we have learnt from them , a rule by which they pretend to forme their Directory , the agreeablenesse to the word of God and Christian prudence , and are most confident to justify our Liturgy by that rule , against all disputers in the World ; And having now over and above all this , a plaine confession under their own hands , in their Supply of Prayer , of justify all that we pretend to , and so being saved the pains of any farther superfluous confutation , we shall now leave it to the judgement of any rationall Lay-man in the New Assembly , to judge betwixt us and his fellow-Members , whose pretensions are most moderate in this matter , whose most like Christian , those that are to rescue and preserve , or those which to destroy . Thus in the Councell of Nice , holden before Constantine and Helena , in a controversie of great importance , Craton and Zenosimus , not only Lay-men but Heathens were appointed judges or arbitrators only on this ground , because Craton a Philosopher would not possesse any worldly goods , and Zenosimus in time of his Consulship , never received present from any , saith Jacobotius : thus also Eutropius a Pagan Philosopher , was chosen umpire between Origen and the Marcionites , it being supposed , that such an one was as fit to understand their several claims , and judge according to Allegations and proofes as any ; And if we fall or miscarry before such an Aristarchus , I shall then resolve , that a Covenant may wast a soule , ( even drive the man into the field with Nebuchadnezar ) deprive it of those 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 common principles of discourse , ( by which , till it be debauched , it is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , able in some measure , to judge of truth , proposed and debated before it ) and then I shall hope for more candor in the businesse from an intelligent heathen , then for him . My only appeale in that case shall be , to Heaven , that the host of Angels , may by the Lord of that host be appointed , to guard and assist that cause , and those Armies whose pretentions in this , and all other particulars , are most righteous , and most acceptable in his sight . Doe not erre , my beloved Brethren . Now the Lord of all mercies , and God of love and Peace , grant us to be like minded in all things , that we may joyne with one heart , and tongue , to praise him , and worship him , to blesse him , and to magnifie him for ever . FINIS . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A70321-e1030 P. 202. Ib. P. 163. ● . 106. P. 41. P. 42. P. 43. P. 44. P. 48. P. 49. P. 50. P. 55. * The same Constantine in his Palace imitating the orders of the Church , amōg other things , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , tendred Set Prayers , Euseb . de vit . const . l. 4. c. 17. And so it is said of the Nobles about him , that they used 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Prayers that the Emperour liked , and ●ere all brought by him , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , &c. to pray the same prayers all of them , even in private . c. 18. Precum sol . 202. 312. Acts and Moni pag. 1818. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , Act. 14. 12. Mat. 10. 19. P. 10 De div . Off ▪ c. 10. Vide Clav. in Sacr. Bos● . c. 1. * Cum hi motus corporis fieri nisi motu animi praecedente non possint , eisdem rurs●● exterius visibiliter factis ille interior invisibilis augetur . Aug. l. de cura pro mor. 5. Chrysost lb. Popului in Ecclesia sedendi potestatem non habit . Ideo reprehendi meretur , quia apud Idola celebratur . Telman in Basil . T. 1. p. 195. 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . l. 4. p. 753. l. 40. edit . Savil. * l. 3. c. 19. * l. 2. c. 24. * l. 18. c. 51. Al Scap. c. 2. Apol. c. 30. Ep. ad Smyrn . Dial. cum Tryph. p. 260. l. 4. c. 34. Apol. c. 39. De op & Elec mos . p. 180. Serm. de temp . 215. Apol. 2. in fine . Epist . 54. ad Marcellam . * 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Epist . ad Polycarp . Ignatio ad scripta . Notes for div A70321-e19890 P. 1. P. 2. Vid. troubl . of Frank. p. 30. &c. P. ● . P. 2. P. 3. P. 4. P. 4. P. 4. P. 5. P. 5. P. 5. P. 6. P. 7. Busbequi . Epist . Notes for div A70321-e36050 P. 8. Notes for div A70321-e37200 Strom. l. 7. The conclusion . De concil , l. 2. c. 6. Al. Aphrod . in Top. 
A78812	----	By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and VVestminster. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78812 of text R211126 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[89]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78812 Wing C2344 Thomason 669.f.5[89] ESTC R211126 99869859 99869859 160802 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78812) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160802) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[89]) By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and VVestminster. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Place and date of publication from Wing. "Given at Our court at Ayno this 27 of October, in the eighteenth yeare of Our raigne." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78812 R211126 (Thomason 669.f.5[89]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and VVestminster. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 922 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . His Majesties gratious Proclamation to the Cities of London and VVestminster . WHEREAS amongst other Arts used by the Promoters of this horrid and desperate Rebellion against Vs , great Industry and Subtility hath been applyed to corrupt Our Subjects of Our Cities of London and Westminster , first by engaging them in Factions and Tumults to awe the members of both Our Houses of Parliement who would not consent to their seditious Designes ; then by perswading them to Loanes and Contributions for the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of Our Person , the Protestant Religion , the Laws of the Land , and Priviledge of Parliament ( WHEREAS in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended Ordinance of the Militia : and lastly by infusing into them a desperate sense of their own Condition , and that We are so much incensed against them for the premises , that We intend to plunder , and give up the wealth of those Our Cities , as a prey to Our Souldiers : We do hereby declare , That We are yet far from being so much incensed against those Our Cities , as these men desire to be believed , and in truth have endeavoured to make Vs : but We beleive that those Tumults were contrived by the Persons whom We haue formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest People of those Our Cities and Suburbs , without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall Gi. izens and Inhabitants , and that the Loanes and Contributions which have been since raised ( though they have passed more generally than We expected from the duty and sobriety of men of fortunes and understanding ) have beene wrested and extorted from them by threats and menaces , and feare of plundering and violence . And therefore We do hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Citizens and Inhabitants of Our said Cities of London and Westminster , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except all those Persons whom We have excepted in Our Declaration of the 12 of August , and except Alderman Fulke and Captaine Manwaring , against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of Law , as against Traytors and Stirrers of sedition against Vs ) and We do assure them in the word of a King , that no violence shall be offered by Our Army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such , that VVe shall not be compelled to bring Our Army against them . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebels to assemble and muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our hand , or to enter into any Oath of Association for the assistance of the Earle of Essex , how spetiously soever the same be pretended for Our safety , for since the encounter on Sunday 23. of this Moneth , where they used all possible meanes and malice to have destroyed Vs , and where it pleased God to give Vs so great a Victory over them ( though with the losse of many worthy men ) no man can be satisfied in the mischiefe and malice of their Rebellion , shall take Armes by vertue of any pretended Ordinance , or shall enter into any Oath of association against Vs , or without Our Consent , shall be esteemed by Vs as an Enemy to the publique Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , the Religion and Law of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from Vs of Our gratious Intentions towards them , We shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall Citizens be imployed from Our said City to Vs , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to Vs on their behalfe as shall be desired , to which We shall give a gracious and just Answer . And we do assure them and all the world , that as the Scandals and Imputations upon Vs concerning Our favouring of Papists have been groundlesse , and maliciously contrived by the Authors of this Rebellion to beget a misunderstanding between Vs and Our Subjects , so all the professions We have made in Our severall Declarations for the suppression of Popery , and the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England , and for the defence of the Laws of the Land , and the just Priviledges of Parliament shall be as inviolably observed by Vs , as We expect blessing from the Almighty God , and obedience from Our Subjects . Given at Our Court at Ayno this 27 of October , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Raigne . 
A78814	----	His Majesties grievances sent by a message from His Majesty, by Mr. John Ashburnham, and Sir John Barkley, to Col. Hammond, Governor of the Isle of Wyght. With a letter from Col. Hammond (read in both houses of Parliament,) concerning his treaty with his Majesty. Also instructions sent from the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, to Col. Hammond, Concerning his Majesty. And propositions for peace, to be sent to His Majesty on Munday next. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78814 of text R204488 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E416_16). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78814 Wing C2346 Thomason E416_16 ESTC R204488 99863978 99863978 161295 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78814) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161295) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 66:E416[16]) His Majesties grievances sent by a message from His Majesty, by Mr. John Ashburnham, and Sir John Barkley, to Col. Hammond, Governor of the Isle of Wyght. With a letter from Col. Hammond (read in both houses of Parliament,) concerning his treaty with his Majesty. Also instructions sent from the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled, to Col. Hammond, Concerning his Majesty. And propositions for peace, to be sent to His Majesty on Munday next. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Hammond, Robert, 1621-1654. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 8 p. Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield, London : 1647. Annotation on Thomason copy: "No: 19". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Hammond, Robert, 1612-1654 -- Early works to 1800. Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Peace -- Early works to 1800. A78814 R204488 (Thomason E416_16). civilwar no His Majesties grievances sent by a message from His Majesty,: by Mr. John Ashburnham, and Sir John Barkley, to Col. Hammond, Governor of th England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 1166 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties GRIEVANCES SENT ●y a Message from His Majesty , by Mr. John Ashburnham , and Sir John Barkley , to Col. Hammond , Governor of the Isle of Wyght . WITH 〈◊〉 Letter from Col. Hammond ( read in both Houses of Parliament , ) concerning his treaty with his Majesty . ●lso Instructions sent from the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , to Col. Hammond , concerning his MAJESTY . And Propositions for peace , to be sent to His Majesty on Munday next . royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT London , Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield , 1647. A LETTER FROM Colonell Hammon , Governour of the Isle of Wyght , ( and Colonell of a Regiament of Foot , of the Army , under the immediate command of his Excellency ) . Read in both Houses of Parliament . My Lord , I Hold it my duty to give your Lordship an account of the Kings unexpected comming into this Island , and of the manner of it , which was thus . This morning , as I was on the way passing from Carisbrook Castle to Newport , Mr. Ashburnham , and Sir John Barkley overtook me , and after a short discourse , told me that the King was neere , and that he would be with me that night : That hee was come from Hampton Court , upon information that there were some , intended to destroy his person , and that he could not with safety continue any longer there , and that finding his case thus , chose rather to put himself in my hands , being a Member of the Army , ( whom he saith he would not have left could he have had security to his person ) then to go to any other place . Being herewith exceedingly surprized at present , I knew not what course to take , but upon serious consideration , weighing the great concernment that the person of the King is of , in this juncture of affaires , to the settlement of the peace of the kingdome . I resolved it my duty , to the King , to the Parliament , and Kingdome , to use the utmost of my indevours to preserve his person from any such horrid attempt , & to bring him to a place of safety . Where he may also be in a capacity of Answering the expectation of Parliament and Kingdome , in agreeing to such things , as may tend to the settlement of those great divisions , and destractions , abounding in every corner thereof . Hereupon I went immediatly with them over the water , taking Captain Basket ( the Captain of Cawse Castle ) with me , and found the King neere the water-side , and conceiving my self no way able to secure him there . I chose ( he desiring it ) to bring him over into this Island , where Hee now is . My Lord , My indevours ( as for my life ) shall bee to preserve and secure his person : And I humbly desire I may receive the pleasure of the Parliament in this great and weighty matter . And that the Lord will direct your Counsels to his glory and the Kingdomes good , and peace , shall be my prayer : And my indevour shall be ever to expresse my selfe in all things in my power , My Lord , Your Lordships and the kingdomes most humble and faithfull servant . RO. HAMMOND . Cawse this 13 Novemb. 1647. For the Right Honourable the Earle of Manchester , Speaker of the house of Peers pro tempore . A Message from his Majesty to Coll : Hammond ; Concerning his comming to the Isle of Wyght , whereof he is Governor , sent by Sir Jo. Berkley , & Mr. Ashburnham . Novem. 13. 1647. HIs Majesty hath commanded us to waite upon you , and to acquaint you , that hee ( being at this instant not farre from hence ) intends to bee with you this night , having ( since Thursday night last ) left Hampton-Court , upon severall informations , ( which his Majesty had before received from credible hands ) that there were some engaging in a bloody designe against his royall person to destroy him , by taking away his life which ( as his Majesty was informed , by those whom hee had reason to beleive ) was prosecuted against him by the complotters so far , that he could not with safety to his person continue at Hampton-Court any longer . His Majesty finding himselfe in that condition hereby that he was in such danger , and ( that although he had with great patience endured a tedious restraint hopeing it would conduce to the peace of the Kingdome , and stop that effusion of blood which otherwise might bee spilt , yet ) finding by two certaine proofes , that his continuance there , was like to prove not onely the ruine of his royall person , but dangerous to the destruction of the whole Kingdome . His Majesty therefore choose rather to put himselfe into your hands ( for the safety of his person conceiving it to be the best way for the good and peace of the Kingdome , you being a member of the Army , rather then any other . And his Majesty hath commanded us to assure you that he would not have left the Army by his departure , could he have had security to his person , and therefore is come to this Island ( rather then to any other place , ) to cast himselfe upon you until the pleasure of the Houses be knowne . Novemb. 17. 1647. Heads of Instructions agreed upon by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , to be sent to Col. Hammond , concerning the King . 1 THat the place where His Majesty shal reside for the safety of his person , shal be the Isle of Wyght . 2 That no persons who have born Armes against the Parliament ( except such inhabitants as have compounded ) shall reside in that Island . 3 That none that have born Arms ( though they be inhabitants , and have compounded ) shall be admitted to the King . 4 That no Forraigners that come out of other Kingdomes , shall bee admitted to the Kingdome , without Order of one of the Parliaments of England or Scotland . The Lords and Commons in Parliament have also Ordered , that the Propositions be sent to his Majesty on Munday next ; and that the Scots Commissioners be acquainted therewith . Novemb. 17. 1647. Imprimatur Gilb. Mabbott . FINIS . 
A78825	----	His Majesties last answer to the Parliament, this present Tuesday, August 29. 1648. brought by Sir Peter Killegrew. For persons to be about him, and a list of the lords, bishops, chaplaines, councell, and houshold servants, nominated by his Majesty England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78825 of text R231265 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2361). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78825 Wing C2361 ESTC R231265 99897008 99897008 136949 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78825) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 136949) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2456:24) His Majesties last answer to the Parliament, this present Tuesday, August 29. 1648. brought by Sir Peter Killegrew. For persons to be about him, and a list of the lords, bishops, chaplaines, councell, and houshold servants, nominated by his Majesty England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Robert Ibbitson, London : 1648. Printed in two columns. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78825 R231265 (Wing C2361). civilwar no His Majesties last answer to the Parliament, this present Tuesday, August 29. 1648. brought by Sir Peter Killegrew. For persons to be about England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 346 3 0 0 0 0 0 87 D The rate of 87 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties last Answer to the Parliament , 〈…〉 29 , 1648. brought by Sir Peter Killegrew . For 〈…〉 and a List of the Lords , Bishops , Chaplaines , Councell , and Houshold Servants , nominated by his Majesty . Carisbrooke Aug. 28.1648 . Honoured Sir , HIs Majesty hath accepted of the Votes of the Parliament , and given His Royall Word not to goe out of the Island , but observe what is propounded , And His Majesty is now at liberty from His restraint , God send a good issue of the Treaty . A List of the names propounded by His Majesty for His houshold Servants , And for persons to be with Him in Order to the Treaty . For His Majesties Houshold , For Gentlemen of his Majesties Bed-Chamber , Duke of Richmond Marquisse of Harford Earle of Lindsey Earle of Southampton . For Groomes for His Majesties Bed-Chamber . Mr. George Ki●ke M. James Leviston M. Henry Murry M. Ashburnham M. VVilliam Leg. For providing of Beds M. Thomas Davis . For Pages of the Backestaires . M. Hugh Kem M. Humphery Rogers M. VVilliam Levett . For the Laundry . Mris. VVheeler , and such Maids as she shall chuse . To waite before , or as his majesty shall please . Sir Fulke Grevell . Captaine Titus Captaine Burras M. Francis Cresset M. Abraham Douset M. Firebrasse For Assistance as to the Treaty . And Chaplains for His majesties Houshold . For Chaplains . Bishop of London Bishop of Salisbury Doctor Heywood Doctor Hammond Doctor Sheldon Doctor Sanderson Doctor Holsworth Doctor Turner . For Lawyers to assist His Majesty , in order to the Treaty . Sir Thomas Gardner Sir Orlando Bridgeman Sir Robert Holburne M. Jeffery Palmer M. Thomas Cooke . M. John Vaughan . For Clerks to His Majesty , in Order to the Treaty . Sir Edward VValker , M. Phil. VVarwicke M. Rich. Owdart M. Charles VVhittakers . CHARLES REX . London , Printed by Robert Ibbitson , 1648. 
A78846	----	His Majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78846 of text R211732 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[29]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78846 Wing C2384 Thomason 669.f.7[29] ESTC R211732 99870438 99870438 161011 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78846) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161011) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[29]) His Majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [London : Printed in the yeere of our Lord, 1643. Place of publication from Wing. With engraved border. Annotation on Thomason copy: "July 12". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78846 R211732 (Thomason 669.f.7[29]). civilwar no His Majesties late protestation before his receiving of the sacrament. Charles I, King of England 1643 195 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES LATE PROTESTATION Before His Receiving of the Sacrament . His MAJESTIE being to receive the Sacrament from the hands of the Archbishop of Armagh , used these publique expressions , immediately before the blessed Elements ; He rose up from His knees , and beckning to Bishop Usher for a short forbearance , made this Protestation . MY Lord , I espie here many resolved Protestants , who may declare to the World , the resolution I doe now make . I have to the utmost of my power prepared my soule to become a Worthy Receiver : And may I so receive comfort by the blessed Sacrament , as I doe intend the establishment of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , as it stood in its beauty , in the happy daies of Queene Elizabeth , without any connivance of Popery . I blesse God , in the midst of the publique Distractions , I have still Liberty to Communicate ; And may this Sacrament be my Damnation , if My Heart doe not joyne with my Lips in this Protestation . Printed in the Yeere of our Lord , 1643. 
A78853	----	His Majesties letter Ianuary the 24th. In ansvver to the petition of both Houses of Parliament, as it was presented by the Earle of Newport, and the Lord Seymer. Ian. 21 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78853 of text R209744 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[36]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78853 Wing C2390 Thomason 669.f.3[36] ESTC R209744 99868610 99868610 160594 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78853) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160594) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[36]) His Majesties letter Ianuary the 24th. In ansvver to the petition of both Houses of Parliament, as it was presented by the Earle of Newport, and the Lord Seymer. Ian. 21 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Henry Twyford, London : [1642] Publication date from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "1641". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78853 R209744 (Thomason 669.f.3[36]). civilwar no His Majesties letter Ianvary the 24th. In ansvver to the petition of both Hovses of Parliament, as it was presented by the Earle of Newport, England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 279 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES LETTER IANVARY the 24th . IN ANSVVER TO THE PETITION OF BOTH HOVSES Of Parliament , as it was presented by the Earle of Newport , and the Lord Seymer . Ian. 21. 1641. HIs Majesty having seene and considered the Petition presented unto Him , the one and twentieth of this instant , by the Earle of Newport , and the Lord Seymer , in the names of both Houses of Parliament . Is pleased to return this Answer . That Hee doth well approve of the desire of both Houses , for the speedy proceeding against the persons mentioned in the Petition ; wherein His Majesty finding the great inconveniences by the first mistake in the way , hath endured some delayes , that He might be informed in what Order to put the same ; But before that that be agreed upon , His Majesty thinkes it unusuall , or unfit to discover what proofe is against them , and therefore holds it necessary , lest a new mistake should breed more delayes ; ( which His Majesty to His power will avoid . ) That it be resolved whether His Majesty be bound in respect of priviledges to proceed against them by impeachment in Parliament ; Or whether He be at liberty to prefer an Inditement at the Common Law , in the usuall way , or have His choice of either : VVhereupon His Majesty will give such speedy directions for the prosecution , as shall shew His Majesties desire to satisfie both Houses , and to put a determination to the businesse . London Printed for HENRY TWYFORD . 1641 
A78854	----	C.R. A letter sent from His Majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of Yorke, Lincolne, Stafford, Derby, Chester, Lancaster, Nottingham, Westmorland, Cumberland, Northumberland and the Bishoprick of Durham, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78854 of text R210541 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[29]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78854 Wing C2393 Thomason 669.f.5[29] ESTC R210541 99869328 99869328 160742 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78854) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160742) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[29]) C.R. A letter sent from His Majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of Yorke, Lincolne, Stafford, Derby, Chester, Lancaster, Nottingham, Westmorland, Cumberland, Northumberland and the Bishoprick of Durham, &c. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for I.T., London : 1642. Includes: A proclamation for putting the laws against Popish recusants in due execution. Sir George Wentworth has been appointed receiver of the revenue from forfeitures of Popish recusants in the Northern counties. .. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78854 R210541 (Thomason 669.f.5[29]). civilwar no C.R. A letter sent from His Majesty to the high sheriffes of the counties of Yorke, Lincolne, Stafford, Derby, Chester, Lancaster, Nottingha England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 678 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. A LETTER SENT FROM HIS MAJESTY To the high Sheriffes of the Counties of Yorke , Lincolne , Stafford , Derby , Chester , Lancaster , Nottingham , Westmorland , Cumberland , Northumberland and the Bishoprick of Durham , &c. WHereas by Letters Patents under Our great Seale of England , We have granted unto Sir George Wentworth the Office of Receiver of Our Revenew , arising by the forfeitures of Popish Recusants , in the Northerne Counties , thereby authorizing him to receive , and take up in Our name , and to Our use all the Rents and forfeitures due and payable to Us , for or in respect of Recusancy , or Conviction of any person or persons whatsoever , or by force of any Act or Acts of Parliament made against Recusants notwithstanding ; which , as we are informed , you have not onely taken upon you to discharge Recusants within that County , from paying their Rents and forfeitures into Our Receipt at Yorke , to our said Receiver , or his Deputy , but pretend they have no power to receive the same . thereby making Our Grant of no effect : Which having taken into Our Princely consideration , and foreseeing that by this meanes Our Revenew will not onely be impaired ; but if timely redresse be not applied , may be in danger to be destroyed and lost ; We have thought good , and by these presents require and command you , that from henceforth you forbeare , upon any pretence whatsoever , to receive the said Forfeitures or Compositions for Recusancy , or to hinder the said Sir George or his Deputies in receiving or collecting the same , according to his said Grant , untill Our pleasure therein be further made knowne . Given at Our Court at Yorke quinto die Maii , 1642. BY THE KING A Proclamation for putting the Laws against Popish Recusants in due execution . THE Kings most excellent Majesty , having been formerly moved by his Parliament , for putting the Laws in execution against Papists , whereto He hath from time to time still given His gracious Answers , expressing his willingnesse therunto : But now finding , that no such proceedings against them have been yet had , as might answer His Majesties expectation : His Majesty therefore , out of His Princely and pious care , as well for maintaining the true Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , as for suppressing by lawfull wayes , all increase and growth of Popery ; Hath thought fit to publish His Royall Pleasure therein : Wherefore His Majesty doth hereby straitly charge and command , all and every His Judges and Justices of Assize , Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , and other His Officers and Ministers whatsoever , whom it doth any way concern , That they , and every of them , according to the duties of the r severall Offices and Places , do forthwith , and without further delay , put in due and effectuall execution the Lawes and Statutes of this Realm , provided and made against Popish Recusants , and that without favour or connivence ; As they tender His Maiesties just and Royall Commands , the good of this Church and Kingdome , and will answer for neglect of their duties herein . Die Martis , 20. Maii , 1642. IT is this day Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Magazines of the severall Counties in England and Wales , shall be forthwith put into the power of the Lord Lievtenants of the said Counties , respectively , ( being such as the Parliament doth confide in ) for the Service , and safety of His Majesty and his Kingdom . Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , That this Order shall be Printed and Published . Ioh. Brown , Cler. Parl. LONDON Printed for I.T. 1642. 
A78856	----	A letter sent from the Kings Majestie to the Lords of His privie councell of the kingdome of Scotland. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78856 of text R210539 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[27]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78856 Wing C2396 Thomason 669.f.5[27] ESTC R210539 99869325 99869325 160740 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78856) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160740) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[27]) A letter sent from the Kings Majestie to the Lords of His privie councell of the kingdome of Scotland. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Robert Young, His Majesties printer for the kingdome of Scotland, London : [1642] At bottom of text: Given at our court at Yorke, the 20. of May, 1642. Charles R. desires to make known his dispositions more fully. Feels [he] .. must preserve his right and authority. .. He has been charged with [1] being Popishly affected, [2] being the cause of the Irish bloodshed, [3] intending to bring in foreign forces. These charges are untrue. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78856 R210539 (Thomason 669.f.5[27]). civilwar no A letter sent from the Kings Majestie to the Lords of His privie councell of the kingdome of Scotland. Charles King of England 1642 681 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LETTER SENT FROM THE KINGS MAJESTIE TO THE LORDS OF HIS PRIVIE COUNCELL OF THE KINGDOME OF SCOTLAND . CHARLES R. RIght trustie and wel-beloved Cousins , and Councellers , We greet you well . Although We have already written Our minde to you Our Councell ; yet upon Our second thoughts , arising especially from some bad rumours , coming to Our knowledge , We finde it necessarie both for Our Selfe , and for the good of that Our kingdome , to declare , and make knowne both Our disposition and desires more fully . Wee know and feele the charge to be great , and the place to be high , wherein God ( the King of kings ) hath placed Us , and that We must render an accompt of all Our actions to him , who in his owne time shall judge all men without exception of persons . We have no other intentions , but by Our government , to honour him by whom Kings raigne , and to procure the good of Our people : and for this end to preserve the right and authoritie wherewith God hath vested Us , and which by his Providence hath been derived to Us , by many Princely progenitors : in the which glory that Our ancient Kingdome , and native Realme of Scotland doth participate . We did not require of you , that you should sit as Judges upon the affaires of another Kingdome : We onely intended to have both Our sufferings and Our actions , ( as they are exprest in many papers past betwixt Us and Our Parliament ) made throughly knowne unto you : that since We have none besides you whom Wee can acquaint with Our proceedings , you may clearly see that We have been so far from wronging Our Parliament of England , that We have given them all satisfaction , even above that which they themselves in the beginning did expresse , or almost desire : and as much as could well consist with the safety of Our Person and Honour . We will not put you in minde of your naturall affection toward Us , which We know will rather be kindled then extinguished by Our distresse : Nor of your Covenant , wherein you are zealous of Our Greatnesse and Authority , and which standeth in that sense wherein you did sweare and subscribe it : Nor of the many good Lawes made in Our late Parliament ( of which We hope the present and succeeding generations shall reap the fruits , when We are dead and gone : ) Nor of the many promises made to Us , upon which We were willing to yeeld to such things for settling the government of that Our Kingdome , in Our personall absence , which neither could We have granted , nor would you have craved ( as your selves did professe ) had Our greater affaires permitted Our residence amongst you . And whereas We are most unjustly blamed and calumniated , 1. That We are popishly affected : 2. That We are the cause of the bloud-shed in Ireland : 3. That We intend to bring in forraigne Forces : We here do protest and declare in presence of him who knowes the most secret of Our intentions and actions , that We are no wayes conscious to Our Selfe of the guiltinesse of any of the saids aspersions : and do take him to witnesse Our innocency therein , who onely hath the priviledge to be the searcher of hearts . And if any after so full and plaine profession shall distrust this Our free declaration , We attest God , that the fault is in the malignity of their rebellious humours , and no wayes deserved on Our part . Given at Our Court at YORKE , the 20. of May , 1642. London , Printed by Robert Young , His Majesties Printer for the Kingdome of SCOTLAND . 
A78858	----	20. Januarii 1641. His Majesties letter to both Houses of Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78858 of text R209742 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[35]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78858 Wing C2398 Thomason 669.f.3[35] ESTC R209742 99868608 99868608 160593 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78858) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160593) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[35]) 20. Januarii 1641. His Majesties letter to both Houses of Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for F.C. and T.B., London : 1641. [i.e. 1642] With engraving of royal seal of Charles I at head of document. Reproductions of the originals in the British Library (Thomason Tracts), and the Bodleian Library (Early English books). eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78858 R209742 (Thomason 669.f.3[35]). civilwar no 20. Januarii 1641. His Majesties letter to both Houses of Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 453 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion 20. Januarii 1641. His Majesties Letter to both Houses OF PARLIAMENT . HIS Majesty perceiving the manifold distractions which now are in this Kingdome . which cannot but bring great inconvenience , and mischief to this whole Government ; In which , as His Majesty is most chiefly interested , so he holds himselfe by many Reasons , most obliged to do what in him lyes , for the preventing thereof ; Though he might justly expect ( as most proper for the duty of Subjects ) that Propositions for the remedies of these Evils , ought rather to come to him , then from him ; yet his Fatherly care of all his people being such , That he will rather lay by any particular respect of his owne dignity , then that any time should be lost , for prevention of these threatning Evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament ; Doth think fit to make this ensuing propositions to both Houses of Parliament That they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all chose particulars , which they shall hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of his Majesties just and Regall Authoritie , and for the setling of his Revenue ; As for the present and future establishing of their priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying of their Estates and Fortunes , the liberties of their persons , the Securitie of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England , and the setling of Ceremonies in such a manner , as may take away all just offence : Which when they shall have digested , and composed into one entire body , that so his Majestie and themselves may be able to make the more cleare judgement of them : It shall then appeare by what his Majesty shall do , how farre he hath been from intending or designing any of those things , which the too great feares and jealousies of some persons seeme to apprehend : And how ready he will be to equall and exceed the greatest examples of the most indulgent Princes in their Acts of Grace and Favour to their people . So that if all these present distractions ( which so apparantly threaten the ruine of this Kingdome ) do not ( by the blessing of Almighty God ) end in an happy and blessed Accommodation , his Majesty will then be ready to call Heaven and Earth , God and Man to Witnesse , that it hath not failed on his part . London , Printed for F. C. and T. B. 1641. 
A78867	----	His Maiesties letter to the maior of Kingston upon Hull, 25. of Aprill. 1642. To our trusty and welbeloved, the major, aldermen, and burgesses of our towne and port of Kingston upon Hull. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78867 of text R210517 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[11]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78867 Wing C2414 Thomason 669.f.5[11] ESTC R210517 99869306 99869306 160724 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78867) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160724) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[11]) His Maiesties letter to the maior of Kingston upon Hull, 25. of Aprill. 1642. To our trusty and welbeloved, the major, aldermen, and burgesses of our towne and port of Kingston upon Hull. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed at Yorke and now re-imprinted in London, [London] : [1642] Reproduction of original in the British Library. In this edition the Steele notation reads: the Person your. With engraved border. eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1647 Jan 2 -- Early works to 1800. Prerogative, Royal -- England -- Early works to 1800. Hull (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. Yorkshire (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78867 R210517 (Thomason 669.f.5[11]). civilwar no His Maiesties letter to the maior of Kingston upon Hull, 25. of Aprill. 1642. To our trusty and welbeloved, the major, aldermen, and burgess England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1160 1 0 0 0 0 0 9 B The rate of 9 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES LETTER TO THE MAIOR OF Kingston upon Hull , 25. of Aprill . 1642 To Our trusty and welbeloved , the Major , Aldermen , and Burgesses of Our Towne and Port of Kingston upon Hull . TRusty and welbeloved , Wee greet you well , Whereas Wee have beene long sensible of the just Complaints and great Burdens of Our Subjects in these Northern parts , by occasion of the Garrison in our Town of Hull ; And whereas We were upon Friday the 22. of this Moneth petitioned by divers of the Gentry , and others , Inhabitants of this County , That the Munition at Hull might remaine in the Magazin there , for the security of Our Person , and of all these Northern parts , their Feare , being much grounded upon the Parliaments Relations of forreign Invasions : Vpon which , the more to expresse Our care of Our peoples safety , We did our Selfe go in Person to that Our Town , that upon Our own view , We might consult what proportion of it might be fily removed upon any pressing Occasion , having a respect to the promised supply for Scotland , the necessary use of Arms for Ireland , as well as for the safeguard and satisfaction of these Northern parts : But much contrary to Our expectation , and the Duty and Allegiance of Our Subjects , We found the Gates of that Our Town shut , and the Bridges drawn up against Vs ; and though We came in a peaceable way , reposing the greatest Confidence in the Loveand Loyalty of our People , by offering ( as We did ) to put Our own Person , and Our two Sons , but with twenty Horse , into that Town , there being in it a Garrison of about eight hundred souldiers ; Yet We were not onely denied entrance , but in a warlike manner opposed by Sir Iohn Hotham , the armed men being placed in all the Ports , and about all the Walls of the Town , alleadging ( though falsly ) for his excuse , The Command of the Parliament , and being pressed by Vs to shew such an Order in writing , he could not do it ; for We were ever very confident that there was never any publike Order of theirs , that could so much as imply a denyall to Our admission ; We knowing well enough , that he was entrusted by them for a Guard and Security of that place against forreign Enemies , or those at home who are dis-affected in Religion , and not against His naturall Soveraign , which hostile Opposition and adtuall Levying of War against Our Person , being by the Statute of 25 Ed. 3. enacted High Treason : Which Statute considered , and that for the avoyding of all lealousies , as We have said , Wee were content to have been admitted with so very small a number in our Company , We were thereupon constrained to proclaim the said sir Iohn Hotham , and all those that should adhere to , or assist him , Traytors . Of all which abovesaid passages , We have acquainted Our Parliament , demanding lustice to be done upon him , that they might thereby have oportunity to vindicate the imputation laid on them by sir Iohn Hotham , and Wethe easier way to chastize , according to the Law , so high a Treason . And lest a misunderstanding of Our Intentions , or of the Law may misguide any of Our loyall and wel-affected Subjects , the Inhabitants , Captains , Officers , or souldiers in that Town , We have thought fit to commend to your Consideration the aforenamed statute , with that of the 11. of Hen. 7. Cha. 1 Wherein it is dec●ared , by the unanimous Assent of Parliament , That the Subjects of this Realme are bound , by the Duty of Allegiance , to serve the King for . the time being , for the defence of His Person and the Land , against every Rebellion , Might , or Power raised against Him , and with His Majesty to ente , or abide in Service in Battell , if cause so require . And it was therefore then enacted , That from thenceforth no person whatsoever that shall attend upon the King , or be in place , by His command within or without the Land That for the same deed and true service of Allegiance , he , and they be no wayes attaint or convict of high Treason , or of other Offences for that Cause , by any Processe of Law , whereby he , or any of them shall lose or forfeit Lives , Lands , Tenements , Goods or any thing ; but be for that Deed and Service utterly discharged of any vexation , trouble , or losse ; And if any Act or Acts , or other Processe of Law thereupon for the same happen to be made contrary to this Ordinance , that then that Act or Acts , or other Processe of the Law whatsoever they shall be , stand and be utterly void . All which , together with the Copies of Our Message and Petition ( which We send here inclosed ) We require you to publish to the Inhabitants , and all such Commanders and Souldiers as will heare them : That knowing both the Perill of the Law on the one side , and the security of such as shall adhere to Vs on the other , they be not misled ( through ignorance ) to decline their Allegiance ; and that the Souldiers may lay down their Arms , and admit Our entrance in a peaceable way . In so doing , you shall both discharge your duties , and those that shall have need , be assured to finde ( upon such their submision ) Our ready Mercy and Pardon . And We doe likewiser require , and charge all you , the Inhabitants ( as well Souldiers as others ) upon your Allegiance , Thatyou permit not any part of our Magazin or Munition to be removed or transported out of that Town under any pretence of Order or Power whatsoever , without our Royall Assent in writing under Our Hand . Assuring you , That it will be much more pleasing to Vs to have Occasion administred by the Fidelity of the Inhabitants to enlarge those Graces and Immunities granted to that Town by Our predecessors , then to have any occasion to question your Charter . Given at Our Court at Yorke , the 25 of April , 1642 . Printed at Yorke , and now re-Imprinted in London . 
A78881	----	His Majesties message sent by the Lord Chamberlain to the House of Peers, the 28. of December. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78881 of text R209721 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[28]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78881 Wing C2435 Thomason 669.f.3[28] ESTC R209721 99868588 99868588 160586 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78881) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160586) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[28]) His Majesties message sent by the Lord Chamberlain to the House of Peers, the 28. of December. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641. With engraving of royal seal of Charles I at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. A78881 R209721 (Thomason 669.f.3[28]). civilwar no His Majesties message sent by the Lord Chamberlain to the House of Peers, the 28. of December. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 184 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . ❧ His Majesties Message sent by the Lord Chamberlain to the House of Peers , the 28. of December . 1641. HIs Majestie being very sensible of the great Miseries and Distresses of His Subjects in the kingdom of Ireland , which go daily increasing so fast , and the Blood which hath been already spilt by the crueltie and barbarousnesse of those Rebels , crying out so loud ; and perceiving how slowly the Succours designed thither go on : His Majestie hath thought fit to let your Lordships know , and desires you to acquaint the House of Commons therewith , That His Majestie will take care , that by Commissions which He shall grant , ten thousand English Voluntiers shall be speedily raised for that Service , if so the House of Commons shall declare that they will pay them . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1641. 
A78883	----	His Maiesties message, sent the twentieth of May, MDCXLIII. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78883 of text R211700 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[16]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78883 Wing C2438 Thomason 669.f.7[16] ESTC R211700 99870406 99870406 160998 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78883) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160998) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[16]) His Maiesties message, sent the twentieth of May, MDCXLIII. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Oxford [i.e., London] : 1643. Actual place of publication from Wing. Expressing His Majesty's desire for peace, and demanding an answer to his message to Parliament of 12 April. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78883 R211700 (Thomason 669.f.7[16]). civilwar no His Maiesties message, sent the twentieth of May, M D C XL III. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 548 2 0 0 0 0 0 36 D The rate of 36 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES MESSAGE Sent the twentieth of May , MDCXL III. CHARLES R. SInce His Majesties Message of the twelfth of April , ( in which He conceived He had made such an overture for the immediate disbanding of all Armies , and composure of these miserable and present Distractions by a full and free convention of Parliament , that a perfect and setled Peace would have ensued : ) Hath in all this time , above a full Month , procured no answer from both Houses ; His Majesty might well believe Himselfe absolved both before God and man , from the least possible charge of not having used His uttermost endeavours for Peace . Yet when He considers that the sense of all this Calamity is in the bowels of His owne Kingdome , that all the blood which is spilt of his owne subjects , and that what victory soever ( it shall please God to give him ) must bee over those , who ought not to have lifted up their hands against him , when he considers that these desperate civill dissentions may incourage and invite a forreigne Enemy , to make a prey of the whole Nation : That Ireland is in present danger to be totally lost : That the heavy judgements of God , plague , pestilence , and famine , will be the inevi●able attendants of this unnaturall contention : And that in a short time , there will be so generall a habit of uncharitablenesse and cruelty contracted through the whole Kingdome , That even Peace it selfe will not restore his people to their old temper and security ; His Majesty cannot but againe call for an Answer to that His Gracious Message , which gives so faire a rise to end these unnaturall distractions : And His Majesty doth this with the more earnestnesse , because he doubts not the condition of His Armies in severall parts , the strength of Horse , Foot , Artillery , His plenty of Ammunition , ( when some men lately might conceive He wanted ) is so well knowne and understood , that it must be confest , nothing but the tendernesse and love to His People , and those Christian impressions , which alwaies live , and He hopes alwayes shall dwell in His heart , could move Him once more to haza●d a refusall : And He requires them as they will answer to God , to Himselfe , and all the World , that they will no longer suffer their fellow Subjects to welter in each others bloud , that they would remember by whose authority and to what end they met in the Councell ; and send such an Answer to His Majesty , as may open a doore to let in a firme peace and security to the whole Kingdome . If His Majesty shall againe be disappointed of His intentions therein , the bloud , rapine , and destruction , which may follow in England and Ireland , will be cast upon the account of those , who are deafe to the motive of Peace and Accommodation . OXFORD , Printed by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversty , 1643. 
A78888	----	The Kings message to both Houses January 12. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78888 of text R24816 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[34]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78888 Wing C2449 Thomason 669.f.3[34] ESTC R24816 99872071 99872071 160592 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78888) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160592) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[34]) The Kings message to both Houses January 12. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] "His Majesties profession and addition to his last message to the Parliament" is dated: January 14, 1641 [i.e. 1642]. With engraving of royal seal of Charles I at head of document. Reproductions of the originals in the British Library and the Harvard University Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78888 R24816 (Thomason 669.f.3[34]). civilwar no The Kings message to both Houses January 12. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 437 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-08 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ The Kings Message to both Houses . January 12. 1641. HHis Majestie taking notice that some conceive it disputable whether His proceedings against my Lord Kymbolton , Master Hollis , Sir Arthur Haslerig , Master Pym , Master Hampden , and Master Strode , be legall and agreeable to the Priviledges of Parliament , and being very desirous to give satisfaction to all men in all matters that may seem to have relation to Priviledge , is pleased to wave His former Proceedings : and all doubts by this means being setled , when the mindes of men are composed , His Majestie will proceed thereupon in an unquestionable way : And assures His Parliament that upon all occasions He will be as carefull of their Priviledges , as of His Life or his Crown . ❧ His Majesties Profession and Addition to His last Message to the Parliament . Jan. 14. 1641. HHs Majestie being no lesse tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , and thinking himself no lesse concerned , that they be not broken , and that they be asserted and vindicated whensoever they are so , then the Parliament it self , Hath thought fit to adde to His last Message , this Profession , That in all His Proceedings against the Lord Kymbolton , Mr Hollis , Sir Arthur Haslerig , Mr pym , Mr Hampden , and Mr Strode , He had never the least Intention of violating the least Priviledge of Parliament ; And in case any doubt of breach of Priviledges remain , will be willing to clear that , and assert those , by any reasonable way that His Parliament shall advise Him to . Vpon confidence of which , He no way doubts His Parliament will forthwith lay by all Iealousies , and apply themselves to the Publike and pressing Affairs , and especially to those of Ireland , wherein the good of this Kingdom , and the true Religion ( which shall ever be His Majesties first care ) are so highly and so neerly concerned : And His Majestie assures himself , that His care of their priviledges will increase their tendernesse of His lawfull Prerogative , which are so necessary to the mutuall defence of each other ; and both which will be the foundation of a perpetuall perfect Intelligence between His Majestie and Parliaments , and of the Happinesse and Prosperity of His People . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1641. 
A78891	----	His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, die Lunæ 14. Febr. 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78891 of text R230942 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2451A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78891 Wing C2451A ESTC R230942 99896597 99896597 134623 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78891) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 134623) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2424:12) His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, die Lunæ 14. Febr. 1641 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. Proceedings. 1642. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : [1642] Dates given according to Lady Day dating. Steele notation: passed sed in. Reproduction of original in the Society of Antiquaries, London. eng Church of England -- Government -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- England -- Early works to 1800. Royal supremacy (Church of England) -- Early works to 1800. Trade regulation -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- London A78891 R230942 (Wing C2451A). civilwar no His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, die Lunæ 14. Febr. 1641. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 596 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2009-01 Judith Siefring Sampled and proofread 2009-01 Judith Siefring Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ His Majesties Message to both Houses of Parliament . Die Lunae 14. Febr. 1641. THough His Majestie is assured , that His having so suddenly passed these two Bills , being of so great importance , and so earnestly desired by both Houses , will serve to assure His Parliament , that He desires nothing more then the satisfaction of His Kingdom ; yet that He may further manifest to both Houses , how impatient He is till He finde out a full remedie to compose the present Distempers , He is pleased to signifie : That His Majestie will by Proclamation require , That all Statutes made concerning Recusants , be with all Care , Diligence , and Severity put in execution . That His Majestie is resolved , That the seven Condemned Priests shall be immediately Banished ( if His Parliament shall consent therunto : ) And His Majestie will give present Order ( if it shall be held fit by both Houses ) that a Proclamation issue , to require all Romish Priests within twenty dayes to depart the Kingdom ; and if any shall be Apprehended after that time , His Majestie assures both Houses , in the Word of a King , That He will grant no pardon to any such , without consent of His Parliament . And because His Majestie observes great and different Troubles to arise in the hearts of His People , concerning the Goverment and Liturgie of the Church , His Majestie is willing to declare , That He will refer that whole Consideration to the Wisdom of His Parliament , which He desires them to enter into speedily , that the present Distraction about the same may be composed : But desires not to be pressed to any single Act on His part , till the whole be so digested and setled by both Houses , that His Majestie may cleerly see what is fit to be left , as well as what is sit to be taken away . For Ireland ( in behalf of which His Majesties heart bleeds ) as His Majestie hath concurred with all Propositions made for that Service by His Parliament , so He is resolved to leave nothing undone for their Relief , which shall fall within His possible Power , nor will refuse to venter His owne Person in that War , if His Parliament shall think it convenient for the reduction of that miserable Kingdome . And lastly , His Majestie taking notice by severall Petitions of the great and generall decay of Trade in this Kingdom , and more particularly of that of Clothing , and new Draperies ( concerning which He received lately at Greenwich a modest , but earnest Petition from the Clothiers of Suffolk ) of which decay of Trade , His Majestie hath a very deep sence , both in respect of the extream want and poverty it hath brought , and must bring upon many thousands of His loving Subjects , and of the influence it must have in a very short time upon the very subsistence of this Nation , Doth earnestly recommend the consideraton of that great and weighty Businesse to both Houses ; Promising them , that He will most readily concur in any Resolution their Wisdoms shall finde out , which may conduce to so necessary a Work . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 
A78898	----	His Maiesties message to both Houses, concerning disbandings of both armies and His Majesties returne to both Houses of Parliament. Oxford, 12. April, 1643. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78898 of text R212649 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[6]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78898 Wing C2462 Thomason 669.f.7[6] ESTC R212649 99871243 99871243 160988 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78898) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160988) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[6]) His Maiesties message to both Houses, concerning disbandings of both armies and His Majesties returne to both Houses of Parliament. Oxford, 12. April, 1643. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed by His Majesties command at Oxford, [Oxford] : 1643. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A78898 R212649 (Thomason 669.f.7[6]). civilwar no His Maiesties message to both Houses, concerning disbandings of both armies: and His Majesties returne to both Houses of Parliament. Oxford England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 978 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Maiesties Message to both Houses , concerning Disbanding of both Armies , and His Majesties returne to both Houses of Parliament . OXFORD , 12. April , 1643. TO show to the whole world how earnestly his Majesty longs for peace , and that no successe shall make him desire the continuance of his Army to any other end , or for any longer time than that , & untill things may be so setled , as that the Law may have a full , free , and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the rights of his Majesty , both Houses , and his good Subjects . 1. As soon as his Majesty is satisfied in his first Proposition concerning his own revenue , magazines , ships , and Forts , in which he desires nothing but that the just , known , legall rights of his Majesty ( devolved to him from his Prog●nitors ) and of the persons trusted by him , which have violently been taken from both , be restored unto him ; and unto them , unlesse any just and legall exceptions against any of the persons trusted by him ( which are yet unknown to his Majesty ) can be made appeare to him . 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same Capacity of Sitting and Voting in Parliament , as they had upon the first of January , 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their Birth rights , and the free Election of those that sent them , and having been voted from them for adhering to his Majesty in these distractions . His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made . 3. As soon as his Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies as , to the great breach of the Priviledges , and the high dishonour of Parliaments , have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two severall Complaints from the Lords House , and two severall desires of that House to the House of Commons , to joyne in a Declaration against them , the complying with which desire , might have prevented all these miserable distractions , which have ensued Which security his Majesty conceives can be only setled by adjourning the Parliament to some other place , at the least twenty miles from London , the choice of which his Majesty leaves to both Houses . His Majesty will most cheerfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediatly disbanded , and give a present meeting to both his Houses of Parliament at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned . His Majesty being most confident , that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable convention of Parliaments , such provisions will be made against seditious preaching and printing against his Majesty , and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present distractions ; and such care will be taken concerning the Legall and known rights of his Majesty , and the property and liberty of his Subjects , that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegall Declaration , Ordinance or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the power to raise Armes without his Majesties consent , will be in such manner recalled , disclaimed and provided against , that no seed will remaine for the like to spring out off for to future , to disturbe the peace of the Kingdome , and to endanger the very being of it . And in such a Convention his Majesty is resolved by his readinesse to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to him by Bill for the Reall good of his Subjects , ( and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of recusants , for the education of the children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of practices of Papists against the States , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the penalties against them ) to make known to all the world , how causelesse those feares and jealousies have been which have been raised against him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this offer of his Majesty be not consented to , ( in which he askes nothing for which there is not apparent Iustice on his side , and in which he deferres many things highly concerning both himself and people , till a full and peaceable convention of Parliament , which in Iustice he might now require ) his Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the world , not only who is most desirous of peace , and whose fault it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who have been the true and first cause that this peace was ever interrupted , or these Armies raised , and the beginning or continuance of the Warre , and the destruction and desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not , by the most interressed , passionate , or prejudicate Person , be imputed to his Majesty . Printed by his Majesties Command at OXFORD , 1643 : 
A78900	----	His Majesties message to both Houses, concerning the militia England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78900 of text R209781 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[47]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78900 Wing C2464 Thomason 669.f.3[47] ESTC R209781 99868643 99868643 160605 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78900) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160605) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[47]) His Majesties message to both Houses, concerning the militia England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) February 22. London, printed for Ioseph Hunscott, [London] : [1642] Date of publication from Wing. Includes "The humble petition of the Lords and Commons, concerning this message.". Annotation on Thomason copy: "1641". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A78900 R209781 (Thomason 669.f.3[47]). civilwar no His Majesties message to both Houses, concerning the militia. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 521 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties Message to both Houses , concerning the Militia . HIs Majesty having received an humble Petition of the Lords and Commons , by the hands of the Earls of Carlile and Monmouth , returns this answer ; That his dearest Consort , the Queen , and his dear Daughter , the Princesse Mary , being now upon their departure for Holland , He cannot have so good time to consider of a particular Answer for a matter of so great weight as this is , therefore He must respite the same untill His return . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty : The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons , concerning this Message . May it please Your most Excellent Majesty , YOur humble and loyall Subjects , the Lords and Commons , have , with a great deal of grief , received Your Majesties answer to their just and necessary Petition , concerning the Militia of the Kingdom ; which Your Majesty , by a gratious Message formerly sent unto them , was pleased to promise should be put into such hands as Your Parliament should approve of , or recommend unto You the extent of their power , and the time of their continuance being likewise declared . That being done , and the persons by both Houses nominated , Your Majesty , neverthelesse , referres Your resolution herein , to a longer , and a very uncertain time , which ( the present dangers and distractions so great and pressing ) is as unsatisfactory and destructive , as an absolute denyall . Therefore we once again beseeeh Your Majesty to take our desire into Your Royall thoughts , and to give us such an answer , as may raise in us a confidence that we shall not be exposed to the practises of those who thirst after the ruine of this Kingdom , and the kindling of that combustion in England , which they have , in so great a measure effected in Ireland ; from whence ( as we are dayly informed ) they intend and endeavour to invade us , with the the assistance of the Papists here amongst us . Nothing can prevent these evills , nor enable us to suppresse the Rebellion in Ireland and secure our selves , but the instant granting of that our humble Petition ; which we hope Your Majesty will not deny to those who must in the discharge of their duties both to Your Majesty and the Commonwealth , represent unto Your Majesty what they finde so absolutely necessary ; for the preservation of both which the Laws both of God and man enjoyn them to see put in execution , as severall Counties , by their daily Petitions , have desired of us , and in some places , begun already to do it of themselves . Resolved upon the Question , and assented unto , and Ordered , That Master Hollis carry it up to the Lords , to desire their concurrence herein . February 22. London , Printed for Ioseph Hunscott . 
A78902	----	Huntington 15⁰ Martii, 1641. His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament upon his removall to the citie of York. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78902 of text R209813 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[55]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78902 Wing C2467 Thomason 669.f.3[55] ESTC R209813 99868670 99868670 160613 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78902) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160613) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[55]) Huntington 15⁰ Martii, 1641. His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament upon his removall to the citie of York. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78902 R209813 (Thomason 669.f.3[55]). civilwar no Huntington 15 Martii, 1641. His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament upon his removall to the citie of York. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 607 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms HUNTINGTON 15o Martii , 1641. ❧ His Majesties Message to both Houses of Parliament upon His Removall to the Citie of York . HIs Majestie being now in His Remove to His City of York , where He intends to make His Residence for some time , thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament ; That he doth very earnestly desire , That they will use all possible industry , in expediting the businesse of Ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a Concurrence by His Majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by His absence , He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdom , which He hath expressed in His former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then He hath indeavoured to do by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as he hath been moved unto by His Parliament ) Therefore if the Misfortunes and Calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them ( though His Majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) He shall wash His hands before all the world , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious Work . And that His Majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between Him and His Parliament ; He thinks it necessary to Declare , That as He hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , that He hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of His own , which He hath been Informed hath Trencht upon their Priviledges , so He expects an equall tendernesse in them of His Majesties known and unquestionable Priviledges ( which are the Priviledges of the Kingdom ) amongst which , He is assured it is a fundamentall One , that His Subjects cannot be Obliged to Obey any Act , Order , or Injunction to which His Majestie hath not given His consent : And therefore He thinks it necessary to publish , That He expects , and hereby Requires Obedience from all His loving Subjects to the Laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order , or Ordinance ( to which His Majestie is no Partie ) concerning the Militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws , His Majestie being resolved to keep the Laws himself , and to require Obedience to them from all His Subjects . And His Majestie once more recommends to His Parliament the substance of His Message of the 20th of Ianuary last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such Acts as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges ; The free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes ; The Liberties of their Persons ; The security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England ; The maintaining His Majesties Regall and just Authority , and setling His Revenue ; His Majestie being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between Him and His Parliament , in which He conceives His greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A78904	----	His Maiesties message to both houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78904 of text R229061 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2471A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78904 Wing C2471A ESTC R229061 45097620 ocm 45097620 171227 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78904) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171227) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2568:18) His Maiesties message to both houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Imprinted at York by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings Most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill., [York] : 1642. Reproduction of original in the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. A78904 R229061 (Wing C2471A). civilwar no Huntington 15. Martii. 1641. His Majesties message to both Houses of Parliament, upon his removall to the city of York. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 611 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms HUNTINGTON 15. Martii . 1641. ❧ His Majesties Message to both Houses of Parliament , upon His removall to the City of York . HIs Majestie being now in His remove to His City of York , where He intends to make His Residence for some time , thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament . That He doth very earnestly desire , that they will use all possible industry in expediting the businesse of Ireland , in which they shall finde so cheerfull a concurrence by His Majestie , that no inconvenience shall happen to that Service by His absence , He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdom , which He hath expressed in His former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it , then He hath indeavoured to do by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as He hath been moved unto by His Parliament ) Therefore if the Misfortunes and Calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects there shall grow upon them ( though His Majestie shall be deeply concerned in , and sensible of their sufferings ) He shall wash His hands before all the World , from the least imputation of slacknesse in that most necessary and pious Work . And that His Majestie may leave no way unattempted , which may beget a good understanding between him and his Parliament , He thinks it necessary to Declare , That as he hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , that he hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of his own , which he hath been informed hath trencht upon their Priviledges , so he expects an equall tendernesse in them of his Majesties known and unquestionable Priviledges ( which are the Priviledges of the Kingdom ) amongst which , he is assured it is a fundamentall One , That his Subjects cannot be Obliged to Obey any Act , Order , or Injunction , to which his Majestie hath not given his consent : And therefore he thinks it necessary to publish , That he expects , and hereby requires Obedience from all his loving Subjects , to the Laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order , or Ordinance ( to which his Majestie is no Partie ) concerning the Militia or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws , his Maiestie being resolved to keep the Laws himself , and to require obedience to them from all his Subiects . And His Maiestie once more recommends to his Parliament the substance of his Message of the twentieth of January last , that they compose and digest , with all speed , such Acts as they shall think fit , for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges ; The free and quiet enioying their Estates and Fortunes ; The Liberties of their persons ; The security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England ; The maintaining his Maiesties Regall and iust Authority , and setling his Revenue ; his Maiestie being most desirous to take all fitting and iust wayes , which may beget a happy understanding between him and his Parliament , in which he conceives his greatest power and riches doth consist . ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A78906	----	His Majesties message to the House of Commons, February 7. 1641. His Majestie taking notice of a speech, pretending in the title to have been delivered by Mr Pym in a conference, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78906 of text R209768 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[42]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78906 Wing C2473 Thomason 669.f.3[42] ESTC R209768 99868631 99868631 160600 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78906) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160600) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[42]) His Majesties message to the House of Commons, February 7. 1641. His Majestie taking notice of a speech, pretending in the title to have been delivered by Mr Pym in a conference, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] Title from caption and opening words of text. With engraved border. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pym, John, 1584-1643. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78906 R209768 (Thomason 669.f.3[42]). civilwar no His Majesties message to the House of Commons, February 7. 1641. His Majestie taking notice of a speech, pretending in the title to have bee England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 285 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ His Majesties Message to the House of Commons , February 7. 1641 HIs Majestie taking notice of a Speech , pretending in the Title to have been delivered by Mr Pym in a Conference , and printed by Order of the House of Commons , in which it is affirmed , That since the stop upon the Ports against all Irish Papists by both Houses , many of the chief Commanders , now in the head of the Rebels , have been suffered to passe by His Majesties immediate Warrant ; And being very certain of having used extreme Caution in the granting of Passeports into Ireland ; So that He conceives , either this Paper not to have been so delivered and printed as it pretends , or this House to have received some mis-information ; His Majestie would be resolved , Whether this Speech were so delivered and Printed , and if it were , would have this House to review upon what Informations that particular was grounded , that either that may be found upon re-examination to have been false , and both this House and His Majestie injured by it ; Or that His Majestie may know by what means , and by whose fault , His Authority hath been so highly abused , as to be made to conduce to the assistance of that Rebellion , which He so much detests and abhors , and that He may see Himself fully vindicated from all reflections of the least suspicion of that kinde . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A78909	----	His Majesties message to the House of Commons From the court at York the 13 of August 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78909 of text R210979 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[68]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78909 Wing C2479B Thomason 669.f.5[68] ESTC R210979 99869723 99869723 160781 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78909) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160781) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[68]) His Majesties message to the House of Commons From the court at York the 13 of August 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. The King observing that the House of Commons is diverting £100,000, part of the sum raised for reducing the rebels in Ireland, contrary to the act, charges them to desist from this, as they will answer to God, the more so, as he does not wish any part of the £400,000 collected to be spent in making war on him. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. A78909 R210979 (Thomason 669.f.5[68]). civilwar no His Majesties message to the House of Commons. From the court at York the 13 of August 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 389 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ His Majesties Massage to the House of Commons . From the Court at York the 13 of August 1642. HIs Majestie , taking notice of an Order lately made by the House of Commons , whereby that House hath unduly assumed to themselves Authority to order , direct , and dispose of one hundred thousand pounds , part of those moneys which the Adventurers for the reducing of the Rebels of Ireland have paid to that , and onely to that purpose , to other uses and intents , contrary to the expresse words of the Act of Parliament concerning the same ; Wherein it is enacted , That no part of the money , which should be paid in according to that Act , shall be employed to any other purpose , then the Reducing of those Rebels , untill they shall be declared to be subdued , Out of His Piety and Princely care for the confirming and reestablishment of Gods true Religion in that His kingdom of Ireland , for the relief of His distressed Subjects there , for the suppression of that horrid and bloody Rebellion , for the supply and payment of His Armies there , now in great want and necessity , doth strictly require the House of Commons , as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God , His Majestie , & those that have trusted them , That they immediately retract that mischievous , illegall , and unjust Order ; Wherein His Majestie expecteth their speedy Answer , and Obedience ; And the rather , That he may thereby be secured , That such part of the four hundred thousand Pounds as is or shall be collected from His good Subjects of England , by vertue of the late Act of Parliament , whereby the same is granted , may not likewise ( under false pretences ) be diverted from its proper use , for which it was intended , and mis-imployed to the Disturbance of the Peace of this Kingdom , in a war against His Sacred Majestie . ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A78911	----	His Majesties message to the House of Peers. April. 22. 1642 His Majestie having seen a printed paper, entituled, A question answered how laws are to be understood, and obedience yeelded; ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78911 of text R231283 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2481A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78911 Wing C2481A ESTC R231283 99897013 99897013 136962 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78911) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 136962) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2456:30) His Majesties message to the House of Peers. April. 22. 1642 His Majestie having seen a printed paper, entituled, A question answered how laws are to be understood, and obedience yeelded; ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : 1642. Title from caption and opening words of text. Arms 24; Steele notation: Question Way Exem-. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78911 R231283 (Wing C2481A). civilwar no His Majesties message to the House of Peers. April. 22. 1642. His Majestie having seen a printed paper, entituled, A question answered how l England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 324 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . ❧ His Majesties Message to the House of Peers . April . 22. 1642. HIs Majestie having seen a Printed Paper , entituled , A Question answered how Laws are to be understood , and Obedience yeelded ; ( which Paper He sends together with this Message ) thinks fit to recommend the consideration of it to His House of Peers , that they may use all possible care and diligence for the finding out the Author , and may give directions to His learned Councell , to proceed against Him and the publishers of it , in such a way as shall be agreeable to Law and the course of Justice , as persons who indeavour to stir up Sedition against His Majestie . And His Majestie doubts not but they will be very sensible how much their own particular Interest ( as well as the publike government of the Kingdom ) is , and must be shaken , if such Licence shall be permitted to bold factious spirits to withdraw His Subjects strict obedience from the Laws established , by such Seditious and Treasonable distinctions . And of Doctrines of this nature His Majestie doubts not but that their Lordships will publish their great dislike , it being grown into frequent Discourse , and vented in some Pulpits ( by those desperate turbulent Preachers , who are the great Promotors of the distempers of this time ) That humane Laws do not binde the Conscience ; which being once beleeved , the civill Government and Peace of the Kingdom will be quickly dissolved . His Majestie expects a speedy account of their Lordships exemplary Justice upon the Authors and Publishers of this Paper . ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A78927	----	His Maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of Parliament, for Ireland sent the twenty fourth of February 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78927 of text R209784 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[49]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78927 Wing C2501 Thomason 669.f.3[49] ESTC R209784 99868646 99868646 160607 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78927) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160607) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[49]) His Maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of Parliament, for Ireland sent the twenty fourth of February 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: the '1642' in caption has been altered to "1641". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Foreign relations -- Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- Foreign relations -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. A78927 R209784 (Thomason 669.f.3[49]). civilwar no His Maiesties most gratious ansvver to the proposition of both houses of Parliament, for Ireland sent the twenty fourth of February 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 240 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAIESTIES MOST GRATIOVS ANSVVER To the Proposition of both houses of Parliament , for Ireland sent the Twenty fourth of February 1641. HIS Majesty being Glad to receive any proposition that may repaire the Calamity of his distressed Kingdome of Ireland , especially when it may be without burthen or imposition , and for the ease of his good Subjects of this Kingdome , hath graciously considered the Overture made by both Houses of Parliament to that purpose , and returnes this answer . That as he hath offered , and is still ready to venture his owne Royall person for the recovery of that Kingdome , if his Parliament shall advise him thereunto , so he will not deny to contribute any other assistance he can to that service , by parting with any profit or advantage of his owne there . And therefore ( relying upon the wisedome of this Parliament ) doth consent to every proposition now made to him , without taking time to examine whether this course may not retard the reducing that Kingdome , by exasperating the Rebells , and rendring them desperate of being received into Grace , if they shall returne to their obedience . And his Majesty will be ready to give his Royall assent to all such Bills as shall be tendered unto him by his Parliament for the confirmation of every particular of this Proposition . FINIS 
A78932	----	His Majesties most gracious declaration from the Isle of Wyght, concerning the setling of a generall peace, the safety fo his person, his engagements with the Army, and for free entercourse between himself and the Parliament. And Col. Hammonds letter sent to the Parliament, concerning Mr. Ashburnham, and the rest of the gentlemen attending His Majesty, that were sent for to be brought up prisoners. With his desires to both Houses of Parliament, concerning the Kings Majesty. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78932 of text R204507 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E416_33). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78932 Wing C2506 Thomason E416_33 ESTC R204507 99863996 99863996 161306 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78932) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161306) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 66:E416[33]) His Majesties most gracious declaration from the Isle of Wyght, concerning the setling of a generall peace, the safety fo his person, his engagements with the Army, and for free entercourse between himself and the Parliament. And Col. Hammonds letter sent to the Parliament, concerning Mr. Ashburnham, and the rest of the gentlemen attending His Majesty, that were sent for to be brought up prisoners. With his desires to both Houses of Parliament, concerning the Kings Majesty. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Hammond, Robert, 1621-1654. 8 p. Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield, London : 1647. Imperfect: bleed-through of text. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Nou. 25". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Captivity, 1647-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78932 R204507 (Thomason E416_33). civilwar no His Majesties most gracious declaration from the Isle of Wyght,: concerning the setling of a generall peace, the safety fo his person, his England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 1631 1 0 0 0 0 0 6 B The rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES most Gracious DECLARATION From the Isle of Wyght , concerning the setling of a Generall peace , the safety of his person , His Engagements with the Army , And for free Entercourse between himself and the PARLIAMENT . And Col. Hammonds Letter sent to the Parliament , concerning Mr. Ashburnham , and the rest of the Gentlemen attending His Majesty , that were sent for to be brought up PRISONERS . With His desires to both Houses of Parliament , concerning the Kings Majesty . royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT London , Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield , 1647. The Coppy of a Letter sent from the Isle of Weight . Honoured Sir , I Have sent you here inclosed the Coppy of a Letter which Colonell Hammon our Governour hath sent to the House of Peeres , and the like to the House of Commons , And also a Declaration by His Majesty since His comming hither , mentioned in the said Letter , which Papers will inform you of the state of things here , from Your Honours most Humble servant , WILL . GROSSE . royal blazon or coat of arms HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE THE KINGS MAJESTIES DECLARATION At the Isle of VVYGHT Novemb. 19. 1647. C. R. HIs Majesty doth Declare , That Hee came from Hampton-Court , for no other cause , but for the preservation of his person . which was ( as he apprehended ) in such danger , that he could not with safety continue longer there . That if he could have been there with safety , he would not have departed thence , nor from the Army : And that Hee chose this place rather then any other ( when he was at liberty to have gone whether he pleased ) that he might still continue under the protection of the Army : ( Coll : Hammond being a Member therof ) and that Hee might have conveniency of free intercourse , between himself and the Parliament , for the settlement of a generall peace , to which hee professes a very great inclination and desire ; And that there shall be nothing wanting on His part , that may be reasonably expected from Him . And His Majesty doth further Declare , That in case these Gentlemen be taken from Him , and punished as evill doers , for councelling Him not to goe out of the Kingdom , but rather to come to the place where Hee now is , for the ends aforesaid ; and for their indevouring accordingly , in attending Him hither : He cannot but himself expect to be dealt with accordingly , His case being the same . Carisbrooke Castle , November 19. 1647. For the Right Honourable the Earle of Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peeres pro tempore . My Lord , THis morning I received , by the hands of a messenger from the Generall , a paper of Votes and Resolutions of both Houses of Parliament , bearing date Die Martis , 16. November , 1647. relating to the security of His Majesties person , which although they came not to me with directions from the Houses , yet I thought it my duty to take notice of them ( by what hand soever received ) as their commands , and accordingly to see them put in execution . As concerning that Vote , not permitting such as have been in Armes , or assisted against the Parliament , to come into this Island , it tending much to the security of His Majesties person , and the preserving the peace of the Island , I have ( as I acquainted your Lordships in my last letters , before I received these Votes ) given orders to that effect ( which are carefully put in execution ) commanding all masters of Boats belonging to Hampshire and this Island , that they land neither persons nor goods , in any part of this Island , save only at Yarmouth Castle , Cowes Castle , and Ryde : at which place I have also appointed a guard , to whom order is given ( as to the other two Castles ) for the examining of all persons so landing , and to detaine and secure any that cannot give a very good account of themselves and their businesse . As concerning your Lordships other Votes ( now they are come to my hands ) I shall with the best of my endeavours see them put in execution . My Lord , Yesterday there came to me an Officer , belonging to the Serjeant of the House of Commons , with particular warrants for the apprehending and bringing up in safe custody the persons of Mr. John Ashburnham , Mr. William Leg , and Sir John Barkley , who came hither with the King . The said warrants requiring my assistance to him in the execution of them , but with no order to me from either or both Houses to that purpose . And finding the matter to be of every great importance , I have desired the messenger to forbeare the execution of his said warrants till I have given the Houses to understand that in case the said warrants should be served and put in execution , it would be impossible for me to answer the expectations and commands of Parliament in preserving the person of the King in security to be disposed by them , unlesse I should keep him close prisoner , which is a businesse of that nature , that it is neither fit nor safe for me to do , espeeially of my selfe . The grounds from whence I gather this , are plainly thus : The King hath declared himselfe to me , That he came from Hampton-Court for no other cause but for the preservation of his person , which was ( as he apprehended ) in such danger , that he could not with safety continue longer there : That if he could have been there with safety , hee would not have departed thence , nor from the Army : And that he chose this place rather then any other ( when he was at liberty to have gone whither he pleased ) that he might still continue under the protection of the Army ( my selfe being a member thereof ) and that he might have conveniency of free entercourse between himselfe and the Parliament for the settlement of a generall peace , to which hee professes greater inclinations and desires then ever , and that there shall be nothing wanting on his part , that may bee reasonably expected from him . He further saith , that in case these Gentlemen be taken from him , and punished as evill doers , for councelling him not to goe out of the Kingdome , but rather to come to the place where he now is , for the ends aforesaid , and for their endeavouring accordingly in attending him hither ; he cannot but himselfe expect to be dealt with accordingly ; his case being the same . And from such apprehensions your Lordships may easily judge , what he will doe , by his former actings : He having that liberty which hath ever beene allowed him since he hath beene disposed of by the Parliament . My Lord , I shall further let you know , that besides the care I shall alwaies have of these gentlemen , they have ingaged their honours , not to depart from me , so that I am most confident of their security . And truly were not their ends the same with their pretences ( in relation to the peace of this Kingdome ) I am confident they would never have advised nor conducted the King to this place . Besides , were they at this time removed from the King ▪ there would be none left for his attendance , which ( besides the offence ) how great the inconvenience would be to him , your Lordships cannot be ignorant . And further give me leave to adde ( if so unworthy a servant of your Lordships as I am ( and that which concerns my honour were at all worthy your consideration ) whither it would not much reflect upon me in case these gentlemen should be thus removed from hence : The King and themselves having freely throwne themselves upon mee for safety upon confidence ( as they please to say ) of my honour and honesty , and the satisfaction they expect it would have given the Parliament , The King being necessitated to remove . My Lord , My duty to you and the Kingdome ( whose good and peace I most desire and shall most faithfully endeavour ) calls for this account , which ( with my selfe and these gentlemen ) I leave to your Lordships consideration with this conclusion ; That whatever is commanded by Authority ( especially that of Parliament ) though never so contrary to my sense or honour , shall never be disobeyed by . My Lord , Your Lordships most faithfull and humble Servant RO. HAMMOND . Carisbrooke Castle , Nov. 19. 1647. My Lord , Since the conclusion of my letter , I received the letter , and Votes of both Houses , of the 16. present , which shall be carefully put in execution by , Your Lordships most faithfull and humble servant RO. HAMMON . Novemb 24. 1647. Imprimatur Gilb. Mabbott . 
A78952	----	By the King. His Majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against Him. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78952 of text R211125 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[88]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78952 Wing C2529 Thomason 669.f.5[88] ESTC R211125 99869858 99869858 160801 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78952) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160801) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[88]) By the King. His Majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against Him. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) : ill. by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : MDCXLII. [1642] "Given at Our court at Edge-Hill, this 24. day of October, in the eighteenth yeer of Our reign.". With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardon -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78952 R211125 (Thomason 669.f.5[88]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties offer of pardon to the rebells now in arms against Him. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 877 1 0 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . ¶ His Majesties offer of Pardon to the Rebells now in Arms against Him . WHereas an Actuall and Open Rebellion is raised , and severall Armies marching against Vs , under the Command and Conduct of Robert Earl of Essex , and other persons under his Commissions and Authority , who falsely pretend that what they do , it by vertue of Our Authority , and for Our Service , and so seduce many of Our weak Subjects from their duty and Allegiance , into this horrid and odious Rebellion against Vs ; We do therefore declare the said Robert Earl of Essex , and all such who by any Commission under him have leavied , or do command any Souldiers , to be guilty of High Treason , and that this Rebellion is raised to take away Our life from Vs , To destroy Our Posterity , To change the blessed Protestant Religion established by the Laws of the Land , To suppresse the Law of the Kingdom , and to take away the Liberty of the Subject , and to subject both to an unlimited Arbitrary Power . And We do therefore will and command all Our loving Subjects upon their Allegiance , and their Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie , that they apprehend the said Earl of Essex , and all such who by vertue of any Commission under him have leavied , or do now Command any Souldiers in any places of this Kingdom as guilty of High Treason . And to any common Souldiers so raised , We do grant Our free and generall Pardon , as to Per●ons seduced by the cunning and falshood of the Authors of this Rebellion , if such Souldiers shall disband within six dayes after the publishing of this Our Proclamation , so they commit no Hostile Act in the mean while against Vs . And if such Souldier or Souldiers shall within that time apprehend and bring before Vs , or any Officers of Our Army , the bodies of any of the Commanders or Officers now in Rebellion against Vs , he and they besides their Pardons , shall receive such liberall rewards by Pensions or otherwise as their severall services in respect of the qualities of the Persons so apprehended shall deserve . And if any Commander or Officer of any of the Armies now in Rebellion against Vs , shall within four dayes after this Our Proclamation published , being convinced in his Conscience of his damnable offence against God and Vs in assisting this odious Rebellion , return to his Allegiance , and repair to Our Army , and commit to Hostile Act in the mean while against Vs , We shall not onely pardon him , but so far imploy him as his quality and demeanour shall deserve ; Except all such persons whom We have before excepted in Our Declaration of the twelfth of the last August . And We do hereby require all Our loving Subjects of what Degree or Quality soever , upon their Allegiance , and as they tender the cause of God , ( the Protestant Religion being invaded , and threatned to the rooted up by Anabaptists , Brownists , and Atheists ) of Vs and Our Posterity , ( Our life being sought after by this Rebellion ) and of themselves ( the Law and Liberty of the Subject being in apparent hazard to be subjected to an Arbitrary Lawlesse Power of a few Schismaticall , Factious and Ambitious persons ) to assist Vs in person , or with the Loan of Money , Plate and Horses in this Our great necessity . And We do further declare to all Our loving Subjects , That as We have and shall take all possible care to prevent the sufferings of Our good people by the Souldiers of Our Armie , so what-ever pressures shall unavoidably fall upon them , by reason of the violence offered unto Vs , in seising and detaining Our own Money and Revenue from Vs , We do promise in the word of a King , to satisfie them for the same as soon as God shall enable Vs . And the better to encourage Our good Subjects to aid and assist Vs in this Our necessary defence , to which their duty to God and Vs obliges them , We do declare , That whosoever shall lose his life in this Service , the Wardship of his Heir shall be granted by Vs without Rent or Fine to his own use , And We shall hold Our Self obliged to take all possible care for the Support , Relief , and Protection of all their Wives and Children , who shall have the hard fortune to die in this Service . Given at Our Court at Edge-Hill , this 24 day of October , in the eighteenth yeer of Our Reign . God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most excellent MAJESTIE : And the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXLII . 
A78954	----	By the King. To our trusty and welbeloved our colonells, lievtenant-colonells, serjeant-majors, captaines, and all other our officers of our army. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78954 of text R39147 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[132]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78954 Wing C2531 Thomason 669.f.5[132] ESTC R39147 99870440 99870440 160844 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78954) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160844) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[132]) By the King. To our trusty and welbeloved our colonells, lievtenant-colonells, serjeant-majors, captaines, and all other our officers of our army. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : Anno Dom. 1642 [i.e. 1643] A London reprint. -- Steele. At head of title: C. R. At foot of text to Colonells incorrectly reads: "From our court at Oxford, this Twentieth of January, 1642." Date should read: 12 January, 1643. -- Steele. Includes: Worcester agreement, 10 Jan., to raise £3,000 monthly. Reproductions of the originals in the Societies of Antiquaries Library, London [Early English Books] and the British Library [Thomason Tr. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78954 R39147 (Thomason 669.f.5[132]). civilwar no By the King. To our trusty and welbeloved our colonells, lievtenant-colonells, serjeant-majors, captaines, and all other our officers of our England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 726 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. ❧ BY THE KING . ¶ To Our trusty and welbeloved Our Colonells , Lievtenant-Colonells , Serjeant-Majors , Captaines , and all other Our Officers of Our Army . WEE taking into Our Princely Consideration the ready affection of Our good People of Our Counties of Oxford and Berks , to supply and furnish Our Army with all possible accommodation the Country can afford , Doe expect therefore , that you , whom We have trusted with Commands , shall take especiall care in your severall Quarters , that all Souldiers under you treate , all Our good people with Brotherly humanity , and that none of them waste or spoyle any Corne , Hay , or other provisions , but to husband and preserve the same , as much as may be : · And doe require your Care herein , as you tender Our Honour , the good of Our Army , and the conservation of the weale-publike . Further commanding you to let all the Souldiers under your Command know from Us , That if they shall transgresse herein , they must expect to receive that punishment which either the law Martiall , or the Lawes of the Land can justly impose upon them : And We admonish you that upon all Complaints against any of your Souldiers , you render them to Our Ministers of Iustice to be examined and proceeded against accordingly ; Hereof you may not fayle . From Our Court at OXFORD , this Twentieth of January , 1642. An Agreement of the great Inquest made At the last Sessions for the County of WORCESTER , for the raising of three Thousand pound Monethly , towards the payment of His MAjESTIES Forces , sent and raised for defence of the said County and City of VVorcester . Wigorn. ss. Ad general . Session . pacis Dom. Regis tent . apud Wigorn. pro Com. praedict. decimo die Ianuarii , Anno Regni Dom , CAROLI nunc Regis Angliae , &c. Decimo Octavo . WHereas the great Inquest at this present Sessions , upon consideration had of the Kings Majesties most gratious Letters , agreed that there should be raised forth of the County of Worcester , the summe of three Thousand pounds of lawfull English money a Moneth , towards the payment of His Majesties forces , sent and raised for the defence of the said County , and the City of VVorcester . the first payment to be for this present Moneth of Ianuary , and the said Summe or Summes which should be raised , to be paid unto the severall High-Constables of the County of VVorcester , and to be paid by them unto Iohn Bacon Gent. to be disposed of by Sir VVilliam Russell Baronet , High-Shriffe of the County of VVorcester , and Governor of the said City , uppon accompt to be given by him to the Kings Majesty , and likewise to the said County , which first Monethly payment shall be paid before the second day of February next coming , and so to continue , as long as Sir VVilliam Russell and the Kings Majesties Iustices of peace of the County of VVorcester , assembled at this present Sessions , shall thinke fit : And that the same Mony should be assessed by foure or more of the most sufficient Inhabitants of every Parish or Vjllage in the County of VVorcester , according to the usuall rates of the payments within the said County , And that every person which should be so assessed for his Lands and Rents where they Lye , and all persons of ability should be assessed for their personall estate , And likewise the Clergy , and all others that are owners of Impropriate Tithes or any others Tythes whatsoever , should be assessed towards the said paiment from time to time , which said agreement of the great Inquest , the Court doth very well approve , and doth order it accordingly , It is thereupon ordered , That the Clarke of the Peace shall presently make out warrants to the severall High-Constables of the County of VVorcester for the Collecting of the same Per CURIAM . Printed at OXFORD by Leonard Lichfield Printer to the University . Anno Dom. 1642. 
A78958	----	The papers which passed at Nevv-Castle betwixt His sacred Majestie and Mr Alex: Henderson concerning the change of church-government. Anno Dom. 1646. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78958 of text R213547 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2535A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 87 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 34 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78958 Wing C2535A ESTC R213547 99895592 99895592 153109 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78958) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 153109) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2347:17) The papers which passed at Nevv-Castle betwixt His sacred Majestie and Mr Alex: Henderson concerning the change of church-government. Anno Dom. 1646. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Henderson, Alexander, 1583?-1646. aut Marshall, William, fl. 1617-1650, engraver. [4], 58, [2] p. : port. (metal cut) printed [by John Grismond] for R. Royston, at the Angel in Ivie-lane, London : M. DC. XL. IX. [1649] Printer's name from Madan. The frontispiece is signed: Guil: Marshall sculp:. Probably issued with the "Eikon basilike". Last leaf is blank. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Church polity -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78958 R213547 (Wing C2535A). civilwar no The papers which passed at Nevv-Castle betwixt His sacred Majestie and Mr Alex: Henderson: concerning the change of church-government. Anno Charles I, King of England 1649 15241 4 5 0 0 0 0 6 B The rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion FIDEI DEFENSOR Non enim to spreverunt Solum ●ed me spreverunt , ne Regnem super ips●● Per Ecclesiam p●tor . Giul : Marshall sculp ; THE PAPERS Which passed at NEVV-CASTLE BETWIXT His Sacred MAJESTIE AND Mr ALEX : HENDERSON : Concerning the Change of CHURCH-GOVERNMENT . Anno Dom. 1646. LONDON . Printed for R. Royston , at the Angel in Ivie-lane M. DC.XL.IX . For Mr. Alex : Henderson . His MAJESTIES first Paper . Mr. Henderson , I Know very well what a great disadvantage it is for Me , to maintaine an Argument of Divinity with so able and learned a Man as your self , it being your , not My profession ; which really was the cause that made Me desire to heare some learned man argue My Opinion with you , of whose abilities I might be confident , that I should not be led into an Errour , for want of having all which could be said , layed open unto Me : For indeed , My humour is such , that I am still partiall for that side , which I imagine suffers for the weaknesse of those that maintaine it ; alwaies thinking that equall Champions would cast the ballance on the other part ; Yet since that you ( thinking that it will save time ) desire to goe another way , I shall not contest with you in it , but treating you as My Physitian , give you leave to take your owne way of cure ; onely I thought fit to warne you , lest if you , ( not I ) should be mistaken in this , you would be faine ( in a manner ) to begin anew . Then know that from my Infancy I was blest with the King my Fathers love , which , I thanke God , was an unvaluable happinesse to me , all his daies , and among all his cares for my education , his chief was , to settle me right in Religion ; in the true Knowledge of which , he made himself so eminent to all the World , that , I am sure , none can call in question the brightnesse of his Fame in that particular , without shewing their own ignorant base malice : He it was , who laid in Me the Grounds of Christianity , which to this day I have been constant in ; so that whether the worthinesse of My Instructor be considered , or the not few yeares that I have been setled in My Principles ; it ought to be no strange thing , if it be found no easie worke , to make me alter them : and the rather , that hitherto , I have ( according to Saint Paul's rule , Rom. 14. 22. ) been happy in Not condemning my selfe , in that thing which I allow : Thus having shewed you how , it remaines , to tell you what , I believe , in relation to these present miserable distractions . No one thing made Me more reverence the Reformation of My Mother , the Church of England , than that it was done ( according to the Apostles defence , Act. 24. 18. ) neither with multitude , nor with tumult , but legally and orderly ; and by those , whom I conceive to have onely the reforming power ; which with many other inducements , made Me alwayes confident that the worke was very perfect , as to Essentials ; of which number Church-Government being undoubtedly one , I put no question , but that would have been likewise altered , if there had been cause ; which opinion of mine , was soone turned into more than a confidence , when I perceived that in this particular ( as I must say of all the rest ) we retained nothing but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to be the constant universall custome of the Primitive Church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it , we should deprive our selves of a lawfull Priesthood , and then , how the Sacraments can be duly Administred , is easie to judge : These are the principall Reasons , which make me believe that Bishops are necessary for a Church , and , I think , sufficient for Me ( if I had no more ) not to give My consent for their expulsion out of England ; but I have another obligation , that to my particular , is a no lesse tie of Conscience , which is , My Coronation Oath : Now if ( as S. Paul saith , Rom. 14. 23. ) He that doubteth is damned if he eat , what can I expect , if I should , not onely give way knowingly to My Peoples sinning , but likewise be perjured My selfe ? Now consider , ought I not to keep my selfe from presumptuous sinnes ? and you know who sayes , What doth it profit a man , though he should gaine the whole World , and lose his owne Soule ? Wherefore my constant maintenance of Episcopacy in England , ( where there was never any other Government since Christianity was in this Kingdome ) Methinks , should be rather commended than wondered at ; My Conscience directing Me to maintaine the Lawes of the Land ; which being onely my endeavours at this time , I desire to know of you , what warrant there is in the Word of God , for Subjects to endeavour to force their Kings Conscience ? or to make him alter Lawes against his will ? If this be not my present case , I shall be glad to be mistaken ; or , if my Judgment in Religion hath been misled all this time , I shall be willing to be better directed : till when , you must excuse Me , to be constant to the Grounds which the King my Father taught me . Newcastle , May 29. 1646. C. R. For His Majestie , Mr. Alexander Henderson's first Paper . SIR , 1. IT is Your Majesties royall goodness , and not my merit , that hath made your Majesty to conceive any opinion of my abilities ; which ( were they worthy of the smallest testimony from your Majesty ) ought in all duty to be improved for your Majesties satisfaction . And this I intended in my coming here at this time , by a free , yet modest expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopall Government , wherein I was bred in my younger years at the University . Like as I did apprehend that it was not your Majesties purpose to have the Question disputed by Divines on both sides ; which I would never ( to the wronging of the cause ) have undertaken alone ; and which seldome or never hath proved an effectuall way , for finding of truth , or moving the minds of Men to relinquish their former Tenents , Dum res transit à judicio in affectum ; witness the Polemicks between the Papists and us , and among our selves , about the matter now in hand , these many yeares past . 2. Sir , when I consider your Majesties education under the hands of such a Father , the length of time wherein Your Majesty hath been setled in your principles of Church-Government ; the Arguments which have continually in private and publique , especially of late at Oxford , filled your Majesties eares for the Divine Right thereof ; your Coronation Oath ; and divers State-reasons which your Majesty doth not mention : I doe not wonder , nor think it any strange thing , that your Majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression . I remember that the famous Joannes Picus Mirandula proveth by irrefragable Reasons ( which no rationall man will contradict ) That no man hath so much power over his own understanding , as to make himself believe what he will , or to think that to be true which his reason telleth him is false ; much lesse is it possible for any man to have his reason commanded by the will , or at the pleasure of another . 2. It is a true saying of the School-men , Voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium , non quoad specificationem , Mine owne will , or the will of another may command me to thinke upon a matter ; but no will or command can constraine me to determine otherwise then my reason teacheth me . Yet Sir , I hope your Majesty will acknowledge , ( for your Paper professeth no lesse ) that according to the saying of Ambrose , Non est pudor ad meliora transire , It is neither sinne nor shame to change to the better : Symmachus in one of his Epistles ( I thinke to the Emperour Theodosius and Valentinian ) alleageth all those motives , from education , from prescription of time , from worldly prosperity , and the flourishing condition of the Roman Empire , and from the Lawes of the Land , to perswade them to constancy in the ancient Pagan profession of the Romans , against the imbracing of the Christian Faith . The like reasons were used by the Jewes for Moses against Christ ; and may be used both for Popery and for the Papacy it selfe , against the reformation of Religion & Church-Government ; and therefore can have no more strength against the Change now , than they had in former times . 3. But your Majesty may perhaps say , That this is petitio principii , and nothing else but the begging of the Question ; and I confesse it were so , if there can be no Reasons brought for a Reformation or Change ; Your Majesty reverences the Reformation of the Church of England , as being done legally and orderly , and by those who had the Reforming Power : and I doe not deny , but it were to be wisht , that Religion where there is need , were alwaies Reformed in that manner , and by such power , and that it were not committed to the Prelats , who have greatest need to be reformed themselves , not left to the multitude , whom God stirreth up when Princes are negligent : Thus did Jacob reforme his owne Family , Moses destroyed the golden Calfe , the good Kings of Judah reformed the Church in their time : but that such Reformation hath been perfect , I cannot admit . Asa tooke away Idolatry , but his Reformation was not perfect ; for Jehosaphat removed the high Places , yet was not his Reformation perfect , for it was Hezekiah that brake the brasen Serpent , and Josiah destroyed the Idol-Temples , who therefore beareth this Elogie , That like unto him there was no King before him . It is too well knowne that the Reformation of K. Henry 8. was most imperfect in the Essentials of Doctrine , Worship , and Government ; And although it proceeded by some degrees afterward , yet the Government was never reformed , the head was changed , Dominus non Dominium ; and the whole limbs of the Antichristian Hierarchy retained , upon what snares and temptations of Avarice and Ambition , the great Enchanters of the Clergy , I need not expresse . It was a hard saying of Romanorum Malleus Grosted of Lincolne , That Reformation was not to be expected , nisi in ore gladii cruentandi : yet this I may say , that the Laodicean lukewarmnesse of Reformation here , hath been matter of continued complaints to many of the Godly in this Kingdom ; occasion of more schisme and separation then ever was heard of in any other Church ; and of unspeakable griefe and sorrow to other Churches , which God did blesse with greater purity of Reformation . The glory of this great worke we hope is reserved for your Majesty , that to your comfort and everlasting fame the praise of godly Josiah may be made yours ; which yet will be no dispraise to your royall Father , or Edward 6. or any other religious Princes before you ; none of them having so faire an opportunity as is now by the supreme providence put into your Royall hands . My soule trembleth to think and to foresee , what may be the event , if this opportunity be neglected . I will neither use the words of Mordecay , Esth. 4. 14. nor what Savanarola told another Charles , because I hope better things from your Majesty . 4. To the Argument brought by your Majesty ( which I believe none of your Doctors , had they been all about you , could more briefly and yet so fully and strongly have expressed ) [ That nothing was retained in this Church but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to the constant universall practise of the Primitive Church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it , We should deprive our selves of the lawfulnesse of Priesthood ( I thinke your Majesty meanes a lawfull Ministry ) and then how the Sacraments can be administred , is easie to judge . ] I humbly offer these considerations : First , what was not in the times of the Apostles , cannot be deduced from them : We say in Scotland , It cannot be brought But , that is not the Ben ; but ( not to insist now in a Litourgy , and things of that kind ) there was no such Hierarchy , no such difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter , in the times of the Apostles , and therefore it cannot thence be deduced ; for I conceive it to be as cleare as if it were written with a Sun-beame , that Presbyter and Bishop are to the Apostles one and the same thing , no majority , no inequality or difference of office , power , or degree betwixt the one and the other , but a meer identity in all . 2. That the Apostles intending to set downe the Offices and Officers of the Church , and speaking so often of them , and of their gifts and duties , and that , not upon occasion , but of set purpose ; doe neither expresse nor imply any such Pastor or Bishop as hath power over other Pastors , although it be true , that they have distinctly and particularly exprest the office , gifts , and duties of the meanest Officers , such as Deacons . 3. That in the Ministery of the New Testament there is a comely , beautifull , and divine order and subordination ; one kind of Ministers both ordinary and extraordinary being placed in degree and dignity one before another , as the Apostles first , the Evangelists , Pastors , Doctors , &c. in their owne ranks : bnt we cannot find in Offices of the same kind , that one hath majority of power , or priority of degree before another ; no Apostle above other Apostles ( unlesse in morall respects ) no Evangelist above other Evangelists ; of Deacon above other Deacons ; why then a Pastor above other Pastors ? In all other sorts of Ministers ordinary and extraordinary a parity in their owne kind , only in the office of Pastor an inequality . 4. That the whole power and all the parts of the Ministry , which are commonly called , The power of Order and Jurisdiction , are by the Apostles declared to be common to the Presbyter and Bishop : And that , Mat. 15. 16 , 17. the gradation in matter of Discipline or Church censures , is from one , to two , or more ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it to the Church ; he saith not , tell it to the Bishop : there is no place left to a retrogradation from more to one , were he never so eminent . If these considerations doe not satisfie , your Majesty may have more , or the same further cleared . 5. Secondly , I doe humbly desire Your Majesty to take notice of the fallacy of that Argument , from the practice of the Primitive Church , and the universall Consent of the Fathers . It is the Argument of the Papists for such traditions as no Orthodox Divine will admit . The Law and Testimony must be the Rule . We can have no certaine knowledge of the practice universall of the Church for many years ; Eusebius the prime Historian confesseth so much : the learned Josephus Scaliger testifieth , That from the end of the Acts of the Apostles untill a good time after , no certainty can be had from Ecclesiasticall Authors about Church matters . It is true , Diotrephes sought the preheminence in the Apostles times , and the mystery of iniquity did then begin to work ; and no doubt in after-times some puffed up with Ambition , and others overtaken with weaknesse , endevoured alteration of Church Government , but that all the learned and godly of those times consented to such a change as is talked of afterwards , will never be proved . 6. Thirdly , I will never think that Your Majesty will deny the lawfulnesse of a Ministery , and the due administration of the Sacraments in the Reformed Churches , which have no Diocesan Bishops , sith it is not only manifest by Scripture , but a great many of the strongest Champions for Episcopacy , doe confesse , that Presbyters may ordaine other Presbyters ; and that Baptisme administred by a private Person , wanting a publick Calling , or by a Midwife , and by a Presbyter , although not ordained by a Bishop , are not one and the same thing . 7. Concerning the other Argument taken from Your Majesties Coronation Oath ; I confesse , that both in the taking and keeping of an Oath ( so sacred a thing is it , and so high a point of Religion ) much tendernesse is required : and farre be it from us , who desire to observe our owne Solemne Oath , to presse Your Majesty with the violation of Yours . Yet Sir , I will crave your leave , in all humblenesse and sincerity to lay before Your Majesties eyes this one thing , ( which perhaps might require a larger discourse ) that although no humane authority can dispense with an Oath , Quia Religio juramenti pertinet ad forum Divinum ; yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an Oath ceaseth : As when we swear homage and obedience to our Lord and Superiour , who afterwards ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour ; for then the formall cause of the Oath is taken away , and therefore the obligation ▪ Sublata causa tollitur effectus ; sublato relato , tollitur Correlatum . Or when any Oath hath a speciall reference to the benefit of those to whom I make the promise , if we have their desire or consent , the obligation ceaseth ; because all such Oaths from the nature of the thing , doe include a condition . When the Parliaments of both Kingdomes , have covenanted for the abolishing or altering of a Law , Your Majesties Oath doth not binde You , or Your Conscience to the observing of it ; otherwise no Lawes could be altered by the Legislative Power . This I conceive hath been the ground of removing Episcopall Government in Scotland , and of removing the Bishops out of the Parliament of England . And I assure my selfe , that Your Majesty did not intend at the taking of Your Oath , that although both Houses of Parliament should find an alteration necessary , although ( which God Almighty avert ) you should lose your selfe , and your Posterity , and Crowne , that you would never consent to the abolishing of such a Law . If Your Majesty still object , that the matter of the Oath is necessary & immutable ; that doth not belong to this , but to the former Argument . 8. I have but one word more concerning Your Piety to Your Royall Father , and teacher of happy Memory , with which Your Majesty does conclude . Your Majesty knows that King James never admitted Episcopacy upon Divine Right ; That His Majesty did sweare and subscribe to the Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline of the Church of Scotland ; that in the Preface of the latter Edition of Basilicon Doron , His Majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the Gospel , than the pomp and Ceremonies of the Church of England , and that he conceived the Prelats to savour of the Popish Hierarchy , and that ( could his Ghost now speake to your Majesty ) He would not advise your Majesty to run such hazards for those Men who will chuse rather to pull downe your Throne with their own ruine , than that they perish alone . The Lord give your Majesty a wise and discerning Spirit to chuse that in time which is right . June 3. 1646. For Mr. Alex : Henderson , A Reply to his Answer to My first Paper , June 6. 1646. His MAJESTIES second Paper . Mr. Henderson , IF it had been the Honour of the Cause which I looked after , I would not have undertaken to put Pen to Paper , or singly to have maintained this Argument against you ( whose Answer to my former Paper is sufficient , without other proofs , to justifie My opinion of your abilities ) but , it being meerly ( as you know ) for my particular satisfaction , I assure you that a Disputation of well chosen Divines , would be most effectuall ; and , I believe you cannot but grant , that I must best know , how my self may be best satisfied , for certainly My Taste cannot be guided by another Mans Palate , and indeed I will say , that when it comes ( as it must ) to Probations , I must have either Persons or Books to cleare the Allegations , or it will be impossible to give Me satisfaction : The fore-seeing of which , made Me at first ( for the saving of Time ) desire that some of those Divines , which I gave you in a List , might be sent for . 2. Concerning your second Section , I were much too blame , if I should not submit to that saying of S. Ambrose which you mention , for I would be unwilling to be found lesse ingenuous than you shew your selfe to be in the former part of it ; wherefore my Reply is , that as I shall not be ashamed to change for the better , so I must see that it is better before I change , otherwise inconstancy in this were both sin and shame ; and remember ( what your selfe hath learnedly enforced ) that no mans Reason can be commanded by another mans Will . 3. Your third begins , but I cannot say that it goes on , with that Ingenuity , which the other did ; for I doe not understand , how those Examples cited out of the Old Testament do any way prove that the way of Reformation , which I commend , hath not been the most perfect , or , that any other is lawfull , those having been all by the Regall Authority ; and because Henry the Eights Reformation was not perfect , will it prove that of K. Edward and Q. Elizabeth to be unperfect ? I believe a new moode and figure must be found out to forme a Syllogisme , whereby to prove that : but however , you are mistaken ; for , no man who truely understands the English Reformation , will derive it from Henry the Eight , for he onely gave the occasion ; it was his Sonne who began , and Q. Elizabeth that perfected it ; nor did I ever averre , that the beginning of any Humane Action was perfect , no more then you can prove that God hath ever given approbation to Multitudes to Reforme the Negligence of Princes : For , you know , there is much Difference between Permission , and Approbation : But all this time , I find no Reasons ( according to your promise ) for a Reformation , or change ( I mean since Q. Elizabeths time . ) As for your Romanorum Malleus his saying ; it is well you come of it , with [ yet this I may say ] for it seems to imply , as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying : and for your comparing our Reformation here to the Laodicean lukewarmnesse , proved by Complaints , Grievings , &c. all that doth , and but unhandsomely , Petere principium ; nor can Generalls satisfie Me ; for , you must first prove , that those Men had reason to complaine , those Churches to be Grieved , and how we were truely the Causers of this schisme and separation : as for those words which you will not use , I will not answer . 4. Here indeed you truly repeat the first of My two maine Arguments ; but by your favour , you take ( as I conceive ) a wrong way to convince Me ; It is I must make good the Affirmative , for I believe a Negative cannot be proved ; Instead of which , if you had made appear the practice of the Presbyterian Government in the Primitive times , you had done much ; for I doe averre , that this Government was never Practised before Calvin's time ; the affirmative of which , I leave you to prove ; My taske , being to shew the lawfulnesse , and succession of Episcopacy , and , as I believe , the necessity of it : For doing whereof , I must have such Books as I shall call for ; which possibly upon perusall , may , one way or other , give Me satisfaction ; but I cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some learned Man , whom I can trust , to find out all such Citations , as I have use of : wherefore blame Me not , if time be unnecessarily lost . 5. Now for the fallaciousnesse of My Argument ( to my knowledge ) it was never My practice , nor doe I confesse to have begun now ; For , if the Practice of the Primitive Church , and the universal consent of the Fathers , be not a convincing Argument , when the interpretation of Scripture is doubtfull , I know nothing ; For , if this be not , then of necessity the Interpretation of private Spirits must be admitted : the which contradicts Saint Peter , 2 Pet. 1. 20. is the Mother of all Sects , and will ( if not prevented ) bring these Kingdomes into confusion : and to say , that an Argument is ill , because the Papists use it , or , that such a thing is good , because it is the Custome of some of the Reformed Churches ; cannot weigh with Me , untill you prove , these to be infallible , or that to maintaine no Truth : And how Diotrephes ambition ( who directly opposed the Apostle S. John ) can be an Argument against Episcopacy , I doe not understand . 6. When I am made a Judge over the Reformed Churches , then , and not before , will I censure their Actions ; as you must prove , before I confesse it , that Presbyters without a Bishop , may lawfully ordain other Presbyters : And as for the Administration of Baptisme , as I thinke none will say , that a Woman can lawfully , or Duely administer it , though when done , it be valid ; so none ought to doe it , but a lawfull Presbyter , whom you cannot deny , but to be absolutely necessary for the Sacrament of the Eucharist . 7. You make a learned succinct discourse of Oathes in generall , and their severall Obligations , to which I fully agree ; intending , in the particular now in question , to be guided by your owne Rule , which is [ when any Oath hath a speciall reference to the Benefit of those to whom I make the Promise , if we have their desire , or consent , the Obligation ceaseth ] Now , it must be known , to whom this Oath hath reference , and to whose Benefit ? the Answer is cleare , onely to the Church of England ; as by the Record will be plainly made appeare ; and you much mistake in alleaging , that the two Houses of Parliament ( especially as they are now constituted ) can have this Disobligatory Power , for , ( besides that they are not named in it ) I am confident to make it clearly appeare to you , that this Church never did submit , nor was subordinate to them ; and that it was onely the King and Clergy , who made the Reformation , the Parliament meerly serving to help to give the Civill Sanction : all this being proved ( of which I make no question ) it must necessarily follow , that it is onely the Church of England ( in whose favour I took this Oath ) that can release me from it : wherefore when the Church of England ( being lawfully Assembled ) shall declare that I am free , then , and not before , I shall esteem My self so . 8. To your last , concerning the King my Father , of happy and famous Memory , both for his Piety and Learning ; I must tell you , that I had the happinesse , to know him much better than you ; wherefore I desire you , not to be too confident , in the knowledge of his Opinions ; for , I dare say , should his Ghost now speake , he would tell you , that a bloudy Reformation was never lawfull , as not warranted by Gods word , and that Preces & lacrymae sunt Arma Ecclesiae . 9. To conclude , having replied to all your Paper , I cannot but observe to you , that you have given Me no Answer to my last Quaere ; it may be you are ( as Chaucer sayes ) like the People of England , What they not like , they never understand : but in earnest , that Question is so pertinent to the Purpose in hand , that it will much serve for My satisfaction ; and besides it may be usefull for other things . Newcastle , June 6. 1646. C. R. For His Majestie . Mr. Alexander Henderson's second Paper . SIR , THe smaller the encouragements be , in relation to the successe , ( which how small they are , your Majesty well knowes : ) the more apparent , and , I hope , the more acceptable will my obedience be , in that which in all humility I now go about , at your Majesties command : yet while I consider , that the way of man is not in himselfe , nor is it in man that walketh , to direct his owne steps ; and when I remember how many supplications , with strong crying and tears , have been openly and in secret offered up in your Majesties behalfe , unto God that heareth prayer , I have no reason to despaire of a blessed successe . 1. I have been averse , from a disputation of Divines , 1. For saving of time ; which the present exigence & extremity of affairs , make more then ordinarily pretious ; While Archimedes at Syracuse was drawing his figures & circlings in the sand , Marcellus interupted his demonstration . 2. Because the common result of Disputes of this kind , answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the Parties , is rather Victory then Verity ; while tanquam tentativi Dialectici , they study more to overcome their adverse Party , than to be overcome of Truth , although this be the most glorious Victory . 3. When I was commanded to come hither , no such thing was proposed to me , nor expected by me . I never judged so meanly of the Cause , nor so highly of my selfe , as to venture it upon such weaknesse . Much more might be spoken to this purpose ; but I forbeare . 2. I will not further trouble your Majesty with that which is contained in the second Section , hoping that your Majesty will no more insist upon Education , prescription of time , &c. which are sufficient to prevent Admiration , but ( which your Majesty acknowledges ) must give place to Reason , and are no sure ground of resolution of our Faith , in any point to be believed : although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like , to be the ground and rule of their Faith : an Evidence , that their Faith is not a Divine faith , but an humane Credulity . 3. Concerning Reformation of Religion in the third Section ; I had need of a Preface to so thorny a Theame , as your Majesty hath brought me upon ; 1. For the Reforming power ; it is conceived , when a Generall Defection , like a deluge , hath covered the whole face of the Church , so that scarcely the tops of the Mountains doe appeare , a Generall Councell is necessary ; but , because that can hardly be obtained , severall Kingdomes ( which we see was done , at the time of the Reformation ) are to reforme themselves , and that by the Authority of their Prince , and Magistrates : if the Prince or supreme Magistrate , be unwilling , then may the inferior Magistrate , and the People , being before rightly , informed in the grounds of Religion , lawfully Reforme , within their owne sphere ; and if the light shine upon all , or the major part , they may , after all other meanes assayed , make a Publique Reformation . This , before this time , I never wrote or spoke ; yet the Maintainers of this Doctrine , conceive that they are able to make it good . But , Sir , were I worthy to give advice to your Majesty , or to the Kings and supreme Powers on Earth , my humble Opinion would be , that they should draw the minds , tongues , and pens of the learned , to dispute about other matter , then the power or Prerogative of Kings and Princes ; and in this kind , your Majesty hath suffered and lost more , then will easily be restored to your selfe or your Posterity , for a long time . It is not denied but the prime Reforming power , is in Kings and Princes , Quibus — deficientibus , it comes to the inferior Magistrate , Quibus Deficientibus , it descendeth to the Body of the People ; supposing that there is a necessity of Reformation , and that by no meanes it can be obtained of their Superiors . It is true that such a Reformation , is more imperfect , in respect of the Instruments , and manner of Procedure ; yet for the most part , more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product . And for this end did I cite the Examples of old of Reformation by Regall Authority ; of which none was perfect , in the second way of perfection , except that of Josiah . Concerning the saying of Grostead , whom the Cardinals at Rome confest to be a more Godly man , than any of themselves ; it was his Complaint , and Prediction of what was likely to ensue , not his desire , or Election , if Reformation could have been obtained , in the ordinary way . I might bring two unpartiall Witnesses , Jewel and Bilson , both famous English Bishops , to prove that the tumults and troubles raised in Scotland , at the time of Reformation , were to be imputed to the Papists opposing of the Reformation , both of Doctrine and Discipline , as an Hereticall Innovation ; and not to be ascribed to the Nobility , or People , who under God , were the Instruments of it ; intending and seeking nothing , but the purging out of Errour , and setling of the Truth . 2. Concerning the Reformation of the Church of England , I conceive , whether it was begun or not , in K. Henry the 8. time , it was not finished by Q. Elizabeth : the Father stirred the humors of the diseased Church ; but neither the Sonne nor the Daughter ( although we have great reason to blesse God for both ) did purge them out perfectly : This Perfection is yet reserved for your Majesty : Where it is said , that all this time I bring no Reasons , for a further Change ; the fourth Section , of my last Paper , hath many hints of Reasons against Episcopall Government , with an offer of more , or clearing of those ; which your Majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of . And learned men , have observed many Defects in that Reformation : As that the Government of the Church of England , ( for about this is the Question now ) is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles ; which they , at least cannot deny , who professe Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory ; and such were the greater part of Arch-bishops and Bishops in England , contenting themselves with the constitutions of the Church , and the authority and munificence of Princes , till of late , that some few have pleaded it to be Jure Divino : That , the English Reformation hath not perfectly purged out the Roman Leven ; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this Church to the Church of Laodicaea , as being neither hot nor cold , neither Popish nor Reformed , but of a lukewarme temper , betwixt the two : That it hath depraved the Discipline of the Church , by conforming of it to the Civil policy : That it hath added many Church Offices , higher & lower , unto those instituted by the Son of God ; which is as unlawfull as to take away Offices warranted by the Divine Institution : and other the like , which have moved some to apply this saying to the Church of England , Multi ad perfectionem pervenirent , nisi jam se pervenisse crederent . 4. In my Answer to the first of your Majesties many Arguments , I brought a Breviate of some Reasons to prove , that a Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same in Scripture : from which , by necessary consequence , I did inferre the negative ; Therefore , no difference in Scripture between a Bishop and a Presbyter ; the one name signifying , Industriam Curiae Pastoralis ; the other , Sapientiae Maturitatem , saith Beda . And whereas Your Majesty averres , that Presbyterian Government was never practised , before Calvin's time ; your Majesty knows , the common objection of the Papists , against the Reformed Churches ; Where was your Church , your Reformation , your Doctrine , before Luther's time ? One part of the common Answer is , that it was from the beginning , and is to be found in Scripture : The same I affirme of Presbyterian Government : And for proving of this , the Assembly of Divines at Westminster , have made manifest , that the Primitive Christian Church at Jerusalem was governed by a Presbytery : while they shew , 1. That that the Church of Jerusalem consisted of more Congregations than one , from the multitude of Believers , from the many Apostles , and other Preachers in that Church , and from the diversity of Languages among the Believers . 2. That all these Congregations , were under one Presbyteriall Government , because they were , for Government , one Church , Acts 11. 22 , 26. And because that Church was governed by Elders , Acts 11. 30. which were Elders of that Church , and did meet together for Acts of Government : And the Apostles themselves , in that meeting , Acts 15. acted not as Apostles , but as Elders ; stating the Question , debating it , in the ordinary way of disputation ; and having , by search of Scripture , found the will of God , they conclude , It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us : which in the judgement of the learned , may be spoken by any Assembly , upon like evidence of Scripture . The like Presbyterian Government had place in the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , Thessalonica , &c. in the times of the Apostles ; and after them , for many years , when one of the Presbytery was made Episcopus Praeses , even then , Communi Presbyterorum Confilio , Ecclesiae gubernabantur , saith Jerome ; & Episcopos magis consuetudine , quam Dispositionis Divinae veritate , Presbyteris esse majores , & in Commune debere Ecclesiam regere . 5. Farre be it from me to think such a thought , as that your Majesty did intend any Fallacy , in your other maine Argument , from Antiquity . As we are to distinguish between Intentio operantis , & Conditio operis ; so may we in this case consider the difference between Intentio Argumentantis , & Conditio Argumenti . And where Your Majesty argues , That , if Your Opinion be not admitted , we will be forced to give place to the Interpretation of private Spirits , which is contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle Peter , and will prove to be of dangerous consequence ; I humbly offer to be considered by Your Majesty , what some of chief note among the Papists themselves have taught us , That the Interpretation of Scriptures , and the Spirits whence they proceed , may be called private , in a threefold sense . 1. Ratione Personae , if the Interpreter be of a private condition . 2. Ratione Modi & Medii , when Persons , although not private , use not the publique meanes which are necessary for finding out the Truth , but follow their owne fancies . 3. Ratione finis , when the Interpretation is not proposed as Authenticall to bind others , but is intended onely for our owne private satisfaction . The first is not to be despised ; the second is to be exploded , and is condemned by the Apostle Peter ; the third ought not to be censured : But that Interpretation which is Authenticall , and of supreme Authority , which even mans conscience is bound to yeild unto , is of an higher nature . And , although the Generall Councell should resolve it , and the Consent of the Fathers should be had unto it , yet there must alwaies be place left to the judgment of Discretion , as Davenant , late Bishop of Salisbury , beside divers others , hath learnedly made appeare in his Booke , De Judice Controversiarum ; where also the Power of Kings in matter of Religion , is solidly and unpartially determined . Two words onely I adde ; one is , that notwithstanding all that is pretended from Antiquity , a Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , will never be found in Prime Antiquity . The other is , that many of the Fathers did , unwittingly , bring forth that Anti-christ , which was conceived in the times of the Apostles , and therefore are incompetent Judges in the Question of Hierarchy . And upon the other part , the Lights of the Christian Church , at , and since the beginning of the Reformation , have discovered many secrets , concerning the Anti-christ and his Hierarchy , which were not knowne to former Ages : And diverse of the learned , in the Roman Church , have not feared to pronounce , That , whosoever denies the true and literall sense of many Texts of Scripture , to have been found out in this last Age , is unthankfull to God , who hath so plentifully powred forth his Spirit upon the Children of this Generation , and ungratefull towards those men , who with so great paines , so happy successe , & so much benefit to Gods Church , have travailed therein : This might be instanced in many places of Scripture : I wind together Diotrephes and the Mystery of Iniquity , the one , as an old example of Church-ambition , which was also too palpable in the Apostles themselves ; And the other as a cover of Ambition , afterwards discovered ; which two , brought forth the great Mystery of the Papacy at last . 6. Although your Majesty be not made a Judge of the Reformed Churches , yet you so farre censure them , and their actions , as , without Bishops , in your judgment , they cannot have a lawfull Ministery , nor a due Administration of the Sacraments : Against which dangerous & destructive Opinion , I did alledge what I supposed , your Majesty would not have denied , 1. That Presbyters without a Bishop , may Ordaine other Presbyters . 2. That Baptisme , administred by such a Presbyter , is another thing than Baptisme administred by a private Person , or by a Midwife . Of the first your Majesty calls for proofe : I told before that in Scripture , it is manifest , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect nor the Gift that is in Thee , which was given Thee by the Prophesie , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery ; so it is in the English Translation : And the word Presbytery , so often as it is used in the New Testament , alwaies signifies the Persons , and not the Office . And although the Offices of Bishop and Presbyter were distinct ; yet doth not the Presbyter derive his power of Order , from the Bishop . The Evangelists were inferiour to the Apostles ; yet had they their power , not from the Apostles , but from Christ : The same I affirme of the 70 Disciples , who had their power immediately from Christ , no lesse than the Apostles had theirs . It may upon better reason be averred , that the Bishops have their power from the Pope , than that Presbyters have their power from the Prelats . It is true , Jerome saith , Quid facit , exceptâ ordinatione Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter ; but in the same place he proves from Scripture , that Episcopus & Presbyter are one and the same ; and therefore when he appropriates Ordination to the Bishop , he speaketh of the degenerated custome of his time . 2. Concerning Baptisme , a private Person may perform the external Action and Rites , both of it and of the Eucharist ; yet is neither of the two a Sacrament , or hath any efficacy , unlesse it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto , or by a Person made publique and clothed with Authority by Ordination . This Errour in the matter of Baptisme , is begot by another Errour , of the Absolute Necessity of Baptisme . 7. To that which hath been said , concerning Your Majesties Oath , I shall adde nothing ; not being willing to enter upon the Question , of the subordination of the Church to the Civill power , whether to King , or Parliament , or both , and to either of them , in their owne place . Such an Headship as the Kings of England hath claimed , and such a supremacy as the Houses of Parliament crave , with Appeales from the supreme Ecclesiasticall Judicature to them as set over the Church , in the same line of Subordination , I doe utterly disclaime upon such Reasons as give my selfe satisfaction , although no man shall be more willing to submit to Civill Powers , each one in their owne place ; and more unwilling to make any trouble than my selfe : Onely concerning the application of the Generalls of an Oath , to the particular case now in hand ; under favor , I conceive not how the Clergy of the Church of England , is , or ought to be principally intended , in your Oath : For , although they were esteemed to be the Representative Church , yet even that is for the benefit of the Church Collective , Salus Populi , being Suprema Lex , and to be principally intended . Your Majesty knowes it was so in the Church of Scotland , where the like alteration was made . And , if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the Clergy , what Reformation can be expected in France , or Spaine , or Rome it selfe ? It is not to be expected , that the Pope , or Prelate will consent to their owne ruine . 8. I will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the Opinions held by the King , Your Majesties Father , of famous Memory ; they being much better known to Your Majesty , I did onely produce , what was profest by him , before the world : And although Prayers and Tears be the Arms of the Church ; yet , it is neither acceptable to God , nor conducible for Kings and Princes , to force the Church to put on these Armes : Nor could I ever heare a reason , why a necessary Defensive Warre against unjust Violence is unlawfull , although it be joyned with offence and invasion which is intended for Defence , but so that Armes are layed down when the offensive Warre ceaseth : by which it doth appeare , that the Warre on the other side , was , in the nature thereof , Defensive . 9. Concerning the forcing of Conscience , which I pretermitted in my other Paper , I am forced now , but without forcing of my Conscience , to speake of . Our Conscience may be said to be forced ; either by our selves , or by others . By our selves , 1. when we stop the eare of our Conscience and will not hearken , or give place to information , resolving obstinately , Ne si persuaseris , persuadebis ; which is no lesse then a resisting of the Holy Ghost , and the hardning of our hearts . 2. Or when we stop the mouth , and suppresse the clamours of our Conscience ; resolving rather to suffer the worme to gnaw , and the fire to burne inwardly , then to make profession of that we are convinced to be Truth . 3. Or when we seare our Conscience , as with an hot Iron , that it becometh senslesse ; which is the punishment of the former : unto which is opposed , the truly tender Conscience ; such as Josiah had , 2 King. 22. 19. Againe , 1. our Conscience is said to be forced by others , when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evill and unlawfull ; which if we admit , against our own Conscience , we sin , two waies ; one is , by doing that which is in it self evill and unlawfull ; the other is , by doing it against a dictate of Conscience , which is a contempt of God , whose Vicegerent it is . 2. Or when others urge us to do that which is in it selfe good , or may lawfully be done , but through error of Conscience , we judge it to be evill and unlawfull : in this case , if we do not that which is prest upon us , we sin , because the thing is good and lawfull : And if we doe it , we sin , because we do against our Conscience . Which in this case bindeth , but obligeth not : And yet there is a way to escape out of this labyrinth , it being repugnant to the equity of the will of God to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man : The onely way is , to lay aside such a Conscience , it being a part of the Old man , which we are commanded to put off ; otherwise , we being sufficiently informed , and yet cleaving to our old error , we rather doe violence to our Conscience our selves than suffer violence from others . The Application , for Answering the Quaere , I leave to your Majesty . Newcastle , June 17. 1646. For Mr. Alex : Henderson . In Reply to his second Paper , June 22. 1646. His MAJESTIES third Paper . 1. IT were arrogance , besides losse of time , in Me to vie preambles with you ; For , it is truth I seek , and neither praise , nor victory ; wherefore I shall onely insist upon those things which are meerly necessary to my owne satisfaction ; in order to which , I desired the assistance of some Divines ; whereupon I will insist no further , save onely to wish , that you may not ( as I have knowne many Men doe ) lose time by being mistaken in the way to save it , wherein I have onely sought to disburden My selfe , but to lay no blame upon you , and so I leave it . 2. Nor will I say more of the second then this , that I am glad you have so well approved of what I have said concerning My education and reason ; but then remember , that another Mans will , is at least , as weake a ground , to build my Faith upon , as my former education . 3. In this there are two points ; First , concerning the Reforming power , then anent the English Reformation ; For the first , I confesse you now speak clearly , which before you did but darkly mention , wherein I shall mainly differ with you , untill you shall shew me better reason : yet thus farre I will goe along with you , that when a Generall Councell cannot be had , severall Kingdomes may Reforme themselves , ( which is learnedly and fully proved by the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his disputation against Fisher ) but , that the inferior Magistrates or People ( take it which way you will ) have this power , I utterly deny ; For which , by your favour , you have yet made no sufficient proofe , to my judgement : Indeed , if you could have brought , or can bring authority of Scripture , for this opinion , I would and will , yet , with all reverence submit ; but as for your Examples , out of the Old Testament , in my mind , they rather make for , than against me , all those Reformations being made by Kings ; and it is a good probable ( though I will not say convincing ) Argument , that if God would have approved of a Popular reforming way , there were Kings of Judah & Israel sufficiently negligent and ill to have made such examples by ; but by the contrary , the 16. Chap. of Numbers shewes clearly , how God disapproves of such courses : but I forget this Assertion is to be proved by you ; yet I may put you in the way , wherefore let me tell you that this pretended power in the People , must ( as all others ) either be directly , or else declaratorily by approbation , given by God ; which , how soon you can doe , I submit ; otherwise you prove nothing : For the citing of private Mens opinions ( more then as they concurre with the generall consent of the Church in their time ) weighs little with Me , it being too well known , that Rebels never wanted Writers to maintain their unjust actions ; and though I much reverence Bishop Jewels memory , I never thought him infallible ; for Bilson I remember well what opinion the King my Father had of him for those Opinions , and how He shewed him some favour in hope of his recantation , ( as His good nature made Him do many things of that kind ) but whether he did , or not , I cannot say : To conclude this point , untill you shall prove this position by the word of God , ( as I will Regall Authority ) I shall think all popular Reformation , little better than Rebellions ; for , I hold that no Authority is lawfull but that which is either directly given , or at least , approved by God . 2ly . Concerning the English Reformation , the first reason you bring why Q. Elizabeth did not finish it , is , because she tooke not away Episcopacy , the hits of reason against which Government , you say , I take no notice of ; now I thought it was sufficient notice , yea and answer too , when I told you , a negative ( as I conceived ) could not be proved , and that it was for Me to prove the affirmative ; which I shall either doe , or yeild the Argument , as soone as I shall be assisted with Bookes , or such Men of My opinion , who , like you , have a Library in their braine : And so I must leave this particular , untill I be furnished with means to put it to an issue ; which had been sooner done , if I could have had My will : indeed your second well proved , is most sufficient , which is , That the English Church Government is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles ; but I conceive your probation of this , doubly defective ; for first , albeit our Archbishops and Bishops should have professed Church-Government to be mutable & ambulatory , I conceive it not sufficient to prove your Assertion : and secondly , I am confident you cannot prove , that most of them maintained this walking position , ( for some particulars must not conclude the generall ) for which you must find much better Arguments than their being content with the Constitution of the Church , and the Authority and munificence of Princes , or you will fall extreamly short : As for the retaining of the Roman leven , you must prove it , as well as say it , else you say little : But that the conforming of the Church discipline to the civill policy , should be a depraving of it , I absolutely deny ; for I averre , that without it , the Church can neither flourish , nor be happy : And for your last instance , you shall doe well to shew the prohibition of our Saviour against addition of more Officers in the Church than he named ; and yet in one sense I doe not conceive that the Church of England hath added any ; for , an Archbishop is onely a distinction for order of Government , not a new Officer , and so of the rest ; and of this kind , I believe there are diverse now in Scotland which you will not condemne , as the Moderators of Assemblies , and others . 4. Where you find a Bishop , and Presbyter , in Scripture , to be one and the same ( which I deny to be alwaies so ) it is in the Apostles time ; now I think to prove the Order of Bishops succeeded that of the Apostles , and that the name was chiefly altered , in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our Saviour , ( albeit , in their time , they caused diverse to be called so , as Barnabas and others ) so that , I believe , this Argument makes little for you : As for your proofe of the antiquity of Presbyterian Government , it is well that the Assembly of Divines at Westminster can doe more then Eusebius could , and I shal believe , when I see it ; for , your former Paper affirmes , that those times were very dark for matter of fact , and will be so still for me if there be no clearer Arguments to prove it , than those you mention : for , because there were diverse Congregations in Jerusalem ; ergo , what ? are there not divers Parishes in one Diocesse ? ( your two first I answer but as one Argument ) and because the Apostles met with those of the inferiour Orders , for Acts of Government ; what then ? even so in these times doe the Deanes and Chapters , and many times those of the inferiour Clergy assist the Bishops ; but I hope you will not pretend to say , that there was an equality between the Apostles and other Presbyters , which not being , doth ( in my judgment ) quite invalidate these Arguments : And if you can say no more for the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , Thessalonica , &c. than you have for Jerusalem , it will gaine no ground on me : As for Saint Jerome , it is well knowne that he was no great Friend to Bishops , as being none himselfe , yet take him altogether , and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a Bishop and a Presbyter , as your self confesses ; but the truth is , he was angry with those who maintained Deacons to be equall to Presbyters . 5. I am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word Fallacy , though I think to have had reason for saying what I did : but by your favour , I doe not conceive that you have answered the strength of my Argument , for when you and I differ upon the interpretation of Scripture , and I appeale to the practise of the Primitive Church , and the universall consent of the Fathers , to be judge between us , methinks you should either find a fitter , or submit to what I offer ; neither of which ( to My understanding ) you have yet done ; nor have you shewne how , waving those Judges I appeale unto , the mischief , of the interpretation by private Spirits , can be prevented . Indeed , if I cannot prove by antiquity , that Ordination and Jurisdiction belongs to Bishops , ( thereby cleerly distinguishing them from other Presbyters ) I shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former foundations ; ( as for Bishop Davenant , he is none of those , to whom I have appealed , or will submit unto ) but for the exception you take to Fathers , I take it to be a begging of the Question ; as likewise those great discoveries of secrets , not knowne to former Ages , I shall call new-invented fancies , untill particularly you shall prove the contrary ; and for your Roman Authours , it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintaine Novelties , as well as the Puritans : As for Church-ambition , it doth not at all terminate , in seeking to be Pope ; for , I take it to be no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of Kings , it being possible , that Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one . 6. As I am no Judge over the Reformed Churches , so neither doe I censure them , for many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwaies are unlawfull ; but know , once for all , that I esteeme nothing the better because it is done by such a particular Church ( though it were by the Church of England , which I avow most to reverence ) but I esteem that Church most , which comes nearest to the purity of the primitive Doctrine and Discipline , as I believe this doth . Now concerning Ordination , I bad you prove that Presbyters without a Bishop might lawfully ordaine , which yet I conceive you have not done ; for , 2 Tim. 1. 6. it is evident , that Saint Paul was at Timothies ordination ; and albeit that all the Seventy had their power immediately from Christ , yet it is as evident that our Saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve Apostles and the rest of the Disciples , which is set downe by three of the Evangelists , whereof S. Marke calls it an Ordination , Mark 3. 15. & S. Luke sayes , And of them he chose Twelve , &c. Luke 6. 13. onely S. Matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction , Mat. 10. 1. I suppose out of modesty , himselfe being one , and the other two being none , are more particular . For the administration of Baptisme , giving , but not granting what you say , it makes more for Me , than you : but I will not engage upon new Questions , not necessary for my purpose . 7. For my Oath , you doe well not to enter upon those Questions you mention ; and you had done as well to have omitted your instance ; but , out of discretion , I desire you to collect your Answer out of the last Section ; and for your Argument , though the intention of my Oath be for the good of the Church collective , therefore can I be dispensed withall by others than the representative Body ? certainly no more than the People can dispense with me for any Oaths I took in their favours , without the two Houses of Parliament ; as for future reformations , I will only tell you that incommodum non solvit Argumentum . 8. For the King my Fathers opinion , if it were not to spend time ( as I believe ) needlesly , I could prove by living and written testimonies , all , and more , then I have said of Him , for His perswasion in these points which I now maintain ; and for your defensive War , as I do acknowledge it a great sin for any King to oppresse the Church , so I hold it absolutely unlawfull for Subjects ( upon any pretence whatsoever ) to make War ( though defensive ) against their lawfull Soveraigne ; against which no less proofs will make me yeild but Gods word ; and let Me tell you , that upon such points as these , instances , as well as comparisons , are odious . 9. Lastly , you mistake the Quaere in my first Paper to which this pretends to answer ; for my Question was not concerning force of Arguments ( for I never doubted the lawfulnesse of it ) but force of Armes , to which , I conceive , it sayes little or nothing , unlesse ( after My example ) you refer Me to the former Section ; that which it doth , is meerly the asking of the Question , after a fine discourse of the several wayes of perswading rather than forcing of conscience : I close up this Paper , desiring you to take notice , that there is none of these Sections but I could have enlarged to many more lines , some to whole pages ; yet I chose to be thus brief , knowing you will understand more by a word than others by a long discourse ; trusting likewise to your ingenuity , that reason epitomized , will weigh as much with you as if it were at large . June 22. 1646. C. R. For His Majestie , Concerning the Authority of the Fathers , and practice of the Church . July 2. 1646. Mr. Alex : Henderson's third Paper . HAving in my former Papers pressed the steps of your Majesties Propositions , and finding by your Majesties last Paper , Controversies to be multiplyed , ( I believe ) beyond your Majesties intentions in the beginning ; As concerning the Reforming Power : The Reformation of the Church of England ; The difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter ; The warrants of Presbyterian Government ; The Authority of Interpreting Scripture ; The taking and keeping of Publique Oathes ; The forcing of Conscience ; and many other inferior and subordinate Questions , which are Branches of those maine Controversies : All which in a satisfactory manner to determine in few words , I leave to more presuming Spirits , who either see no knots of Difficulties , or can find a way rather to cut them assunder , than to unloose them : yet will I not use any Tergiversation ; nor doe I decline to offer my humble Opinion with the Reasons thereof , in the owne time concerning each of them ; which in obedience to your Majesties command , I have begun to doe alalready . Onely Sir , by your Majesties favourable permission , for the greater expedition , and that the present velitations may be brought to some issue , I am bold to entreat that the Method may be a little altered , and I may have leave now to begin at a Principle , and that which should have been , inter Precognita ; I meane the Rule , by which we are to proceed , and to determine the present Controversie of Church policy ; without which we will be led into a labyrinth , and want a thred to wind us out againe . In your Majesties first Paper , the universall custome of the Primitive Church , is conceived to be the Rule . In the second Paper , Section the 5. The practise of the Primitive Church , and the universall consent of the Fathers , is made a convincing Argument , when the Interpretation of Scripture is doubtfull ; In your third Paper , Sect. 5. the practice of the Primitive Church , and the universall consent of the Fathers , is made Judge ; and I know , that nothing is more ordinary in this Question , then to alleage Antiquity , perpetuall Succession , universall Consent of the Fathers , and the universall practise of the Primitive Church , according to the Rule of Augustine , Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec à Consilio institutum , sed semper retentum est , non , nisi Authoritate Apostolicâ , traditum rectissime creditur . There is in this Argument at the first view , so much appearance of Reason , that it may much worke upon a modest mind ; yet being well examined and rightly weighed it will be found to be of no great weight ; for beside that the minor will never be made good in the behalfe of a Diocaesan Bishop , having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , there being a multitude of Fathers , who maintaine that Bishop and Presbyter are of one and the same Order ; I shall humbly offer some few Considerations about the major , because it hath been an inlet to many dangerous Errors , and hath proved a mighty hinderance and obstruction to Reformation of Religion . 1. First , I desire it may be considered , that whiles some make two Rules for defining Controversies ; the word of God and antiquity , ( which they will have to be received with equall veneration ) or , as the Papists call them , Canonicall Authority , and Catholicall Tradition ; and others , make Scripture to be the onely Rule , and Antiquity the authentick Interpreter ; the latter of the two seemes to me to be the greater errour : because the first setteth up a parallel , in the same degree with Scripture ; but this would create a Superior , in a higher degree above Scripture : For the interpretation of the Fathers shall be the {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} {non-Roman} , and accounted the very Cause and Reason for which we conceive and believe such a place of Scripture to have such a sence ; and thus , Men shall have Dominion over our Faith , against 2 Cor. 1. 24. Our faith shall stand in the wisdome of man , and not in the power of God , 1 Cor. 2. 5. and Scripture shall be of private interpretation ; For the Prophesie came not of old by the will of man , 2 Pet. 1. 20 , 22. Nisi homini Deus placuerit , Deus non erit , Homo jam Deo propitius esse debebit , saith Tertullian . 2. That Scripture cannot be Authentically interpreted but by Scripture , is manifest from Scripture : The Levites gave the sense of the Law by no other means , but by Scripture it self , Neh. 8. 8. Our Saviour for example to us , gave the true sense of Scripture , against the depravations of Satan , by comparing Scripture with Scripture , and not by alleaging any Testimonies out of the Rabbins , Mat. 4. And the Apostles , in their Epistles ; used no other help , but the diligent comparing of Propheticall writings ; like as the Apostle Peter , will have us to compare the clearer light of the Apostles , with the more obscure light of the Prophets , 2 Pet. 1. 19. And when we betake our selves to the Fathers , we have need to take heed , that , with the Papists , we accuse not the Scriptures of obscurity or imperfection . 3. The Fathers themselves ( as they are cited by Protestant Writers ) hold this Conclusion , that Scripture is not to be interpreted , but by Scripture it selfe : To this purpose , amongst many other Testimonies , they bring the saying of Tertullian , Surge veritas , ipsa Scripturas tuas interpretare , quam Consuetudo non novit ; nam si noscet , non esset : if it knew Scripture , it would be ashamed of it selfe , and cease to be any more . 4. That some Errors have been received , and continued for a long time , in the Church : The Error of Free will beginning at Justin Martyr , continued till the time of Reformation , although it was rejected by Augustine , as the Divine Right of Episcopacy was opposed by others . The Error about the Vision of God , That the Souls of the Saints departed , see not the face of God , till the Judgment of the Great Day , was held by Universall Consent : the same may be said of the error of the Millenaryes ; and , which more nearly toucheth upon the present Question , the Auncients erred grosly about the Antichrist and Mystery of Iniquity , which did begin to worke in the dayes of the Apostles . Many other Instances might be brought to prove the universall practise of the Church , as were not warranted by the Apostles ; as in the Rites of Baptisme and Prayer ; and the forming up and drawing together of the Articles of that Creed , that is called Symbolum Apostolicum ; the observation of many Feasts and Fasts both Aniversary and Weekly . 5. That it is not a matter so incredible , or impossible , as some would have it appeare to be , for the Primitive Church to have made a sudden defection from the Apostolicall purity : The people of Israel , in the short time of Moses his absence on the Mount , turned aside quickly , and fell into horrible Idolatry , Exod. 32. soone after the death of Josuah , and the Elders that had seen the great works , which the Lord had done for Israel , there arose another Generation after them , which did evill in the sight of the Lord , Judg. 2. & 7. soone after the building of the Temple , and setling of Religion by David and Salomon , the worship of God was defiled with Idolatry : when Rehoboam had established the Kingdome , he forsook the Law of the Lord , and all Israel with him , 2 Chron. 12. 1. And the Apostle sayes to the Galatians , Gal. 1. 6. I marvell that you are so soone removed unto another Gospel : why then shall we thinke it strange , that in the matter of Discipline , there should be a sudden defection , especially it being begun in the time of the Apostles ? I know it is a common Opinion , but I believe there be no strong reasons for it , that the Church which was nearest the times of the Apostles was the most pure and perfect Church . 6. That it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the Universall Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church : for many of the Fathers wrote nothing at all , many of their writings are perished , ( it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest ) many of the Writings which we have under their names are supposititius , & counterfeit , especially about Episcopacy which was the foundation of Papall Primacy : The Rule of Augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour Traditions , and is not to be admitted , without cautions and exceptions . Many the like Considerations may be added ; but these may be sufficient to prove , that the unanimous Consent of the Fathers , and the universall practice of the Primitive Church , is no sure ground of Authenticall interpretation of Scripture . I remember of a grave Divine in Scotland , much honoured by K. James of happy memory , who did often professe that he did learne more of one Page of John Calvin , then of a whole Treatise of Augustine : nor can there be any good reason , ( many there be against it ) why the Ancients should be so farre preferred to the Moderne Doctors of the Reformed Churches , and the one in a manner Deified , and the other vilified : It is but a poor Reason that some give , Fama miratrix senioris aevi , and is abundantly answered by the Apologist for Divine Providence . If your Majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the Rule , I know not to what purpose I should proceed or trouble your Majesty any more . Newcastle , July 2. 1646. For Mr. Alex : Henderson , July 3. 1646. His MAJESTIES fourth Paper . I Shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third Paper ; but I doe not conceive , that My last Paper multiplies more Controversies than My first gave accasion for ; having been so far from augmenting the Heads of our Disputation , that I have omitted the answering many things , in both your Papers , expresly to avoid raising of new and needlesse Questions ; desiring to have only so many debated , as are simply necessary to shew , whether , or not , I may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of Church-Government in England ; and indeed I like very well , to begin with the setling of the Rule , by which We are to proceed , and determine the present Controversie ; to which purpose ( as I conceive ) My third Paper shewes you an excellent way ; for there , I offer you a Judge between us , or desire you to finde out a better , which , to My judgement , you have not yet done , ( though you have sought to invalidate Mine ) For , if you understand to have offered the Scripture , though no Man shall pay more reverence , nor submit more humbly to it , than My self ; yet We must find some rule to judge betwixt us , when you and I differ upon the interpretation of the self-same Text , or it can never determine our Questions ; as for example , I say you misapply that of 2 Cor. 1. 14. to Me ( let others answer for themselves ) for I know not how I make other Men to have dominion over My Faith , when I make them onely serve to approve My reason ; nor doe I conceive how , 1 Cor. 2. 5. can be applied to this purpose ; For there Saint Paul onely shewes the difference between Divine and Humane Eloquence , making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole Chapter , as indeed Saint Peter does , 2 Pet. 1. 20. which I conceive makes for Me ; for , since that no Prophesie of Scripture is of any private interpretation ; First , I inferre , that Scripture is to be Interpreted ; for else , the Apostle would have omitted the word Private : Secondly , that at least the consent of many learned Divines is necessary , and so à fortiore , that of the Catholique Church , ought to be an authentique Judge , when Men differ : And is it a good Argument ? because ( Mat. 4. 4. 7. 10. ) Scripture is best interpreted by it selfe , therefore that all other interpretations are unlawfull ? certainfull you cannot thinke : Thus having shewed you that We differ , about the meaning of the Scripture , and are like to do so ; certainly there ought to be for this , as well as other things , a Rule or a Judge between us , to determine our differences , or , at least , to make our Probations and Arguments Relevant ; therefore evading , for this time , to Answer your 6 Considerations ( not I assure you for the difficulty of them , but the starting of new Questions ) I desire you onely to shew Me a better , than what I have offered unto you . Newcastle , July 3. 1646. C. R. For Mr. Alex : Henderson , A particular Answer to Mr. Alex : Hendersons , July 3. 16. 1646. His MAJESTIES fifth Paper . UNtill you shall finde out a fitter way to decide our Difference in Opinion concerning Interpretation of Scripture than the Consent of the Fathers , and the Universall Practice of the Primitive Church , I cannot but passe you My Judgment anent those 6 Considerations , which you offered to invalidate those Authorities , that I so much reverence . 1. In the first you mention two Rules for defining of Controversies , and seeke a most old way to confute them , as I thinke ; For you alleage , that there is more attributed to them , then I believe you can prove , by the Consent of most learned Men ( there being no Question , but there are alwaies some flattering Fooles that can commend nothing but with hyperpolick expressions ) and you know that supposito quolibet , sequitur quidlibet ; besides doe you thinke , that albeit some ignorant Fellowes , should attribute more power to Presbyters , than is really due unto them , that thereby their just reverence and authority is diminished ? So I see no reason why I may not safely maintaine that the Interpretation of Fathers , is a most excellent strengthning to My Opinion , though Others should attribute the Cause and Reason of their Faith unto it . 2. As there is no Question , but that Scripture is the farre best Interpreter of it selfe , so I see nothing in this , negatively proved , to exclude any other , notwithstanding your positive affirmation . 3. Nor in the next , for I hope you will not be the first to condemne your selfe , Me , and innumerable Others , who yet unblamably have not tyed themselves to this Rule . 4. If in this you onely intend to prove , that Errors were alwaies breeding in the Church , I shall not deny it , yet that makes little ( as I conceive ) to your purpose ; but if your meaning be , to accuse the Universall Practice of the Church with Error , I must say it is a very bold undertaking ; and , ( if you cannot justifie your selfe by cleare places in Scripture ) much to be blamed , wherein you must not alleage , that to be universally received , which was not , as I dare say , that the Controversie about Free will , was never yet decided , by Oecumenicall , or Generall Councell ; nor must you presume to call that an Error , which really the Catholique Church maintained ( as in Rites of Baptisme , Formes of Prayer , Observation of Feasts , Fasts , &c. ) except you can prove it so by the Word of God ; and it is not enough to say , that such a thing was not warranted by the Apostles , but you must prove by their Doctrine , that such a thing was unlawfull , or else the Practice of the Church is warrant enough for Me to follow and obey that Custome whatsoever it be , and thinke it good , and shall believe that the Apostles Creed was made by them , ( such Reverence I beare to the Churches Tradition ) untill other Authors be certainly found out . 5. I was taught that de posse ad esse was no good Argument ; and indeed to Me it is incredible , that any custome of the Catholike Church was erroneous , which was not contradicted , by Orthodox , learned Men , in the times of their first Practice , as is easily perceived that all those Defections were , ( some of them may be justly called Rebellions ) which you mention . 6. I deny it is impossible , ( though I confesse it difficult ) to come to the knowledge of the Universall Consent , and Practice of the Primitive Church , therefore I confesse a Man ought to be carefull how to believe things of this nature ; wherefore I conceive this to be onely an Argument for Caution . My Conclusion is , that albeit I never esteemed any Authority equall to the Scriptures ; yet I doe think the Unanimous Consent of the Fathers , and the Universall Practice of the Primitive Church , to be the best and most Authenticall Interpreters of Gods word , and consequently the fittest Judges between Me and you , when we differ , untill you shall find Me better : For example , I think you for the present , the best Preacher in Newcastle , yet I believe you may erre , and possibly a better Preacher may come , but till then , must retaine My Opinion . Newcastle , July 16. 1646. C. R. THE END . 
A78966	----	His Majesties proclamation against a traiterous band contrived in the north Scotland. Privy Council. 1646 Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A78966 Wing C2540 Thomason 669.f.9[57] ESTC R212290 99870928 99870928 161155 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78966) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161155) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[57]) His Majesties proclamation against a traiterous band contrived in the north Scotland. Privy Council. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Scotland. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Evan Tyler, Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie, Printed at Edinburgh : 1646. A proclamation of the Privy Council of Scotland against the Marquess of Montrose and his "band against God and his Covenant." Dated at end: Given under our Signet at Edinburgh the 5 of April, and of our Reign the 22 yeer 1646. At end of document: Per actum Dominorum Commiss. predict. Arch. Primerose Cler. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. 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Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Montrose, James Graham, -- Marquis of, 1612-1650 -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES PROCLAMATION , against a Traiterous BAND contrived in the North. CHARLES , By the grace of God , King of Great Britain , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith. To our Lovits Our Lion King at Arms , and his brethren Heralds and Pursevants our Sheriffs in that part , greeting . Whereas the Committee of Estates of our Kingdom of Scotland , being most carefull , according to the trust committed to them , To use all means for advancing the Cause of God , setling the publike Peace , and for preventing the practises of such as would in any wise hinder or oppose the same . And seeing a Paper emitted under the Title of An humble Remonstrance , yet being in effect , A Band against God and his Covenant , Us and our authority , and this our native Kingdom and its Peace and Happinesse , tho covered with the specious pretences of Pietie and publike Liberty , Have found themselves oblieged in dutie to take notice thereof , And to undeceive our good Subjects by unfolding the wickednesse and treachery of the same , which evidently appears , The persons who have speciall hand therein being formerly under the like guiltinesse of Banding , contrary to the Nationall Covenant which themselves had sworn ; And having since by severall Bands and Oaths to be seen under their hand writings joyned themselves to the Rebellion of that Excommunicate Traitour James Grahame and his Irish associates , with whom they have corresponded this time past , Have now ( as it seems ) by his advice entred into this Band ( the naturall issue of those consultations and meetings they have kept together of late ) without the knowledge of the publike Judicatories of our Kingdom , contrary to the Law of the Land , and Acts of Parliament expresly made in that behalf : And that they may the more easily inveigle the simpler fort , they have usurped to themselves the flourishing Titles of Lovers of Religion , Our Royall authority , and Our Kingdoms Peace ; their Paper notwithstanding clearly evidencing their intentions to be contrary to all these , By their changing and omitting severall essentiall Articles in the Covenant , which are at length discovered by the Commissioners of the Kirk in their Declaration ; By their slighting and contemning the wayes proposed by both our Kingdoms , in sending Propositions to us , for attaining a safe and well-grounded Peace : And presumptuously taking upon themselves to prescribe other wayes , and to be Arbitrators of the present differences betwixt us and our people : By their traducing the publike proceedings of that our Kingdom , in their seeming regrait of the silence of the civil Judicatories , which by the Plague of Pestilence and present Rebellion ( fomented by the Remonstrants themselves , who despised the maine Orders given to them by the publike Judicatories for suppressing thereof ) hath been so long occasioned , and is now happily provided for by the care of our Parliament , which hath appointed these Judicatories to meet at the ordinary time , if they be not letted by the indirect practises of thir Banders , and such others , who under fair pretexts studie the continuance of the present troubles , And by their open withholding their assisting , and secret resisting the resolutions of the Kingdom , Do what in them lies to weaken the strength thereof , and render it a prey to Forreign powers : As also by their large enumerating the publike Burdens , which have been so necessarily laid on for preserving our Kingdom from ruine , and are so much the heavier on these parts , That these who now complain most , have by their complyance with the Rebels , and refusall to joyn against them , been altogether free thereof as yet : and which have been so sparingly imposed and providently disposed of , that no just occasion of complaint can be made thereof , as will appear by the publike Accompts at length perused by the Estates of our Parliament ; and yet extant to the view of the world . And last , these Banders finding no readier mean to dishearten our good Subjects in the pursuance of this Cause , make large expressions of their sense of the distressed condition of the Countrey , whiles they themselves by their by-gone correspondence and present Banding with declared Traitours and bloodie Irishes who have invaded this our Kingdom , Do really witnesse their intentions to continue , and ( so far as they are able ) increase the troubles and distresses thereof , and seare the bowels of the same . For which purpose they labour to weaken the confidence ●nd Union betwixt our Kingdoms of Scotland and England , which are so firmly joyned in the solemne League and Covenant , that no respects can make them forget their mutuall ingagements , or withhold their assistance from others , as the condition of affairs shall require . All which being at length considered by the Committee of Estates , And they finding this Band to be Destructive to the Covenant , and ends conteined therein , Illegall , and against the Laws of our Kingdom , Prejudiciall to the publike Peace ( now drawing towards a happy close , if not interrupted by such treacherous Plots ) and Divisive for fomenting of Jealousies and continuing the bloody Wars within our Kingdoms , Have declared they will proceed against the same accordingly : And therefore OUR WILL IS , and we charge you straitly and command , that incontinent thir our Letters seen , you passe , and by open Proclamation hereof at the Market Crosses of Edinburgh , Stirling , Glasgow , Dundee , Perth , Forfar , Aberdeen , Innernesse , and other places needfull , In our name and authority command , charge , and inhibit all our good Subjects , That none of them presume nor take upon hand , to acknowledge or signe the said Band , nor joyn themselves with the subscribers thereof in pursuance of the same , under all highest pains which by the Law or practise of this our Realm can be execute upon such unlawfull and seditious Bands . And yet because possibly some of our good Subjects have been through mis-information , fear , or other means insnared and drawn to joyn herein , without any ill intention of themselves ; And We being willing to reclaim all such , Do therefore declare , that whosoever hath signed or joyned in this Band , and will betwixt and the fifteenth of May next to come disclaim and quit the same , shall be free of all censure therefore . The which to do , we commit to you our full power by thir our Letters . Given under our Signet at Edinburgh the 5 of April , and of our Reign the 22 yeer 1646. Per actum Dominorum Commiss . predict . Arch. Primerose Cler. Printed at Edinburgh by Evan Tyler , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie . 1646. 
A78968	----	By the King. a Proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures and inverting and detaining their tithes, and possessions by orders of one or both Houses of Parliament, contrary to all law and justice. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78968 of text R211702 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[17]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78968 Wing C2543 Thomason 669.f.7[17] ESTC R211702 99870408 99870408 160999 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78968) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160999) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[17]) By the King. a Proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures and inverting and detaining their tithes, and possessions by orders of one or both Houses of Parliament, contrary to all law and justice. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Prinred [sic] by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Oxford [i.e., London] : 1643. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, the fifteenth day of May, in the ninteenth yeare of Our Reigne. Another edition of this Proclamation with "oppression" in the title. Actual place of publication from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "may. 27. 1643". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78968 R211702 (Thomason 669.f.7[17]). civilwar no By the King a Proclamation against the opression of the clergy by the intrusion of factious and schismaticall persons into their cures, and England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1152 2 0 0 0 0 0 17 C The rate of 17 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING A Proclamation against the Opression of the Clergy by the Intrusion of Factious and Schismaticall Persons into their Cures , and inverting and detaining their Tithes , and possessions by Orders of one or both Houses of Parliament , contrary to all Law and Justice . WHEREAS by the Great Charter of the Liberties of England it is provided , that the Church should have all its Rights whole , and the Liberties inviolable and amongst others the Church hath these Priviledges , That regularly no Ecclesiasticall Possessions may be extended , seized or sequestred but by the Ordinary , And that Distresses may not be taken of Lands wherewith Churches have been anciently envowed ; And that Churches presentative cannot be filled , and the Lawful Incumbents ; hereof removed but by the Ordinary , nor the Cure of the Incumbents served by Curates , Lecturers or others , but by their own appointment , or in their default by the appointment of the Ordinary ; neither are any of Our Subjects of the Laity by the Common-Lawes of Our Realme capable to take or receive Tithes ( which are the portion of the Clergy ) unlesse by demisse from them , or such as are appropriate and made Lay-Fee : Neverthelesse by colour of Orders or pretended Ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament , the Estates Reall and Personall as well of Our Clergy as La●ty have been and are daily seized , sequestred and taken from them , and their Possessions d●strayned for illegall Taxes and Contributions for supporting the Rebellion against Vs ; Which being clearly against Law and vnwarrantable , We did forbid by Our Proclamation of the seventh of Aprill last , and do hereby forbid the same , under the penalties in that Our Proclamation contained . And whereas divers of Our Clergy Eminent for their Piety and Learning , because they publish Our Lawfull and Iust Commands and Declarations , and will not , against the known Lawes of the Land and their own Consciences , submit to Contributions , nor publiquely pray against Vs and Our Assistants , but conforme themselves to the Book of Common-Prayer established by Law , and Preach Gods Word according to the Purity thereof , and in their Sermons will not teach Sedition , nor will publish illegall Commands and Orders for fomenting the unnaturall Warre Levied against Vs , are some of them driven and forced from their Cures and Habitations , some others Silenced and discharged from the Exercise of their Cures , and Persecuted and their Curates , if Orthodox , displaced , and others who are Factious and Schismaticall intruded and put in , to sow Sedition and seduce Our good Subjects from their Obedience , expresly contrary to the Word of God , and the Lawes of the Land , and the Giebs , Tithes , and other Emoluments of Right belonging to such Incumbents as will not conforme to that Faction , are diverted in all Parishes where such Arbitrary power prevailes , and distributed , part to such Factious Curates , and the test to the maintenance of this Warre , against Law and the Liberties of the Church ; Our Will and Pleasure therefore is , and We do hereby straitly charge and command all Our Subjects as well Ecclesiasticall as Temporall , not to presume to intermeddle in discharging or hindering any of Our said Clergy for the cause aforesaid , or any other the like pretences , or any of them from the exercise of their Cures and Functions , or in displaceing the said Curates substituted by them , nor doe presume to intrude or cause any Curates , Lecturers or others , to be intruded or put into fuch Curates substituted by them , delete the records or to take or dispose the Globe ; Tithes , Fruits , or Emoluments belonging to any of our said Clergy , Who are so silenced , forced from their Cures , and persecuted as aforesaid , And we doe hereby require and command all Our Subjects duly to set forth and pay their Tithes to their severall and respective lawfull Incumbents of their Parishes or to their Farmors Assignes , or Deputies , without any guile or fraud ; and so as the same may be received and enjoyed by the same Incumbents , without any diminution , substraction or diversion , notwithstanding any sequestration or pretende Orders or Ordinaces , or other command whatsoever of one or both Houses of Parliament . And if any Person or Persons whatsoever shall presume to transgresse this Our Command , We do hereby Declare and Signify , That they do not only oppugue and infring the good old Lawes of the Land and the Liberties of the Church ( which all Our Subjects , as well as Our Selfe , are bound to mantaine and observe ) but do also assist a Rebellion against Vs , for which We shall proceed against them according Law , as they shallbe apprehended and brought to the Hands of Iustice and will give direction for taking their Lands and Goods into safe Custody in the mean time . And We doe hereby farther straitly commmand and require all Church-Wardens , Sides-men and Patishiones whatsoever , to resist all such Persons as shall be so intruded or put into any of the Cures aforesaid by , or upon pretence of any such pretence of any such pretended Orders or Ordinances or commands as aforesaid , and to assist ( as much as in them lyeth ) the Lawfull Ancumbents , their Curates , Farmors , Assignes or Deputies , in the receaving taking and enjoying the Glebe , Tithes , Fruites Emoluments to them of right belonging , Willing & commanding all Sheriffes , Majors , Bayliffes , Iustices & Peace , Constables , Head-boroughs & other Our Officers & loving Subjects what 's ; oever , upon their Allegianc , & the severest punishment that by the Law may be unflicted upon them , not only to obey & observ carfuly these Our cōmāds , but to be aiding and assisting to the utmost of their power to all such Persons as shall requirs their assistance and Protetection in this behalfe , and to resist and repell , by force of Armes , all such as shall oppose this Our Legall command . And Our Will and pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chappells in this Our Kingdome . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Fifteenth day of May , in the Ninteenth yeare of Our Reigne . May . 27. 1643 GOD Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD Printed to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A78973	----	By the King. A proclamation by His Majestie, requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside Trent, and within twenty miles southward thereof, for the suppressing of the rebels, now marching against Him. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78973 of text R210978 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[67]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78973 Wing C2550A Thomason 669.f.5[67] ESTC R210978 99869722 99869722 160780 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78973) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160780) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[67]) By the King. A proclamation by His Majestie, requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside Trent, and within twenty miles southward thereof, for the suppressing of the rebels, now marching against Him. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at York : MDCXLII. [1642] Reproduction of the original in the British Library. With engraving of royal arms at head of document. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A78973 R210978 (Thomason 669.f.5[67]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation by His Majestie, requiring the aid and assistance of all his subjects on the northside Trent, and within twenty England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 868 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ By the King . ¶ A Proclamation by His Majestie , requiring the Aid and Assistance of all His Subjects on the Northside Trent , and within twenty Miles Southward thereof , for the suppressing of the Rebels , now marching against Him . WHereas divers Persons , bearing an inward Hatred and Malice against Our Person and Government , and ambitious of Rule and places of Preferment and Command , have raised an Army , and are now traiterously and rebelliously , ( though under the specious pretence of Our Royall Name and Authoritie , and of the defence of Our Person and Parliament ) marching in Battell Array against Vs their Liege Lord and Soveraign , contrary to their Dutie and Allegiance , whereby the common Peace is like to be wholly destroyed , and this flourishing Kingdom in danger to perish under the miseries of a Civill War , if the malice and rage of these persons be not instantly resisted : And as We do , and must relie on Almightie God ( the Protector and Defender of his Anointed ) to defend Vs , and Our good People against the malice and pernicious designes of these men , tending to the utter ruine of Our Person , the true Protestant Religion , the Laws established , the Propertie and Libertie of the Subject , and the very being of Parliaments ; So We doubt not but Our good People will in this necessitie Contribute unto Vs , with all Alacritie and Cheerfulnesse , their assistance in their Persons , Servants and Money , for the suppression of the same Rebellion : And therein We cannot but with much contentment of heart acknowledge the Love and Affection of Our Subjects of Our Countie of York , and divers other Counties , in their free and ready assistance of Vs ; which We shall never forget , and Our Posteritie will , as We Hope , ever remember for their good . Neverthelesse , in this Our extream necessitie , though We have been most unwilling , We are now inforced for Our most just and necessary defence , again to call and invite them , and all other Our Subjects , of the true Protestant Religion , residing on the North side of Trent , or within twentie Miles Southward thereof , whose hearts God Almightie shall touch with a true sense and apprehension of Our sufferings , and of the ill use which the Contrivers and Fomenters of this Rebellion have made of Our Clemency , and desire of Peace , That according to their Allegiance , and as they tender the safetie of Our Person , the Propertie of their Estates , their just Liberties , the true Protestant Religion , and Priviledges of Parliament , and indeed the very Being of Parliaments , they attend Our Person upon Munday , the two and twentieth day of this instant August , at Our Town of Nottingham , Where , and when We intend to erect Our Standard Royall , in Our just and necessary Defence , and whence We resolve to advance forward for the suppression of the said Rebellion , and the Protection of Our good Subjects amongst them , from the burthen of the Slavery and Insolence , under which they cannot but groan , till they be relieved by Vs . And We likewise call , and invite all Our Subjects , of the true Protestant Religion , in the remoter parts of this Our Kingdom , to whom notice of this Our Proclamation cannot so soon arrive , That with all speed possible , as they tender the forenamed Considerations , they attend Our Person in such place , as We shall then happen to Encamp ; And such of Our said Subjects , as shall come unto Vs ( either to Our said Town of Nottingham , or to any other place , where We shall happen to Encamp ) Armed , and Arrayed with Horse , Pistolls , Muskets , Pikes , Corslets , Horses for Dragoons , or other fitting Arms and Furniture , We shall take them into Our Pay , ( such of them excepted , who shall be willing , as Voluntiers , to serve Vs in this Our necessity without Pay . ) And whosoever shall , in this Our Danger and Necessity , supply Vs either by Gift , or Loan of Money , or Plate , for this Our necessary Defence ( wherein they also are so neerly concerned ) We shall , as soon as God shall enable Vs , repay whatsoever is so lent , and upon all Occasions Remember , and Reward those Our good Subjects , according to the measure of their Love and Affections ot Vs and their Countrey . Given at Our Court at York the twelfth day of August , in the eighteenth yeer of Our Reign . 1642. ¶ God save the King . ❧ Imprinted at York by ROBERT BARKER Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAJESTIE : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . MDCXLII . 
A78976	----	By the King. A proclamation commanding the use of the Book of Common-Prayer according to law notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78976 of text R212261 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[47]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78976 Wing C2557 Thomason 669.f.9[47] ESTC R212261 99870900 99870900 161145 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78976) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161145) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[47]) By the King. A proclamation commanding the use of the Book of Common-Prayer according to law notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for the new directory. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, Printer to the Vniversitie, Printed at Oxford : 1645. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, this thirteenth day of November, in the one and twentieth yeare of Our Reigne. 1645. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Church of England. -- Book of common prayer -- Early works to 1800. Church of England. -- Directory for the publique worship of God throughout the three kingdoms of England, Scotland, and Ireland -- Early works to 1800. Public worship -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Church history -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A78976 R212261 (Thomason 669.f.9[47]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation commanding the use of the Book of common-prayer according to law, notwithstanding the pretended ordinances for t England and Wales. Sovereign 1645 1264 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation commanding the use of the BOOK OF COMMON-PRAYER according to Law , notwithstanding the pretended Ordinances for the New DIRECTORY . WHEREAS by a Printed Paper , dated the third of Ianuary last past , intituled , An Ordinance of Parliament for taking away the Book of Common-Prayer , and for establishing and putting in execution of the Directory for the publique worship of God ; It is said to be ordained amongst other things , That the Book of Common-Prayer should not remaine , or be from thenceforth used in any Church , Chappell , or place of Publique Worship within the Kingdome of England , or Dominion of Wales ; And that the Directory for Publique Worship in that Printed Paper set forth , should be from thenceforth used , pursued , and observed in all Exercises of Publique Worship of God in every Congregation , Church , Chappell , and place of Publique Worship . And by another Printed Paper , dated the 23 day of August last past , intituled , An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the more effectuall putting in execution the Directory for Publique Worship , &c. particular Directions are set downe for the dispersing , publishing , and use of the said Directory , in all Parishes , Chappelries , and Donatives , and for the calling in and suppressing of all Books of Common-Prayer , under severall forfeitures and penalties to be levyed and imposed upon Conviction before Justices of Assize , or of Oyer and Terminer , and of the Peace , as by the said two Printed Papers may appeare . And taking into Our Consideration , that the Book of Common-Prayer , which is endeavoured thus to be abolished , was Compiled in the times of Reformation by the most Learned and Pious Men of that Age , and defended and confirmed with the Martyrdome of many ; and was first established by Act of Parliament in the time of King Edward the sixth , and never repealed or laid aside , save only in that short time of Queene Maries Reigne , upon the Returne of Popery and Superstition ; and in the first yeare of Queene Elizabeth , it was againe revived and established by Act of Parliament , and the repeale of it then declared by the whole Parliament , to have been to the great decay of the due honour of God , and discomfort to the Professors of the truth of Christs Religion : and ever since it hath been used and observed for above fourescore yeares together , in the best times of Peace and Plenty that ever this Kingdome enjoyed ; and that it conteines in it a excellent Forme of Worship and Service of God , grounded upon the Holy Scriptures , and is a singular meanes and help to Devotion in all Congregations , and that , or some other of the like Forme , simply necessary in those many Congregations which cannot be otherwise supplyed by learned and able men ; and keeps up an uniformity in the Church of England ; And that the Directory , which is sought to be introduced , is a meanes to open the way , and give the liberty to all ignorant Factious , or evill men , to broach their owne fancies and conceits , be they never so wicked or erroneous ; and to mislead People into sinne and Rebellion , and to utter those things , even in that which they make for their Prayer in their Congregations as in Gods presence , which no Conscientious man can assent or say Amen to . And be the Minister never so Pious and Religious , yet it will break that uniformity which hitherto hath been held in Gods Service , and be a meanes to raise Factions and Divisions in the Church . And those many Congregations in this Kingdom , where able and Religious Ministers cannot be maintained , must be left destitute of all help or meanes for their Publique Worship and Service of God . And observing likewise , that no reason is given for this alteration , but only inconvenience alleadged in the Generall ( and whether Pride and Avarice be not the ground , whether Rebellion and destruction of Monarchy be not the Intention of some , and Sacriledge and the Churches Possessions the aymes and hopes of others , and these new Directories , the meanes to prepare and draw the People in for all , We leave to him who searches and knowes the hearts of men . ) And taking into Our further Consideration , that this alteration is introduced by colour of Ordinances of Parliament made without and against Our Consent , and against an Expresse Act of Parliament still in force , and the same Ordinances made as perpetuall binding Lawes , inflicting penalties and punishments , which was never , before these times , so much as pretended to have been the use or power of Ordinances of Parliament , without an Expresse Act of Parliament , to which We are to be Parties . Now least Our silence should be interpreted by some , as a Connivance or indifferency in Us , in a matter so highly-concerning the Worship and Service of God , the Peace and Vnity of the Church and State , and the establish'd Lawes of the Kingdome , We have therefore thought fit to Publish this Our Proclamation ; And We doe hereby Require and Command all and singular Ministers in all Cathedrall and Parish-Churches , and other places of Publique Worship within Our Kingdome of England or Dominion of Wales ; and all other to whom it shall appertaine , That the said Book of Common-Prayer be kept and used in all Churches , Chappells , and places of Publique Worship , according to the said Statute made in that behalfe in the said first yeare of the said late Queene Elizabeth ; And that the said Directory be in no sort admitted , received , or used , the said pretended Ordinances , or any thing in them contained to the contrary , notwithstanding . And We doe hereby let them know , that whensoever it shall please God to restore Vs to Peace , and the Lawes to their due Course , ( wherein We doubt not of his assistance in his good time ) We shall require a strict Account and prosecution against the breakers of the said Law , according to the force thereof ; and in the meanetime , in such places where We shall come , and find the Book of Common-Prayer supprest and laid aside , and the Directory introduced . We shall account all those that shall be Ayders , Actors , or Contrivers therein , to be Persons disaffected to the Religion and Lawes establish'd ; and this they must expect , besides that greater losse which they shall sustaine by suffering themselves thus to be deprived of the use and comfort of the said Book . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this Thirteenth day of November , in the One and Twentieth yeare of Our Reigne . 1645. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversitie . 1645. 
A78981	----	By the King. A proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the Court of Wards and Liveries. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78981 of text R212002 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[56]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78981 Wing C2567 Thomason 669.f.7[56] ESTC R212002 99870662 99870662 161037 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78981) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161037) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[56]) By the King. A proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the Court of Wards and Liveries. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : [1643] Publication date from Wing. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, the eleventh of November, in the nineteenth year of Our Raigne. 1643. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Court of Wards and Liveries -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78981 R212002 (Thomason 669.f.7[56]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the court of wards and liveries. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 691 22 0 0 0 0 0 318 F The rate of 318 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation concerning the due and orderly proceedings in the Court of Wards and Liveries . HIS Majesty having by His Royall Proclamation , setled the Court of Wards and Liveries to be ke●● and held in His City of Oxford , untill He shall otherwise ordaine the same ; to which place and 〈◊〉 the Maister and Councell of that Court , there all His Subjects who have affaires in that Court m●●● and ought during that time make their resort . But His Majesty finding a great neglect in those w●● should finde and returne offices after the death of the Kings Tenants , and thereupon make their co●●positions for Wardships , and pay their monyes compounded for , pay the Rents reserved and in 〈◊〉 time prosecute their Liveries in that Court , wheron a great part of His Majestyes just Revenue ●●●pends ; And His Majesty being very willing and resolved to hold Himselfe to such regular cou●●● as for many yeares past he hath prescribed to Himselfe , for the good and safety of His good Subjects , and of their estate● 〈◊〉 the case of granting of Wardships ; Yet least any of them should be misled and apply themselves to any other place o●●●ny other persons , and so by their negligence or error should incurre that danger or prejudice which they would o●●●●●wise willingly have avoided , or else His Majestie to suffer in His just Revenue through their default ; His Majestie h●● therefore thought fit to give notice , & doth by this His Proclamation give notice to all those whom it may any waies c●●●cerne , That as He on His part is , and will be constant to His rules of grace in the granting of Wardships and preserving 〈◊〉 protecting their estates , if those to whom the same is so gratiously offered do not wilfully neglect it ; So His Majesty d●●● hereby declare , that if those who do pretend , or might regularly pretend to become suitors for any Wardship , or to h●●●● compounded for the same , or to sue out Liverye of any Lands , shall neglect within convenient time after the death of 〈◊〉 Auncestor to finde an office and to returne the same into the Petty Bagge in Chauncery , and to transcript the same into 〈◊〉 said Court of Wards and Liveries at Oxford , according as shall be ordered by that Court , or shall neglect within conve●●●ent time to make their composition with His Majesty , or with the Councell of the said Court now residing at Oxf●●● on His Majesties behalfe , or shall neglect to pay the monyes compounded and agreed for to His Majessties Recei●●● there , or shall neglect to pay the Rents due and payable for the Wards Lands , or the meane Rates paya●●● where meane rates shall be due , or shall neglect to sue out their Liveries , when and where by law and by the cou●● of that Court they ought , that in all those cases upon such neglect His Majesty must be , and will be at His own Liberty 〈◊〉 make His best advantage by granting such Wardships to such others who will compound-for the same and pay the ●●●neys compounded for and not payd , and shall and will take His best remedy and advantage which by the s ; trictness● 〈◊〉 Law in Justice He can for the recovery of the Rents and other dutyes due and payable to His Majesty in those cases . 〈◊〉 that he will severely punish all those Escheators , Feodaries and other Ministers of the said Court , who shall in their ●●●spective place neglect their dutyes , to His Majesties disservice . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Eleventh day of ●●●vember , in the Nineteenth year of Our Raigne . 1643. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 
A78985	----	By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse command, that no Popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the two Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie, shall serve him in his army and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people, but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78985 of text R210980 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[69]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78985 Wing C2575 Thomason 669.f.5[69] ESTC R210980 99869724 99869724 160782 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78985) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160782) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[69]) By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse command, that no Popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the two Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie, shall serve him in his army and that the souldiery commit no rapines upon the people, but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printed to the Kings most excellent [Majestie, and by the assignes of John Bill], Imprinted by London : 1642. At bottom of text: Given at Our court at York the tenth day of August, in the eighteenth yeer of Our reign. 1642. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "August 15th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Catholics -- Great Britain -- Legal status, laws, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78985 R210980 (Thomason 669.f.5[69]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse command, that no popish recusant, nor any other, who shall refuse to take the t England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 885 2 0 0 0 0 0 23 C The rate of 23 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation declaring His Majesties expresse Command , That no Popish Recusant , nor any other , who shall refuse to take the two Oathes of Allegiance and Supremacie , shall serve Him in His Army : And that the Souldiery commit no rapines upon the People , but be fitly provided of necessaries for their money . WHereas We have heretofore , by Our Proclamation , straightly charged and commanded , That the Laws should be put in due execution against Popish Recusants , and We have , and shall have it still in Our care , to suppresse and prevent the growth of Popery , and to use all good means that may tend thereunto , and not to countenance Papists , by any imployment or trust , by or for Vs . And whereas there are now at and neer London great Forces levied , and in levying , and Moneys raising , by way of contribution , and otherwise , towards the charge of raising , and maintaining an Army , or Forces , under pretence of the Order of Our two Houses of Parliament , not onely without Our consent , but contrary to Our severall expresse Commands , published by severall Proclamations , Letters , and otherwise . And the same Forces are actually in so much forwardnesse , as that t●ere are divers Horsemen daily Exercised , and Trained in places about London , and great numbers of Foot in raising ; and a Generall , and other principall Officers are nominated and declared , and they have accepted and taken upon them those places , and have already done severall Acts of Hostility against Vs , which cleerly appear to be a levying of War against Vs ; We have found it necessary , to raise and levy Forces , for the defence of the true Protestant Religion , Our Person , the two Houses of Parliament . And now , lest any Popish Recusants should presume to offer to serve Vs herein , or procure themselves to be listed , as Officers , or Souldiers in Our Army , without Our knowledge , and to the end that Our intention herein may be cleerly known , That whereas one principall aim of raising these Forces , is , for the defence and maintenance of the true Protestant Religion , We may not be served with Papists , as falsly and slanderously hath been objected against Vs , We do hereby declare Our expresse Will and Pleasure to be , and We do hereby straightly Command , That no Person or Persons soever being Popish Recusant , shall presume to come to Our Court , contrary to the Law in such Case provided , nor any Popish Recusant , or Papist take any Office , or Place , or List himself as a Souldier in this Service . And to the end there may be as full discovery as can be made of such as shall , contrary to this Our Proclamation , be 〈◊〉 listed into such Our service , We do straightly command and charge all Officers and Souldiers , who shall be entred or listed for this Our service , That upon the first Muster-day after they shall be so listed , they take the Oathes of Supremacy and Allegiance , both which We shall take care shall be tendered unto them according to the Law , thorowout Our Army . And if any shall continue his name in those Lists , and yet shall refuse the said Oathes , We shall not onely cashiere them , but also otherwise proceed against them , according to the Law . And as We shall be carefull that all Our Officers and Souldiers shall be duly paid , that there be no occasion or pretence of necessity amongst them to burden any of Our Subjects , So we do hereby straightly charge and command , That none of the said Officers , or Souldiers presume to take any thing from any of Our good Subiects , without due payment for the same , nor commit any unlawfull Violence or Outrage . And to all these Our Commands We expect a strict Obedience of all Our Subjects whom it may concern , as they will answer the contrary at their uttermost perill . And being thus carefull that by this Our necessary service , Our Subjects should not in any degree suffer or be wronged , so We do expect and require , That all Our Sheriffes , Iustices of Peace , Majors , Bayliffes , and all other Our Officers and Subjects , should use their best endeavours as there shall be occasion for the assistance and convenient supplies of Our said Officers , and Souldiers , with such things as shall be necessary and fit for them , at reasonable Rates and Prices . Given at Our Court at York the tenth day of August , in the eighteenth yeer of our Reign . 1642. August 15th God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most 〈…〉 
A78991	----	By the King. A proclamation for a generall fast to be held throughout this kingdome on the second Friday in every moneth Proclamations. 1643-10-05. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78991 of text R211983 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[44]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78991 Wing C2584 Thomason 669.f.7[44] ESTC R211983 99897913 99897913 171051 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78991) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171051) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:6) By the King. A proclamation for a generall fast to be held throughout this kingdome on the second Friday in every moneth Proclamations. 1643-10-05. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Oxford [i.e. London] : 1643. Dated at end: Oxford this fifth day of October, in the nineteenth year of our reigne. A London counterfeit, perhaps issued about October 16 (Madan). Arms 43; Steele notation: Kingdome raised reconciled. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Fasting -- Law and legislation -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A78991 R211983 (Thomason 669.f.7[44]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for a generall fast to be held throughout this kingdome on the second Friday in every moneth. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 705 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . A Proclamation for a generall Fast to he held throughout this Kingdome on the second Friday in every Moneth . VVHen a generall Fast was first propounded unto Vs , in contemplation of the miseries of Our Kingdome of Ireland , We readily gave Our Consent unto it , and in Our Court , and in Our Person have duely observed it , as a Religious duty , fit to be exercised in a time of common Calamity . But when VVe have seen what ill use hath been made of those publicke meetings under the pretence of Religion , in Pulpits , and Prayers and Sermons of many seditious Lecturers to stir up and continue the Rebellion raised against Vs within this Kingdome ; And that those who first moved and seemed to affect the reliefe of Our distressed Subjects of Ireland , have deserted the care thereof , and diverted the Meanes ordained for the support and preservation of that Kingdome , to the destruction of Vs and of this Kingdome of England : VVe have thought it fit to Command that such an Hypocriticall Fast , to the dishonour of God , and the slander of true Religion be no longer continued and countenanced by Our Authority , which hath been too long continued already , to such false and Traiterous ends . And yet VVe being desirous ( as by Our duty to Almighty God VVe are bound ) by all possible meanes to expresse Our own Humiliation , and the Humiliation of Our People , for Our owne sins , and the sins of this Nation , ( as VVe have great cause ) are resolved to continue a Monthly Fast , but not on the day formerly appointed and so much abused by those who are in Rebellion against Vs , by using it as a principall Engine to their owne designes . VVe doe therefore hereby Command , that from henceforth no Fasts , or publicke Meetings under that name be held on the last VVednesday of the moneth in any part of this Our Kingdome of England , as for many Moneths it hath been , nor upon any other day , then as hereby is appointed by Vs , which VVe are well assured , none of Our Subjects may or ought to doe without , much lesse against Our Command : but instead thereof VVe doe expresly Charge and Command , That in all Churches and Chappells in all parts of this Our Kingdome of England and Dominion of Wales , there be a solemne Fast held , and Religiously observed on the second Friday in every Moneth , with publicke Prayers to God , and Preaching in all places where it may be had , when and where we may all both Prince and People as one man , earnestly powre out Our Prayers to God , for the diverting of his heavy judgements from Vs , for the continuing of his Gracious Protection over Vs and this Nation , for the avoyding of all Malitious practices against Vs , and the setling and establishing of a happy Peace amongst us . And to the end that with one heart and voice we may performe so Religious an Exercise , we have caused devout formes of Prayers to be Composed and Printed , and intend to disperse them into all the parts of this Our Kingdome , and doe Command that they be used in all Churches and Chappells at the solemne and publicke meetings . And if thus we shall heartily and unfainedly apply Our selves to Our good God and Gracious Father , whom we have offended , and praise him for his many and even miraculous deliverances past , we may with Comfort and Confidence hope that he will in mercy looke upon Vs , and be reconciled unto Vs . Given at Our Court at Oxford this fifth day of October , in the nineteenth year of Our Reigne . God save the KING . OXFORD , Printed by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A78992	----	By the King. A proclamation for a solemne fast on Wednesday the fifth of February next, upon occasion of the present treaty for peace. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78992 of text R212206 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[18]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78992 Wing C2585 Thomason 669.f.9[18] ESTC R212206 99870850 99870850 161116 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78992) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161116) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[18]) By the King. A proclamation for a solemne fast on Wednesday the fifth of February next, upon occasion of the present treaty for peace. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford : 1644. [i.e. 1645] Dated at end: Oxford, this 27 day of January, in the twentieth yeare of Our Raigne. 1644. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Fasts and feasts -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78992 R212206 (Thomason 669.f.9[18]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for a solemne fast on Wednesday the fifth of February next, upon occasion of the present treaty for peace. England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 547 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for a solemne Fast on Wednesday the Fifth of Februarynext , upon occasion of the present Treaty for Peace . WHere as Almighty God in his Iustice to punish the Common and Crying sinnes of the Land , hath sent a Civill Sword throughout all Our Dominions , which hath miserably wasted and threatens a speedy and utter desolation to the same . And now in the height of these Calamities , a Treaty is assented to , to beginne at Vxbridge on Thursday the Thirtieth day of this Instant January , touching the Composing and ending of those unhappy differences and distractions , about which so much blood hath been already spilt , which Treatie , may by the blessing of God ( who is the disposer of all mens hearts and of all events ) be a meanes to produce a Peace . And whereas it is the duty , and hath been the practice of Christians under affliction , to set apart some time for publique and solemne Humiliation and Prayer , for removing of Gods judgements , and particularly for a blessing and good successe to the meanes conducing to their deliverance . We doe therefore by this Our Proclamation appoynt and straitly Charge and Command , that on Wednesday being the Fifth of February next ensuing , a solemne Fast be kept in all places within Our Dominions , whether the notice of this Our Proclamation shall or may come before that time , that both Prince and People may then joyne together in a true Humiliation and Devout and earnest Prayers to God , that he would be pleased so to blesse and prosper this intended Treaty , that it may produce a happy Peace in all Our Dominions , such as may be for his honour and the good of his Church , and of Us and all Our Subjects . And We doe hereby charge and require all Our Subjects , of what degree or condition soever they be , which shall have notice of this Our Proclamation , That they doe religiously prepare and apply themselves to a due observation of the same , by Fasting , Humiliation , and Prayer on that day , and in hearing of Gods word , as they will answer to God their neglect of this Christian duty , and as they will answer to Us the neglect of this Our Just and necessary Command . And for the better and more orderly observation of this Fast , We doe hereby appoint , that the Forme of Prayer and Service of God set forth in the Booke heretofore published for the Monthly Fast , with such alterations and additions as shall be prepared and fitted for this present purpose , and published in Print before the said day , shall be used in all Churches and Chappells where this Fast shall be kept . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , this 27 day of January , in the Twentieth yeare of Our Raigne . 1644. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the University . 1644. 
A78780	----	Effata regalia. Aphorismes [brace] divine, moral, politick. Scattered in the books, speeches, letters, &c. of Charles the First, King of Great Brittain, &c. / Now faithfully collected and published by Richard Watson, fellow of Gonvile and Caius Colledge in Cambridge. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1661 Approx. 456 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 251 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2008-09 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A78780 Wing C2302 Thomason E1843_1 ESTC R204018 99863750 99863750 115964 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78780) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115964) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 230:E1843[1]) Effata regalia. Aphorismes [brace] divine, moral, politick. Scattered in the books, speeches, letters, &c. of Charles the First, King of Great Brittain, &c. / Now faithfully collected and published by Richard Watson, fellow of Gonvile and Caius Colledge in Cambridge. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Watson, Richard, 1612-1685. [36], 106 [i.e. 306], [14], 217-299, [5], 301-354, [6] p. Printed for Robert Horn at the Turks Head near the Royal Exchange, London, : 1661. The words "Divine, .. politick." are bracketed together on title page. "Icon animæ basilicæ" and "Caroli Imi monita & observata Britannica" each have separate dated title page; pagination and register are continuous. First p. 306 misnumbered 106. The last three leaves are blank. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. 1. Effata regalia -- 2. Icon animæ bsilicæ [sic] -- 3. Monita & observata Britannica. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). The general aim of EEBO-TCP is to encode one copy (usually the first edition) of every monographic English-language title published between 1473 and 1700 available in EEBO. 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Christian life -- Quotations, maxims,etc -- Early works to 1800. 2007-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Effata Regalia . APHORISMES DIVINE , MORAL , POLITICK . Scattered in the BOOKS , SPEECHES , LETTERS , &c. OF CHARLES the First , KING of Great Brittain , &c. Now faithfully Collected and Published By RICHARD WATSON , Fellow of Gonvile and Caius Colledge in Cambridge . Quid utilius potui , quam tot sententias in unum conducere , pulcras , acres , & itame Salus amet , ad Salutem natas generis humani ? J. Lips . 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . Simplic . in Epictel . London , Printed for Robert Horn at the Turks Head near the Royal Exchange 1661. 1. Effata Regalia . 2. Icon Animae Bsilicae . 3. Monita & Observata Britannica . To the Right Honourable and most Noble Lord WENTWORTH , Earl of Kildare , &c. My Lord , I Cannot forget , nor yet forbear gratefully to recognizance that most kind and noble violence your Lordship vouchsaf'd to practise upon me in a foreign Country , where the guilt of many years undeserved exile had rendred me morosely jealous of all that had more lately breathed in English air ; and the conscience of discharging faithfully my duty in that trust , which with much affection , and obligation , was committed to me , had made me somewhat obstinate in my retirement , and half a Separatist from Conversation , what honour or advantage soever might be obtained by it , until your Lordships more than gracious condescention had rais'd my blush at what before I esteem'd my vertue ; and your more than peremptory Commands forced me to the honourable fruition of that happiness , whereof I should have been most ambitious , in a near aquaintance with your excellencies , such as I confess unfeignedly , I more admired upon my experience , and infallible observation , than I could have credited upon the most authentick character might have been given me by any whom your Lordship earlier admitted to that discovery which had no veil : all which , though I must not here enumerate to affected minutes ; nor wind up , though without slattery , to the strain of reproach ▪ yet there are three I shall not omit to instance , if to no other purpose , at least ( which implies no doubt ) to oblige your Lordship to perseverance , the apostasie from each being no less desperate , than frequent ; and that from one or two , sometime so countenanced or rewarded , as it has almost the impudence to plead merit , which should beg a pardon ; and to expect to have what should be most abhorred , and detested , either imitated , or commended . The first , my Lord , was your conscientious and earnest care to be better satisfied in the grounds and reason of that Religion , which you did , and were most inclinable to profess , and practise , when most persecuted and depressed ; and , this effected , your humble and obsequious resignation to the Canon of our Church , and that in some particulars , wherein few persons , ever prejudiced , have been counselable ; and such as were not , thought unnecessary ▪ or , because of desuetude , improper to be observed . The second , was your Lordships generous and loyal resolution , in a time difficult to be taken , and no less dangerous to be owned , to adventure life , upon any reasonable and justifiable occasion at an age , but then mature for the gust of worldly pleasures ; and a noble Estate , into the possession whereof you were but newly entered , whensoever both , or either , might be hop'd effectual toward the restitution of your banished , and every way injured King ; wherein although your Lordship are most happily prevented by the powerfull hand of Heaven , which , without humane assistance , has over-rul'd the change ; and , by some sweeter influence than that of a Mar●ial star , hath softened the most obdurate hearts of aged Rebels to a capacity of peace , and the impression of allegiance to their Prince that brought it home to their doors , with so much clemency , and such munificence , as scarcely has been , or ere will be parallel'd , if Posterity should play the wanton in bloud for the like reward : yet I cannot but erect upon that sincerity of your intention ( which I humbly crave your leave , without arrogance , thus publickly to attest ) a Monument of Honour to your Lordships name and person , unto which I wish all the indulgence of Royal favour , that can be expected , or may be hoped from Him , who is more likely to be endowed with Power , and Plenty , answerable to the greater objects He has for Royal bounty , and more causes for sumptuous Magnificence and State , than ever had any of our preceding Britannike Kings . The third was your most intent and affectionate endeavour ( in the privacy you could possibly reconcile to the eminence of your Honour , and the importunity of that Nation ) to recover what the malignity of Times , accompanied with an inveigling discouragement to all select and exquisite Studies , had in part deprived you of , and wherein you had been prevented , to improve your knowledg to a degree worthy your high birth and fortune , and necessary to the future interest you may have in affairs of State , and Regency of your Country : unto which by the ascendent promptness of your Lordships parts , and faculties , such your quickness of apprehension , variety of fancy , solidity of judgment , tenacity of memory , and all else that Nature could furnish ( as if in design ) you might easily have attained , and may yet , the sphear of science you have in your aim , if your engagements otherwise could leave you free for that steady method , and those early hours , which you were prone , my Lord , most exemplarily to observe , as also for the choyce of a person qualified with learning , loyalty , prudence , and integrity , for that your Lordships service and assistance , and such a one , whensoever you find him , I dare assure , will be as much obliged by the singular ingenuity and peculiar sweetness of your Lordships disposition ; as by the nobleness of your entertainment , to advance your purpose . For so much , or so little , as you were pleas'd , my Lord , to make me concerned in it , when you found me otherwise imploy'd abroad , I confess I never was more satisfied in any thing of like nature , than when I could suggest at any time what won upon your opinion , or would be of improvement to your studies in the use . Nor was I thus affected only while your stay was on the other side ; but easily induced to promise , and earnest enough to performe , some part of the same duty after your Lordships departure thence . The Collection I at present dedicate with much assurance , unto your Honour , I am not now to certifie you , was first attempted , in compliance with your Lordships kindness for such Maximes , and Corollaries , and sententious Brevets , which by ordinary observation , and less considerable essayes , I had sufficiently discovered : and when you please to remember how much you expressed your self transported with the first sheets I sent you over , you will not wonder that the little manual , I first intended , is become a Volume ; that I have reviewed and passed beyond the principal Book , to a general survey of all the Writings I hear of published in the name of that most Wise , and now , indeed , by the merit of his intellectual , and moral ; Christian , and Regal ; active and passive vertues , most Glorious King. The benefit I mean you by it , my Lord , is not only the too-late-admiring the superexcellency of that Royal Soul , which was the Casket of such Jewels , the Treasury of such divine and humane Wisdom , as if He had been heir of all the concealed riches of this sort , that had been amass'd for Solomon , or since for the whole succession of Emperours among the Greeks ; Nor to give you some short diversion between the periods of your Studies , or stages of your Lordships most serious and urgent business ; but your modelling and forming by it , at your choicest and severest hours , a Christian Canon both for a practick and contemplative holy life ; a litle Rationale of the Doctrine and Discipline of that Church , into the Communion whereof , ( after an unavoidable conflict , and intrinsic contestation , with the importunity of Presbyterian , Independent , Anabaptistical , and other fallacies , the principles of all which Sects and Heresies had been for many years lowdly sounded by the Trumpet of a bloudy Rebellion in your Lordships ears ) with how much devout affection , with what profess'd satisfaction , and resolution you know , you enter'd ; The best Exemplar and fairest Copy that was ere presented unto the Princes , and Great Peers of the World , for regulating their Councels , Words , and Actions , by Conscience , Reason , Honour ; for your abominating all Sacriledg , as that which would be the Cancer no less of your Soul , than your Estate ; chusing rather , if put upon it , to part with your inheritance , than with so much breath as may form your vote to the prophaning and sequestring , what the religious Charity of your Ancestors dedicated to pious uses ; of adhering inseparably to the Holy Order of Episcopacy , never questioned by any , but such Wretches , as had desperately plunged themselves into either Heresie , Schisme , Sacriledg , or Rebellion ; A Caveat , never to make the counterfeit of religious zeal , serve the purpose of Ambition ; nor to torture your King's Conscience , under a pretence to ease your own ; A Monitory , how much the prudence of Nobles may fix a due temperament in the Commons , as likewise how their chief interest consists in their fidelity to the Crown , not in their ignoble compliance with any factious Party of the People . A perpetual Memorial of the affronts and injuries done to so excellent a King , no otherwise now to be repaired and recompensated , than by paying and exacting all possible duty and allegiance , accumulating all honour , and state , and wealth , that each one can contribute to his Royal Successour , who , it may be hoped , will persevere in the happy government of his Nations , according to the incomparable Maxims of piety and policy , that are scattered in those sacred Oracular books and papers , composed not according to Plato's Ideas , or other speculative conceits and fancies , but out of Divine emanations , by what means , in what manner , instilled , need not be enquired ; out of the various alternate experiments of a flourishing and fading condition , a calm and stormy season of his Reign ; a quiet , and scrupulous , a self-clearing , and sometimes , a self-condemning , disposition of Conscience ; the sense of love and loyalty from some , of Rebellion and malice from other of his Subjects ; the several events from prudent results , and mistakes , in his Councel ; the flattery and folly , the sincerity and sapience , in the diversity of his Nobles ; the learning and ignorance , zeal and moderation , luke-warmness and absolute coldness , in his Clergy ; the steady resolution and giddiness of his Commons ; the courage and cowardise , the conscientious care and negligence of his S●ldiers ; the liberty and restraint , the entredeux or state of indifference , such as may be call'd the Royal durance , or free Imprisonment of his person ; the apprehensions of a violent death , and hope of a kind reconciling deliverance ; finally , such variety of all sorts in Himself and others , that were , or should have been under His Majesties Dominion , that no Prince of like natural endowments , of so just and pious inclinations , had such Religious , Civil , and Military advantages , to raise such a fabrick of Policy and Religion , such a structure of Lawes and Counsells , of secur'd assertions , and weigh'd experiments , as by which not only the Princes and People of our age , at whose ports and Palaces the rumours and terrours of our Troubles have arriv'd ; but all Posterity may prevent , if they please to regard and practise whatsoever misery and mischief the infernal Spirits of Discord and Confusion , may intend them . All these , my Lord , and many more ( which I leave to your own discovery ) being the natural issue of emolument from the book ; my advice is , that you would improve and multiply them in each particular , by your Lordships reading , and hearing , and observing , applying to each Oracle or Apharism , here presented , whatsoever may occur , relating with any significancy , unto it , whether in ancient or modern History ; in the Policy of our own or other Nations ; in the Relations and Discourses of wise and understanding men ; in the practises right or wrong , of any whomsoever your Lordship may have reason and opportunity to regard . This done , my Lord , and ought else your Lordship may see necessary , if after some few years resolution , I have the honour to kiss your hand , I shall expect , with much confidence , your Lordships thanks , which I desire not before you shall have reapt the profit of my pains ; and become sensible of the service done you by this Collection ( how affectedly indigested soere it be ) toward the regulating your Life ; whether in publick imployment , or private conversation ; toward the confirming you in the still-opposed , still undermined , Religion of our Church ; toward your conduct of any Government , or Command , you may have in your Country , and your influence upon the well or ill-affected People there ; toward the honour may be , I hope , conferred upon you , for promoting the interest of the Crown to the very uttermost extent and efficacy of your own : and after all , above all toward your reward in heaven , for your devotion to God , and fidelity to your King , which no man wisheth you , with more affectionate unfeigned zeal , than , My Lord , Your Lordships most humble Servant . RICHARD WATSON . From my Friends Lodgings , in Doctor 's Commons . February 21. 1660 . -61 . To the Reader . Friend , HAving in my Epistle Dedicatory shewed at large the worth and use of the ensuing book , I have the less wherewith to trouble you , if that it self do not , before you read it . For although you see the design was laid in order to the private benefit and satisfaction of the noble Lord , to whom addressed : yet since it becomes thus publick , I shall plainly tell you , that the common neglect I discovered ( and is by the booksellers themselves confessed ) of the most excellent piece that ever passed a Monarch's Pen , was a principal incentive to me , to put it again , thus trasformed , upon the World. Alas ! it may easily enough be judged what has brought the Original , and with whom , into disrepute ; the cry of blood is lowd , and summons the least guilt de profundis , from the depth of Conscience , though the very Centre , to a sentence upon it self , and what an unsufferable torture 't is , either to look upon the lively Pourtraicture of that King , or hear him speak , though but in his papers , whom with axe , or pen , or tongue , or wishfull thought , they murder'd ; or negatively in not detesting , not decrying , not invective-writing , not preventive-acting , were accessory in the least degree , they alone that committed the fault , and feel the pain , can truly tell . This courtesie I have therefore done them , who would needs turn away from the salve , because it signifies they have a sore ; they are hereby no more concerned , as to what is past , than any of the Antipodes , under the government of a King. The Aphorismes are general , and applicable to any Kingdom ; in many of which those Subjects that mean to Act , may read their duty , and they that do not , may expect their doom . I at first had done as Simplicius saith Arrian had , with those of Epictetus , collected only 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the most seasonable , the most necessary , and the most motive , or operative upon the minds of men ; wherewith being so much affected , I thought the book very well worth review , as loth to leave ought behind that might have the like efficacy by the sense , though not altogether the same acuteness in the conceipt , nor elegance in the language : by which gleaning , or recollection , I recover'd many as fair and full eares as those I had before bound up in the sheaf , many Aphorismes no less considerable , no less deserving an intent regard . Some others if you find coincident with those of the first rank , as some you will , I pray know that the same passed me not unobserved , but having some difference in expression , though little or none in sense , they were ad led the more to oblige you , and to effect that prevalency upon you , which your hast from the former might not admit . Such ( if any such there be ) as may seem flat and ordinary , they are to be set to my account , who confess my self so indulgent in my reverence of the Royal Authour , that nothing of his could fall so low in my esteem . Others , that are not many , but borrowed , and made English , I have entituled to the High Translatour , whose authority gives more weight to 'em , and more they penetrate press'd by Him. In sententiâ ut penetret , valde facit robustae alicujus , & receptae auctoritatis pondus . That all were not reduc'd to heads , and ranged under Common places , has reason , such as I think not fit to be mention'd here : you may know that the learned Grotius ( who was wont neither to spare , nor to lose his pains ) has done the like in a greater Volume . As it is , if you be not more curious , than obsequious , in what concerns you either to know , or practise , you will have for what to thank me , who confirm you in your Religion and Loyalty , or lead you gently to it by a Royal hand . I have one thing more to require of you , that you make not too much hast to censure me , for imposing that upon you , as His Majesty's , which may appear compos'd by me : Some such Aphorismes indeed there are , for which some little change , the inserting of some few words , was necessary to give them as well the form , as force , of Rules , or Dictates ; in which if you take no less pains to justifie , than I did to avoid , your censure , you will find it frustrate , and me guilty of nought but more endeavours , than you have desires , for your own advantage , wherewith I wish you well . A Table shewing where the Centuries begin . Cent. 1 beginneth Pag. 1 Cent. 2 beginneth Pag. 22 Cent. 3 beginneth Pag. 44 Cent. 4 beginneth Pag. 67 Cent. 5 beginneth Pag. 87 Cent. 6 beginneth Pag. 110 Cent. 7 beginneth Pag. 138 Cent. 8 beginneth Pag. 161 Cent. 9 beginneth Pag. 194 Cent. 10 beginneth Pag. 231 Cent. 11 beginneth Pag. 265 Cent. 12 beginneth Pag. 293 EFFATA REGALIA . The First Century . 1. THe weight of Reason will counterpoise the overballancings of any factions . 2. The gravity and discretion of Gentlemen may alay and fix the Commons to a due temperament . 3 The interest of a King and his Children give him many obligations to seek and preserve the love and welfare of his subjects . 4 The love and welfare of subjects is the only temporal blessing left to the ambition of just Monarchs as their greatest honour and safety , next Gods protection . 5 Wherein a King lessens his prerogative , he may gain a recompence in the affections of his Subjects . 6 No flames of civil dissentions are more dangerous , then those which make religious pretensions ground of factions . 7 Kings should not suffer their own judgments to be overborn more by others importunities , then their arguments . 8 The great abilities of Lords may make a Prince more afraid , then ashamed , to employ them in the greatest affairs of State. 9 Officers of State , moving in an high sphere , and with a vigorous lustre , must needs raise many envious exhalations , capable to cast a cloud upon their brightest merit and integrity . 10 Between a Kings unsatisfiedness in himself , and a seeming necessity of satisfying the importunity of some people , it discovers more a fear of men then of God , to prefer what is safe , before what seemeth just . 11 A King is not to prefer the outward peace of his Kingdoms with men , to the inward exactness of conscience before God. 12 It is a bad exchange , for a King to wound his own conscience , thereby to salve State-sores ; To calm the stormes of popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in his own bosom . 13 There is a fallacy in that maxime , Better one man perish though unjustly ) then the People be displeased or destroyed . 14 ' The best rule of policy is , to prefer the doing of Justice before all enjoyments , and the peace of conscience , before the preservation of kingdoms . 15 Many are terrified by tumults to concurre with the condemning party , rather then satisfied , that of right they ought so to do . 16 A King ought to be more afraid to take away a mans life unjustly then to lose his own . 17 Suspicions , not raised out of malice , are not in reason to be smothered . 18 No present impunity , or popular vindication , will be subterfuge to men guilty of evil machinations , sufficient to rescue them from the exact tribunals of God and their own consciences . 19 There is an after unavoidable judgment which shal rejudg what among men is but corruptly decided , or give the final sentence , if not at all . 20 It is a better resolution , rather to bear repulse with patience , then to use hazardous extremities . 21 It is one of the most convincing arguments , that there is a God , while his power sets bounds to the raging of the sea : and no less , that he restrains the madness of the people . 22 Nothing port ends more Gods displeasur against a nation , then when he suffers the confluence and clamors of the Vulgar to pass all boundaries of Lawes and reverence to Authoritie . 23 Nothing more to be feared , and less to be used by wise men , then tumultuary confluxes of meane and rude people , who are taught , first to petition , then to protest , then to dictate , at last to command and over-awe . 24 Whoever hath most mind to bring forth confusion and ruin upon a Church and State , useth the midwifery of the peoples tumults . 25 What good man had not rather want any thing he most desires then to obtain it by unlawful and irreligious means . 26 Mens passions , and Gods directions seldom agree . 27 Violent designs and motions must have sutable engines : such as too much attend their owne ends , seldom confine themselves to Gods means . 28 Force must crowd in , what reason will not lead . 29 It is no strange thing for the sea to rage , when strong winds blow upon it ; nor for multitudes to become insolent , when they have men of some reputation for parts and piety to set them on . 30 Such is some mens stupid tie , that they fear no inconvenience . 31 Such is some mens petulancy that they joy to see their betters shamefully outraged and abused , while they know their owne security consists in vulgar s●attery . 32 A Kings withdrawing , may give time for the ebbing of tumultuous fury , and others regaining some degrees of modesty and sober sense . 33 It is a hardiness beyond true valour , for a wise man to set himselfe against the breaking in of a sea . 34 A gallant man had rather ●ight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , then shuffle with an undisciplined rabble . 35 It is safest to withdraw from the daily baitings of tumults , not knowing whether their fury and discontent may not flie so high as ●● worry and tear those in pieces whom as yet they but play with in their pawes . 36 A King is not bound to prostitute the Majestie of his place and person , the safety of his Queen and children to those who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunities most capable of their rudeness and petulancy . 37 The just avenger of all disorders many times makes men and Cities see their sinn● in the glass of their punishment . 38 It is more then an even lay , that men may one day see themselvs punished by that way they offended . 39 As Swine are to gardens and orderly plantations , so are tumults to Parliaments , and Plebeian concourses to publick Councels turning all into disorders and sordid confusions . 40 God orders our disorders , and magnifies his wisdom most , when our follies and miseries are most discovered . 41 Such is some mens activity , that they will needs make work rather then want it ; and chuse to be doing amisse , rather then do nothing . 42 Good subjects will never think it just or fit , that their Kings condition should be worse by his bettering theirs . 43 Some men know not so well with moderation to use , as with earnestness to desire advantages of doing good or evil . 44 The Kings interest lies more then any mans in the due execuexecution and vigour of preserved Laws . 45 A King ought not to desire more then the Law gives him , and less the meanest Subject should not have . 46 It is ingratitude , unworthy of honour , That the more is granted them by their King , the less he should have and enjoy with them . 47 A King may count himselfe undiminished by his largest concessions , if by them he gains and confirms the love of his people . 48 The Peoples love may increase toward their King , as they have more leisure , and lesse prejudice . 49 People may be miserable in this only , That some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what their King intends for their good . 50 A King may be mistaken when perswaded , that he cannot grant too much , or distrust too little , to men that being professedly his subjects , pretend singular piety , and religious strictness . 51 It argues a very short sight of things , and extreme fatuity of mind in a King , to bind his owne hands at the request of his subjects , when he shortly meanes to use a sword against them . 52 It would be a course full of sinne , as well as of hazard , and dishonour , for a King to go about the cutting up of that by the sword , which he had lately planted to his subjects and his own content . 53 Some men fear where no fear is , whose security consists in scaring others . 54 A King may repent his letting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple , when it doth prove a temptation to them to cast him downe headlong . 55 As many Kingdomes as the divel shewed our Saviour , and th●● glory of them ( if they could be at once enjoyed by ambitious . People ) are not worth the gaining by wayes of sinful ingratitude and dishonor , which hazards a soul worth more worlds then this hath Kingdomes . 56 It is no strange thing for men left to their own passions , either to do much evil themselves , or abuse the over-much goodnesse of others . 57 An ungrateful surfet of others goodness is the most desperate and incurable disease . 58 There may be an error in a King of too charitable a judgement , without any sinne of his will ▪ 59 A King may be sorry to see other mens eyes evil because his is good . 60 To be forced to sea by a storm unprovided of tackling and victual , is better then to venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore . 61 Some mens hydropick insatiableness is such as no fountain of royal Bounty is able to overcome ; so resolved , they seem either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . 62 It ceases to be a Councel , when not reason is used , as to men , to perswade ; but force and terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to what ever tumultuary Patrons shall project . 63 He deserves to be a slave without pity or redemption , that is content to have the rational soveraignty of his soul , and liberty of his will and words captivated by force and terror . 64. Kingdomes are not so considerable as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that freedom which cannot be denied to a King , because it belongs to him , as a man and Christian . 65 A King is to owne the dictates of none but God to be above him , as obliging him to consent . 66 Better for a King to die enjoying the Empire of his soul , which subjects him onely to God , so farre as by Reason or Religion he directs him ; then live with the title of a King , if it should carry such a Vassalage with it , as not to suffer him to use his reason and conscience in what he declares as a King to like or dislike . 67 A King is not conscientiously tied to go against his conscience in consenting to such new Proposals as his Reason , Justice , Honour and Religion bids him deny . 68 So tender some men are of their being subject to arbitrary Government , that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the only man that must be subject to the will of others . 69 No man can think it other then the badge and method of slavery , by savage rudenesse , and importunate obtrusions of violence , to have the mist of his error and passion dispelled , which is a shadow of reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . 70 That man cannot be blamable to God or man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully followes what he takes for reason . 71 The uprightness of intentions will excuse the possible fallings of understanding . 72 If a Pilot at sea cannot see the Pole-Star , it can be no fault in him to steere his Course by such Starres as do best appeare to him . 73 It argues those men to be concious of their defects of reason , and convincing arguments , who call in the assistance of meer force to carry on the weakness of their counsels and proposals . 74 Nothing should please a King more , then when his judgment so concurres with that of his prudent subjects , as he may with a good conscience consent unto them . 75 Where no absolute and moral necessity of reason , but temporary convenience in point of honour is to be considered , a King may chuse rather to deny himself then his Councel , as preferring that which they think necessary for his People , before what he sees but convenient for himselfe . 76 A King should permit no man to gain his consent to that , wherein his heart gives his tongue or hand the lie . 77 A King should rather chuse to wear a crown of thorns , with his saviour , then to exchange that of Gold for one of lead , whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and complie to the various , and oft contrary , dictates of any factions . 78. No resolution more worthy a Christian King , then to preferre his Conscience before his Kingdomes . 79. The meits of a deserving Lady wil be her better protection from the barbaritie of Savage Indians , then from the subtiltie of some malicious Christians . 80. All justice , so well as affection , commands a King to study the securitie of his vertuous Queen , who is onely in danger for his sake . 81. A King can perish but halfe , if his Queen be preserved . 82. A King , in his Queenes memory , and their hopefull posterity , may survive the malice of his enemies should be satiated with his bloud . 83 As God is able to punish the faults of Princes , so no less severely to revenge the injuries done to them by those who ought to have made good that safety which the Lawes chiefly provide for them . 84 Common civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their loyalty . 85 It cannot be safe to a King to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their allegeance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their religion . 86 'T is pity the noble and peaceful foul of a Queen should see , much more suffer the rudenesse of those who must make up their want of justice with inhumanity and impudence . 87 The sympathy of a Queen in the afflictions of her King will make her vertues shine with greater lustre , as Starres in the darkest nights ; and assure the envious World , that she loves him , not his fortunes . 88 Kings need not much to blame the unkindness of the generality and vulgar , when those who have eaten of their bread , & been enriched with their bounty , have scornfully lift up themselvs against them , and those of their own houshold are become their enemies . 89 Some think to satisfie all obligations to duty by their Corban of Religion ; and can less endure to see then to sin against their benefactors , as wel as their Soveraigns . 90 No malice can banish a beloved Queen from her Kings heart . 91 A Kings enemies may envy , but they can never deprive him of the enjoiment of her vertues , while he enjoyes himself . 92 It is among the wicked maximes of bold and disloyal undertakers , that bad actions must alwayes be seconded by worse , & rather not be begun , then not carried on : for they think the retreat more dangerous then the assault , and hate repentance more then perseverance in the fault . 93 It is the best policie , with patience to bear what one cannot remedy . 94 To be transported with no disdaine or emotion of passion in greatest injuries , is the temper that best becomes a Christian , as coming nearest to the great example of Christ . 95 Better for a Monarch to remember he is a Christian then a King 96 What the height of a King tempteth to revenge , the humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive . 97 What the Majesty of a King might justly abhor , the charity of a Christian is willing to forbear . 98 The excess of impotent passions injures a man more then his greatest enemies can . 99 Apostacy unto Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin . 100 The superstitious sowrness which some men pretend to in matters of Religion , so darkens their judgment , that they cannot see any thing of sinne and rebellion in the meanes they use with intents to reform . The Second Century . 1 SOme men think all is gold of piety which doth but glister with a shew of zeale and fervencie . 2 Down-right temptations of ambition have no cloak or cheat of religion to impose upon themselves or other . 3 Clemency is a debt which Kings ought to pay to those that crave it , when they have cause to believe they wil not after abuse it . 4 God suffers us not to pay any thing for his mercy , but only prayrs and promises . 5 The rude demeanor of a subject toward his Soveraign carries alwaies its own vengeance , as an unseparable shadow with it . 6 Those oft prove the most fatal and implacable executioners of vengeance , who were the first imployers in Rebellion . 7 No punishment so stains a mans honor , as wilful perpetrations of unworthy actions . 8 Posterity not engaged in the sactions of present times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . 9 A rebellious Army is but tumults listed and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an end . 10 A Kings recess from tumultuous subjects , gives them considence that he may be conquered . 11 A King having a soul invincible , is sure , through Gods grace , to become conqueror , when constant to fear him more than man. 12. They will oppose by force , who have not reason to convince . 13. They confess their own weakness , as to truth and justice , who chuse rather to contend by Armies , then by Arguments . 14 A King may be made glorious , if no other way , by his sufferings . 15 It is a hard and disputable choice for a King that loves his people and desires their love , either to kill his own Subjects , or to be killed by them . 16 The hazards and miseries of civil War , are but sad fruits for a King to reap after a long , just , peaceable , plenteous and religious reign . 17 The hazards of War are equal , nor doth the cannon know any respect of persons . 18 A Kings person is in vaine excepted , by a parenthesis of words , when many hands are armed against him with swords . 19. Unnatural motions are often the productions of a surfeit of peace , wantonness of minds , or private discontents . 20. Ambition and Faction easily find , or make , causes of quarrell . 21. What seems just to one man ▪ may not seem so to another . 22. There is an instinct in all creatures to preserve themselves . 23. It hath been esteem'd delinquency in some prudent men not to be over-aw'd with Tumu'ts and their Patrons , nor compell'd to ab●● by their suffrages or presence the designs of those men who agitate innovations and ruine both in Church and State. 24 The least hath more evil in it then the greatest affliction . 25. What is Religious & Apostolical , & so very sacred & Divine , is not to be dispensed with , or destroyed , when what is only of Civil favour and priviledg of honor , granted to men of holy Order , may , with their consent who are concerned in it , be annulled . 26 The noise and shew of piety , and heat for Reformation and Religion , may easily so fil men with prejudice , that all equality and clearnesse of judgement may be obstructed . 27 A Kings innocency and unpreparedness to assert his rights and honours , makes him the more guilty in the esteem of disloyal subjects . 28 Prayers and tears , the chiefest armies of the ancient Christians , may setve a good mans turn , if not to conquer , as a Souldier , yet to suffer as a Martyr . 29 He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias Caterers , may also make Rebells surprisall of outward force and defence , an opportunity to shew their King the speciall support of his power and protection . 30 What a pious King wants in the hands of force and power , he hath in the wings of faith and prayer . 31 The surfeit of too much power , which some men greedily seize on , may make a Commonwealth sick both of it and them , when they cannot well digest it . 32 Soveraigne power in subjects seldom agrees with the stomachs of fellow-subjects . 33 A King having the sole actual disposing of the Militia , can not protect his people further then they protect him and themselves . 34 The use of the Militia is mutuall betweene King and People . 35. Such is the violence and fraud of some men , that being conscious to their own evill merits and designes , they will needs perswade the World , that none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the Shepheard and his flock . 36. It can be secure neither for King nor Subject , if both be not in such a way as the law hath entrusted the publick safety and wellfare . 37. All Law is at last resolved to the just and necessary rights of the Crown in point of Power , while thereby it is best protected . 38. The honour and justice due to a Kings successours forbid him to yeild to an alienation of power from them . 39. Although a King may be content to eclipse his own beames , to satisfie their feares , who think they must needs be scorched or blinded if he should shine in the full lustre of Kingly power : yet he ought never to consent to put out the Sun of Soveraignty to all posterity and succeeding Kings . 40. The many-headed Hydra of Government , as it makes a shew to the people to have more eyes to foresee , so they will find it hath more mouths too , which must be satisfied . 41. In a right Monarchy , counsell may be in many as the senses , but the supreme power can be but in one as the head . 42. Those men are guilty of enforced perjury , who compell their King to take a new and strange way of discharging his trust by seeming to desert it , of protecting his Subjects by exposing himselfe to danger or dishonour for their safety and quiet . 43. The Sword and Militia are but weake defenses against the stroakes of divine vengeance , which will overtake , or of mens own consciences , which alwaies attend injurious perpetrations . 44. God is able by his being with a King abundantly to compensate to him , as he did to Job , what ever honour , power or liberty the Caldeans , the Sabeans , or the devil himselfe can deprive him of . 45 The hearts of Subjects are the greatest Treasure and best ammunition of a King. 46 Rebels that disarme their King , and study to rob him of his Subjects love , cannot deprive him of his innocence , or Gods mercy , nor obstruct his way to heaven . 47 A King cannot buy his own safety and his peoples peace at too deare a rate , unlesse by parting with Conscience and Honour . 48 A King , rather than part with his Conscience and Honour , ought to chuse to be as miserable and inglorious as his enemies can make or wish him . 49. Whatsoever Subjects propund unto their King , ought not to be obtruded with the point of the Sword , nor urged with the injuries of War. 50. When a King declares unto his Subjects , he cannot yield to them without violating his Conscience ; there may be some better method of Peace , than by making War upon his Soul. 51. When Subjects require any thing of their King , they ought to offer somewhat by way of gratefull exchange of honour or requital of those favours he hath , or may yet grant them . 52. It is more Princely and Divine to be on the giving part . 53. The Jewel of Conscience is incommunicable , whose loss nothing can repair or requite . 54. A Kings yielding too much , makes Subjects over-confident he will deny nothing . 55. The love of truth and inward tranquillity ought to have more influence upon a King , than the love he hath of his Peoples peace . 56. Inward quiet of Conscience ought to be dearer to a King , then his Kingdome . 57. Some things which a King might approve , yet in honour and policy are at some time to be denied , to some men , least he should seem not to da●e to deny any thing , and give too much encouragement to unreasonable demands or importunities . 58. For a King to bind himself to a general and implicite consent to whatever Subjects shall desire or propound , were a latitude of blind obedience never expected of any freeman , not fit to be required of any man , much less of a King. 59. A King may possibly exceed any of his own Subjects as much in wisdome , as he doth in place and power . 60. For a King to yield implicite consent to all , were as if Sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistines might with the more safety mock and abuse him . 61. To exclude all power of denial , seems an arrogancy ill-becoming them that pretend addresses by petition . 62. It were very foolish and absurd , to ask what , another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . 63. It can be no other then extreme injury , to confine a Kings reason to a necessity of granting all Subjects have a mind to ask ; whose minds may be different from the Soverain's , both in Reason and Honour ; as may be their aims , and are their qualities . 64. Subjects Propositions may soon prove violent Oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary Impositions upon the Regal Authority . 65. No man seeks to limit and confine his King in reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurpe upon him in Power and Dominion . 66. Nature , Law , Reason and Religion , bind a King ( in the first place ) to preserve himself , without which 't is impossible to preserve his people according to his place . 67. Factions in the State , and Schismes in the Church , get confidence by vulgar Clamours , and assistance to demand , not only Tolerations of themselves , but also abolition of the lawes against them , and a total extirpation of that Government whose Rights they made . 68. Some moderate Propositions are by cunning Demanders used like waste paper , wherein their unreasonable ones are wrapped up , to present them somewhat more handsomely . 69. There is nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for . 70. They abuse themselves , who believe all good which is guilded with shews of Zeal and Reformation . 71. Popular Clamours and Tumults serve to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who study with all diligence and policy , to improve present distractions to their innovating designs . 72. Armies of propositions , having little of Judgment , Reason , Justice and Religion , taking their rise from Tumult and Faction , must be backt and seconded with Armies of Souldiers . 73. A King is to weigh the reason and justice , not regard the number and power of contesting Subjects . 74. Tumults can be no other then the hounds that attend the cry and hollow of those men , who hunt after factions and private designs , to the ruine of the Church and State. 75. If the straitness of a Kings Conscience will not give him leave to swallow down such camels as others do of Sacriledg and Jnjustice both to God and man , they have no more cause to quarrel with him then for this , that his throat is not so wide as theirs . 76. Nothing of passion , or peevishness , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew a negative power , should have any byas upon the judgment of a King , to make him gratifie his will by denying any thing which his Reason and Conscience commands him not . 77. A King should not consent to more than Reason , Justice , Honour and Religion perswade him to be for Gods glory , the Church's good , his Peoples welfare , and his own peace . 78. Although many mens Loyalty and Prudence be terrified from giving their King that true and faithfull Councell which they are able and willing to impart , and he may want ; yet none can hinder him from craving the Councel of that mighty Councellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline his heart stedfastly to follow it . 79. It is no news for some Subjects to fight , not only without their Kings Commission , but against his Command and Person too , yet all the while to pretend they fight by his Authority , and for his safety . 80. Rebels do alwayes this honour to their King , to think moderate Injuries not proportionate to him , nor competent Tryals either of his Patience under them , or his Pardon of them . 81. Some with exquisite malice mix the gall and vinegar of falsity and contempt , with the Cup of their Kings affliction , charging him not only with untruths , but such as wherein he hath the greatest share of loss and dishonour by what is committed . 82. That King is a Cyclopick monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink , but the flesh and bloud of his own Subjects . 83. Some think they cannot do well but in evil times , nor so cunningly as in laying the Odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . 84. Preposterous rigour , and unreasonable severity , may be not the least incentive that kindles and blowes up into horrid slames the sparks of discontent , which want not predisposed fewel for Rebellion , where dispair being added to former discontents , and the fear of utter extirpation to wonted oppressions , it is easie to provoke to an open Rebellion a people prone to break out to all exorbitant violence , by some principles of their Religion , and the natural desires of liberty . 85. Some men of covetous zeal , and uncharitable fury , think it a great argument of the truth of their Religion , to endure no other but their own . 86. It is preposterous and unevangelical zeal , to chuse rather to use all extremities which may drive men to desperate obstinacy , than to apply moderate remedies . 87. Some kind of zeal counts all mercifull moderation , lukewarmness , and had rather be cruel , than counted cold ; and is not seldome more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin , than for any harm he hath done . 88. The confiscation of mens Estates pleaseth some better , as being more beneficial , than the charity of saving their lives , or reforming their errours . 89. Some men have better skill to let bloud , than to stanch it . 90. Men prepared to misconstrue the actions of their Soveraign , have more credulity to what is false and evill , than love or charity to what is true and good . 91. A King hath no judge but God above him . 92. God doth not therefore deny a Kings innocence , because he is pleased so farre to try his patience , as he did his servant Jobs . 93. Swarms of reproaches issue out of some mens mouths and hearts , as easily as smoke or sparks do out of a furnace . 94. Men conscious of their own depth of wickedness , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 95. It is kingly to do well , and hear ill . 96. A King ought to look upon the effusion of his Subjects bloud , as exhausted out of his own veins . 97. Royal bounty emboldens some men , to ask and act beyond all bounds of modesty and gratitude . 98. A King should not let any mans ingratitude , or inconstancy , make him repent of what he granted for the Publick good . 99. Where violence is used for innovation in Religion , many feel the misery of the means , before they reap the benefit of the end . 100. It can not but seem either passion , or some self-seeking , more than true zeal , and pious discresion , for any forraign State or Church to prescribe such medicine only to others , which themselves have used rather successfully than commendably . The Third Century . 1 THe same Physick in different Constitutions , will have different opperations : That may kill one , which doth but cure another . 2. It is not so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword , as to polish them by fair and equal disputations among those that are most concern'd in the differences , whom not force but reason , ought to convince . 3. Mens Consciences can receive little satisfaction in those points , which are maintained rather by Souldiers fighting in the field , than Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods . 4. In matters of Religion , those truths gain most on mens judgments and consciences , which are least urged with secular violence . 5. Secular violence weakens truth , which prejudices , and is unreasonable to be used , till such means of rational conviction hath been applied , as leaving no excuse for ignorance , condemns mens obstinacy to deserved penalties . 6. There is too much of Man , to have much of Christ , when his pretended institutions are caried on , or begun , with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition . 7. Wise and Learned men think , that nothing hath more marks of Schisme and Sectarisme than the Presbyterian way . 8. A King is not to repeal the Laws & constitutions of the Church till he sees more rational and Religious motives than Soldiers use to carry in their knapsacks . 9. A King ought to esteem the Church above the State , the glory of Christ above his own , and the salvation of mens Souls , above the preservation of their Bodies and Estates . 10. No men may , without sin and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under their Kings care and tuition into the moulds they have fancied and fashioned to their designs , till they have first gained his consent , and resolved both his and other mens consciences by the strength of their reasons . 11. Violent motions , which are neither Manly , Christian , nor Loyall , should neither ●●ake nor settle the Religion of King or Subject , who knowes what Religion means . 12. The proper engine of Faction is Force . 13. Force is the Arbitratour of Beasts , not of reasonable Men , much less of humble Christians and Loyal Subjects in matter of Religion . 14. Men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their opinions , especially those that have some temptation of gain to recompence their losses and hazards . 15. Men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before God , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their work on , seem it never so plausible to the people . 16. What can not be justified in Law or Religion , had need be fortified with power . 17. Such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come into their assistance , others of them soon after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out . 18. Much of Gods Justice , and mans folly , will at length be discovered through all the filmes and pretensions of Religion , in which Politicians wrap up their designs . 19. In vain do men hope , to build their Piety on the ruins of Loyalty . 20. Neither those considerations nor disigns , can be durable , when Subjects make bankrupt of their Allegeance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion . 21. All Reason and Policy will teach , That the chief interest of Subjects consist's in their fidelity to the Crown , not in their serviceableness to any Party of the People , to the neglect and betraying of their Kings safety and honour , for their own advantages . 22. The less cause a King hath to trust men , the more should he apply himself to God. 23. It is hard for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or against those things , which are of no clear morall necessity , but very disputable . 24. In points disputable the application of oaths can hardly be made , and enjoined , with that judgment and certainty in one's self , or that charity and candour to others of different opinion , as Religion requires . 25. Religion never refuses fair and aequable deliberations , yea , and dissentions too , in matters only probable . 26. The enjoining of Oaths upon People must needs , in things doubtfull , be dangerous , as , in things unlawfull , damnable and no less superfluous , where former religious and legal Engagements bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties . ; 27. Ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and ginnes enough , to catch and hold the vulgar credulity . 28. By politick and seemingly pious stratagems of oaths , ambitious minds think to keep the populacy fast to their party under the terrour of perjury . 29. After-contracts devised , and imposed , by a few men , in a declared Party , without the Kings consent , without power or precedent from God's or man's Lawes , can never be thought by judicious men , sufficient either to absolve , or slacken , the moral and eternal bonds of duty , which lye upon all Subjects Consciences , both to God and their King. 30. Ambiguous , dangerous and authorized novelties , are not to be preferred before known and sworn duties , which are dispensable , both to God and King. 31. Later Vowes , Oaths , or Leagues , can never blot out the former gravings and characters , which by just and lawfull Oaths have been made upon the souls of men . 32. Considerations , by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenants , are the common roads used in all factious and powerfull perturbations of State or Church . 33. Formalities of extraordinary zeal and piety are never more studied ond elaborate , than when Politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Lawes . 34. Religion and Lawes with the scrues of cunning Politicians , are wrested by secret steps , and less sensible degrees , from their known rule , and wonted practise , to comply with the humors of those men , who aim to subdue all to their own will and power , under the disguises of holy combinations . 35. The cords and wit hs of Solemn Leagues and Covenants , ( framed more out of Policy than Piety ) will hold mens consciences no longer than force attends and twists them . 36. Every man soon growes his own Pope , and easily absolves himself of those ties , which not the Commands of God's Word , or the Lawes of the Land , but only the subtilty and terrour of a Party casts upon him . 37. Illegall wayes of Covenanting , seldom or never intend the engaging men more to Duties , but to Parties . 38. It is not regarded how men keep Covenants in point of Piety pretended , provided they adhaere firmly to the Party and design intended . 39. Imposers of politick Covenants make them like Manna , agreable to every mans palate and rellish who will but swallow them . 40. Naboth's Vineyard made him the only Blasphemer of his City , and fit to dye . 41. While the breath of Religion fills the Sails , Profit is the Compass , by which factious men steer their course in all seditious commotions . 42. Church-Lands and Revenues , issuing chiefly from the Crown , are held of it , and legally can revert only to the Crown , with the Kings consent . 43. No necessity should drive a King to invade or sell the Priests Lands , which both Pharaohs Divinity , and Josephs true Piety abhorr'd to do . 44. It is unjust both in the eye of Reason and Religion , to deprive the most sacred employment of all due incouragements , and like hard-harted Phara●h , to withdraw the straw and increase the task . 45. Some pursue the oppressed Church to the red Sea of a Civil War , where nothing but a miracle can save it . 46. A Christian King ought to esteem it his greatest title to be call'd , and his chiefest glory to be The Defender of the Church , both in its true Faith , and its just fruitions , equally abhorring Sacriledge and Apostacy . 47. A King ought rather to live on the Churches almes , than violently to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths . 48. They are but golden Calves that must be serv'd , when Jeroboam consecrates the meanest of the people to be Priests . 49. A King can not so much as pray God to prevent the sad consequences which will inevitably follow the Parity and Poverty of Ministers both in Church and State. Because , 50. It is no less than a mo●●ing and tempting of God , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our own power . 51. There are wayes enough to repair the breaches of the State , without the ruins of the Church . 52. As a King should be a Restorer of the State , so not an Opressour of the Church , under the pretence of publick debts . 53. If a good King had not his own Innocency and God's Protection , it were hard for him to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of malice , which by falsities seek to oppress the Truth , and by jealousies to supply the defect of real causes , which might seem to justifie unjust Engagements against him . 54. The worst effects or open hostility , come short of what is in disloyal close designs . 55. A King should more willingly lose his Crown , than his credit ; nor should his Kingdom be so dear to him , as his reputation and honour . 56. A good name is the embalming of Princes , and a sweet consecrating of them to an eternity of love and gratitude among Posterity . 57. Foul and false aspersions are secret engins employed against peoples love of their King ; that undermining their opinion and value of him , his enemies and theirs may at once blow up their affections , and batter down their Loyalty . 58. The detriment of a Kings honor ( by calumnies ) should not be so afflictive to him , as the sin and danger of his peoples souls . 59. Peoples eyes once blinded with mists of suspitions , are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of actions , wherein they do not only not consider their sin and danger , but glory in their zealous adventures . 60. Mislead people imagine they then fear God most , when they least honour their King , and are most ambitious to merit the name of his destroyers . 61. A King's pity ought to be above his anger . 62. A King's passions should never prevail against himself , as to exclude his most compassionate prayers for them whom devout errours , more than their own malice have betrayed to a most religious Rebellion . 63. It is a generous charity in a King , to interpret that his Subjects in armes fight against his supposed errours , not his person , intending to mend him , not to end him . 64. It is somewhat above humanity in a King , not more willingly to forgive the seductions in his Subjects , which occasioned their Loyal injuries , then to be ambitious , by all Princely merits , to redeem them from their just suspicions , and reward them for their good intentions . 65. A King should be too conscious to his own affections toward the generality of his People , to suspect theirs to him . 66. A King should never gratifie the spightfulness of a few with any sinister thoughts of their allegeance , whom pious frauds have seduced . 67. A King should never be perswaded to make so bad interpretatations of most of his Subjects actions , as to judge otherwise than that possibly they may be erroneous , but not haeretical , in point of Loyalty . 68. A King should have as sharp a sense of the injuries done to his Subjects , as those done to himself , their well fares being inseparable . 69. Seduced Subjects in this suffer more than their King , that they are animated to injure at once both themselves and him . 70. A King sometimes hath such enemies among his Subjects as to whose malice it is not enough that he is afflicted , unless by those whose prosperity he earnestly desires , and whose seduction he heartily deplores . 71. A King for restoring tranquility unto his people , might willingly be the Jonah , if he foresees not evidently that by the divided interest of theirs and his enemies , as by contrary winds the storm of their miseries would be rather increased than allayed . 72. A King should rather prevent his Peoples ruine , than rule over them . 73. A King should not be so ambitious of that Dominion , which is but his right , as of his peoples happiness , if it could but expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign . 74. A King should rather suffer all the miseries of life , and dye many deaths , than shamefully to desert , or dishonourably to betray , his own just Rights and Soveraignty , thereby to gratifie the ambition , or justifie the malice of his Enemies . 75. A King ought to put as great a difference between the malice of his enemies , and other mens mistakes , as between an ordinary Ague , and the Plague ; or the Itch of Novelty , and the Leprosie of Disloyalty . 76. As liars need have good memories , so malicious persons need good inventions , that their calumnies may fit every man's fancy ; and what their reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . 77. A King should have more patience to bear , and charity to forgive , than leisure to answer , the many false aspersions which men may cast upon him . 78. It gives mens malice too much pleasure , for a King to take notice or remember what they say , or object . 79. When a King confutes calumnies , it should be more for his Subjects satisfaction , than his own vindication . 80. Mens evil maners , and seared consciences , will soon enough confute , and revenge , the black and false scandals which they cast upon their King. 81. Rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction , which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and therein seek to cast and consume their King's name and honour . 82. They are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyal to their King , and truly religious toward God. 83. Some popular Preachers think it no sin to lye for God , and what they call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them . 84. Such men look so much at , and cry up the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of that mischief chiefly plotted , and intended . 85. The weakness of these mens judgments , must be made up by their clamours and activity . 86. It is a great part of some mens Religion , to scandalize their King and his , thinking theirs cannot be true , if they cry not down his as false . 87. A King fights not against his own Religion , who imployes Subjects of different perswasions to maintain it . 88. Differences of perswasion in matters of Religion , may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of Duty , Allegeance and Subjection . 79. When a King confutes calumnies , it should be more for his Subjects satisfaction , than his own vindication . 80. Mens evil maners , and seared consciences , will soon enough confute , and revenge , the black and false scandals which they cast upon their King. 81. Rebels credit and reputation may be blasted by the breath of that same furnace of popular obliquy and detraction , which they study to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and therein seek to cast and consume their King's name and honour . 82. They are misperswaded who think these two utterly inconsistent , to be at once loyal to their King , and truly religious toward God. 83. Some popular Preachers think it no sin to lye for God , and what they call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them . 84. Such men look so much at , and cry up the goodness of the end propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the means used , nor the depth of that misch●ef chiefly plotted , and intended . 85. The weakness of these mens judgments , must be made up by their clamours and activity . 86. It is a great part of some mens Religion , to scandalize their King and his , thinking theirs cannot be true , if they cry not down his as false . 87. A King ights not against his own Religion , who imployes Subjects of different perswasions to maintain it . 88. Differences of perswasion in matters of Religion , may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of Duty , Allegeance and Subjection . 89. Different professions in point of Religion , cannot take away the community of Relations , either to Parents , or to Princes . 90. It is lawfull for a King in exigents to use the aid of any his Subjects , of what perswasion soever . 91. It were a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in a King , then to dispute the points of different beliefs in his Subjects , when he is disputed with by swords points and when he needs the help of his Subjects as men , no less than their prayers as Christians . ; 92. The noise of a Kings evil Counsellers is a usefull device for those , who are impatient any mens councels but their own should be followed in Church or State. 93. Bold Subjects give counsels more like a drench that must be forced down , than a draught which might be fairly and leisurely dran●● if their King liked it . 94. Moderate men are sorry to see their King prone to injure himself out of a zeal to relieve his Subjects . 95. Truly humble Christians will so highly prize the reward of persecutions , as rather not to be relieved , than be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that Crown of Christian patience , which attends humble and injur'd sufferers . 96. Men are not more prone to desire liberty , than unapt to bear it in the popular sence , which is , to do what every man liketh best . 97. The divinest liberty is , to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to Reason , Lawes and Religion . 98. Good men count the bounds of the Lawes their Ornament and Protection , others their Manacles ●● Oppression . 99. It is not just that any man should expect the reward and benefit of the law , who despiseth its rule and direction . 100. He that seeks an unreasonable liberty , justly loseth his safety . The Fourth Century . 1. THose men are the best preservers of their true liberty , who allow themselves the least licentiousness against , or beyond the Lawes . 2. It is impossible chose men should be really tender of their fellow-subjects liberties , who have the hardiness to use their King with severe restraints . 3. A resolv'd King , restrain'd by Subjects , will rather perish , tha● complain to those , who want nothing to compleat their mirth and triumph , but such musick . 4. Conscientious tenderness attended with proud and arrogant activity , seeks to hatch every egge of different opinion to a faction or schisme . 5. Lawes and Scepters of Monarchs should not intrench on God's Soveraignty , which is the only King of mens Consciences . 6. God gives no men liberty to break the Law established , further than with meekness and patience they are content to suffer the penalties annexed , rather than perturb the publick peace . 7. some men , in the necessities of their fortunes , distrust Gods providence , as well as their own merits . 8. Never were any Princes more glorious than those whom God hath suffer'd to be tried in the fornace of afflictions by their injurious Subjects . 9. Some men speak against their King rather what they wish , than what they believe , or know . 10. Rude and scandalous Pamphlets , like fire in great conflagrations , fly up and down , to set all places on like flames . 11. It is no wonder if men , not fearing God , should not honour their King. 12. God hath graven such Characters of divine Authority , and sacred Power , upon Kings , as none may , without sin , seek to blot them out . 13. From God alone , are all traditions of true Glory and Majesty that is in Kings . 14. No news to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformations in Church and State. 15. The pride of those that study novelties , can hardly allow any share or degree of wisdom or godliness to former times . 16. For set and prescribed forms of publick prayer , there is no doubt but that wholsome words being known and fitted to mens understandings , are soonest received into their hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them , judicious and fervent affections . 17. Constant forms of Prayers are not more likely to slat and hinder the Spirit of Prayer and Devotion , than unpraemeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it . 18. Slight and easie Legerdemain will serve to delude the Vulgar . 19. No men are prone to be greater Tyrants , and more rigorous exactors upon others to conform to their illegal novelties , than such whose pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawfull Constitutions , and whose licentious humours most pretended Conscientious liberties . 21. It is impossible for a Prince to preserve the State in quiet , unless he hath such an influence upon Churchmen , and they such a dependance on him , as may best restrain the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues , who with the keyes of Heaven , have so far the keyes of the Peoples hearts , as they prevail much by the Oratory to let in , or shut out both Peace and Loyalty . 21. The want of Government is that which the Church can no more dispence with in point of well-being , than the want of the Word and Sacrament in point of being . 22. Scripture is the best rule , and the Church's universal practise the best Commentary of Religion . 23. No frame of Church-government is more agreable both to Reason and Religion , than that which is Paternal not Magisterial . 24. Faction and Confusion , Emulations and Contempts , are prone to arise among equals in power and function . 25. Inconstancy is a great prejudice against Novelty . 26. The stream of times , and the prevalency of parties , overpowreth the judgements of some men . 27. Ministers may find as great a difference , in point of thriving , between the favour of the People , and of Princes , as Plants do between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberal dews of heaven . 28. The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see , what a poor carcass they are when parted from the influence of that Head , to whose Supremacy they have been sworn . 29. A little moderation may prevent great mischiefs . 30. Discretion , without Passion , might easily reform whatever the rust of times , or indulgence of lawes or corruption of manners may have brought upon the government of the Church . 31. It is a gross vulgar errour , to impute , or revenge upon , functions , the faults of times or persons . 32. Respect and observance , even in peacefull times , is hardly paid to any Governors by the measure of their vertues , so much as by that of their Estates . 33. Poverty and meanness expose men in Authority to the contempt of licentious minds and manners . 34. There is an innate principle of vicious oppression in all men , against those that seem to reprove , or restrain them . 34. No design or passion is to be gratified with the least perverting of truth . 36. Devout minds restore to God in giving to his Church and Prophets , through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water , as a libation to himself . 37. That oath may be with judgment broken , which erroneously was taken . 38. What a King thinks in his judgment best , he may not think so absolutely necessary for all places , and at all times . 39. It is far better to hold to Primitive and uniform Antiquity , than to comply with divided Novelty . 40. The way of Treaties is as a retiring from fighting like Beasts , to arguing like men , whose strength should be more in their understandings than in their limbs . 41. A King may have greater confidence of his Reason , than his Sword. 42. It is no diminution of a King to prevent [ arming ] Subjects with expresses of his desires , and importunities to Treat . 43. It is an office not only of Humanity , rather to use Reason than Force , but also of Christianity , to seek peace and ensue it . 44. The events of all War , by the Sword , are very dubious , and of a Civil War uncomfortable ; the end hardly recompensing , and late repairing , the mischief of the means . 45. A Monarch cannot part with his honour , as a King , nor with his Conscience , as a Christian . 46. Jealousies are not so easily allayed , as they are raised . 47. Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent engagements , than to engage . 48. What is wanting in equity , must be made up in pertinacy . 49. Such as have little to enjoy in peace , or to lose in war [ if ill-disposed ] study to render the very name of peace odious and suspected . 50. In Church affairs , a King having so many strict ties of Conscience upon him , hath least liberty of prudence . 51. It argues much softness and infirmity of mind in a King , rather to part with Gods Truth , than man's Peace and rather to lose the Church's honour , than cross some mens factious humours . ; 52. Some men have that height , as to interpret all fair condescendings as arguments of feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stifness , when they see others most supple , and inclinable to them . 53. It is a grand Maxime with some men , alwayes to ask their King something which in reason and honour must be denied , that they may have some colour to refuse all that is in other things granted , setting Peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of War. 54. Some men endeavour first to make their King destroy himself by dishonourable Concessions , that so they may have the less to do . 55. The highest tide of success should not set a King above a Treaty with his Subjects , nor the lowest ebbe below a fight . 56. It is no sign of true valour , to be prodigal of mens lives , rather than be drawn to produce our own Reasons , or subscribe to other mens . 57. What Kings cannot get by their Treaties , they may gain by their prayers . 58. The various successes of Civil War , should afford a King variety of good meditations . 59. A Kings sins sometimes prevail against the justice of his cause . 60. Rebels may be punished by the prosperity which hardens them to continue that injustice by open hostility , which was begun by riotous tumults . 61. Personal and private sins , may oftimes over-ballance the justice of publick engagements . 62. God accounts not every gallant man ( in the Worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of War , a righteous cause . 63. The more men are prone to arrogate to their own skil , valour and strength , the less doth God ordinarily work by them for his own glory . 64. Event of success , can never state the justice of any cause ▪ nor the peace of mens consciences , nor the eternal fate of their souls . 65. The ties of Subjects to God , the Church , and their King , lye upon their Souls , both for obedience to , and just assistance of their Soveraign . 66. They who lose their lives in a just cause , have the destruction of their bodies sanctified as a means to save their Souls . 67. Rebels are more afraid to encounter the many pregnant Reasons , which conflict with , and accuse them in , their own thoughts , than they oft are in a desperate bravery to fight against the forces given by God to their King. 68. It is far more honourable and comfortable , to suffer for good Lawes , than to prosper in their ruine and subversion . 69. The defects of piety may blast the endeavours of Loyalty , when men are not as faithfull to God and their own Souls , as to their King. 70. A good King , in a Civil War , should never have any victory on his Subjects , without his sorrow , nor , when he suffers a defeat , despair of Gods mercy and defence . 71. A King should never desire such victories , as may seem to conquer , but only restore , the Lawes and Liberties of his People . 72. A King should wish no greater advantages by a Civil War , than to bring his enemies to moderation , and his friends to peace . 73. A King should be afraid of the temptation of an absolute conquest ; and never pray more for victory over his Subjects , than over himself . 74. The different events of a Civil War , are but the methods of divine justice , by contrary winds to winnow us : That by punishing our sins , he might purge them from us ; and by deferring peace , he might prepare us more to prize , and better to use so great a blessing . 75. A Kings conscience of his Innocence may forbid him to fear a War , but the love of his Kingdomes command him ( if possible ) to avoid it . 76. A King may commit an errour in giving advantages to some men , by confirming their power , which they know not to use with that modesty and gratitude as becomes their loyalty , and his confidence . 77. A King sometimes by yielding less may be opposed less , and by denying more , be more obeyed . 78. When we conquer Gods patience by our sins , we are condemn'd by mutual conquerings to destroy one another in a Civil War , where the most prosperous successes on either side impair the wellfare of the whole . 79. Those Victories are still miserable , that leave our sins nnsubdued , flushing our pride , and animating to continue injuries . 80. Peace it self is not desirable , til repentance have prepared us for it . 81. When we fight more against our selves , and less against God , we shall cease fighting against one another . 82. No glory is more to be envied , than that of due reforming either Church or State , when deformities are such , that the perturbation and novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of reforming . 83. The setling of Religion ought to be the first rule and standard of reforming . 84. It is a great miscariage , when popular clamours and fury are allowed the reputation of zeal and the publick sense . 85. Freedome , Moderation , and Impartiality , are the best tempers of reforming counsels and endeavours . 86. What is acted by Factions , cannot but offend more than please . 87. Where the Scripture is not clear and punctual in precepts , there the constant and universal practise of the Church , in things not contrary to Reason , Faith , or Maners , or any positive Command , is the best Rule that Christians can follow . 88. The Vulgar are taken with novelties as children with babies , very much , but not very long . 89. If there were as much of Christ's Spirit , for meekness , wisdome and charity in mens hearts , as there is of his Name used in the pretensions to reform all to Christs , it would certainly obtain more of Gods blessing , and produce more of Christs glory , the Churches good , the honour of Religion , and the unity of Christians . 90. Publick Reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts , which they purpose to try on others . 91. Deformities within will soon betray the Pretenders of publick Reformations to such private designs , as must needs hinder the publick good . 92. The right methods of reforming the Church , cannot subsist with that of perturbing the civil State. 93. Religion cannot be justly advanced by depressing Loyalty , which is one of the chiefest ingredients and ornaments of true Religion : for , next to Fear God , is Honour the King. 94. Christ's Kingdom may be set up , without pulling down the Kings and men will not in impartial times appear good Christians , that approve not themselves good Subjects . ; 95. As good ends cannot justifie evil means , so , nor will evil beginnings ever bring forth good conclusions ; unless God by a miracle of mercy , create Light out of Darkness , Order out of Confusions , and Peace out of Passions . 96. The greatest experiments of Virtue and Nobleness are discovered in the greatest advantages against an enemy , and the greatest obligations are those which are put upon us by them , from whom we could least have expected them . 97. Bees will gather honey where the Spider sucks poyson . 98. Subjects can hardly be happy , if their King be miserable ; or enjoy their peace and liberties , while he is oppressed . 99. A King should not only with patience bear indignities , but with charity forgive them . 100. Subjects captivate their King , that allow him not the liberty of his own thoughts , and are unwilling he should follow the light of his own conscience . The Fifth Century . 1. IT is unreasonable for Subjects to expect the King should think their Couns●ls good for him , who maintain a War against him . 2. Prosperity gains the greatest esteem and applause among the Vulgar , as adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and disrespect . 3. Good Fortune is not alwayes the shadow of Vertue and Justice ; but oftner attends vitious and injurious actions as to this world . 4. No secular advantages seem sufficient to that Cause , which begun with Tumults , depends chiefly upon the reputation with the Vulgar . 5. Rebels think no Victories so effectual to their designs , as those that most rout and wast their Kings credit with his people . 6. The taking away a Kings credit , is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of his life and his kingdomes . 7. It is an exquisite method of Rebels cunning and cruel●y , To compel their King first to follow the funerals of his honour , and then destroy him . 8. Few mens Consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that shame and dishonour which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publick flattery and popular countenance . 9. Chams curse of being servant of servants , must needs be on them , who seek by dishonourable actions to please the vulgar ; and confirm by ignoble acts , their dependance upon the people . 10. What Providence denies to Force , it may grant to Prudence . 11. When necessity is a King's Counsellor , his confidence in a rebellious people may disarm and overcome them ; and the rendring his Person to them , engage their affections to him . 12. God must be a Kings chiefest Guard ; and his Conscience both his Counsellor , and his Comforter . 13. No necessities should compel a King to desert his ●●●●ur , or swerve from his judg●●●● . 14. An univ●●sal confidence put in dissembling Subjects , may make them ashamed not to be really such , as they ought and profess to be . 15. So various are all humane affairs , and so necessitous may the state of Princes be , that their greatest danger may be in their supposed safety ; and their safety in their suposed danger . 16. A King ought not in rebellious times , to be less solicitous for his friends safety , than his own ; and he may chuse to venture himself upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute loyalty to all extremity . 17. It is some skil in play , to know when a game is lost ; better fairly to give over , than to contest in vain . 18. A King that casts himself upon the kindness of Subjects that have fought against him , must study to reinforce his judgment , and fortifie his mind with Reason and Religion that he may not seem to offer up his souls liberty , or make his Conscience their Captive . ; 19. No success should darken or disguise truth to a King , who in the greatest necessity , should no less conform his words unto his inward dictates , than if they had been , as the words of a King ought to be among Loyal Subjects , full of power . 20. Reason is the divinest power : A King should never think himself weakned , while he may make full and free use of that . 21. No Eclipse of outward fortune should rob a King of the light of Reason . 22. What God denies of outward strength to a distressed King , his grace may supply with inward resolutions , not morosity to deny what is fit to be granted ; but not to grant any thing , which Reason and Religion bids him deny . 23. A King should never think himself less th●n himself , while he is able to preserve the integrity of his Conscience , when the only jewel left him worth keeping . 24. When Kings are deceiv'd in their confidence , it is but an essay which God will have them make of man's uncertainty , the more to fix them on himself , who never faileth them that trust in him . 25. Though the Reeds of Aegypt break under the hand of him that leans on them ; yet the Rock of Israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . 26. When a King retires to God , he most enjoyes himself , which he loseth while he lets out his hopes to others . 27. Solitude and Captivity gives a King leisure enough to study the Worlds vanity and inconstancy . 28. A King need not care much to be reckoned among the unfortunate , if he be not in the black List of irreligious and sacrilegious Princes . 29. No restraint should ensnare a Kings soul in sin , nor gain that of him which may make his Enemies more insolent , his friends ashamed , or his name accursed . 30. They have no great cause to triumph , that have got a King's person into their power , whose soul remains his own . 31. Should a King grant what unreasonable men desire , he should be such as they wish him , not more a King , and far less both man and Christian . 32. Restraint ought not to obtain that of a King , which Tumults and Armes could not , wherein though there be little safety , yet it hath not more of danger . 33. The fear of men should never be a Kings snare : nor should the love of any liberty entangle his Soul. 34. Better others betray a King , than himself : and that the price of his liberty should be his Conscience . 35. The greatest injuries a King's enemies seek to inflict upon him , cannot be without his own consent . 36. While a King can deny with Reason , he shall defeat the greatest impressions of Rebels malice , who neither know how to use worthily what is already granted , nor what to require more of him but this , That he would seem willing to help , then to destroy himself and his . 37. Although Rebels should destroy a King , yet let him give them no cause to despise him . 38. Neither Liberty nor Life are so dear to a King , as the peace of his Conscience , the honour of his Crownes , and the welfare of his People . 39. A King's word may more injure his People , than a War ; while he gratifies a few , to oppress all . 40. Lawes may by God's blessing , revive with the Loyalty of Subjects , if a distressed King bury them not by his consent , and cover them not in the grave of dishonour and injustice , which some mens violence may have digged for them . 41. If Captivity or Death must be the price of the Lawes redemption , a King should not grudge to pay it . 42. No condition can make a King miserable , which carieth not with it his Souls , his Peoples , and Posterities thraldom . 43. A Monarch should rather hazard the ruine of one King , than confirm many Tyrants over his people . 44 A distressed King may by the learning , piety and prayers of his Chaplains , be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments , or better sitted for the recovery and use of them in God's good time . 45. A King may reap , by the pious help of his Chaplains , a spiritual harvest of grace amidst the thornes , and after the plowings of temporal crosses . 46. When Rebels confine their King to solitude , they adde a Wilderness of Temptations , especialy if they obtrude company upon him more sad than solitude it self . 47. The evil policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurous usurpation . 48. Though the justice of the Law deprive Prisoners of worldly comforts , yet the mercy of Religion allowes them the benefit of their Clergy , as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies , and to damn their Souls . 49. To deny a King the Ghostly comfort of his Chaplains , seems a greater rigour and barbarity than is used to the meanest Prisoners , and greatest Malefactors . 50. A Kings agony may be relieved by the presence of one good Angel , such as is a learned , godly and discreet Divine . 51. Rebels , that envy the being a King , will encline to lothe his being a Christian , and while they seek to deprive him of all things else , will be afraid he should save his Soul. 52. Some remedies are worse than the disease , and some comforters more miserable than misery it self ; when like Jobs friends , they seek not to fortifie one's mind with patience , but perswade a man , by betraying his own Innocency , to despair of God's mercy ; and by justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands , and harden the hearts of insolent Enemies . 53. A King looking upon Clergy-men as Orphans , and under the sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious Reformers , ought in duty to appear as a Father , and a Patron of them and the Church . 54. It is better to seem undevout , and to hear no mens prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those petitions , to which the heart cannot consent , nor the tongue say Amen , without contradicting a man's own understanding , or belying his own Soul. 55. In publick devotions , a King should countenance neither prophane boldness , nor pious non-sense ; but such an humble and judicious gravity , as shewes the speaker to be at once consideate both of God's Majesty , the Church's honor , and his own vileness , both knowing what things God allowes him to ask , and in what maner it becomes a Sinner to supplicate the divine mercy for himself and others . 56. A King should equally be scandaliz'd with all prayers that sound either imperiously , or rudely and passionately ; as either wanting humility to God , or charity to men , or respect to the duty . 57. A King should better be pleased , as with studied and premeditated Sermons , so with such publick forms of Prayer as are fitted to the Church's and every Christian's daily and common necessities ; because he is better assured what he may joyn his heart unto , than he can be of any man's extemporary sufficiency . 58. Extemporary sufficiency , as it need not wholely be excluded from publick occasions , so is it to be allow'd its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements ; where neither the solemnity of the duty , nor the modest regard to others , do require so great exactness , as to the outward maner of performance . 59. The light of understanding , and the fervency of affection , are the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional , solitary and social devotions . 60. A great part of some mens piety , hangs upon the popular pin of railing against , and contemning the Liturgy of a Church . 61. A King should rather be condemned to the woe of Vae soli , than to that of Vae vobis Hypocritis , by seeming to pray what he does not approve . 62. It is infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to Gods Church by the Word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword. 63. The gifts and prayers of the Clergy , are to be look't upon as more praevalent than a King 's , or other men's , by how much they flow from minds more enlightned , and affections less distracted , than those which are encombred with secular affairs . 64. A greater blessing and acceptableness attends those duties which are rightly perform'd , as proper to , and within the limits of that calling , to which God and the Church have especially designed and consecrated some men . 65. Confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every man's turning Priest or Preacher , as it will in the State , where every man affects to rule as King. 66. A King may bear with more grief and impatience the want of his Chaplains , than of any other his servants , and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from his Wife and Children since from these , indeed more of humane and temporary affections ; but from those more of heavenly and eternal improvements may be expected . ; 67. In the inforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary means , God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his gifts and graces . 68. A King that in solitude , has Gods Spirit to teach him and help his infirmities in prayer , reading and meditation will need no other either Oratour or Instructer . 69. Some little practise wil serve that man , who only seeks to represent a part of honesty and honour . 70. A King cannot be so low , but He is considerable : adding weight to that Party where he appears . 71. When the excentrique and irregular motion of the Times cannot well be resisted , nor quieted ; Better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . 72. Impossible it is for lines to be drawn from the center , and not to divide from each other , so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . 73. Professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties , cannot be utterly against the Liberty of their King : what they demand for their own Conscience , they cannot in reason deny to his . 74. Novel Injunctions cannot well be stamped with the authority of Lawes , without the Kings consent . 75. Men are hardly content with one sin , but adde sin to sin , til the later punish the former . 76. Power is above all Rule , Order and Law ; where men look more to present Advantages , than their Consciences , and the unchangeable rules of Justice ; while they are Judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . 77. Vengeance oft pursues and overtakes them that thought to have escaped and fortified themselves most impregnably against it , both by their multitude and compliance . 78. Whom the Lawes cannot , God will punish , by their own crimes and hands . 79. Fatal blindness frequently attends and punisheth wilfullness , so that men shall not be able at least to prevent their sorrowes , who would not timely repent of their sins , nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the comforts , who securely neglect the counsels belonging to their peace . 80. Brethren in Iniquity , are not far from becoming insolent enemies , there being nothing harder than to keep ill men long in one mind . 81. It is not possible to gain a ●air period for those motions which go rather in a round and circle of fancy , than in a right line of reason tending to the Law , the only center of publick consistency . 82. Men are much more happy when subject to known Lawes , than to the various wills of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . 83. Vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant wayes , like violent motions in nature , soon growes weary of it self , and ends in a refractory fullenness . 84. Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces , who first put them upon those violent strokes . 85. A King may so far esteem the valour and gallantry some time shewed by an Army which hath fought against him , as to concur toward a just satisfying their demands of pay and indemnity ; and to wish he may never want such men to maintain himself , his Lawes and Kingdome in such a peace as wherein they may enjoy their share and proportion so much as any men . 86. It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of a Kings long restraint , when he finds his leisure and solitude have produced something worthy of himself , and usefull to his Successour . 87. In Civil Warres , a Kings cause is not to be measured by the success , nor his judgment of things by his misfortunes . 88. It is an advantage of wisdom to a young Prince , to have begun & spent some years of discretion in the experience of troubles , and exercise of patience . 89. In troubles Piety and all Virtues , both Moral and Political are commonly better planted to a thriving ( as Trees set in winter ) than in the warmth and serenity of times . 90. The delights which usually attend Princes Courts in time of Peace and Plenty , are prone either to root up all Plants of true Virtue and Honor , or to be contented only with some leaves and withering formalities of them . 91. Princes should alwayes remember they are born , and by Providence designed to the publick good . 92. Flatteries are as unseparable from prosperous Princes , as Flies ate from fruit in Summer , whom adversity , like cold weather , drives away . 93. Charles le Bon , a more glorious name for a Prince , than le Grand Better for him and his people he be good , than great . ; 94. The early exercise of Gods graces and gifts bestowed upon Princes may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose them to such Princely endowments and imployments , which will most gain the love , and intend the welfare of those over whom God may place them . 95. A Prince ought to begin and end with God , who is King of Kings , the Soveraign disposer of the Kingdomes of the World. 96. The best Government , and highest Soveraignty a Prince can attain to is , to be subject to God , that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in his heart . 97. The true glory of Princes consists in advancing Gods Glory in the maintenance of true Religion , and the Church's good ; Also in the dispensation of civil Power , with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace . 98. Piety will make a Prince prosperous ; at least it will keep him from being miserable . 99. He is not much a loser , that loseth all , yet saveth his own soul at last . 100. A Kings affliction is Gods Physick , having that in healthfulness which it wants in pleasure . The Sixth Century . 1. A Prince at mature age , ought if satisfied in his own Judgment and Reason , seal to that sacred bond which education hath written , that it may be judiciously his own Religion , and not other mens custom , or tradition , which he professeth . 2. A Princes fixation in matters of Religion , is not more necessary for his souls , than his Kingdoms peace . 3. The Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation , and the old Serpent can pretent new lights . 4. When some mens Consciences accuse them for sedition and faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion , When Piety pleads for peace and patience , they cry out zeal . 5. Unless a King in point of Religion be well setled , he shall never want temptations to destroy him and his under pretensions of Reforming . 6. Reforming matters of Religion seems even to the worst men as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst desfgns . 7. Some Reformers of Religion hope to cover their irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious , by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . 8. A King ought to take heed of abetting any factions , or applying to any publick discriminations in matters of Religion , contrary to what is in his judgment , and the Church well setled . 9. A King 's partial adhering as head to any one side , gains him not so great advantages in some mens hearts ( who are prone to be of their Kings Religion ) as it loseth them in others , who think themselves and their profession first despised , than persecuted by him . 10. A King should take such a course , as may either with calmness and charity quite remove seeming differeces in Religion , and offenses by impartiality , or to order affairs in point of Power , that he shall not need to fear or flatter any Faction . 11. If a King stand in need of any Faction , he may have flatterrd ( that affects him not ) or must stand to their courtesie , he is undone ; The Serpent will devour the Dove . 12. A King may never expect less of loyalty , justice , or humanity , than from those who engage into Religious Rebellion . 13. Religious Rebels make their interest alwayes Gods. 14. Ambitious Policies march under the colours of Piety , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy . 15. A King may hear Jacobs voice from such religious Reformers , but he will feel they have Esau's hands . 16. As ill humors fall to the disaffected part , which causeth inflammations ; so all affectors of novelties adhere to that side , which hath the most remarkable and specious note of difference in point of Religion . 17. Nothing ought to seem little or despicable to a King in matters which concern Religion and the Church's peace , so as to neglect a speedy reformation , and effectual suppression . 18. Errors and Schismes which seem at first but as a hand-breadth , by seditious spirits , as by strong winds are soon made to cover and darken the whole heaven . 19. A King should never charge his head with such a Crown , as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole body , the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength , honour or safety to the head , but a necessary debilitation and ruine . 20. A Kings Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting rather than exacting the rigour of the Lawes ; there being nothing worse than legal Tyranny . 21. Tumults , Armies and Prisons , are not the best arguments to convince the testimony of a King's conscience . 22. It is not safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the perturbation of the Lawes , in which is wrap't up the publick Interest , and the good of the Community . 23. A King should never repose so much upon any mans single counsel , fidelity and discretion , in managing affairs of the first magnitude ( that is , matters of Religion and Justice ) as to create in himself or others , a difference of his own judgment , which is likely to be alwayes more constant and impartial to the interests of his Crown and Kingdom , than any mans . 24. A King should beware of exasperating any Factions by the crossness and ●●●●erity of some mens passions , humors , or private opinions , imployed by him , grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion . 25. A Charitable connivence and Christian toleration , often dissipates the strength of Factions , which rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the despised and opressed party into such combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their Persecutors , who are commonly assisted by that vulgar commiseration , which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of Religion . 26. A King is not to connive at or tolerate any faction that amounts to an insolent opposition of Lawes and Government , or Religion established , as to the essentials of them , such ●●●tions and minings are intolerab●e . 27. A King must alwayes keep up solid Piety , and those fundamental Truths ( which mend both hearts and lives of men ) with impartial favour and justice . 28. A King must take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devour not all , or the best encouragements of Learning , industry and piety . 29. A King ought with an equal eye and impartial hand , to distribute favours and rewards to all men , as he finds them for their real goodness , both in abilities and fidelities worthy and capable of them . 30. A King by rewarding men of best deserts , shall be sure to gain himself the hearts of the best , and the most too , who though they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer wayes of vertue at any time sweetned by temporal rewards . 31. Combin●●●●actions have no sooner by force subdued what they counted their common enemy , and are secured from that fear , but they are divided to so high a rivalry , as sets them more at defiance against each other , than against their first Antagonists . 32. Time will dissipate all Factions , when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves , which were at first wrapt up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of Religion , Reformation and Liberty . 33. As the Wolfe is not less cruel , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appear no better than a Wolfe under Sheeps clothing . 34. To undeceive the seduced Vulgar , who in simplicity follow disguises , as a King needs no palliations , if he study really to exceed in true and const●●● demonstrations of goodness , piety , and virtue towards the People , even all those men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of Religion : so shall he neither fear any detection , as they do , who have but the face and mask of goodness ; nor shall he frustrate the just expectations of his people , who cannot in reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects novelties , as from the virtuous constancy of their King. 35. None are greater Oppressours of Vulgar Estates , Liberties , and Consciences , than those men that entitle themselves the Patrons and Vindicators of them , only to usurpe power over them . 36. No Passion should betray a Prince to any study of revenge upon those , whose own sin and folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . 37. So soon as the forked arrow of factious emulations is drawn out , use all princely arts and clemency to heal the wounds ; that the smart of the cure , may not equal the anguish of the hurt . 38. Acts of Indempnity and Oblivion , when desired and accepted , are to be granted not only as Acts of State-policy and necessity , but of Christian charity and choise . 39. They that deprive a King of all , cannot of a power to forgive them ; and to have a heart to do it , is a greater argument of Gods love to him , than any prosperity can be . 40. None will be more loyal and faithfull to an injur'd King , than those Subjects , who , sensible of their errours and his sufferings , will feell in their own souls most vehement motives to repentance , and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . 41. As the quality of a King sets him beyond a Duel with any Subject ; so the Nobleness of his mind must raise him above the meditating any revenge , or executing his anger upon the many . 42. The more conscious a King shall be to his own merits upon his people , the more prone he will be to expect all love and loyalty from them , and to inflict no punishment upon them for former miscariages . 43. An injur'd King will have more inward complacency in pardoning one , than in punishing a thousand . 44. We cannot merit of God , but by his own mercy . 45. Counterfeit and disorderly zeal ought not to abate a King's value and esteem of true piety : both of them are to be known by their fruits . 46. The sweetness of the Vine and Figtree is not to be despised , though the Brambles and Thornes should pretend to bear Figs and Grapes , thereby to rule over the Trees . 47. The publick interest consists in the mutual and common good both of Prince and People . 48. We must not sterve our selves , because some men have surfeited of wholsom food . 49. God sometimes punisheth Rebellious Subjects with continuance in their sin , and suffers them to be deluded with the prosperity of their wickedness . 53. Gods grace may teach and enable an injur'd King to want , as well as to wear a Crown , which is not worth taking up , or enjoying , upon sordid , dishonourable , and irreligious termes . 51. Let a King keep himself to true principles of piety , vertue , and honour ; He shall never want a Kingdom . 52. It is a principal point of honour in a yong King , to deferre all respect , love , and pretection to the Queen Dowager his mother , especially if with magnanimity and patience she hath sufferr'd for , and with , his Royal Father , and himself . 53. A Captive King , in the midst of Rebellious Subjects , may be wrapt up and fortified in his own innocency and God's grace . 54. The bloud of a King destroy'd by Rebels , will cry aloud for vengeance to Heaven , and they who shed it , will have inward horrour for their first Tormenter , and not escape exemplary judgments . 55. They that repent of any defects in their duty toward the Royal Father , may be found truly zealous to repay with interest , the loyalty and love which was due to him , unto their King his son . 56. The mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion , will not long serve to hide the men's deformities that use it . 57. Mislead Subjects may learn by their miseries , That Religion to their God , and Loyalty to their King , cannot be parted without both their sin and their infelicity . 58. God may honour a King , not only with the Scepter and government of Realms , but also with the suffering many indignities , and an untimely death for them , while he studies to preserve the rights of the Church , the power of his Lawes , the honour of his Crown , the priviledges of Parliaments , the liberties of his People , and his own Conscience , which is dearer to him than a thousand Kingdoms . 59. A Captive King hath as much cause as leisure to meditate upon , and prepare for his death ; there being but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes . 60. It is Gods indulgence which gives him the space , but mans cruelty , that gives him the sad occasions for those thoughts . 61. A King in the hands of Rebels , besides the common burthen of mortality , which lies upon him , as a man , bears the heavy load of other mens ambitions , fears , jealousies , and cruel passions , whose envy or enmity against him , makes their own lives seem deadly to them , while he enjoyes any part of his . 62. A Kings prosperity should not make him a stranger to the contemplations of mortality . 63. The thoughts of death are never unseasonable , since prosperity alwayes is uncertain . 64. Death is an Eclipse , which oft hapneth as well in clear as clowdy dayes . 65. A King by long and sharp adversity , may have so reconciled within himself those natural Antipathies between Life and Death , which are in all men , that the common terrours of the later may be dispelled , and the special horrour of it much allayed . 66. A King , to whom a violent death approaching is represented by the policy of cruel and implacable enemies , with all terrible aggravations may look upon those things as unpoysonous , though sharp , since his Redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given him the antidote of his death against them , which as to the immaturity , unjustice , shame , scorn and cruelty of it , exceeded whatever a threatned King can fear . 67. A pious King never finds so much the life of Religion , the feast of a good Conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious integrity and constancy , as when he comes to a close conflict with the thoughts of Death . 68. Though a King be not so old , as to be weary of life , it is happy for him , if he be not so bad as to be either afraid to dye , or asham'd to live . 69. It is the greatest glory of a Christians life to dye dayly , in conquering by a lively faith , and patient hope of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths , which kill by piece-meals , and make men over-live their own fates , while we are deprived of health , honour , liberty , power , credit , safety , or estate , and those other comforts of dearest relations , which are as the life of our lives . 70. A King lives in nothing temporal so much , as in the love and good will of his people . 71. A King should not think that life too long or tedious , wherein God gives him any opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such Christian patience and magnanimity in a good cause , as are the greatest honour of his life , and the best improvement of his death . 72. In point of true Christian valour , it argues pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life , and a want of that heroike greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian , in the patient and generous sustaining those afflictions , which as shadowes , necessarily attend us , while we are in this body , and which are less'ned or enlarged as the Sun of our prosperity moves higher or lower , whose total absence is best recompensed with the Dew of Heaven . 73. The assaults of affliction may be terrible , like Sampson's Lyon , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare encounter and overcome them , who know how to over-live the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet converse with God. 74. The life of a pious King is the Object of the Devils and wicked mens malice , but yet under God's sole custody and disposal . 75. We must not by seeming prepared to dye , think to flatter God for longer life . 76. Triumphing Enemies who are solemnely cruel , adde ( as those did who crucified Christ ) the mockery of justice to the cruelty of malice . 77. That a King may be destroyed , as with greater pomp and artifice , so with less pity , it is but a necessary policy to make his death appear as an Act of Justice , done by Subjects upon their Soveraign , who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without him , much less against him ; and who being sworn and bound by all that is sacred before God and man , to endeavour his preservation , must pretend justice to cover their perjury . 78. It is a sad fate for any man , to have his enemies to be Accusers , Parties and Judges , but most desperate when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraign , wherein those who have had the chiefest hand , and are most guilty of contriving the publick Troubles , must by shedding his bloud , seem to wash their own hands of that innocent bloud , whereof they are most evidently guilty before God and Man , if not in their own Consciences too , while they carry on unreasonable demands , first by Tumults , after by Armies . 79. Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawfull Superiours , than the guilt of their unjust usurpation . 80. Specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents are applyed only to disguize at first the monstrousness of their designs , who despair of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard , till the heir , whose right it is , be cast out and slain . 81. It may be accounted by Rebels a Kings greatest fault , that he will not either destroy himself with the Church and State by his word ; or not suffer them to do in unresisted by the sword , whose covetous Ambition , no Concessions of his can either satisfie or abate . 82. Some men think that Kingdom of brambles which they seek to erect , not likely to thrive , till watered with the Royal bloud of those , whose right the Kingdom is . 83. A King's Innocency will find him both his Protector , and his Advocate , who is his only Judg. 84. The greatest Patrons of Law , Justice , Order , and Religion on earth , are exposed to as many dangers , as there be either Men or Devils which love confusion . 85. God will not suffer men long to prosper in their Babel , who build it with the bones , and cement it with the bloud of their Kings . 86. A King destin'd to death by Rebels , may be confident they will find avengers of it among themselves ; and that the injuries he hath sustained from them , shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much , as in opposing him . 87. The impatience of Rebels to bear the loud cry of their Kings bloud will make them think no way better to expiate it , than by shedding theirs , who with them most thirsted after his . 88. God will not suffer them to go unpunished , whose confoederacy in sin was their only security . 89. A King 's greatest conquest of Death , is from the power of the love of Christ , who hath swallowed up Death in the Victory of his Resurrection , and the Glory of his Ascension . 90. Royal Charity is the noblest revenge upon , and victory over a King's Destroyers . 91. The will of Rebels and Regicides seems to be their only rule , their power the measure , and their success the Exactor of what they please to call Justice , while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own safety , by the Kings danger , and the security of their lives-designs , by his death : forgetting , that the greatest temptations to sin , are wrapped up in seeming prosperities ; so the severest vengeances of God are then most accomplished , when men are suffered to complete their wicked purposes . 92. When the will of God hath confined and concluded that of a devoted King , he shall have the pleasure of dying without any pleasure of desired vengeance . 93. The glory attending the death of a King sacrificed to the will of his revolted Subjects , surpasseth all he could enjoy or conceive in life . 94. The sharp and necessary Tyrany of King-destroyers , sufficiently confute the calumnies of Tyranny against him . 95. Subjects ought to know how to excuse their Soveraign's failings as a man , and yet to retain and pay their duty to him as their King ; there being no religious necessity binding any Subjects by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errours of their Princes . 96. Rebels may often see the proportions of their evil dealings against their King in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and to●s , having under pretense of paring his nails , been so cruel as to cut off his chiefest strength . 97. The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate Rebels may be like Korah and his Complices ( at once mutining against both Prince and Priest ) in such a method of divine Justice , as is not ordinary ; the earth of the lowest and meanest people opening upon them , and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten , and worse-used Authority ; upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their designs against their King , the Church and State. 98. It is a fallacy in them who from worldly success ( rather like Sophisters than sound Christians ) draw those popular conclusions for Gods approbation of their actions , whose wise prudence oft permits many events , which his revealed Word , the only clear , safe and fixed rule of good actions and good conveniences , in no sort approves . 99. A good King may be confident that the justice of his Cause , and clearness of his Conscience , before God , and toward his people , will carry him as much above Rebels in Gods decision , as their successes may have lifted them above him in the Vulgar opinion . 100. Many times those undertakings of men , are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the World , whose rise is from Hell , as to the injuriousness and oppression of the design . The Seventh Century . 1. THe prosperous winds which oft fill the Sails of Pirates , doth not justifie their piracy and rapine . 2. The prayers and patience of a King's friends and loving Subjects , coutribute much to the sweetning of that bitter cup given him by them , whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against him . 3. As to the last event , a murther'd King may seem to owe more to his Enemies , than his Friends , while those put a period to the sins and sorrows attending this miserable life , wherewith these desire he might still contend . 4. If a good King suffer's a violent death with his Saviour , it is but Mortality crowned with Martyrdom , where the debt of death which he owes for sin to Nature , shall be raised as a gift of faith and patience offered to God. 5. The Trophees of a King's charity will be more glorious and durable over Rebels , than their ill-managed victories over him . 6. They whose sin is prosperous , had need be penitent , that they may be pardoned . 7. We are to look upon the temporal destruction of the greatest King , as farre less deprecable , than the eternal damnation of the meanest Subject . 8. It is very strange , that Mariners can find no other means to appease the storm themselves have raised , but by drowning their Pilate . 9. They who themselves seem , and teach others to despair of their King's Salvation , only discover this , that they do not much desire it . 10. Uncharitable and cruel Restraints of a King from spiritual assistance of Chaplains , may rather enlarge , than any way obstruct his access to the Throne of Heaven . 11. When large pretenses prove but the shadows of weak performances , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects . 12. When a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . 13. No grants give satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends , more than the welfare of a miserable Land. 14. It is an unutterable misery for him that hath ruled like a King , to be ruled like a Slave . 15. A King knowes not what to grant , when after his concessions to Subjects that have required all , they know not what to ask . 16. They who pretend zeal , when their thoughts are filled with bloud , are but Wolves in Sheeps clothing . 17. Rebels that endeavour to rule by the Sword , shall at last fall by it , for Faction is the Mother of Ruine . 18. They that are of such a Weather-cock-like disposition , love nothing but mutabilities . 19. Much variety doth confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . 20. Time is the best cure for Faction : for it will at length ( like a spreading leprosie ) infect the whole body of the Kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and like a fish , for love of the bait , be catch'd with the hook . 21. It is not expedient for an Army , to contradict the votes of a Kingdom , endeavou●ing by pretending for Lawes and Liberties , to subvert both . 22. The time will come , when the very Clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barrocado themselves against the proceedings of peace . 23. A resolute King in captivity is arm'd against the fury of Rebellious Subjects , having a breast to receive the arrowes of their envy , and a heart possest with patience to sustain them . 24. To God nothing is so great that it may resist ; nor so small , that it is contemned . 25. A King may rather desire his faults should be corrected by the hand of God , than that his ununjust enemies should be the Ministers of God's justice . 26. Let Calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of a Kings Virtue . 27. The permitting a wrong way of God's worship to be set up , to the injury of the right before establish'd and practis'd , will bring shame and grief to a King by his own confession , that he therein followed the perswasions of Worldly wisdom , forsaking the Dictates of a right informed Conscience . 28. They who have been false to their King , to those that gave them power , and in likelihood to their own souls , may be forgiven by him , but never trusted . 29. It is an humor becoming an impartial King , to be still partial for that side which he imagines suffer for the weakness of those that maintain it . 30. A King should suffer a Divine who would rectifie his supposed errour , no less than a Physician , to take his own way of cu●e . 31. As to the profession of Religion , the King is happy , who condemns not himself in that thing which he allowes . 32. He that changeth for the better , ought to be sure it be better , before he change . 33. Inconstancy in Religion , without cause and colour , is both sin and shame . 34. There is much difference between permission and approbation . 35. If the practise of the Primitive Church , and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing argument , when the interpretation of the Scripture is dou●●full , nothing is . 36. The Interpretation of private Spirits is the Mother of all sects , and will bring , where permitted , Kingdoms to confusion . 37. Another mans will is as weak a ground for a King to build his faith on , as his own education . 38. When a General Counce● cannot be had , several Kingdomes may reform themselves . 39. Rebels never wanted Wr●ters to maintain their unjust actions . 40. All popular Reformation is little better than Rebellion . 41. No Authority is lawfull , but that which is either directly given , or at least approved by God. 42. The Church having any Discipline not conformed to the Civil Policy , can neither flouris● , nor be happy . 43. Church-Ambition doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope , it being no point of humility to endeavour to be independent of Kings . 44. Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous , as in one . 45. Many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwayes are unlawfull . 46. In points not fit to be discussed , instances , as well as comparisons , are odious . 47. Reason epitomised , weighs as much with wise men , as at large . 48. One may lean on anothers arm , who leans more on his judgment . 49. The soundness of Religion is not to be tried by dint of Sword , nor must we judg of her Truths , by the prosperity of events . 50. When men sit down to discourse or argue , Reason should take her seat with them , and , though she be no Judg , have her place , if not above their Faith , in their arguments . 51. The envious mans seeds , are tares , although the husbandman knowes not when they were sown . 52. The child is not to be pour tractured greater than the Nurse , nor the Bishops power made to outreach the King 's , who is the Nursing Father of the Church . 53. Unity may consist in this ▪ when many sheaves lye in one mans field that belong to him , or be caried into his barn , though they be not bundled up in a rick with one cock-sheave above the rest . 54. A sum divided into several parcels is not broke , while the owner hath all in his possession . 55. Whilst Arguments do multiply , Time lessens . 56. The seed of the Word wherein is Gods holy Spirit , being sowen in the heart , inlivened by the heat of Faith , and watered with the tears of Repentance , soon fructifies without any further circumstance . 57. It is no strange thing to see Errour triumph in Antiquity , and flourish fair Ensigns in the face of Truth . 58. It will do no good to keep possession of the keyes , when the lock is changed . 59. Though the Catholick Church is the white in that Butt of earth at which we all must aim ; yet the Scripture is the heart , centre , or peg in the midst of that white that holds it up , from whence we must measure . 60. That which must determine Truth , must not be fallible . 61. When a King fears affairs of Councel will meet with s●me passion and prejudice in other men , it is best for him to resolve they shall find least of them in himself . 62. Mens well-meaning ●eal must be guided by such rules of moderation , as are best both to preserve and restore the health of States and Kingdoms . 63. A King should intend not only to oblige his friends , but his enemies also , exceeding even the desires of those that have been factiously discontented , if they do but pretend to any modest and sober sense . 64. The Odium and o●fences which some mens rigour or remissness in Church and State may have contracted upon a Kings Government , he should resolve to expiate by such Lawes and Regulations for the future , as may not only rectifie what was amiss in practise , but supply what was defective i● the constitution . 65. No man should have a greater zeal to see Religion setled and preserved in Truth , Unity and Order , than the King whom it most concerns both in piety and policy . 66. A King's confidence in others may betray himself and his Kingdomes to those advantages which some men seek for , who want nothing but power and occasion to do mischief . 67. When our sins ar● ripe , there is no preventing of God's Justice from reaping that glory in our Calamities , which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity . 68. Great abilities in a Minister of State , may be prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this is like enough to betray him to great errours , and many enemies . 69. Though a King cannot in his Judgment approve all a Minister of State hath done , driven ( it may be ) by the necessity of Times and the Temper of that People he is set over more than lead by his own disposition to any height and rigour of actions ; yet he may not be convinced of any such criminousness in him , as willing to expose his life to the strokes of Justice , and malice of his enemies . 70. When a King bears the touch of Conscience , with great régret , for any act of so sinfull frailty , as discovers more a fear of Man than of God , as a sign of his repentance , he should often with sorrow confess the same both to God and Men. 71. No man is worthy to bear the name and place of God on earth , who will not avoid inconveniences of State by acts of so high injustice , as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate . 72. In all likelihood a King can never suffer with his People greater calamities ( yet with greater comfort ) by vindicating the Innocency of his Minister , at least by denying to sign any destructive Bill , according to that Justice which his Conscience suggesteth to him ; than he wil do after he shall have gratified some mens unthankfull importunities with so cruel a favour . 73. It may be observed by a King , that those who counsel him to sign a destructive Bill to an innocent Minister of State , are so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People , that no me● are harrassed and crushed more than they ; when he is least vexed by them , who counsels the King not to consent against the vote of his own Conscience . 74. A King fully conscious to his Soul , of permitting an Innocent Minister of State to be destroyed , may so much the more welcome those Judgments God hath pleased to send upon him , as he may hope them to be a means which his mercy hath sanctified so to him , as to repent of that unjust Act , and for the future not to do the like . 75. Nothing should more fortifie a King●s resolutions against al● violent importunities ▪ which seek to gain consent from him to Acts wherein his Conscience is unsatisfied , than the sharp touches he may have had for some such he before hath yeilded to . 76. When a King's enemies , of his own People , load his Act of Justice , because extraordinary in the method , with obloquies and exasperations , in touchy times it will fill indifferent men with great jealousies and fears ; yea , and many of his friends will resent it as a motion rising rather from Passion , than Reason ▪ and not guided with such discretion as the Times require ▪ 77. Though a King be furnish'd with just motives and pregnant grounds to proceed against any Subjects , so that there needs nothing to the evidence he can produce against those he chargeth , save a free and legal Tryal ; let that be all he desireth . 78. A King should not yield to any temptation of displeasure or revenge against the persons of his Subjects , further than he has discovered the unlawfull correspondencies they have used , and engagements they have made to embroyl his Kingdoms . 79. Probabilities may be sufficient to raise jealousies in any King's heart , who is not wholely stupid and neglective of the publick peace . 80. A fair and legal tryal of men called in question by their King , can amount to no worse effect , than either to do him and his Kingdom right in case they be guilty ; of else to clear their Innocency , and remove his suspitions . 81. When once People have learned to think hard thoughts again●t their King , they will afterward abundantly vent them by words and deeds . 82. Not any thing ( except our sins ) more ominously presageth al● the miseries incident to a Kingdom by Civil War , then Tumults in the Capital City of it , which , when at their height , are not like a storm at Sea , ( which yet wants not its terrour ) but like an Earthquake , shaking the ve●y foundations of all ; than which nothing in the World hath more of horrour . 83. In Popular Tumults , a short sit , or two , of shaking , as an ague , may pass away ; but when once they become a quotidian fever , allwayes increasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission , they threaten ruine . 84. An unsafe guard may too easily be entertain'd by such as scare themselves , and others , with unnecessary fears . 85. Such great Demagogues , and Patrons of Tumults , as send for them to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , God will in his due time let them see , that those are no fit means to be used for attaining his ends . 86. They are no wise Statesmen , who own people in Tumults to be their friends , commending their Courage , Zeal , and Industry ; which to sober men can seem no better than that of the Devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive and devour , 87. It is not alwayes an effect of Pusillanimity in a man , for popular terrours to deser● his publick station . 88. When Popular Tumults are become as the breaking in of a Sea ; for a King to resist at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gains him a sitter time to repair the breach . 89. A King , by all means to decline a Civil War , may in many particulars deny himself , especially haveing no Army to flie unto for protetection , or vindication . 90. A King should resolve to hear reason in all things , and to consent to it so far as he can comprehend it . 91. When unquiet people with unpassionate representations reflect upon any , not more Princely , than friendly contributions , which their King may have granted towards the perpetuating of their happiness , he need not despair of recovering their Love and Loyalty unto him . 92. The Loyal and cleared affections of mis-led People , will strive to return such retributions of Honour and Love to their injur'd King , or his Posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of his confidence in and his sufferings for them . 93. It is the injury of all injuries , wherewith some malicious people load their King , while they calumniate him as a wilfull and resolved occasioner , of his own and his Subjects miseries . 94. A King ought not to repine at an establishment of his own making ; nor endeavour by force and open hostility to undo what by his Royal assent he hath done . 95. A King may have a sense of injuries from his Subjects , yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a War. 96. A King is compelled ●● injure him●elf by his Subjects , not using favours with the same candor , wherewith they were conferred . 97. Tumults are prone to threaten to abuse all Acts of grace , and turn them into wantonness . 98. Their own fears , whose black arts raise up turbulent Spirit● ▪ may force them to conjure them down again . 99. Though a King have iustly resented any indignities put upon him , he may be in no capacity to take just revenge in a hostile and warlike way upon those , whom he knowes to be well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people . 100. A King should long for nothing more , than that himself and his Subjects may quietly enjoy the fru●ts of his own condescendings . The eighth Century . 1. A King that knowes well the sincerity and uprightness of his own heart , in passing from himself what may exceed the very thoughts of former times , although he seem less a Politician to men , yet may need no secret distinctions or evasions before God. 2. Though a King may be content , to recede much from his own interests and Personal rights , of which he conceives himself to be Master ; yet in what concerns Truth , Justice , the Rights of the Church , and his Crown , together with the general good of his Kindoms ( all which he is bound to preserve as much as morally lies in him ) here he ought to be fixt and resolute . 3. A King , by no necessity , should be brought to affirm that to men , which in his conscience he denied before God. 4. For Protestants to force their Queen , because of the Romane Religion , to withdraw for her safety , as it will be little to the ador●ing of their profession ; so it may occasion a further alienation of mind , and divorce of affections in her from it . 5. An Afflicted King can give no better instance of a steady affection unto his Queen , than by professing himself content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as she may be safe in Harbour . 6. The policy of Rebels finds it sometimes necessary to their designs , by scandalous articles , and all irreverent demeanour , to seek to drive their Queen out of the Kingdom , lest by the influence of her example , eminent for love , as a wife , and loyalty as a subject , she should convert to , or retein in their love and loyalty to their King , all those , whom they have a purpose to pervert . 7. Some acts there are of so rude disloyalty , that a King 's greatest enemies have scarce confidence enough to abet , or own . 8. Rebels that design the destruction of their King , will first make overt essayes , by possessing themselves of Towns , how patiently he can bear the loss of his Kingdoms . 9. A good King so injur'd , will be more affected with shame and sorrow for others ; then with anger for himself ; nor will the affront done to him , trouble him so much as their sin , which admits no colour or excuse . 10. They who have effrontery enough ro commit or countenance , will hardly contein themselves within the compass of one unworthy act , but the hand of that cloud will soon overspread the whole Kingdom , and cast all into disorder and darkness . 11. One act of publick Rebellion , may give a wise King to see clearly through all the pious disguises , and soft palliations of some men , whose words , though smoother than oyl , will prove very swords . 12. Against the Swords point is the defence of a good Conscience . 13. Were it not that the excess of our impotent passions , gave our enemies malice a full impression on our souls , it could not reach very far , nor do us much hurt . 14. It is observable how God sometimes so pleades and avengeth the cause of an injur'd King , in the eye of the world , that the most willfully blind , cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , and with some remorse and fear to own it , as a mutable stroke and prediction of divine vengeance . 15. It hath been known , that a leading Rebel , unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed , by any language or secret imprecation of the King , only blasted with the conscience of his own wickedness , and falling from one inconstancy to another , no● long after has paid his own and his eldest sons heads , as forfeitures of their disloyalty , to those men , from whom he might have expected another reward , than so to divide their heads from their bodies , whose hearts with them were divided from their King. 16. A solitary vengeance will no● alwayes serve the turn ; The cutting off one head in a family , is not enough to expiate the asfront done to the head of a Common weal. 17. The eldest son has been known to be involued in the punishment , as he was infected with the sin of the Father against the Father of his Country : Root and Branch God cuts off in one day . 18. A King ought not to rejoyce in the ruine of any eminent Rebel , ( though it were such as could give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught , as if executed by them , who first employed him against his Soveraign ) but rather pity him , especially if he thinks he acted against the light of his Conscience . 19. Signal Rebels are not allwayes suffer'd to accomplish their repentance , when they begin to have inclinations toward it , and a reparation of their duty , but fall unhap●ily sometimes into the hands of their Justice , who first imployed them , and not the Mercy of the King they have offended . 20. It is no fault in a King , to be as willing to forgive a Rebel , as he can ask favour of him . 21. That Gentleman is to be pitied ( even by the King he has offended ) that becomes a notable monument of unprosperous disloyalty , a sad and unfortunate spectacle to the World. 22. A King should love the inward peace of his Conscience , before any outward tranquillity . 23. Some miscariages in Government , may escape , rather through ill Counsel of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others envying the publick should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State , than any propensity of the King himself , either to injuriousness , or oppression . 24. Those Rebels must have more confidence in their Cannon , then in their Gause , whom their King can freely ask , whose innocent bloud during my Reign have I shed , to satisfie my lust , anger , or covetousness ? What Widows or Orphans tears can witness against me , the just cry of which must now be avenged with my own bloud ? 25. Some men are not willing to believe their King , lest they should condemn themselves . 26. To allay the insolency of tumults , it may conduce , if the King withdraw . 27. A King is hardly treated , when urged with an Army , and constrained either to hazard his own and his Kingdoms ruine by his defence , or prostrate his Conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do God and the Church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that Primitive , Apostolical , and anciently Universal Government of the Church by Bishops . 28. It is no just occasion taken , to persecute with the injuries of an Army , for not suffering tamely the injuries of Tumults . 29. It is no plausible design for importunate Subjects to raise an Army , either to stop their Kings mouth , or force his cconsent . 30. A King should think his Innocency no whit prejudiced , or darkened , in the midst of many unfortunate successes of a Civil War on his side . 31. How untruly a King is charged with the first raising an Army , and beginning a Civil War , the eyes that only pity him , and the Loyal hearts that dare only pray for him , may witness , especially when not so many are on his side , as the men in Armes listed against him . 32. A Kings unpreparedness for a Civil War , though it may well dishearten those that would help him , while it argues ( truly ) his unwillingness to fight ; yet it testifies for him , that he is set on the defensive part , having so little hopes or power to offend others , that he has none to defend himself , or to preserve what is his own for their proreption . 33. No man can doubt , but Rebbels prevent the King in their purposes , as well as their injuries , who are much aforehand in their preparations against him , and surprisals of his strength . 34. When men of Loyalty are over-awd by the numbers and terrours of the Rebellious ; such as are not for the Rebels , dare not be for the King. 35. When Rebels prevent their King by surprising his Castles , Forts , Armes and Navy , with the Militia , it is so far best for him , that it may drive him from putting his trust in the arm of flesh , and wholly to cast himself into the protection of the living God , who can save by few , or none , as well as by many . 36. It is height of Charity and generosity of spirit in a disarmed King , to reckon the want of the Militia not so much in reference to his own protection , as his Peoples . 37. The many and sore opressions of Loyal Subjects may grieve an afflicted King , when he is above his own . 38. It is a strange method the men must take , who will needs resolve their riddle of making a glorious King , by taking away Kingly Power . Even as if he should become a support to his Friends , and a terrour to his Enemies , by being unable to succour the one , or suppress the other . 39. It is a strange design some men have , who propose the new-modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , as without any reality of power , so without any necessity of subjection and obedience . 40. A King should be much willing to bury all Jealousies in his people of him , and to live above all Jealousies of them , as to himself . 41. No concession of the King 's , how vast and large soever will be satisfactory to those men who seem enemies not to him only , but to all Monarchy , being resolved to transmit to Posterity such jealousies of the Crown , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary rights , in point of Power . 42. Civility and Duty ( no less than Justice and Honour ) should forbid Subjests to ask of their King an alienation of power from himself and his Posterity . 43. A distressed King should by no Act of his prejudice or obstruct his Successours just recovery of their Rights from unjust usurpations and extorsions . 44. A King under restraint must not be prevail'd with to leave his Subjects in a condition wholly desperate for the future , so as by a Law to be ever subjected to many factious distractions . 45. When men have tryed the horrours and malignant in●luence which will certainly follow their King 's inforced darkness and Eclipse , they will at length more esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Suns light . 46. In the Conflicts of Civil War , and advantages of Power , the Peoples safety and quiet cannot be effected , but by some side yielding ; to which the greatest love of the Publick Peace , and the firmest assurance of God's Protection ( arising from a good Conscience ) may more invite a just and pious King , than can be expected from Rebellious mens fears , which arising from the injustice of their actions , ( though never so successfull ) yet dare not adventure their Authors upon any other way of safty , than that of the Sword and Militia . 47. A good King in civil afflictions is not to think that he can want any thing which providential necessity is pleased to take from him , in order to his Peoples tranquillity , and God's glory , whose protection is sufficient for him . 48. Such unreasonable Propositions as are inconsistent with being either a King , or a good Christian , while he has any mastery of his Reason , he cannot consent unto . 49. For a distressed King to oblige himself by a general and implicite consent , to what ever unreasonable Subjects shall desire , or propound , were as if Sampson should have consented not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistians might with the more safety mock and abuse him , which they chose rather to do , than quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and ●it occasion for their sport and scorn . 50. They who pretend to make their addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning , by that sufficiently confess their own inferiority , which obligeth them to rest if not satisfied , yet quieted with such an answer , as the will and reason of their Superiour thinks sit to give . 51. A freedom and power to consent , or dissent , belongs to a Monarch in reason , as a Man , and in honour , as a Soveraign King. 52. For a King to trust to their moderation , who pretend to it , but have it not , and abandon his own discretion , would be to verifie what representations they may have made of him to the World. That he is fitter to be their Pupil , than their Prince . 53. A Prudent King should not be so confident of his own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the counsel of others ; nor yet so diffident of himself , as brutishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in his Soul , and the Majesty of his own Crown to any of his Subjects . 54. A King ought to have one septenary , or seven years experience of yong Statesmen , how well they can govern themselves , before he trusts them with any power to govern his people for him . 55. A King should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithfull in his trust , to put the reigns of both Reason and Government , wholly out of his own , into their hands , whose driving is too much like Jehu's , and whose forwardness to ascend the throne of Supremacy pretends more of Phaethon , than of Phoebus . 56. If Subjects will take the liberty of sending Propositions unto their Soveraign , they ought to be such as these . 1. That any good Lawes antiquated by the course of times , or overlay'd by the corruption of maners , may be restored to their vigour and due execution . 2. That any evil customes praeter-legal , and abuses personal , may be removed , 3. That if any injuries have been done by the King and others to the Commonweal , they may be repaired . 4. Such equable offertures should be tendred to him , wherein the advantages of his Crown being considered by them , he may fairly be induced to condescend to what tends to his Subjects good , without any great diminution of himself . 5. Such moderate desires of due Reformation , of what is indeed amiss in Church and State , as may still preserve the foundation and essentials of Government in both , not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the Lawes in force , the wisdom and piety of their Ancestors , the ancient and universal practice of Christian Churches , the rights and priviledges of particular men . 6. Some considerable thing should be offered in lieu or in the room of what they would have destroyed , which may at once reach the good end of the others institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reformits abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeal and special piety , but with pregnant and solid reasons both divine and humane , which may justifie the abruptness and necessity of vast alterations . 57. A King cannot be well counsell'd by his Parliament , if in the Members of it , there be not so much Learning , Reason , Religion , and just Moderation , as to know how to sever betweem the use and the abuse of things , the institution , and the corruption , the government , and the misgovernment , the Primitive Patterns and the alterations or blottings of after-Copies . 58. Though Armies of Souldiers may prevail against a King's Person , yet Armies of unreasonable Propositions which they would enforce , should never overcome him further than he sees cause , it behoving him not to look at their number and power , so much , as to weigh their reason and justic● . 59. It is hard at first either to discern the rise , or apply the remedy to a precipitant Rebellion . 60. In Civil Wars and Massacres , the Sea of bloud cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drown any man in ete●nal both infamy and misery , whom God finds the malicious Authour or Instigatour of its effusion . 61. It is a most unhappy advantage to some mens malice against their King , that when they bave impudence enough to lay any thing to his charge , any bloudy opportunity should be offer'd them , with which he must be aspersed , although nothing can be more abhorred to him , than what is full of sin against God , disloyalty to himself , and destructive to his Subjects . 62. The blame of bloudy and Rebellious Protestants must needs he greater than that of Papists , by how much their Principles are more for obedience to Princes . 63. The goodness of mens intentions will not excuse the scandal and contagion of their Examples . 64. The King's interest ties as much in the common welfare of his Subjects , as some mens doth in their perturbations . 65. Although a King can with Truth wash his hands in Innocency as to any guilt in a Commotion objected to him , yet he should wash them in his Tears , at the sad apprehensions he ought to have , to see it spread so far , and make such waste . 66. Distractions and Jealousies at home , make most men who are better Politicians than Christians , rather intent to their own safety , or to the designs they are driving , than to the relief of their fellow Subjects abroad , though every day inhumanly butchered and massacred , whose tears and bloud might , if nothing else , quench , or at least for a time repress and smother any sparks of Civil dissensions and jealousies , which some men industriously scatter in the Kingdom where they are . 67. They who themselves have rebellious intentions or inclinations , are unwilling to part with their King upon any hazardous expedition , though to the suppressing that force which opposeth their interest , being either afraid he should have any one Kingdom quieted ; or being loth to shoot at any mark less than him ; or that any should have the glory of his destruction but themselves . 68. Next to the sin of those who begin a Rebellion , theirs must needs be who either hinder the speedy suppressing of it by Domestick dissentions , or divert the Aids , or exasperate the Rebbels to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all extremities not only to the known heads and chief Incendiaries , but even to the whole community of a Nation , Resolving to destroy root and branch , men , women , and children , without any regard to those usual pleas for mercy , which Conquerours not wholly barbarous are wont to hear from their own breasts , in behalf of those , whose opressive faces , rather than their malice engaged them ; or whose imbecillity for sex and age was such , as they could neither lift up a ●and against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left . 69. Preposterous and unevangelical was that zeal of the rebuked Disciples , who would go no lower in their revenge , than to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities , for the repulse or neglect of a few ; As was that of Jacobs sons , whom the Father both blamed and cursed for it . And so is theirs who are for utter extirpation of all , and more than all that have opposed them , that will extinguish a Nation for the misdemeanours and injuries of a provoked and incensed Party . 70. Even in the case of Rebellion , moderate remedies are rather to be applied than extreme severity , such as may punish some with exemplary justice , yet disarm others with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and the King's protection of them from furious and factious persons , though met in Parliament , who would soon drown them , if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . 71. A King hath enough to do to look to his own conscience , and the faithfull discharge of his Trust . He has no leisure to make prolix Apologies against injurious calumnies and reproaches . 72. A King that can hear with patience as bad as his worst enemies can falsly say , may hope still to do better than they deserve or desire he should . 73. By great effusions of Subjects bloud in Civil Wars , no man is so much weakened as their King. 74. Which King may hope , though mens unsatiable cruelty never will , yet the mercy of God will at length say to his justice , It is enough . 75. When God's mercifull justice intends not the utter confusion , but the cure ; the abatement of mens sins , not the desolating of Nations , he will command the Sword of Civil Wars to sheath it self . 76. A King of divers Nations , may incurre the the censure or misconstruction of one , while he gratifies the active spirits among them of the other , so far as that he seems to many , to prefer the desires of that party , before his own interest and honour . 77. Religion and Liberty are common and vulgar flourishes , to disguise an other errand of that Army , which invades their own Kings territories , to make him and his Church to write after them and theirs , though it were in bloudy characters . 78. Presbytery seeks to suppress and render odious , under the names of Sects , Schisms , or Heresies , several Parties , which if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may according to Presbyteries opinion and pattern set up their wayes by the like methods of violence , representing a wonderful necessity thereof to avoid the further miseries of War , which they may first begin , and engage themselves to continue , until they obtain their end . 79. When God hath first taken us off from the folly of our opinions , and fury of our passion , he hath many wayes to teach us those rules of true Reason , and peaceable Wisdome , which is from above , tending most to his glory , and his Church's good . 80. They that have any true touches of Conscience , will not endeavour to carry on the best designs , ( much less such as are , and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawfull means , under the title of a Covenant . 81. Ties by Leagues and Covenants are either superfluous and vain , when men were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the Imposers really ayming to dissolve or suspend their former just and necessary obligations . 82. Factious men , to whom it is enough if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their Party , little romember , That God is not mocked . 83. Against the Church , the King , or the Publick Peace , no mans lawfull Calling can engage him . 84. The so●● and servile temper of some Divines , dispose them in alterations of Religion and Government to sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former judgments , profession and practise . 85. No man should be more forward than a King himself to carry on all due Reformation , with mature judgment , and a good Conscience in what things he shall ( after impartial advice ) be by God's Word and right reason , convinced to be amiss . 86. Crowns and Kingdoms have a period with the life of their King : but Reputation and Honour may survive to a glorious kind of Immortality , when he is dead and gone . 87. A King should never permit the malice of his enemies to deprive him of that comfort , which his confidence in the generality of his people gives him . 88. What a King may bear from foreign enemies , he cannot so well from his own Subjects , who next his children are dear unto him . 89. Nothing could give a King more cause to suspect and search his own Innocency , than when he observes many who made great professions of singular piety forward to engage against him . 90. When many Professours of singular Piety engage with persons that take arms against their King , it gives to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Him and his Cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to Him , and not with all part from God , to think or speak well of Him , and not to blaspheme God. 91. Truly Learned and Religious men will endeavour to be so well satisfied in the Cause of their injur'd King's sufferings , as that they may chose rather to suffer with Him , than forsake Him. 92. When Popular Preachers ( though but in hypocrisie and falshood ) urge Religious pretensions against their King , it is not strange that the same to many well-minded men should be a great temptation to oppose Him. 93. When a King useth the assistance of Subjects of a different profession from Him , they are most ready to interpret it a sighting against Religion , who least of all men care whom they imploy , or what they say and do , so they may prevail . 94. So eager are some men in giving their Soveraign better counsel , than what they pretend he hath before heark'ned to , that they will not give Him leave to take it with freedom , as a Man , nor honour , as a King. 95. No men should be more willing to complain , than the King be to redress what he sees in Reason to have been either done , or advis'd amiss . 96. They who of pretended Sufferers become zealous Actors in persecution , deprive themselves of the comfort and reward , whatsoever they before expected . 97. The noise and ostentation of Liberty , is the design and artifice some men use to withdraw the peoples affections from their King. 98. A good King should be so far from desiring to oppress , as not to envy his Subjects that liberty , which is all he ought desire to enjoy himself , viz. To will nothing , but according to Reason , Lawes and Religion . 99. Lords and Gentlemen which assist their King in a Civil War , would not be so prodigal of their Liberties , if they suspected he would infringe them , as with their Lives and Fortunes to help on the inslaving of themseves and their Posterities . 100. As to civil Importunities none but such as desire to drive on their ambitious and covetous design over the ruines of Church and State , Prince , Peers , and People , will ever desire greater Freedom than good Lawes allow . The ninth Century . 1. SUch men as thirst after Novelties , or despair to relieve the necessities of their fortunes , or satisfie their Ambition in peaceable times , become principal impulsives to popular Commotions . 2. Rebels will blast the best Government of the best King with all the odious reproaches which impotent malice can invent , and expose Him to all those contempts , which may most diminish the Majesty of a King , and encrease the ungratefull insolencies of his People . 3. A King who is well assured that his Innocency is clear before God , in point of any calumnies rebellious Subjects do object , may prophesie , That his reputation shall like the Sun ( after Owles and Bats have had their freedom in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of spendour , as those feral birds shall be grieved to behold , and unable to bear . 4. A King cannot so much suffer in point of honour by rude and scandalous pamphlets , as those men do , who having power , and pretending to so much piety , are so forgetfull of their duty to God and him , as not to vindicate the Majesty of their King against any of those , who contrary to the precept of God , and precedents of Angels , speak evil of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those who are honoured with the name of Gods. 5. They will easily contemn such shadows of God as Kings are , who reverence not that Supreme and adorable Majesty , in comparison of whom all the glory of Men and Angels is but obscurity . 6. They who seek to gain reputation with the vulgar for their extraordinary parts and piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . 7. I could never see any reason , why any Christian should abhor , or be forbidden to use the same forms of Prayer , since he prayes to the same God , believes in the same Saviour , professeth the same Truths , reads the same Scriptures , hath the same Duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants , for the most part both inward and outward , which are common to the whole Church . 8. A serious sense of that inconvenience in the Church which unavoidably followes every mans several maner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the wisdom and piety of the ancient Churches , to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of publick composure . 9. It was either the tumultuariness of People , or the factiousness and pride of Presbyters , or the covetousness of some States and Princes , that of late years gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models of Church-government , and proposed them under the specious titles of Christs Government , Scepter and Kingdom , the better to serve their turns to whom the change was beneficial . 10. As the full and constant Testimony of all Histories may sufficiently convince unbiased men , That the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles and their immediate Successours , the first and best Bishops : so it cannot in reason or charity be supposed , that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their divine and holy pattern . 11. Since the first Age , for 1500 years , not one Example can be produced of any setled Church wherein were many Ministers and Congrations , which had not some Bishop above them , under whose jurisdiction and government they were . 12. Use is the great Arbitratour of words , and Master of language . 13. Not only in Religion , but also in right Reason , and the true nature of Governments , it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters , or Ministers , should be any more against Christianity , than it is in all secular and civil Governments , where Parity breeds Confusion and Faction . 14. I can no more believe that such order is inconsistent with true Religion , than good features are with beauty , or numbers with harmony . 15. It is not likely , that God who appointed several orders , and a Prelacy , in the Government of his Church , among the Jewish Priests , should abhor , or forbid them , among Christian Ministers , who have as much of the Principles of Schism and Division as other men . 16. I conceive it was not the favour of Princes , or ambition of Presbyters , but the wisdom and piety of the Apostles , that first setled Bishops in the Church ; which Authority they constantly used , and injoyed in those times which were purest for Religion , though sharpest for Persecution . 17. Tyranny becomes no Christians , least of all Churchmen . 18. The late Reformed Churches whose examples are obtruded for not retaining Bishops , the necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth , than commendeth for their inconformity to all Antiquity . 19. I could never see any reason , why Churches orderly reformed and governed by Bishops , should be forced to conform to those few , rather than to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches , which needed no Reformation . 20. It is no point of wisdom or charity , where Christians differ ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the Christian World ( except a handfull of some Protestants ) so great a scandal in point of Church-Government , as to change it ; whom though you may convince of their Errours in some points of Doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their Reformation , they must necessarily desert , and wholly cast off , that Government , which they , and all before them , have ever owned as Catholick , Primitive , and Apostolical . 21. Never Schismaticks , nor Hereticks , ( except the Arians ) have strayed from the Unity and Conformity of the Church in point of Government , ever having Bishops above Presbyters . 22. Among those that have endeavoured or effected a change in the Government of the Church , such as have rendred themselves guilty of inconstancy , cause a great prejudice against their novelty in the opinion of their King , whose consent they would have . 23. Their facility and levity is never to be excused , whose learning or integrity cannot in charity be so far doubted , as if they understood not what before they did , or as if they conformed to Episcopal Government contrary to their consciences , and yet the same men , before ever the point had any free and impartial debate , contrary to their former Oaths and practice , against their obedience to their Lawes in force , and against their Kings consent , have not only quite cried down the Government by Bishops , but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping Bishops and other Churchmen of all their due Authority and revenues , the selling away , and utter alienation of those Church Lands from any Ecclesiastical uses . 24. The Desertors of Episcopacy will at last appear the greatest Enemies to , and betrayers of , their own interest , whose folly will become a punishment unto it self . for , 25. Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual , as when it is joyned to , and crowned with Episcopacy . 26. Those secular additamen●● and ornaments of Authority , Civil Honour and Estate , which Christian Princes in all Countryes have annexed to Bishops and Church men , are to be lookt upon but as just reward● of their learning and piety , who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government ; also enablements to works of Charity and Hospitality , meet strenthnings of their Authority in point of respect , and observance . 27. I would have such men Bishops , as are most worthy of those encouragements , and be ablest to use them . 28. A Kings good intention , whose judgment faild at any time , makes his errour venial . 29. It is neither just for Subjects , nor pious for Christians , by violents and indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force their King and Soveraign , against the well-laid gounds of his judgment , to consent to any their weak and divided novelties , touching the Government of the Church . 30. I could never see any probable shew in true Reason and in Scripture for the Government of the Church otherwise than by Bishops , the greatest Pretenders of a different sense , either contenting themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude , when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation , in a City or Countrey ; or else denying these most evident Truths : 1. That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained , as well as over the Churches they planted . 2. That Government being necessary for the Churches wellbeing , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others , after the example of that power and Superiority they had above others , which could not end with their persons , since the use and ends of such Government still continue . 31. Ignorance , Superstition , A●varice , Revenge , with other disorderly and disloyal Passions , have so blown up some mens minds against Episcopal Government in the Church , that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns , they supply with violence and oppression . 32. Some mens zeal for Bishops Lands , Houses , and Revenues , hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy . 33. A King solemnly obliged by an Oath , agreable to his judgment , to preserve Episcopal Government , and the Rights of the Church , hath a particular engagement , above other men , so to do . 34. The said King being daily by the best disquisition of Truth , more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which he is sworn , no man that wisheth not his damnation , can perswade Him at once to so notorious and combined sins , as those of Sacriledg and Perjury , in parting with Episcopacy . 35. Men of ambitious Covetousness and secrilegious Cruelty , will torture with their King , both Church and State , in Civil dissentions , till ( if he have not an invincible resolution ) he shall not be forced to consent and declare , that he does approve what ( God knowes ) he utterly dislikes , and in his Soul abhors . 36. Should a King , pressed by Imperious Subjects , shamefully and dishonouraly give his consent to any bold demand , against Reason , Justice , and Religion ; yet should he not by so doing , satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties ( if any such be among them ) which contend with each other , as well as both against Him. 37. The abuses of Episcopacy deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained . 38. A right Episcopacy doth at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops , humble Presbyters , and sober People ; so as Church-affairs should be managed neither with tyranny , parity , nor popularity ; neither Bishops ejected , nor Presbyters despised , nor People oppressed . 39. A King that can seldom get opportunities to Treat with Subjects in armes against Him , should yet never want either desire or disposition to it , having greater considence of his Reason than his Sword. 40. A King should very unwillingly be compelled to defend himself with Arms against his Subjects , and very willingly embrace any thing tending unto Peace . 41. No success should ever enhaunce with a King the price of Peace between him and his Subjects , which should be as earnestly desired by Him as any man , though He be like to pay dearer than any man for it , so He reserve his Honour and his Conscience . 42. A King should condescend to the desires of his Subjects as far as Reason , Honour and Conscience will give Him leave , having special regard to those differences that are essential to the security or prosperity of his People . To deny some other demands , may be the greatest justice to Himself , and favour to his Subjects . 43. A King willing to condescend to the setling of Church-affairs , so as he may give satisfaction to all men , must have a care not to comply with such whom faction , covetousness , or superstition , may have engaged more than any true zeal , charity , or love of reformation . 44. Although a King may be content to yield to all that may seem to advance true piety ; yet He must seek to continue what is necessary in point of Order , Maintenance , and Authority to the Church's Government , especially if He be perswaded that it is most agreable to the true principles of all Government raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the Primitive Apostolical pattern , and the practise of the Universal Church conform thereto . 45. The King is very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men , for the distance between Him and Subjects in Arms against Him , that in Treaties and Transactions , endeavoureth no less the restauration of peace to his People , than the preservation of his own Crowns to his posterity . 46. If such Treaties give occasion to any mans further restiveness , it is imputable to their own depraved tempers , not to any Concessions or Negations of their King , who has alwayes the content of what He offered , and they the regret and blame for what they refused . 47. A King may presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty with his Subjects , among whom he finds an unwillingness to treat , that implying some things to be gained by the Sword , whose unreasonableness they are loth to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by Soldiers , than by Counselors . 48. When God gives a King victory over his Subjects in Armes against him , it is to try Him , that He may know how with moderation and thanks , to own and use his power , who is the only true Lord of Hosts , able when he pleases , to repress the confidence of those who fight against him , though with great advantage for power and numbers . 49. A King , who for small beginnings on his part at length is attended on by an Army , wherewith ▪ He may encounter his rebellious Subjects , has this comfort , that He is not wholly forsaken by his Peoples love , or Gods Protection . 50. When God at any time permits the same King to be worsted by his Enemies , it is to exercise his patience , and teach Him not to trust in the arme of Flesh , but in the living God. 51. They who fight against their King , are forced to slie to the shifts of some pretended Fears , and wild fundamentals of State ( as they use to call them ) which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State. 52. The imaginary Reasons which Rebels alledg for self defence , are commonly most impertinent , and such as will fit any Faction that hath but power and confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the present Lawes and Governours . 53. Lawes and Governours can never be such as some side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them to a Rebellion against them . 54. They are Parasitick Preachers , that dare call those Martyrs , who died fighting against their King , the Lawes , their Oaths , and right Religion established . For , 55. Sober Christians know , than the glorious Title of Martyr can with truth be applied only to those who seriously prefer God's Truth and their duty , in all the foresaid particulars , before their lives , and all that is dear to them in this World. 56. The Wounds and temporal Ruines of those loyal Subjects who are slain in Civil Wars , serve as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness , while the evident approach of death , through God's grace , effectually disposeth their Hearts to such Humility , Faith and Repentance , which together with the Rectitude of their engagement fully prepares them for a better life than that which their enemies brutish and disloyal firceness can deprive them of , or without repentance hope to enjoy . 57. Those Rebels who may have often the better against their King's side in the Field , will never have so at the Bar of God's Tribunal , or their own Consciences . 58. The condition of loyal Subjects ( in a Civil War ) though conquered , and dying for their King , no question is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man ( that duly values his duty , his soul , and eternity , beyond the enjoyments of this present life ) than the most triumphant glory , wherein their and their Kings Enemies supervive , who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt , wherewith their suspicious , or convicted Consciences do pursue them . 59. In the safety and preservation of a King and good Lawes established all honest men , cannot but think the wellfare of their Country to consist . 60. Not any shews , or truth of piety on their side who take armes against their King , are sufficient to dispense with , or expiate , the defects of their Duty and Loyalty to Him , which have so pregnant convictions on mens Consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venter their lives for Him. 61. When Providence gives a good King , or denies Him Victory , his desire should be neither to boast of his power , nor to charge God foolishly ; but to believe that at last he will make all things to work together for his good . 62. A King 's often messages for Peace with his Subjects , will shew that he delighteth not in War ; as his gracious Concessions will sufficiently testifie , how willingly he would have prevented it ; and his total unpreparedness for it , how little he intended it . 63. When King and Subjects are once engaged in a Civil War , it may be too late to review the occasions thereof , but not to wish a happy conclusion of so unhapy beginnings ; nor to believe that the inevitable fate of their sins was such as would no longer suffer the divine justice to be quiet . 64. A King is not to desire that any man should be further subject to Him , than He and all his People may be subject to God. 65. The Passions and Opinions of men , are not to be gratified with partiality , and popular compliance to the detriment of the Publick , and scandal of Religion . 66. It is a sad spectacle for all sober men and their Soveraign , to behold the dissolutions of all Order and Government in a Church ; many novelties , and schisms , and corrupt opinions ; many undecencies and confusions in sacred administrations all sacrilegious invasions upon the Rights and Revenues of a Church ▪ much contempt and oppression of the Clergy ; many injurious diminutions and persecutings of the King , to follow ( as showers do warm gleams ) the talk of Reformation , which yet has been a known artifice to disguise some mens effecting all the fore-mentioned mischief , who have pretended authority , and been possessed of power to accomplish it . 67. The studies to please some parties , whose fury is accompted zeal , may injure all . 68. A King may offer to put all differences in Church-affairs and Religion to the free Consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen , the results of whose counsels as they will include the votes of all ; so it s like they may give most satisfaction to all . 69. An Assembly of Divines applied ( though by a Parliament ) in an unwonted way , to advise of Church-affairs , being not legally convened and chosen , not acting in the name of all the Clergy of a Kingdom ; not doing any thing with freedom and impartiality ; being limited , and confined , if not overaw'd , to do and declare what they do , is to be so far disliked , nor can it be accounted the Representative of a Church . 70. Many men cried up for learning and piety , met together in an Assembly , being not left to the liberty of their own suffrages , have been prevail'd upon by the influence of contrary factions , who made secret encroachments of hopes and fears , to comply with great and dangerous Innovations in the Church , without any regard to their own former judgment and practise , or to the common interest and honour of the Clergy , and in them of Order , Learning , and Religion , against examples of all Ancient Churches , the Lawes in force , and their Soveraign's consent . 71. A King's consent ought never to be gained in any point against a pregnant light that shines in his understanding . 72. A due Reformation will easily follow moderate Counsels , and give content even to many Divines who have been led on with much gravity and formality , to carry on other mens designs , which they may discover , though they dare not but smother their frustrations and discontents . 73. The specious and popular Titles of Christ's Government , Throne , Scepter and Kingdom , also the noise of a through Reformation , may as easily be fined on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured Figures . 74. Christ's Kingdom certainly is not divided nor hath two faces , as some Reforming parties have had at least . 75. The breaking of Church-windows , which Time had sufficiently defaced : 2. The putting down of Crosses , which were but Civil , not Religious marks : 3. The defacing of Monuments , and Inscriptions of the dead , which served but to put posterity in mind to thank God for that clearer light wherein they live : 4. The leaving of Ministers to their liberties , and private abilities in the publick service of God , where no Christian can tell to what he may say Amen , nor what adventure he may make of seeming , at least , to consent to the Errours , Blasphemies , and ridiculous Undecencies , which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their prayers , preaching , and other Offices : 5. The setting forth of old Catechisms , and Confessions of Faith new-drest , importing as much as if there had been no sound or clear doctrine of faith in the Church , before a long consultation had matured their thoughts touching the first Principles of Religion . All these , and the like , are the effects of poular , specious , and deceitfull Reformations . 76. It were to be wished , that some most pretending Reformers had made it their unanimous work , to do God's work , and not their own ; they had not ( as now they have ) left all things more deformed , than when they began , in point of Piety , Morality , Charity , and good Order . 77. They who think that the Government of a Church and State , fixed by many Lawes and long Customs , will not run into their new molds , endeavour to melt it first in the fire of a Civil War , by the advantages of which they resolve , if they prevail , to make their King and all his Subjects fall down and worship the Images they shall form and set up . 78. Christ's Government will confirm the King's , not overthrow it , if as He owns his from Christ , so He desires to rule for his glory , and his Churches good . 79. Had some men truly intended Christ's Government , or known what is meant in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words and actions , both against their King , and one another . 80. The freedom and secresie of a King 's private letters , especially unto his Queen , commands a civility from all men , nor is there any thing more inhumane , than to expose them ( if taken ) to publick view . 81. The King that studies to approve his heart to God's omniscience , may be content ( if Providence will have it so ) that even his private letters , if taken by his Subjects in arms against Him , should be discovered to the World , though without any those dresses , or popular captations which some of them use in their speeches and expressions . 82. Unquiet Subjects , many times take Armes against a just , prudent , and innocent King , into whose most retired thoughts , if they could by any means have a clear sight , they might discover how they are divided between the love and care He hath , not more to preserve his own Rights , than to procure their Peace and Happiness , and an extreme grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . 83. No man can blame a King that by all fair and just correspondencies endeavours to avoid the pressures of his Enemies , though his own Subjects . 84. Some mens design , like Absoloms , is by enormous actions to widen differences between a King and his Subjects , and exasperate all sides to such distances , as may make all Reconciliation desperate . 85. A King under the misfortune of having his letters taken by Subjects in Armes against Him , hath much quiet and satisfaction within Himself , when the integrity of his intentions is not jealous of any injury his Expressions can do them ; For , 86. Although the confidence of privacy may admit of greater freedom in writing letters , which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet it is best for a King , when the Innocence of his chief purposes , cannot be so stained or misinterpreted by his Enemies , as not to let all men see , That He wisheth nothing more than a happy composure of differences with Justice and Honour , not more to his own than his Peoples content , who have any sparks of love , or loyalty , left in them . 87. It repaireth somewhat a King's misfortune , that his private letters being taken by his Subjects in armes against Him , cannot gratifie their malice , further than to let them see his constancy to his Wife , the Lawes , and right Religion he professeth ; as likewise to convince them , that He can both mind , and act his own and his Kingdoms affairs , so as becomes a Prince ; especially , if his Enemies have before been very loath it should be believed of Him ; as if He were wholly confined to the Dictates and Directions of others , whom they please to brand with the names of Evil Counsellours . 88. It is the policy of Rebels , to seek by all means to smother and extinguish all sparkes of Love , Respect and Loyalty of the People to their King , that they may never kindle again so as to recover His , the Lawes , and the Kingdoms Liberties , which they seek to overthrow . 89. God's unerring and impartial Justice can , and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designs of men . He is able , and will turn even the worst of an innocent King's Enemies thoughts , and actions to his good . 90. Civility and Humanity most become such as pretend to Religion , which they ought to pay to all men , beside that respect and honour they owe to their King. 91. They who do but remember how God blest the modest respect , and filial tenderness , which Noah's sons bare to their Father , can never expect the divine approbation of any their undecent actions toward their King. 92. Their malicious intentions can never be either excusable , or prosperous , who think by any unhandsome means to expose their King to the highest reproach and contempt of his People , forgetting that duty of modest concealment ; which they owe to the Father of their Countrey , in case they should discover any real uncomeliness . 93. They who by publishing their King 's private letters think to render Him as a vile Person , not fit to be trusted , or considered under any Notion of Majesty , will see themselves mistaken , when God makes him , as he did David , more respected in the hearts of many , who become better satisfied by knowing what He writ , than by learning what they maliciously interpret and report . 94. Although God gives Kingdoms , yet sometimes his Providence permits that the King hath not any place left in them , where he may with safety and honour rest his head : Shewing him , that Himself is the safest Refuge , and the strongest Tower of defence , in which he may put his Trust . 95. A King in extremities should look not to man so much as to God , who will have it so , that he may wholly cast himself and his distressed affairs upon God's mercy , who hath both hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . 96. Necessity may sometimes command a King to withdraw from his chiefest strength , and adventure upon their Loyalty , who first began his Troubles , whom God happily may make a means honourably to compose them 97. When Necessity constrains a King to cast Himself upon them , who though they besiege Him in his Garrison , and encounter Him in the field , yet profess , They fight not against Him , but for Him ; He puts Himself to resolve the riddle of their Loyalty , and gives them opportunity to let the World see , they mean not what they do , but what they say . 98. God sees it sometimes not enough to desert a King of all Military power to defend himself , but to put him upon using their power , who seem to fight against him , yet ought in duty to defend him . 99. When a King finds it necessary to leave those that have adhered to Him , He may hope such a method of Peace may be more prosperous than that of War , both to stop the effusion of blood , and the wounds that were made before . 100. A King should never trust any nation of his Subjects further than to men , that if they betray Him , He may justifie to all the World they have not deceiv'd Him : and if they sell Him at any dear rate , He should be only sorry that his price should be so much above his Saviours . The Tenth Century . 1. GOD sometimes sees t is fit to deprive a King of Wife , Children , Army , Friends , and Freedom , that He may be wholy his , who alone is all . 2. A King should never permit them who have got his person , to gain his consent against his conscience . 3. A King's denial of unjust demands made by Subjects in armes against Him , which they call obstinacy , He may know God acounts honest constancy , which Reason and Religion , as well a Honour , forbid Him to recede . 4. It is evident sometimes , that Subjects , who pretend to fight against evil Counsellours with their King , , fight indeed against a good Conscience within Him : And whatsoever they may say of course , intend not to bring Him to his Parliament , till they have brought his mind to their obedience . 5. After-times may see what the blindness of that Age will not , wherein is both practis'd and countenanced Subjects fighting against their Soveraign , whom , if they have a good King , God may at length shew , that he chuseth rather to suffer for them , than with them . 6. When Providence is pleased to deprive a King of all other civil comforts , and secular attendants , the absence of them all may best be supplied by the attendance of such his Chaplains , whom for their functions He reverenceth , and for their fidelity may have cause to love . 7. As a King never needs , so He should never desire more the service and assistance of Clergy-men judiciously pious , and soberly devout , than when by misfortune sequesterd from civil comforts , and secular attendants . 8. A distressed King cannot think some Divines , though He respects them for that worth and piety which may be in them , proper to be his present Comforters and Physicions , who have had a great influence in occasioning the publick calamities in his Kingdoms , and inflicting the wounds He hath upon Himself . 9. The spirits of those Divines , whose judgments stand at a distance from their King , or in jealousie of Him , or in opposition against Him , cannot so harmoniously accord with his , or his with theirs , either in Prayer , or other holy duties , as is meet and most comfortable , whose golden rule , and bond of perfection , consists in that of mutual Love and Charity . 10. The King , who is much a friend to all Church-men , that have any thing in them beseeming that sacred function , will , if there be cause , hazard his own interest upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights . 11. Such Clergy-men who so unhandsomely requite their King , as to desert Him in his calamity , when their Loyalty and Constancy is most required , may live to repent no less for his sufferings , than their own ungratefull errours , and that injurious contempt and meanness which they bring upon their calling and persons . 12. An afflicted King , though he pities all Clergy-men that desert Him , and despiseth none of a different opinion from his , yet sure He may take leave to make choise of some for his special Attendants , who are best approved in his judgment , and most sutable to his affection . 13. A King imprisoned by his Subjects , to whom they will not permit the attendance of his Chaplains , can make no more charitable construction of their denial , than that they esteem Him sufficient Himself to discharge his duty to God as a Priest , though not to Men as a Prince . 14. I think both Offices , Regal and Sacerdotal , might well become the same Person , as anciently they were under one name , and the united rights of primogeniture . 15. A King cannot follow better presidents , if He be able , than those two eminent David and Solemon , not more famous for their Scepter and Crowns , than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers ; the other for his divine Parables and Preaching ; whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet , the other a Preacher , Titles of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the Roman Emperours affected from the Nations they subdued . But , 16. Since the order of God's Wisdome and Providence , hath for the most part alwayes distinguished the gifts and offices of Kings and Priests ; of Princes and Preachers , both in the Jewish and Christian Churches , an imprisoned King may be sorry to find Himself reduced to the necessity of being both , or injoying neither . 17. As a Soveraign owes his Clergy the protection of a Christian King ; so He should desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their gifts and prayers . 18. However , as the spiritual Government , by which the devout Soul is subject to Christ , and through his merits daily offers it self and its services to God , every private believer is a King and Priest , invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood , yet he is not thereby constituted Priest or Preacher , as to the outward polity of the Church . 19. A King's consciousness to his spiritual defects , may make him more prize and desire those pious assistances which , especially in any his exigencies , holy and good Ministers , either Bishops or Presbyters , may afford him . 20. The King is reduced to great extremities , to whom by God's pleasure and permission to his Subjects , nothing is left but his life for them to take from Him ; and nothing more to desire of them , which might little seem to provoke their jealousies and offence to deny Him , ( as some have done ) than this of having some means afforded Him , for his souls comfort and support . 21. When a King , reduced to extremity by his Subjects , makes choice of Chaplains to assist Him , that are men no way scandalous , and every way eminent for their learning and piety , no less than for their Loyalty , no exceptions imaginable can be made against them , but only this , That they may seem too able , and too well affected toward him and his service . 22. A King should count his misfortunes the greater by far , when they light also upon the young Prince his son , and any others whom he may have cause to love so well as Himself : and of whose unmerited sufferings He should have a greater sense than of his own . 23. The different education of Princes , hath different success when they come to exercise their Government : the evidence of which Holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam : The one prepared by many afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom ; The other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court , and so by flatteries corrupted to the great diminution both of Peace , Honour , and Kingdom . 24. A distressed King may trust , that God will graciously direct all the black lines of Affliction , which he pleaseth to draw on him to the Centre of true happiness , if by them he be drawn neerer of God. 25. When a yong Prince shall attain the Crown whereof his Father was injuriously devested ; He ought first to do justice to God , his own Soul , and his Church , in the profession and prosecution both of truth and unity in Religion ; the next main hinge on which his prosperity will depend and move being that of Civil Justice , He is to administer to his People . 26. When a good King is persecuted by his own Subjects for the preservation of a right Religion and just Lawes established , he may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of his Sufferings , as to the World's censure , into the honour of a kind of Martyrdome , as to the testimony of his own Conscience . 27. Since a distressed King knowes not how God will deal with Him , as to a removal of the pressures and indignities which his justice , even by the very unjust hands of some of his own Subjects may have been pleased to lay upon Him , He should not be much solicitous , what wrong He suffers from man , while He retains in his soul what He believes is right before God. 28. In civil dissentions between King and Subjects , though He offer all for Reformation and safely that in Reason , Honour and Conscience He can ; yet he must reserve whatsoever He cannot consent unto , without an irreparable injury to his own Soul , the Chruch , and his People , and the next undoubted Heir of his Kingdoms . 29. No difficulties are insuperable to divine Providence . 30. When a yong Prince , after his Fathers decease , comes to the government of Kingdoms , which Tumults and Civil Wars had put into disorder , He ought seriously to consider the former real or objected miscariages which might occasion his troubles , that so he may avoid his own . 31. By the Sun-shine of God's mercy , and the splendour of a Princes virtues , whole mountains of congealed factions may be thawed and dissipated . 32. Acts of Indempnity and Oblivion should by an indulgent King be offered to so great a latitude , as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Lawes , and which may serve to exclude all future jealousies and insecurities . 33. If God see fit to restore an injur'd King to the enjoyment of his Kingdoms , He ought then to let the Prince his son fully understand the things that belong to God's glory , his own honour , and the Kingdoms peace . 34. A charitable King , though injur'd by his Subjects , for the future peace of his Kingdoms , should encourage the Prince his Successour to be as confident as Himself , That the most part of all sides , who have done amiss , have done so not out of malice , but misinformation or misapprehension of things . 35. Whatsoever good the Royal Father intended to Church , or State , in times uncapable of it , should be performed by the Prince his Son , when possessed of his Kingdom and Power . 36. It is a prayer and benediction worthy of an afflicted King That God would after his decease so bless the Prince his Son and Successour , as to establish his Kingdoms in Righteousness , his Soul in true Religion , and his Honour in the love of God and his People . 37. Though God permit Disloyalty to be perfected by the destruction of a King ; yet He may make his memory and name live ever in his Son , as of his Father that lov'd Him , and a King under whom his Kingdoms flourished for a time . 38. A King in affliction should believe God's power , and have hope of his will to restore Him to his Rights , despairing neither of his mercy , nor of his peoples love and pity . 39. Although a King 's domestick Enemies use all the the poyson of falsity , and violence of hostility to destroy first the love and Loyalty which is in his Subjects ; and then all that content of life in him , which from these He chiefly enjoyed ; yet they may fail of their end , and after the many deaths the King suffers for the good will of his People , He may not be wholly dead , till their further malice and cruelty take that little of life too , the husk and shell ( as it were ) which they had only left Him. 40. Although that a King must die as a man , is certain ; That He may die a King by the hands of his own Subjects , a violent , sodain , barbarous death , in the strength of his years , in the midst of his Kingdoms , his friends and loving Subjects being helpless Spectatours ; his Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over Him , living , dying , and dead ; may sometimes be probable in humane reason , nought else being to be hoped for , as to mans cruelty ; yet He is not to despair of God's infinite mercy . 41. It is not easie for a depressed King to contend with those many horrours of Death , wherewith God may suffer Him to be tempted ; which may be equally horrid , either in the suddenness of a barbarous Assasination , or in the solemn cruelty of an unjust sentence , and publick execution . 42. A King under such a sad apprehension , must humbly desire to depend upon God , and to submit to his will both in life and death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to him . 43. All Soveraigns are obliged to own God as King of Kings , not only for the eminency of his power and Majesty above them , but also for that singular care and protection which he hath over them , in the many dangers they are expos'd unto . 44. God many times so pleads the cause of that King which he permits to be in the power of disloyal and bloudy-minded Subjects , that he shewes him the sad confusions following his destruction presaged and confirmed to Him , by those he lives to see in his troubles ; and God gives his Enemies cause to fear , that he will both further divide , and by mutual vengeance afterward destroy them . 45. It may be the King's comfort who is wronged , and dethroned by his Subjects , that God gives him not only the honour to imitate Christ's example in suffering for Righteousness sake , though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice , but the charity both to forgive them , and pray for them , that God would not impute his bloud to them , further than to convince them what need they have of Christ's bloud to wash their souls from the guilt of shedding his . 46. The unfortunate King that sees himself destin'd to be murther'd by his cruel Subjects , may bless God , if he has the heart to pray , not so much that the bitter cup of a violent death may pass from Him , as that of his wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting him are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to his death are embrued with his bloud . 47. Rebellious Subjects cannot deprive a King of more than He may be content to lose , when God sees fit by their hands , to take it from Him , whose mercy he is to believe , will more than iufinitely recompence what ever by mans injustice , He is pleased to deprive him of . 48. A miserable King shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world , when God hath mercifully Crowned and Consummated his graces with Glory , and exchanged the shadowes of his earthly Kingdoms among men for the substance of that Heavenly Kingdom with himself . 49. A good King overpower'd by Rebbels , may notwithstanding be perswaded within himself , that he is happy in the judicious love of the ablest and best of his Subjects , who may not only pity and pray for him , but may be content even to dy with him , or for him . 50. No Subjects that pretend to punish , can reasonably therein exceed the errours of their Princes , especially where more than sufficient satisfaction hath been made to the publick , the enjoyment of which private ambitions may have frustrated . 51. An injur'd King's chiefest comfort in death consists in his peace made with God ; before whose exact Tribunal he need not fear to appear , as to any cause long-disputed by the Sword between Him and his causeless Enemies . 52. A good King may look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in his enforced contestation for , and vindication of the just Lawes of his Land , the freedom and honour of his Parliaments , the rights of his Crown , the just liberty of his Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrines , Government , and due encouragements , than if He had with the greatest advantages of success evercome them all . 53. The King that suffers for Christ , as he is the Authour of Truth , Order , and Peace , being forced to contend against Errour , Faction and Confusion , shall through Christ enabling Him , be more than Conquerour in the end . 54. Although any violent death of an unfortunate King be the wages of his own sin , as from God , and the effect of others sins , as men , both against God and Him ; yet , as He may hope his own sins are so remitted , that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of his death ; so should He desire God to pardon their sins who are most guilty of his destruction ; or that his temporal death unjustly inflicted by them , may not be reveng'd by God●s just inflicting eternal death upon them . 55. An unfortunate King , though us'd like Jonas , should wish no other , than the safe-bringing of the ship to shore , when they have cast Him over-board . 56. The cruelty of a devoted King's Enemies cannot prevent his preparation , whose malice , by God's mercy , He may in this defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed his Soul with his body . 57. Conversation is the chief joy , or vexation , of a King's life . 58. The conversation a King has in his troubles can be no way satisfactory or usefull , when some about Him are too wise , others too foolish ; some too busie , others too reserved , many fantastick . 59. A King much delighted with the conversation of his vertuous Queen , is hard to be pleased by any else about Him , when forced to part from her , but not less to be pitied by her , who is the only cure for that disease . 60. A vertuous Queen's kindness is as necessary to comfort the heart of her King who is separated from her by his troubles or misfortunes , as her assistance is for his affairs . 61. A King full fraught with expectation , need pray God to send him a good unlading , especially when some blow of importance is to be given between his and the Rebels Army in the field . 62. Although a King cannot brag of store of mony in his Wars ; yet a sharp sword alwayes hinders starving at least . 63. In Civil Wars , the King may make as good a shift with an empty purse as the Rebels . 64. A generous Queen whose affection to her King is truly grounded , will be in as much ( if not more ) trouble to find his Reputation , as his Life in danger . 65. When distractions in Religion arise amongst Rebels , and General is set against General in point of command , a Treaty with their King may be most desireable , and not to be refused by Him , when all means used to procure it , shall be consistent with his Royal Honour and safety , and all else unquestionably councelable considered . 66. When Rebels , confident of their power , or obstinate in their purpose , become somewhat difficult to be brought into a Treaty , the sound of their King 's coming to them may have some force of popular Rhetorick to obtain it ; of , if refused , it may bring much prejudice to them , and be advantageous to their King. 67. When foolish or malicious Peope shall interpret their King's desire , to treat with Rebels to proceed from fear or folly ; He is to joyn such conditions with the Proposition of it , as may be found to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe Peace . 68. A King may prudently yield to a Treaty with Rebels in their quarters , so that the conditions save any aspersion of dishonour , if factious Spirits about Him are likely to infuse their malignity in his own . 69. When a King in some apprehension , expresseth his inclination to treat with Rebels , from whence false malicious rumours may give trouble to his absent Queen ; although He judge Himself secure in her thoughts from suspecting Him guilty of any baseness ; yet He may hold it necessary to send her some account , to the end she may make others know as well as her self this , which ought to be a certain truth , That no danger of death or misery ( which He may think much worse ) should make Him do any thing unworthy of her love . 70. In times of Rebellion , when diverse men propose several recompences to themselves for their pains and hazard with their King , the recovery of the company of a loyal and vertuous Queen , may be the only reward the said King will expect and wish for Himself . 71. A King in no extremity , should make a peace with Rebels by abandoning his friends , or such a one as will not stand with his honour and safety . 72. Although a King cannot part with the patrimony of the Church , yet whatsoever shall be offered for rectifying abuses , if any hath crept in , or yet for the ease of tender Consciences ( so that it endammage not the foundation ) He may be content to hear , and should be ready to give a gracious answer thereunto . 73. As it is the King's duty to protect the Church , so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of his just authority . 74. A King should be alwayes carefull to keep the dependency of his Clergy entirely upon his Crown , without which it will scarcely sit fast upon his head . 75. After Conscience , the Militia is certainly the fittest Subject for a King's Quarrel , the Kingly power without it being but as a shadow , and therefore upon no means in any Treaty to be quitted . 76. In the time of Civil War , news at home may be too good to be told in the Court of a foreign Prince , though a friend to the King attacqued by his Rebellious Subjects : there being certainly as much dexterity in publishing of newes , as in matters which at first sight may seem of greater difficulty ; For , as the engaged King would not have his friends think that all assistance bestowed upon Him were in vain●● so would He not have them believe that He needed no help , least they should under hand assist any Rebels , to keep the ballance of dissention amongst them equal . 77. The good of ignorance of a friends danger by a storm is not known , before certain assurance of his [ or her ] escape . 78. It is not the least of a King's misfortunes , that his vertuous Queen should run much hazard for his sake . 79. Although a Queen have expressed so much love to her distressed King as he may think impossible to be repay'd by any thing He can do , much less by words : yet his Royal heart being full of affection for her , admiration of her , and impatient passion of gratitude unto her , He ought to say something , leaving the rest to be read by her , out of her own noble heart . 80. When Rebels have once found means to build credit on the peoples opinion , they can proceed under pretence of Reformation of Religion to dissolve the Government of a Church . 81. Politick Rebels under pretence of ill Ministers and Councellours of Estate , know how to invade the Majesty of their Soveraign in the Prerogatives of his Crown , and by pretending to remove them , to invest in themselves the Domination of all Ministries of Estate , withdraw their King's revenues into their own hands , and confirm themselves in an absolute power of disposing all . 82. A King by his Declarations , setting forth the sinister proceedings of any faction against Him , discovering their designs of innovating the Government , and falsifying the scandals they had imputed to Him , hath the advantage generally to undeceive his people , and to draw to Him the Nobility and Gentry of his Kingdom . 83. When a great sedition is raised in one Kingdom , the King may not imprudently resolve [ at adventure ] to put Himself freely and cleerly , on the love and affections of his Subjects in any other , the honour and safety whereof lies nearly at the Stake . 84. In Rebellious or Seditious times , the King may justly expect support from the Loyal part of his Subjects , till the common safety be secured . 85. When People of one Kingdom invade their King in his other , two things are chiefly considerable by his Great Councel for the safety and security thereof . 1. The chasing out the Rebels . 2. His satisfying the just grievances of those that adhere unto Him , wherein He should promise to concur heartily and clearly with them , that all the World may see his intentions have ever been , and will be , to make that a glorious and flourishing Kingdom . 86. The dishonour and mischief must needs be great , if for want of mony , a King's Army be disbanded before the Rebels be put out of his Kingdom they invaded . 87. Some men , more moliciously than ignorantly will put no difference between Reformation , and alteration of Government . 88. What part soever of a King's Revenue is found illegal , or heavy to the Subjects , a King should be willing to lay down , trusting in their affections . 89. It is not fit for a King to argue the business of High Treason which toucheth his principal Minister of State , though his Parliament countenance it , if in his Conscience He cannot condemn him : Nor is a Parliament to expect , that a positive Doctrine should best become the mouth of a Prince . 90. If a King cannot condemn ( as a Parliament would have Him ) his Minister of State of High Treason , yet cannot say , He can clear Him of misdemeanours , the said Parliament may find out a way to satisfie Justice , and their own fears , and not press his Conscience . 91. Although a King to satisfie the People , would do great matters , yet in that of Conscience , so tender a thing is it , neither fear , nor any other respect whatsoever , should ever make Him go against it . 92. A King should omit no occasion , whereby he may shew that affection to his people , which He desires his people would shew to Him. 93. It is but the mark of a King's confidence , to put himself wholly upon the love and affection of his People , for his subsistence . 94. A King should never have other design , but to win the affections of his People by his justice in his government . 95. A good King can do nothing with more cheerfullness , than to give his people a general satisfaction , not offering to endeer himself unto them by word ( which should not be his way ) but by Acts of setling their Religion and just Liberties , before he proceeds to any other . 96. It is no prejudice for a King a little to misreckon in time , if not deceived in his end to settle an unquiet Nation of his Subjects . 97. A King ought to seek his Peoples happiness , their flourishing being his greatest glory , and their affections his greatest strength . 98. A Soveraign ought to take that care of his Son , which shall justifie Him to God as a Father , and to his Dominions as a King. 99. A King ought to assure upon his honour , that He has no thought but Peace and Justice to his People , which He should by all fair means seek to preserve and maintain , relying upon the goodness and providence of God for the preservation of Himself and Rights . 100. In ambiguous Times , a Kings fears should be greater for the Religion He professeth , his People , and Lawes , than for his own Rights and safety . The Eleventh Century . 1. IT is a high thing to tax a King with breach of promise . 2. A Parliament may have worse informations , than the King Counsels , against which they except . 3. The King of whom the Militia is demanded by his Parliament , is not to part with it for an hour● Nor should that be demanded of a King , wherewith his wife and children are not to be trusted . 4. A King is not to punish or discourage his People for petitioning to Him in an humble way , though the Subject do not agree with his sense . 5. A King sometimes cannot satisfie his People in a debt due to the Country , when all the Water goes not to the right Mill. 6. When Lawes are altered by any other Authority , than that by which they were made , the foundations of the Peoples happiness are destroyed . 7. When the King is oppressed , and his just Kights taken from Him , it is impossible for the Subjects Liberties and properties to be preserved . 8. Errours and mistakes among Loyal Subjects proceeding from misinformation , are removed with more satisfaction and ease to them , than they were received . 9. A King should hold it a piece of his duty , to take the utmost pains He can , fully to inform and undeceive his People ; and rather to prevent crimes , than to punish them . 10. Persons of ill dispositions take as great pains to do mischief , and to bring confusion , as good men should for peace and happiness in a Kingdom . 11. When a good King sends such Propositions of Peace and Accommodation to his Parliament that contested with Him , as to which He may expect they should with alacrity submit , if the unexcusable enemies of Peace be not strong enough to prevail , He may reasonably hope to have no other use of his Loyal Peoples affections , but in their prayers , not needing their assistance , when He requireth nothing that with more justice can be denied Him , than his Crown or Life be taken from Him. 12. When the Religion , Liberty-Lawes , which are good Subjects priviledg and protection , become the quarrel between a King and any his People in Rebellion , the taking his Towns , Ships , Armies and money from Him , should not dishearten Him ; the concurrence and affection of his people with God's blessing will supply and recover all . 13. In time of Rebellion , when any Country or Province have shewed much forwardness , and made great expressions of their affections to the King , He should never be satisfied with Himself , till He have found some way to fix a mark of favour and estimation upon the same , which may tell Posterity how good Subjects , and how much Gentlemen they have been . 14. The memory of any signal Loyalty shewed by Persons or Provinces to the Royal Father , should grow up in a just acknowledgment with his Sons . 15. In times of distraction , unquiet Spirits will be abroad , and every day throw in new accidents to disturb and confound the publick Peace . 16. Rebellion that at first but fortifies it self in a Town , will at length rise to that insolence , as not to be any longer confined within the Walls , but make sallies out to exercise murder , cruelty and rapine upon the persons and possessions of good Subjects . 17. The sad effects of counterfeit Fears and Jealousies in a Parliament are such , as no men can tell the least good they do , nor the least evill they prevent . 18. The King against whom all advantages will be taken by persons disaffected to Him , should take heed where He comes , that no eminent disorder or damage befall any Man by any person of his Train , or under his protection . 19. Where a Party of People have shewed themselves eminently loyal to their King , the fullest testimony of his affection to them , and to the peace of their County may be this , to pass over the considerations of Honour and Reproach , and not permit a provocation to provoke Him to make that place be the seat of his War. 20. No honest man can imagine that his King will ever sit down under a bold and unexcusable Treason . 21. A King wholly cast upon the affections of his People , having no hope but in the blessing and assistance of God , the justness of his Cause , and the love of his Subjects , to recover what is taken from Him and Them , may expect a good issue , the rather in that they are equal losers with Him. 22. When a King desires nothing of his People , but what is necessary to be done for the preservation of God's true Religion , the Lawes of the Land , the Liberty of the Subject , and the very being of his Kingdom , He has reason to look for a speedy and effectual compliance with his demands . 23. A King has no reason to suspect the Courage and Resolution of those his Subjects , whose Conscience and Loyalty have brought them to Him , to fight for their Religion , their King , and the Lawes of their Land , especially when they are to meet with no Enemies but Traytors , Schismaticks , and Atheïsts , such as desire to destroy both Church and State , and who have before condemned them to ruine for being loyal to their King. 24. It gives courage to the Soldier , when his King satisfies Him that the cause is just , wherein He means to make use of his valour . 25. If the time of War , and the great necessity and straits a King is driven to , beget any violation of those Lawes to which He hath consented , He may hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authors of the War , and not to Him , if so He hath earnestly laboured for the preservation of the Peace of his Kingdom . 26. The Residence of an Army is not usually pleasant to any place , and that of a distressed King caries more fear with it , who , it may be thought , must only live upon the aid and relief of his people . 27. It is not prudence in loyal Subjects , to suffer a good Cause to be lost , for want of supplying their King with that which will be taken from them by those who pursue Him with violence . 28. Whilst ill men sacrifice their Money , Plate , and utmost Industry to destroy the Commonwealth , good men should be no less liberal to preserve it . 29. When it hath pleased God to bless a King with success in a War , He should remember the Assistance every particular man gave Him , to his advantage . 30. However a King succeeds in his Wars , it will be honour and comfort to his loyal Subjects , that with some charge and trouble to themselves , they did their part to support their King , and preserve the Kingdom . 31. The People that have been awed by a Rebellious Army , will be more prone to express their affections to their King , with that courage which becomes them , when his Residence shall be so near , that his Power shall have an influence upon the Country for their protection . 32. No man should have more power to fright People from their Loyalty , than their King have to restore them to it . 33. Loyal Subjects , in assisting their King , defend themselves , who may be sure the Sword which is drawn against Him , will destroy them , if He defend them not . 34. It will be a shame for People to venture nothing for their King , who ventures his life for them . 35. In a Civil War , whatsoever good People shall be willing freely to contribute , their King should take kindly from them : and whatsoever they lend Him , he should , having passed the word of a King , see justly repayed to them . 36. A King should take especial notice , of such who are backward to contribute in a time of visible necessity . 37. When a King considers the publick interests and concernments of his Parliament in the happiness and honour of the Nation , and their particular sufferings in a Rebellion for their affection and Loyalty unto Him , He must look upon them as the most competent Considerers , and Counsellours , how to manage and improve the condition all are in , his and their condition being so equall that the same violence hath oppress'd them all . 38. It will be in vain for them who have informed the World by divers set Battels against their King ▪ to boast how tender they have been for the safety of his Person . 39. It will be hard for a King , who is to struggle with many defects and necessities , to keep a strict discipline among his Soldiers . 40. Guilt and Despair make Rebels sometimes more wicked than they at first intended to be . 41. A King should have no greater sadness for those who are his ill Subjects , than He hath joy and comfort in their affections and fidelities , who are his good . 42. License and Disorder in an Army , will discredit , and may destroy the best cause . 43. Subjects ought to remember , That moneys are the nerves of War , and accordingly expedite supplies to their King , when He needs them . 44. There is no profession a King hath made for the defence and maintenance of right Religion , Lawes and Liberties , which He should not inviolably observe . 45. A King's Opinion , wherein He differs from his Subjects in Parliament , should not be like the Lawes of the Medes and Persians , unalterable , being not infallible . 46. Nothing should so much afflict a King , as the sense-and feeling He has of the sufferings of his Subjects , and the miseries that hang over his Kingdoms , when drawn upon them by those , who ( upon pretenses of good ) violently pursue their own interests and ends . 47. Such men may be supposed most apt and likely to maintain their power by blood and rapine , who have only got it by Oppression and Injustice . 48. Civil Dissentions that are desperate , may encourage and invite a foreign Enemy to make a prey of the whole Nation where they are . 49. Plague , Pestilence and Famine , will be the inevitable attendants of unnatural Contentions between a King and his People . 50. A Kingdom being infested with Civil War , so general a habit of uncharitableness and cruelty is contracted throughout , that even Peace it self will not restore the Peace to their old temper and security . 51. In the time of a Civil War , the King should be so deeply sensible of the miseries and calamities of his Kingdom , and the grievous sufferings of his Subjects , as most earnestly to desire that some expedient may be found out , which by the blessing of God , may prevent the further effusion of blood , and restore the Nation to Peace , from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no discouragement given Him on the contrary part should make Him cease , so no success on his own should ever divert Him. 52. All men , who pretend to goodness , must desire peace : and all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it . 53. A King can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just power , which by the Lawes of God , and the Land , He is born unto . 54. As a King should make no other demands but such as He believes confidently to be just , and much conducing to the tranquillity of the People : so should He be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and happiness . 55. Except a King and People have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . 56. A King should never dissemble , nor hide his Conscience , when his consent is desired to the alteration of Religion , wherewith He is unsatisfied . 57. In times of Distraction and Division between King and People , if the King be so unfortunate as to sall into their hands , it is ●it for Him to be attended by some of his Chaplains , whose opinions as Clergy-men , he ought to esteem and reverence , not only for the exercise of his Conscience , but also for clearing of his judgment concerning the emergent differences in Religion . 58. A restrained King , cannot , as He ought , take in consideration the alterations in Religion , that may be offered Him , without the help of his Chaplains or Divines , because He can never judge rightly of , or be altered in any thing of his opinion , so long as any ordinary way of finding out the Truth is denied Him ; but when that is granted Him , He should not strive for victory in Argument , but seek and submit to Truth ( according to that judgment which God hath given Him ) alwayes holding it his best and greatest conquest , to give contentment to his People in all things which He conceives not to be against his Conscience or Honour . 59. A King under such restraint as he is not master of those ordinary actions , which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man , is not in case fit to make Concessions , for give Answers to his revolted Subjects . 60. A King under what restraint soever , should not give his consent to any Propositions made to Him by his revolted Subjects , that require the disclaiming that reason which God hath given Him to judge by , for the good of Him and his People , and the putting a great violence upon his Conscience . 61. It were easie for a distressed King , who intended to wind Himself out of Troubles by indirect means , readily to consent to whatsoever is proposed to Him , and afterward choose his time to break all , alledging that forced concessions are not to be kept : for which He would not incur a hard censure from indifferent men . 62. Maximes of fallacy are not to be the guides of a King's Actions in extremity . 63. It is held by some unlawfull for any man , and most base in a King , to recede from his promises , for having been obtained by force , or he under restraint . Note ] According as the promises may be ; which if unjust and injurious , are not to be adher'd to . 64. A general Act of Oblivion is the best bond of peace . 65. The Wisdom of several Kingdoms , hath usually and happily in all ages granted general Pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many persons and families otherwise exposed to ruine , might not become fuel to new disorders , or seeds to future troubles 66. Perpetual dishonour must cleve to that King , who to obtain liberty or other advantage to Himself , shall abandon those persons of Condition and Fortune , that out of a sense of duty have engaged themselves with and for Him in his Civil Wars . 67. Liberty being that which in all times hath been the common theme , and desire of all men , common Reason shewes , That Kings less than any should endure Captivity . 68. A King may with patience endure a tedious restraint , so long as He has any hope , that that sort of his suffering may conduce to the peace of his Kingdoms , or the hindering of more effusion of blood . 69. A King under restraint , finding by too certain proofs , that his continued patience would not only turn to his personal ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publick good , is bound , as well by natural ; as political obligations , to seek his safety , by retiring Himself ( if He can ) for some time from the publick view both of his Friends and Enemies . 70. No indifferent man can judg but a King has just cause to free Himself from the hands of those who change their principles with their condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of his Nobility , and with whom the Levellers doctrine is rather countenanced than punished . 71. No reasonable man can think , that God will bless those , who refuse to hear their own King when they have him under restraint . 72. Although a King may withdraw Himself from the ill usage of such his Subjects as keep Him under restraint , and are deaf to the importunities of his reasonable desires : yet when He may be heard with Freedom , Honour , and Safety , He should instantly break forth through the cloud of his retirement , and shew Himself really to be Pater Patriae . 73. When a King is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others , there is no reason why He alone , and those of his judgment , should be pressed to a violation of theirs . 74. It is the definition , not names of things , which make them rightly known . 75. Without means to perform , no Propsition can take effect . 76. A King , to whom Honour , Freedom , and Safety is not allowed , can no more treat with his Subjects that have usurped his power , than a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race , who hath both his feet tied together . 77. A King of two different Nations should yield to none in either Kingdom , for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both , and his resolution should be never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . 78. Mercy is as inherent and inseparable to a King as Justice . 79. A King should never abuse the love of his loyal Subjects , by any power wherewith God shall enable Him , to the least violation of the least of their liberties , or the diminution of those immunities which He before had granted them , though they be beyond the Acts of his Predecessours . 80. In time of Civil War , whosoever behaves not Himself like a good Subject to his King in his Kingdom , should not ( if the King can help it ) receive the benefit , and advantage of being his Subject in any other ; but all foreign Princes should know , that as such a person hath parted with his loyalty to his King , so he must not hope for any security by Him , that some example may be made , how easie it is for a King to punish their disloyalty abroad , who for a time may avoid their own King's justice at home . 81. In time of Civil War , such who have by weakness and misunderstanding , or through fear and apprehension of danger been so far transported , as to contribute and consent to horrid intestine dissentions , should , by their free and liberal assistance of their King , express , That their former errours proceeded from weakness , not from malice . 82. The experience Subjects have of their King's Religion , Justice , and Love of his People , should not suffer them to believe any horrid scandals laid upon Him : And their Affection , Loyalty , and Jealousie of his Honour , should disdain to be made instruments to oppress their Native Soveraign , by assisting an odious Rebellion . 83. A King's obligation is both in Conscience and Honour , neither to abandon God's Cause , injure his Successours , nor forsake his Friends . 84. A King so distressed in Civil Wars , as He cannot flatter Himself with expectation of good success , may rest satisfied in this , to end his dayes with Honour and a good Conscience , which obligeth Him to continue his endeavours , in not despairing that God may in due time avenge his own Cause . 85. A King in extremity , is not to be deserted by his friends , though He that stayes with Him , must expect and resolve , either to dye for a good cause , or ( which is worse ) to live as miserable in maintaining it , as the violence of insulting Rebels can make him . 86. As the best foundation of Loyalty is Christianity ; so true Christianity teaches perfect Loyalty : for , without this reciprocation , neither is truly what they pretend to be . 87. A King should chuse such Commissioners for any Treaty with Rebels , as will neither be threatned nor disputed from the grounds He hath given them . 88. Wherein Rebels strain to justifie their breaking off Treaties with their King , bare asseverations , without proofs , cannot , I am sure , satisfie any judicious Reader . 89. The Penners of seditious Pamphlets , to justifie the cause of Rebels , seek more to take the ears of the ignorant multitude with big words , and bold Assertions , than to satisfie rational men with real proofs or true arguments . 90. Bare Asseverations which bold Rebels often make even against what they see , will not get credit with any , but such who abandon their judgments to an implicit Faith. 91. The determinations of all the Parliaments in the World , cannot make a thing just or necessary , if it be not so of it self . 92. When the reasons upon which the laying by of a King's authority is grounded , are not particularly mentioned for the Worlds satisfaction ( if possible ) but involved in general big words , it seems that it is their force of armes , who do it , more than that of Reason which they trust to , for procuring of obedience to their determinations , or belief to what they say . 93. It is evident , that the demands of bold Rebels have alwayes increased with their good fortune . 94. A King must in no extremity , howsoever pressed to it by Rebels , resolve to live in quiet , without honour , and to give his people peace without safety , by abandoning them to an arbitrary unlimited power . 95. Reason will hardly maintain those who are afraid of her . 96. Indifferent men may often judge of a King's innocency by their way of accusation , who rebel against Him ; For those who lay such high crimes to his charge , as the breach of Oathes , Vowes , Protestations , and Imprecations , would not spare to bring their proofs if they had any . 97. It is a wrong to a King's Innocency , to seek to clear Him of such slanders , for which there are no proofs alledged : for Malice being once detected , is best answered with neglect and silence . 98. Although Affection should not so blind one , as to say that his King never erred ; yet , as when a just debt is paid , Bonds ought to be cancelled : so Grievances , be they never so just , being once redressed , ought no more to be objected as Errours : And it is no Paradox to affirm , That Truths , this way told , are no better than slanders . 99. It is most certain by experience , That they who make no conscience of Rebelling , will make less of Lying , when it is for their advantage . 100. It is the artifice of Rebels , not only to endeavour to make Fables pass for currant coin , but likewise to seek to blind mens judgements with false inferences upon some truths . The Twelfth Century . 1. IT cannot be warranted by Justice , that any man should be slandred , yet denyed the sight thereof , and so far from being permitted to answer , that if he have erred , there should be no way left him to acknowledg , or mend it . 2. It cannot be made appear , that our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church Government at their pleasure . 3. Mens conjectures can breed but a humane faith . 4. The Post-scripts of St. Paul's Epistles though we lay no great weight upon them , yet they are to be held of great antiquity , and therefore such as in question of fact , where there appears no strong evidence to weaken their belief , ought not to be lightly rejected . 5. Although Faith , as it is an assent unto Truth supernatural , or of Divine Revelation , reacheth no further than the Scriptures yet in matters of fact , humane testimonies may beget a Faith , though humane , yet certain and infallible . ; 6. It is not to be conceived , that the accessions , or additions , granted by the favour of Princes , for the enlarging of the power , or priviledges of Bishops , have made , or indeed can make , the Government really and substantially to differ from what formerly it was , no more than the addition of Armes or Ornaments can make a body really , and substantially , to differ from it self naked or divested of the same : nor can it be thought either necessary , or yet expedient , that the elections of the Bishops , and some other circumstantials touching their Persons or Office , should be in all respects the same under Christian Princes , as it was when Christians lived among Pagans , and under persecution . 7. It is well worthy the studies and endeavours of Divines of both opinions , laying aside emulation and private interests , to reduce Episcopacy , and Presbytery , into such a well proportioned form of superiority and subordination , as may best resemble the Apostolical and Primitive times , so far forth as the different condition of the times , and the exigents of all considerable circumstances will admit , so as the power of Church-Government , in the particular of Ordination , which is meerly spiritual , may remain authoritative in the Bishop , but that power not to be exercised without the concurrence , or assistance , of the Presbytery . 8. Other powers of Government , which belong to jurisdiction , though they are in the Bishops , yet the outward exercise of them may be ordered and disposed , or limited by the Soveraign power , to which by the lawes of the place , and the acknowledgment of the Clergy , they are subordinate . 9. The Succession of Bishops is the best clue , the most certain and ready way by which to find out their Original . 10. It hath been often sound , that mutual returns of long answers and replies , have rather multiplied disputes by starting new questions , than informed the Conscience , by removing former scruples . 11. In former times , under Pagan Princes , the Church was a distinct Body of it self , divided from the Common-wealth , and so was to be governed by its own rules and Rulers . The Bishops therefore of those times , though they had no outward coercive power over mens persons or estates , yet in as much as every Christian man , when he became a Member of the Church , did ipso facto , and by that his own voluntary act , put himself under their government , they exercised a very large power of jurisdiction● in spiritualibus , in making Ecclesiastical Canons , receiving accusations , conventing the accused , examining of witnesses , judging of crimes , excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the Lord's Supper , enjoyning penances upon them , casting them out of the Church , receiving them again upon their repentance , &c. And all this they exercised as well over Presbyters , as others : but after that the Church , under Christian Princes , began to be incorporated into the Common-wealth , whereupon there must of necessity follow a complication of the Civil and Ecclesiastical powers , the jurisdiction of Bishops ( in the outward exercise of it ) was subordinate unto , and limited by the Supreme Civil power . 12. Although there be no cause to dislike their opinion , who derive the Episcopal power originally from Christ himself , without whose warrant the Apostles would not either have exercised it themselvs , or derived it to others ; yet for that the practise in them is so clear and evident , and the warrant from him expressed but in general terms , ( As my Father sent me , so send I you , and the like ) we may chuse rather to fix the claim of the power upon that practise as the more evidential way , than upon the warrant , which by reason of the generality of expression would bear more dispute . 13. Arguments drawn from Names , and Words , and conjectural Expositions of Scripture , are subject to such frailties , as in debate will give little satisfaction to his judgment and conscience , that requites it . 14. The testimonies of so many writers , ancient , and modern , as have been produced for the Scripture-Original of Bishops , may be conceived of so great importance in a question of this nature , that we are bound both in charity and reason to believe , That so many men , of such quality , would not have asserted the same with so much confidence , but upon very good ground . 15. One witness for the affirmative ought to be of more value , than ten for the negative ; and the testimony of one person that is not interessed , than of an hundred that are . 16. A Prince to shew the greatness of his mind , is rather to conquer his enemies by pardoning , than by punishing . 17. A King may expect not to be ceusur'd for having parted with too much of his right , when the price and commodity is so great , such as security to Himself , and peace to his People . 18. A prudent Parliament ought to remember how usefull a King's power is to a Peoples liberty . 19. A Prince is never to affect more greatness or prerogative , than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of his Subjects , not satisfaction of Favourites . 20. A Prince that so useth his Prerogative , will never want means to be a Father to all , and a bountifull Prince to any he would be extraordinarily gracious unto . 21. All men trust their treasure where it returns them interest . 22. If Princes like the Sea , receive , and repay , all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with , they will not grudge , but pride themselves , to make them up an Ocean . 23. Subjects , who have learnt , that Victories over their Princes , are but triumphs over themselves , will be more unwilling to hearken to changes afterward . 24. A distressed King may best learn to own Himself , by retiring into Himself , and therefore can the better digest what befalls Him , not doubting but God can restrain his Enemies malice , and turn their fierceness unto his praise . 25. If God give an injur'd King success against Rebels , He ought to use it humbly , and far from revenge ▪ 26. If God restore an exil'd King to his right upon hard conditions , whatsoever He promiseth , He ought to keep . 27. Those men who have forced Lawes , which they were bound to observe , will find their triumphs full of troubles . 28. A Prince is not to think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means . 29. No Earthly power can justly call a King in question as a Delinquent . 30. A good King will not without shewing a reason seek to impose a belief upon his Subjects . 31. There is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by God's Lawes , or the municipal Lawes of the Country where he lives . 32. The true Liberty of Subjects consists not in the power of Government , but in living under such Lawes , such a Government , as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives , and propriety of their goods . 33. The King who has a Trust committed to Him by God , by old and lawfull descent , must not betray it , to answer to a new unlawfull Authority . 34. It is a great sin for Subjects , to withstand lawfull Authority , as it is to submit to an Authority Tyrannical , or any other wayes unlawfull . 35. A hasty sentence once past , may be sooner repented , than recalled ▪ 36. It is in vain , for a King to be a Sceptick , by denying the power Rebels have , when greater than He can resist . 37. A hasty Judgment , passed upon the Life of a King , may bring on that trouble and perpetual inconveniency to a Kingdom , that the child which is then unborn may repent it . 38. God many times does pay Justice by an unjust Sentence . 39. Conquest is never just , except there be a good just cause , either for matter of wrong of just Title , and then they that go beyond it , the first quarrel that they have to it , is it that makes unjust at the end what was just at first . 40. Sole matter of Conquest is a great Robbery . 41. Those Magistrates or Officers will never be right , nor will God ever prosper them , who give not God his due , their King his due , and the People their due . 42. The regulating a Church rightly , according to Holy Scripture , is , To give God his due , A National Synod , freely called , freely debating among themselves , must settle the Church , if out of order , when that every Opinion is freely , and clearly heard . 43. A Subject and a Soveraign are clean different things ; and a share in Government is nothing pertaining to the People . FINIS . To the Reader . Friend , THis Century may be complete , and others added , when more of His Sacred Majesty's Writings shall be Published . Which advertisement I pray take with you , as you proceed to the other Titles , under which you may apprehend the like defect at the end . Icon Animae Basilicae : THE POURTRAITURE OF A ROYAL SOUL , Drawn from The Transcendent MEDITATIONS OF King CHARLES I. By RICHARD WATSON . Habebat perfectum animum ad summam sui adductus , supra quam nihil est nis● mens Dei , ex qua pars & in hoc pectus mortale de fluxit , quod nunquam magis divinum est , quàm ubi mortalitatem suam cogitat , & scit in hoc natum hominem , ut vitâ defungeretur . Senec. Epist . 120. London , Printed for Robert Horn , 1661. To the Reader . Friend , PHilo the Jew tels us , That Tharra among the Hebrews , and Socrates among the Greeks , were men so noted for meditation and retirement within themselves , that whosoever in aftertime , by such a reflex knowledge , could give an exact Character of his Soul , had that name as a title of hon●r in each Nation . If you do right to this Piece , apart presented unto your view , you must needs acknowledg that not any of our Britannike Kings ha's done a Design , by which he merited to have his name transmitted to posterity with that advantage , as Charles the First ; who in a time of such distraction , when most of his Subjects acted by a very uncertain light ; some of them mistook themselves , and others took great pains to disguise and lay counterfeit colours upon their Conscience , drew so exquisite a Pourtraicture of a pious and prudent Prince , as it appears most evident , He then took not first the pencil in hand to practise , but began to exercise , in the very dawn of his Reason , what skill He perfected in the glory and luster of his Reign , though He copied it not for his Royal Successours , and Religious Subjects , until the approaching twilight , or setting of his Sun in bloud . The Picture is not here exposed , to be onely lookt upon by a curious eye , to have the hand commended , and then the curtain drawn ; What more is mean't , will best be known by such as seriously intend to imitate , and have a devout ambition , by a like looking into their Souls , and meditating on their duties , in their several capacities , to deserve the honour of that great name , which ought to be held venerable among us in all succeeding ages . Of which number I wish you one , and my self likewise , Your humble servant , RICHARD WATSON . Cent. 1 beginneth Pag. 217 Cent. 2 beginneth Pag. 241 Cent. 3 beginneth Pag. 265 Cent. 4 beginneth Pag. 294 ERRATA . The Reader is desired to mend the following Escapes , and whomsoever he censures , to impute neither mistake nor negligence to the Collectour . Title page read Basilicae . Epistle Dedicatory . Page 1 r. recognize . p. 24 r. i● after some few years revolution , &c. Effata Regalia . Century 1. num . 2. r. allay . n 6 r the grounds . n 30 r stupidity . n 73 r conscious . n 77 r Saviour . n 79 r merits . n 82 r though they should be satiated . n 86 r soul of a Queen . Century 2. n ● r praie●● . n 28 r ●ay serve n 49 r propound . n 75 r streightness . n 90 r false & evil . Century 3 n 5 r with prejud●ces . n 20 r considerations , nor designs n 81 r oblequie . Cent. 4 n 31 r upon functions . n 89 r to Christs rule . Cent. 5 n 22 r not ●orosely . Cent. 6 n 10 r differences in Religion , and offences , by &c. n 23 r a di●●●dence o● his own judgment n 66 r aggravations , n 91 r that as the greatest temptations , &c. Cent. 7 n 8 r their Pilot. n 71 r who will avoid . Cent. 8. n 32 r from their pr●reption . n 49 r Philistims . n 55 r portends . Cent. 9 n 11 r congregations . n 35 r he shall be forced to consent , &c. n 73 r fixed on new models . Cent. 10 n 3 r from which reason &c. Cent. 11 , n 7 r Rights n 50 r will not restore the people , &c. Icon Auimae Basilicae . Century 2. num . 64 ● shall be . n 88 r to a happy , &c n 93 ● inclined . n 97 ● We ●ad need , &c Cent. 3 n 54 r the handful of ●eal . Cent. 4 n 18 ● findeth . Monita , &c Britannica . Cent. 1. n 13 r of differing , &c. n 35 r unto the King. n 48 r he may suspect . n 81 r spirit of prayer . n 91 r lest being n 941 of sound . Cent. 2 n 22 r the draught . Icon Animae Basilicae . THE POUR TRAICTURE OF A ROYAL SOUL . The First Century . 1. REsolutions of future Reforming , do not alwayes satisfie Gods Justice , nor prevent his Vengeance for former miscariages . 2. When out Sins have overlai'd our Hopes , we are taught to depend on Gods mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . 3. God often vindicates his glory by his judgments , and shews us how unsafe it is to offend him , upon presumptions afterwards to please him . 4. For want of timely repentance of our sins , God gives us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply . 5. When God gives us the benefit of our afflictions and his chastisements , we may dare account them the strokes not of an Enemy , but a Father , whose rod , as well as his staf , may comfort us . 6. Gods grace is infinitely better with our sufferings , than our peace could be with our sins . 7. When God that over-rules our Counsels , over-rules also our hearts , the worse things we suffer by his Justice , the better we may be by his Mercy . 8. Sin may turn our Antidotes into Poyson ; and Grace return our Poyson into Antidotes . 9. An act of sinful compliance , hath greater aggravations in a King , than any man ; especially when without the least temptation of envy or malice , he consents to the destruction of a Peer , or meaner Subject , whom by his place he ought to have preserved . 10. God sees the contradiction between a King's heart and his hand , against whom the sin is more immediate , when he signs any man's death , unsatisfied that he hath deserved it . 11. A King may learn Righteousness by God's Judgments , and see his own frailty in God's justice . 12. A King ought to prefer Justice , which is the will of God , before all contrary clamours , which do but discover the injurious will of man. 13. It is once too much , that a King has once been overcome , to please his Subjects by displeasing of God. 14. A King by divine permission , going against his Reason of Conscience , for any Reason of State , highly sins against the God of Reason , and Judg of Consciences . 15. God's free Spirit supports the Will of a King , and subjects it to none but the divine light of Reason , Justice and Religion , which shine in his Soul. 16. God desireth Truth in the inward parts of Kings , and Integrity in their outward expressions . 17. When God hears the voyce of our Saviour's bloud before the cry of others undeservedly shed , he speaks to King and People , in the voice of Joy and Gladness , which makes the bones he had broken rejoyce in his Salvation 18. A King purposing violence or oppression against the Innocent , may expect the Enemy to persecute his Soul , to tread his life to the ground , and to lay his honour in the dust . 19. God that sees not as man sees , lookes beyond all popular appearances , searches the heart , and tryes the reins , and brings to light things hidden in the dark . 20. A Kings afflictions cannot be esteemed by wise and godly men any argument of his sin , in shedding bloud he would have saved , more than their impunity among good men is any sure token of their innocency that forc't him to it . 21. A King may expect God's Protection from the privy conspiracies , and open violence of bloudy and unreasonable men , according to the uprightness of his heart , and the innocency of his hands in the matter of bloud , or destruction of his Subjects . 22. In time of civil dissensions , a King may most safely flie to God as his refuge and defence , who rules the raging of the Sea , and the madness of the People . 23. A King should look upon his own sins , and the sins of his People ( which are the tumults of their Souls against God ) as the just cause of popular inundations , permitted by God to over-bear all the banks of Loyalty , Modesty , Lawes , Justice and Religion . 24. God can rebuke the rebellious beasts of the People , and deliver his King from the rudeness and strivings of the multitude . 25. It becomes King and People , as Men and Christians , unpassionately to see the light of Reason and Religion ; and with all due order and gravity to follow it . 26. A Charitable King will wish his rebellious People a timely sense and sorrow , that shame here , and not suffering hereafter , may be the punishment of their Sin. 27. When God shall set bounds to our Passions by Reason , to our Errours by Truth , to our Seditions by Lawes duly executed , and to our Schismes by Charity , then we may be as Jerusalem , a City at unity in it self . 28. A King in distress , should still appeal to his God , whose all-discerning Justice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitfull darknesses of their hearts . 29. A King to whom God gave a heart to grant much to his Subjects , may need a heart fitted to suffer much from them . 30. Gods Grace may teach a King , wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings as the fullfillings of his best hopes , and most specious desires . 31. A King sometimes , while he thinks to allay others fears , may raise his own ; and by setling them , unsettle himself . 32. Evil for good is a bad requital ; and hatred for the good will of a King to his People . 33. A King needs God for his Pilot in such a dark and dangerous storm , as neither admits his return to the Port whence he set out , nor his making any other with that safety and honour which he designed . 34. It is easie for God , to keep a King safe in the love and confidence of his people . 35. A King needs God for his Guardian amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of them whom he suffers so far to prevail , as to pervert and abuse his acts of greatest Indulgence to , and assurance of them . 36. A penitent King ought to know no favours of his can make others more guilty than himself may be in abusing those many and great ones which God had conferred upon him . 37. A King in time of publick calamity by civil dissensions , should ask of God such Repentance for himself and his people as he will accept , and such Grace as they may not abuse . 38. The King is happy , who can make a right use of others abuses , and by their failings of him , reflect with a reforming displeasure , upon his own offemces against God. 39. Although a King for his own sins , be by other mens sins deprived of temporal blessings , yet he may be happy to enjoy the comfort of God's mercies , which often raise the greatest sufferers , to be the most glorious Saints . 40. It is God's will a King should preserve a Native , Rational , and Religious freedom . 41. God requires of Kings , to submit their understandings and wills unto his , whose wisdom and goodness can neither erre , nor misguide them . 42. God requires of Kings , so far to deny their carnal reason , in order to his sacred Mysteries and Commands , that they should believe and obey , rather than dispute them . 43. God expects from Kings only such a reasonable service of him , as not to do any thing for him against their Consciences . 44. As to the desires of men , God enjoins Kings to try all things by the touch-stone of Reason and Lawes , which are the rules of civil Justice , and to declare their consents to that only which their judgments approve . 45. Kings should be very unwilling to desert that place in which God hath set them , and whereto the affairs of their Kingdoms do call them . 46. A King may be content , for his Peoples good , to deny himself , in what God hath subjected to his disposal . 47. The unthankfull importunities , and tumultuary violence of some mens immoderate demands , should never betray a King to that dangerous and unmanly slavery , as to make him strengthen them by his consent in those things , which he thinks in his Conscience to be against God's glory , the good of his Subjects , and the discharge of his own duty to Reason and Justice . 48. A King should be willing to suffer the greatest indignities and injuries Rebellious people press upon him , rather than commit the least sin against his Conscience . 49. The just liberties of People may well be preserved in fair and equal wayes , without the slavery of their King's Soul. 50. He whom God hath invested by his favours in the power of a Christian King , should not subject his Reason to other mens Passions and Designs , which seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligious unto him . 51. The way of Truth and Justice , will bring a distressed King at last to peace and happiness with God , though for them he hath much trouble among men . 52. A King and Queen scattered on earth by their despightfull and deadly enemies , may be prepared by their sufferings for God's presence . 53. Though a King's difference from his Queen in some things , as to Religion , may be his greatest temporal infelicity ; yet the sincerity of their affections , which desire to seek , find , and to embrace every Truth , given by God , may be acceptable unto him . 54. It is happy for King and Queen different in Religion , when either ignorance of what is necessary to be known , or unbelief , or disobedience to what they know , becomes their misery , or their wilfull default . 55. The great scandal of Subjects professing the same true Religion with their King , may be an hinderance to the dissenting Queen , in the love of some Truth God would have her to learn ; or may harden her in some errour he would have cleared to her . 56. A King 's own and his Parties constancy , is the best antidote against the poyson of their example that gave such scandal . 57. The Truth of that Religion the King propfesseth represented with all the beauties of Humility , Loyalty , Charity and Peaceableness , as the proper fruits and ornaments thereof , may prevail much upon the judgment of his dissenting Queen ; as the odious disguises of Levity , Schism , Heresie , Novelty , Cruelty and Disloyalty , which any men's practises put upon it , may intend her aversion from it . 58. God's sacred and saving Truths , cleared from all rust and dross of humane mixtures , gain belief , love , and obedience to them , as his . 59. God beheld in the glass of his Truth , in those mercies which he hath offered unto us in his only Son and our Saviour , inviteth us to serve him in all those holy duties , which most agree with his holy doctrine , and most imitable example . 60. The experience a King and Queen separated by Rebels , have of the vanity and uncertainty of all humane glory and greatness , in their scatterings and Eclipses , should make them both so much the more ambitious to be invested in those durable honours and perfections , which are only to be found in God , and obtained through Christ . 61. A King ought not to gratifie his passion by any secret pleasure in his death or destruction , who hath thereby satisfied the injury he did him , lest he make divine vengeance his , and consider the affront against himself more than the sin against God. 62. God often pleads the cause of Kings before the sons of men , by making without their desire and endeavours , the mischief of Rebels return on their own heads , and their violent dealing come down on their own pates . 63. An injur'd King in charity should pray that God's justice prevent not the objects and opportunities of his mercy , but that they who have most offended him may live and be forgiven by him , in that their offenses bear a proportion with his trespasses , for which he hopes forgiveness from God. 64. A King should pray for his Rebellious Subjects , that God lay not their sins to their charge for condemnation , but to their Conscience for amendment . 65. God's exemplary vengeance shew'd in the destruction of any eminent Rebel , is as the lighting of a thunderbolt , which by so severe a punishment of one , should be a terrour to all . 66. It may be wish'd , that they who know not they have done amiss , might have their sin discover'd to them ; and that they who sin of malicious wickedness , might be scared . 67. They who prevent Gods judgments by their true repentance , shall escape the strokes of his eternal vengeance . 68. Mercy and Truth met together , are the best supporters of a Royal Throne : as Righteousness and Peace kissing each other the chief Ornaments of a flo●rishing Crown . 69. God sees clearly through all the cloudings of humane affairs , and judges without prejudice , his unerrable judgment having eternally his omniscience for its guide . 70. It is time for a King to call upon God , when the proud rise against him , and the Assemblies of violent men seek after his Soul , who have not set God before their eyes . 71. A King should have no passion , nor design , to embroyl his Kingdome in a Civil War , to which he has the least temptation , as knowing he must adventure more than any , and gain least of any by it . 72. A King ought to deplore and study to divert the necessity of a Civil War , unless he will be thought so prodigally thirsty of his Subjects bloud , as to venture his own life , which were better spent to save , than to destroy his People . 73. A King in time of Rebellion , needs much of Gods grace with patience to bear the afflictions , but much more to sustain the reproaches of men , especially if they make the War his , which they have raised themselves . 74. The confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make a King almost suspect his own Innocence . 75. A King whose innocency is known unto God , may be content ( at least by his silence ) to take upon him the imputed guilt before men , if by that he can allay the malice of his Enemies , and redeem his people from the miseries of War. 76. God will find out bloudy and deceitfull men , many of whom live not half their dayes , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels . 77. God will save a King that 's his servant , and in due time scatter the people that delight in War. 78. It is time for God to arise and lift up himself , when the King's enemies rage and increase , conceiving mischief , travailing with iniquity , and bringing forth falshood . 79. The design of a Civil War is either to destroy the King's person , or force his judgment , and to make him renege his Conscience , and Gods Truth . 80. A King may be driven to cross David's choice , and desire rather to fall into the hands of Men , by denying them ( though their mercies be cruel ) than into the hands of God , by sinning against his Conscience , and in that against him who is a consuming fire : It being better they destroy him , than God damn him . 81. If nothing but a King's bloud will satisfie his Enemies , or quench the flames of his Kingdom , or God's temporal Justice , he should be content , if it be Gods Will , that it be shed by the hands of his Subjects . 82. When the bloud of a King , though a sinner , is wash'd with the bloud of his innocent and peace-maing Redeemer , Gods justice will therein find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternal plenary satisfaction , both for the King's sins , and his Peoples . 83. A King that hath God on his side , has more with him than can be against him . 84. None in Heaven or Earth is desireable by a King in comparison of God , who in the loss of all , may be more than all to him . 85. When people are encouraged to fight against their King under the pretense of sighting for him , he may cast his eyes up to Heaven , he has no other power to oppose them . 86. God needs no help , nor the King , having his , if not to conquer , at least to suffer , 87. If God delights not in a King's safety and prosperity , he ought to render himself up to be reduced to what God will have him , whose judgments oft begin with his own Children . 88. A King should be content to be nothing , that God may be all . 89. God , who teacheth , That no King can be saved by the multitude of an Host , can yet save him by the multitude of his mercies , being Lord of Hosts , and the Father of Mercies . 90. A King distressed on every side , having God on his side , need not fear what man can do unto him . 91. A King ought to give God's Justice the glory of his distress 92. Gods mercy must have the glory of a King's deliverance from them that persecute his Soul. 93. Any King that hath fought against God ( whose Subject he is ) by his sins , and robbed him of his glory , God may justly strip of his strength by his own Subjects , and eclipse his glory likewise . 94. The King whose hope and only refuge fails him , shall to his grief , hear his Enemies soon say , There is no help for him in his God. 95. The King's footsteps will slip , whose goings God holds not up in his paths . 96. A King favoured by God , is kept as the apple of his eye , and hid under the shadow of his wings . 97. God has marveilous loving kindness to shew , and a right hand by which to save a King that puts his trust in him , from those that rise up against him ; from the wicked that oppress him ; from his deadly enemies that compass him about . 98. The path of life leads to God's presence , where is fullness of joy , and at his right hand are pleasures for evermore . 99. God is the first and eternal Reason , whose wisdom is fortified with omnipotency . 100. God's method of Grace to a King his servant is , first to furnish him with clear discoveries of Truth , Reason , and Justice in his Understanding , then so to confirm his will and resolution to adhere to them , that no terrours , injuries , or oppressions of his Enemies , may ever inforce him against those rules which God by them hath planted in his Conscience . The Second Century . 1. GOd never made a King that should be less than a Man and not dare to say Yea , or Nay , as he sees cause ; which freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of reason , and liberty of speech . 2. That cannot be blameable in a King , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others . 3. It is open partiality and injustice , for seditious Subjects to deny that freedom to their King , which God hath given to all men , and which themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves . 4. God can guide a distressed King by an unerring rule , through the perplexed Lubyrinths of his own thoughts and other mens proposals , which he may have some cause to suspect , are purposely cast as snares , that by his granting or denying them , he might be more entangled in those difficulties , wherewith they lye in wait to afflict him . 5. A Kings own sinfull passions may cloud or divert Gods sacred suggestions . 6. A King should propund to himself Gods Glory for his end , Gods Word for his rule , and then resign himself to Gods Will. 7. A King can hardly please all , he need not care to please some men ; If he may be happy to please God , he need not fear whom he displeaseth . 8. God maketh the wisdom of the World foolishness , and taketh in their own devises , such as are wise in their own conceits . 9. A King made wise by God's Truth , for God's honour , his Kingdoms general good , and his own Souls salvation , need not much regard the Worlds opinion , or diminution of him . 10. The less wisdom ill-affected Subjects are willing to impute to their King , the more they shall be convinced of God's wisdom directing him , while he denies nothing sit to be granted , out of crossness , or humor ; nor grants any thing which is to be denied out of any fear or flattery of men . 11. A King ought to take care he become not guilty , or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens designs which are injurious to the publick good , while he confirms them by his consent ; Nor must he be any occasion to hinder or defraud the publick of what is best , by any morose or perverse dissentings . 12. A King ought to be so humbly charitable , as to follow their advice , when it appears to be for the publick good , of whose affections to him he may have but few evidences to assure him . 13. God can as well bless honest errours , as blast fraudulent counsels . 14. Since Kings themselves must give an account of every evil and idle word in private , at God's Tribunal ; they ought to be much more caresull of those solemn Declarations of their mind , which are like to have the greatest influence upon the Publick , either for woe , or weal. 15. The less unreasonable Subjects consider what they ask , the more solicitous should a King be what he answers . 16. In time of Civil War , though a King 's own and his People's pressures are grievous , and peace would be very pleasing ; yet should he not avoid the one , nor purchase the other with the least expence or wast of his Conscience , whereof God alone is deservedly more Master than himself . 17. So much cruelty among Christians is acted under the colour of Religion , as if we could not be Christians , unless we crucifie one another . 18. If a King and his People love not God's Truth as they ought , and practise it in charity , God may justly suffer a Spirit of errour and bitterness , of mutual and mortal hatred to rise among them . 19. God who forgives wherein we sin , may sanctifie what we suffer . 20. Repentance must be our recovery ( by God's mercy ) when our great sins have been our ruine . 21. The miseries a King and his Kingdom have suffered being great , they may desire God so to account them , but withal , that their sins may appear to then Consciences , as they are represented in the glass of God's judgments ; for God never punisheth small failings with severe afflictions . 22. They should farther desire , that their sins may be ever more grievous to them than God's judgments ; and be more willing to repent , than to be relieved : first asking of God the peace of penitent Consciences , and then the tranquillity of united Kingdoms . 23. God can drown the sins of a King and People at Civil Wars in the Sea of our Saviours bloud , and through the Red Sea of their own bloud bring them at last to a State of Piety , Peace , and Plenty . 24. A King 's publick relations to all , make him share in all his Subjects sufferings ; of which he ought to have such a pious sense , as becomes a Christian King , and a loving Father of his People . 25. God can make the scandalous and unjust reproaches cast upon a good King be as a breath , more to kindle his compassion , and give him grace to heap charitable coles of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose malice or cruel zeal hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those flames , which may have much wasted his Kingdomes . 26. Ignorance or Errour may sill men with rebellious and destructive Principles , which they act under an opinion , That they do God good service . For these a King ought to pray God to lead them in the wayes of his saving Truths . 27. A King may pray for the hand of God's justice to be against those , who maliciously and despightfully have raised , or fomented , cruel and desperate Wars against him . 28. God is far from destroying the innocent with the guilty , and erronious with the malicious . 29. God that had pity on Nineveh for the many children that were therein , will not easily give over the whole stock of a populous and seduced Nation , to the wrath of those whose covetousness makes them cruel ; nor to their anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . 30. God many times is pleased , in the midst of the furnace of his severe justice , to preserve a Posterity , which may praise him for his mercy . 31. God will not deal with his King , according to man's unjust reproaches , but according to the iunocency of his hands in his sight . 32. If a King have desired or delighted in the wofull day of his Kingdomes calamities ; If he have not earnestly studied , and faithfully endeavoured , the preventing and composing of the bloudy distractions in his Kingdome , It is just that God's hand be against him and his fathers house . 33. A King that hath enemies enough of men , if his Conscience do witness his integrity , may conditionally dare to imprecate God's curse upon him and his , to gain the World's opinion of his innocency , which God himself knowes right well ; provided that he trust not to his own merit , but Gods mercies . 34. When the troubles of a King's Soul are enlarged , it is the Lord that must bring him out of his distress . 35. Pious simpliciy is the best policy in a King. 36. They who have too much of the Serpents subtilty , forget the Doves innocency . 37. Though hand joyn in hand , a King ( by Gods assistance ) should never let them prevail against his Soul , to the betraying of his Conscience and Honour . 38. God having turn'd the hearts of the men of Judah and Israel , they restored David with as much loyal zeal , as they did with inconstancy , and eargerness , pursue him . 39. A depressed King , in whom God preserves the love of his truth and uprightness , need not despair of his Subjects affections returning towards him . 40. God can soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebbe , and retire back again to the bounds which he has appointed for them . 41. He can as soon make them ashamed who trangress without a cause , and turn them back that persecute the Soul of their King. 42. Integrity and uprightness will preserve a King in distress , that waits upon the Lord. 43. From just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which God's Word in the Lawes of a Kingdom , have laid upon the Consciences of men , no pretensions of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or engage them to any contrary practises . 44. Nothing violent and injurious , can be religious . 45. God allowes no mans committing Sacriledg , under the zeal of abhorring Idols . 46. Sacrilegious designs have sometimes the countenance of religious ties . 47. The wisest of Kings hath taught all his Successours , That it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after vowes to make enquiry . 48. A King ought never to consent to perjurious and sacriligious rapines , which set upon him the brand and curse to all posterity , of robbing God and his Church of what his divine bounty had given , and his clemency had accepted , wherewith to encourage Learning and Religion . 49. Though a King's Treasures be exhausted , his Revenues diminished , and his debts increased ; yet should he never be tempted to use prophane Reparations , least a coal from God's Altar set such a fire on his Throne and Conscience , as will be hardly quenched , 50. Though the State recover by God's blessing of peace , yet the Church is not likely in times where the Charity of most men is grown cold , and their Religion illiberal . 51. When God continues to those that serve him and his Church all those incouragements , which by the will of pious Donors , and the justice of the Lawes are due unto them , they ought to deserve and use them aright to God's glory and the relief of the poor ; That his Priests may be cloathed with righteousness , and the poor may be satisfied with bread . 52. Rather than holy things should be given to Swine , or the Church's bread to Dogs Let them go about the City , grin like a Dog , and grudg that they are not satisfied . ; 53. Let those sacred morsels , which some men have by violence devoured , neither digest with them , nor theirs : Let them be as Naboth's Vineyard to Ahab , gall in their mouths , rottenness to their names , a moth to their Families , and a sting to their Consciences . 54. Break in sunder , ô Lord , all violent and sacrilegious Confederations to do wickedly and injuriously . 55. Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandyed together against the Church and State , that the folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no farther . 56. A King whose righteous dealing is favoured by God , in the mercies of the most High never shall miscary . 57. A King who is made the object of popular reproach , has his soul among Lions , among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men , whose teeth are spears and arrowes , and their tongue a sharp sword . 58. Those sons of men , that turn their Kings glory into shame , love vanity , and seek after lies . 59. When wicked men on every side are set to reproach their King , if God hold his peace , the Kings Enemies will prevail against him , and lay his honour in the dust . 60. God shall destroy them that speak lies against their King ; and will abhor both the bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men . 61. God can make the Kings righteousness appear as the light ; and his innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noon-day . 62. A good King should pray , that God would not suffer his silence to betray his innocence , nor his displeasure his patience ; but that after his Saviour's example , being reviled , he may not revile again ; and being cursed by his enemies , he may bless them . 63. God would not suffer Shemei's tongue to go unpunished , whose judgments on David might seem to justifie his disdainfull reproaches . 64. Hot burning coals of eternal fire should be the reward of false , and lying tongues against their King. 65. A King's prayer and patience should be as water to cool and quench their tongues , who are set on fire with the fire of Hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . 66. The King is happy that can refute and put to silence mens evil speaking , by well-doing ; praying that they may not enjoy the fruit of their lips , but of his prayer , for their repentance , and God's pardon . 67. A King ought to learn David's patience and Hezekia's devotion , that he may look to God's mercy through mens malice , and see his justice in their sin . 68. Even Sheba's seditious speeches , Rabshekah's railing , and Shemei's cursing , may provoke as a King 's humble prayer to God , so God's renewed blessing toward him . 69. Though men curse , God may bless , and the afflicted King shall be blessed , and made a blessing to his people : and so the stone which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . 70. If God look not down from heaven and save , the reproach of some men would swallow up their King. 71. God can hide the King in the secret of his Presence from the pride of men , and keep him from the strife of tongues . 72. God's mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy . 73. God denieth us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despiseth renewed affections joined to constant expressions . 74. The matters of our prayers ought to be agreeable to God's Will , which is alwayes the same ; and the fervency of our spirits , to the motions of his holy Spirit in us . 75. God's Spiritual perfections are such , as he is neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the pious constancy of our petitions in them both . 76. A pious moderation of mens judgments is most commendable in matters of Religion , that their ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their own abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities . 77. The advantage of Errour consists in novelty and variety ; as of Truth , in unity and constancy . 78. The Church is sometimes pest'red with errours , and deformed with undecencies in God's service , nnder the pretense of variety and novelty ; as deprived of truth , unity , and order , under this fallacy , That Constancy is the cause of formality . 79. If God keep us from formal Hypocrisie in our hearts , we know that praying to him , or praising of him ( with David and other holy men ) in the same formes , cannot hurt us . 80. If God gives us wisdom to amend what is amiss within us there will be less to amend without us . 81. The effects of blind zeal , and over-bold devotion , are such as God evermore defend , and deliver his Church from them . 82. Such should be the uprightness and tenderness of a King , whom God hath set to be a Defender of the Faith , and a Protector of his Church , as by no violence to be overborn against his Conscience . 83. The Deformation of the Church , as to that Government which derived from the Apostles , had been retained in purest and primitive times , began when the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular envy , which still seeks to rob it of the incouragements of Learning and Religion . 84. A Christian King should be as the good Samaritan , compassionate and helpfull to God's afflicted Church , which when some men have wounded and robbed , others pass by without regard either to pity , or relieve . 85. As the Kings power is from God , so should he use it for God. 86. Though a Soveraign be not suffered to be Master of his other rights as a King , yet should he preserve that liberty of Reason , love of Religion , and the Churches welfare , which are fixed in his Conscience as a Christian . 87. Sacriledg invades those temporal blessings which God's Providence hath bestowed on his Church for his glory . 88. Some mens sins and errours deserve God's just permission to let in the wild Boar , and the subtile Foxes , to wast and deform his Vineyard , which his right hand hath planted , and the dew of heaven so long watered a happy and flourishing estate . 89. His memory is cursed who bears the infamous brand to all Posterity of being the first Christian King in his Kingdom who consented to the oppression of God's Church , and the Fathers of it ; whose errours he should rather , like Constantine , cover with silence , and reform with meekness , than expose their persons and sacred functions to vulgar contempt . 90. Their Counsels bring forth and continue violent Confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of the Churches Peace , who mean to let in all manner of errours , schismes and disorders . 91. The God of Order and of Truth , doth in his own good time abate the malice , asswage the rage , and confound all the mischievous devices of his , the King 's , and his Churches enemies . 92. The God of Reason , and of Peace , disdains not to treat with sinners , preventing them with offers of atonement , and beseeching them to be reconciled with himself ; abounding in mercy to save them , whom he wants not power or justice to destroy . 93. When God softens our hearts by the bloud of our Redeemer , and perswades us to accept of peace with him ; then , as Men and Christians , are we enclied to procure and preserve peace among our selves . 94. A King should be content to be overcome , when God will have it so . 95. The noblest victory is over a man's self and his enemies by Patience ; which was Christ's conquest , and may well become a Christian King. 96. God between both his Hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting , fashioneth us to that frame of Piety he liketh best . 97. Whe had need ask God forgiveness for the Pride that attends our prosperous , and the repinings which follow our disastrous events . 98. When we go forth in our own strength , God withdraws his , and goes not forth with our Armies . 99. Let God be all , when we are something , and when we are nothing , that he may have the glory when we are in a victorious or inglorious condition . 100. It is hard measure , for a King to suffer evil from his Subjects to whom he intends nothing but good ; and he cannot but suffer in those evils which they compel him to inflict upon them , punishing himself in their punishments . The Third Century . 1. A King , against whom his Subjects take up armes , both in conquering , and being conquered , is still a sufferer ; in which case he needs a double portion of God's Spirit , which only can be sufficient for him . 2. A King , in time of Civil War , as he is most afflicted , so ought he to be most reformed , that he may be not only happy to see an end of the civil distractions , but a chief instrument to restore and establish a firm and blessed Peace to his Kingdoms . 3. The pious ambitions of all divided Parties , should be , to overcome each other with reason , moderation , and such self denial , as becomes those , who consider that their mutual divisions are their common distractions , and the Union of all is every good mans chiefest interest . 4. God for the sins of our peace , brings upon us the miseries of Civil War , and for the sins of War , sometimes thinks fit to deny us the blessing of peace , so keeping us in a circulation of miseries ; yet even then he gives the King , if his servant , and all Loyal , though afflicted Subjects , to enjoy that peace , which the World can neither give to them , nor take from them . 5. God will not impute to a good King the bloud of his own Subjects , which with infinite unwillingness and grief may have been shed by him , in his just and necessary defence , but will wash him in that pretious bloud which hath been shed for him by his great Peace-maker , Jesus Christ , who will redeem him out of all his troubles . For , 6. The triumphing of the Wicked is but short , and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a moment . 7. God who alone can give us beauty for ashes , and Truth for Hypocrisie , will not suffer us to be miserably deluded with Pharisaical washings , instead of Christian reformings . 8. Our great deformities being within , we ought to be the severest Censurers , and first Reformers of our own Souls . 9. Rash and cruel Reformers bring deformities upon Church and State. 10. Factions kindle fires under the pretense of Reforming . 11. God shewes the World by some mens divisions and confusions , what is the pravity of their intentions , and weakeness of their judgments . 12. They whom God's Providence shall entrust with so great , good , and necessary a work , as is a Christian and Charitable Reformation , ought to use such methods as wherein nothing of ambition , revenge , covetousness , or sacriledg , may have any influence upon their Counsels . 13. Inward Piety may best teach King and people how to use the blessing of outward Peace . 14. God whose wise and all-disposing Providence ordereth the greatest contingencies of humane affairs , may make a King see the constancy of his mercies to him , in the greatest advantages God seems to ▪ give the malice of a King's enemies against him . 15. As God did blast the Counsel of Achitophel , turning it to David's good and his own ruine ; so can he defeat their design who intend by publishing ought they intercept of their King 's , nothing else but to render him more odious and contemptible to his people . 16. God can make the evil men imagine , and displeasure they intend against their King , so to return on their own heads , that they may be ashamed and covered with their own confusion , as with a cloak . 17. When the King's enemies use all means to cloud his honour , to pervert his purposes , and to slander the footsteps of God's Anointed , God can give the King an heart content to be dishonoured for his sake , and his Church's good . 18. When a King hath a fixed purpose to honour God , then God will honour him , either by restoring to him the enjoyment of that power and Majesty which he had suffered some men to seek to deprive him of ; or by bestowing on him that Crown of Christian Patience , which knowes how to serve him in honour , or dishonour ; in good report , or evil . 19. If God , who is the fountain of goodness and honour , cloathed with excellent Majesty , make the King to partake of his Excellency for Wisdome , Justice and Mercy ; he shall not want that degree of Honour and Majesty which becomes the Place , in which God hath set him , who is the lifter up of his head , and his salvation . 20. When a King knowes not what to do , his eyes must be toward God , who is the Soveraign of our Souls , and the only Commander of our Consciences ; to the protection of whose mercy , he must still commend himself . 21. God who hath preserved a King in the day of Battel , can afterward shew his strength in his weakness . 22. God will be to a good King in his darkest night , a pillar of fire to enlighten and direct him ; in the day of his hottest affliction a pillar of cloud to overshadow and protect him ; he will be to him both a Sun and a Shield . 23. A King must not by any perversness of will , but through just perswasions of Honour , Reason and Religion , hazard his Person , Peace and Safety , against those that by force seek to wrest them from him . 24. A King's resolutions should not abate with his outward Forces , having a good Conscience to accompany him in his solitude and desertions . 25. A King must not betray the powers of Reason , and that fortress of his Soul , which he is intrusted to keep for God. 26. The King whom God leads in the paths of his righteousness , he will shew his salvation . 27. Wh●n a Kings wayes please God , God will make his enemies to be at peace with him . 28. When God who is infinitely good and great , is with the King , his presence is better than life ; and his service is perfect freedom . 29. The Soveraign whom God ownes for his servant , shall never have cause to complain for want of that liberty which becometh a Man , a Christian , and a King. 30. A Soveraign should desire to be blessed by God with Reason , as a Man ; with Religion , as a Christian ; and with constancy in justice , as a King. 31. Though God suffer a King to be stript of all outward ornaments , yet he may preserve him ever in those enjoyments , wherein he may enjoy himself , and which cannot be taken from him against his will. 32. No fire of affliction should boyl over a King's passion to any impatience , or sordid fears . 33. Though many say of an afflicted King , There is no help for him ; yet if God lift up the light of his Countenance upon him , he shall neither want safety , liberty , nor Majesty . 34. When a King's strength is scattered , his expectation from men defeated , his person restrained : if God be not far from him , his enemies shall not prevail too much against him . 35. When a King is become a wonder , and a scorn to many , God may be his Helper and Defender . 36. When God shewes any token upon an injur'd King for good , then they that hate him are ashamed , because the Lord hath holpen and comforted him . 37. When God establisheth a King with his free Spirit , he may do and suffer God's Will , as he would have him . 38. God will be mercifull to that King , whose Soul trusteth in him , and who makes his refuge in the shadow of God's wings , until all calamities be overpast . 39. A good King , though God kill him , will trust in his mercy , and his Saviours merits . 40. So long as an afflicted King knoweth that his Redeemer liveth , though God lead him through the vail and shadow of death , yet shall he fear no ill . 41. When a Captive King is restrained to solitary prayers , what he wants of his Chaplains help , God can supply with the more immediate assistances of his Spirit , which alone will both enlighten his darkness , and quicken his dulness . 42. God who is the Sun of Righteousness , the sacred fountain of heavenly light and heat , can at once clear and warm the King's heart , both by instructing of him , and interceding for him . 43. God is all fullness ; From God is all-sufficiency ; By God is all acceptance ; God is company enough , and comfort enough ; God is King of the King ; God can be also his Prophet , and his Priest ; Rule him ; teach him , pray in him , for him , and be ever with him . 44. The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with God in that sacred Duel , when he had none to second him but God himself ; who did assist Jacob with power to overcome him , and by a welcome violence to wrest a blessing from him . The same assistance and success can God give , as he pleaseth , to the solitary prayers and devout contentions of a Captive King. 45. The joint and sociated Devotions of others , is a blessing unto a King , their fervency inflaming the coldness of his affections towards God , when they go up to , or meet in God's House with the voice of joy and gladness , worshiping God in the Unity of Spirits , and with the Bond of Peace . 46. A King ought to ask God forgiveness if guilty of neglect , and not improving the happy opportunities he had to meet Priest and People in God's Church . 47. A King sequester'd from the opportunities of publick worship , and private ass●stance of his Chaplains , is as a Pelican in the Wilderness , a Sparrow on the House top , and as a coal scattered from all those pious glowings , and devout reflections , which might best kindle , preserve and encrease the holy fire of divine graces , on the Altar of his heart , whence the sacrifice of prayers , and incense of prayses might be duly offered up to God. 48. God that breaketh not the bruised Reed , nor qu●ncheth the smoking Flax , will not despise the weakness of a King's prayers , nor the smotherings of his Soul in an uncomfortable loneness , to which he is constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps , which he may much want , and no less desire . 49. The hardness of Rebels hearts should occasion the softnings of a Captive King 's to God , and for them ; Their hatred should kindle his love ; Their unreasonable denials of his Religious desires , should the more excite his prayers unto God ; Their inexorable deafness may encline God's ear to him , who is a God easie to be entreated . 50. God's ear is not heavy , that it cannot , nor his heart hard , that it will not hear ; nor his hand shortned that it cannot help a King , his Suppliant in a desolate condition . 51. Though God permit men to deprive a King of those outward means which he hath appointed in his Church ; yet they cannot debar him from the communion of that inward grace which God alone breaths into humble hearts . 52. When God hath once made a King humble , he will teach him , he will hear him , he will help him ; for , The broken and contrite heart , God will not despise . 53. God can make a King in solitude , at once , his Temple , his Priest , his Sacrifice , and his Altar ; while from an humble heart he ( alone ) daily offers up , in holy meditations , fervent prayers , and unfeigned tears to God , who prepareth him for himself , dwelleth in him , and accepteth of him . 54. God who did cause by secret supplies , and miraculous infusions , that the handfull of meat in the vessel should not spend , nor the little oyle in the cruise fail the Widow , during the time of drought and dearth , will look on a good King's Soul , when as a Widow , it is desolate and forsaken , will not permit those saving Truths he had formerly learned , then to fail his memory ; nor the sweet effusions of his Spirit , which he had sometime felt , then to be wanting to his heart , in the famine of ordinary and wholsome food , for the refreshing of his Soul. 55. A Captive King in solitude , may rather chuse to want the memory of the saving Truths he had learned , or the sense of Spiritual comforts he had formerly felt , than to feed from those hands , who mingle his bread with ashes , and his wine with gall , rather tormenting , than teaching him , whose mouths are proner to bitter reproaches of him , then to hearty prayers for him . 56. They who wrest the holy Scriptures to their Kings destruction , ( which are clear for their Subjection , and his preservation ) hazard their Souls damnation . 57. Some men ( under the colour of long prayers ) have sought to devour the houses of their Brethren , their King , and their God. 58. A distressed King may pray against their wickedness , whose very balms break his head , and their cordials oppress his heart , That he may be delivered from the poyson under their tongues , from the snares of their lips ; from the fire and the swords of their words ; and all those Loyal and Religious hearts , who desire and delight in the prosperity of his Soul , and who seek by their prayers to relieve the sadness and solitude of their King. 59. Though a distressed King may chance to say in his hast , That he is cast out of the sight of God's eyes ; nevertheless God may hear the voice of his supplication , when he cries unto him . 60. If the Lord would be extreme to mark what is done amiss , who could abide it ? But there is mercy with him , that he may be feared , and therefore it is that sinners flie unto him . 61. A King , in the acknowledgment of his sins before God , should reflect upon the aggravation of his condition , the eminency of his place adding weight to his offences . 62. A King ought to beseech God to forgive as his Personal , so his Peoples sins , which are so far his , as he hath not improved the power that God gave him to his glory , and his Subjects good . 63. God may justly , as to his over-ruling hand , bring a Soveraign , who in many things has rebelled against him , from the glory and freedom of a King , to be a Prisoner to his own Subjects . 64. Though God may permit a King's Person to be restrained , yet he may enlarge his heart to himself , and his grace toward him . 65. God may give the comforts and the sure mercies of David to the King , who comes far short of David's piety , yet equals David in afflictions . 66. God may make the penitent sense a King has of his sins , become an evidence to him , that he hath pardoned them . 67. The evils which at any time a King and his Kingdom hath suffered , should not seem little to him , though God punisheth them not according to their sins . 68. When the sorrowes of a King's heart are enlarged , in the importunity of his prayers , if God bring him not out of his troubles , he may expostulate with him , as having forgotten to be gracious , and to have shut up his loving kindness in displeasure . 69. An Afflicted King may utterly faint , if he believe not to see the goodness of the Lord in the land of the living . 70. The sins of our prosperity many times deprive us of the benefit of our afflictions . 71. It is happy for us , if the fiery tryal of affliction consume the dross which in long peace , and plenty , we have contracted . 72. Though God continue our miseries , yet if he withdraw not his grace , what is wanting of prosperity , may be made up in patience and repentance . 73. An afflicted King , from whom God's anger is not yet to be turn'd away , but his hand of justice must be stretched out still , in the exuberance of charity , and self-condemnation , will beseech God , it may be against him , and his fathers house , pleading the innocence of his People , and asking , What those sheep have done . 74. Though the sufferings of a King satiate not the malice of his and the Church's enemies , yet should their cruelty never exceed the measure of his charity . 75. An injur'd King should ask grace to banish all thoughts of revenge , that he may not lose the reward , nor God the glory of his patience . 76. A King to whom God hath given a heart to forgive such as have rebelled against him , should beseech God to forgive them what they have done against both God and King. 77. An afflicted King , whom God in mercy remembers , and his Kingdomes , 1. In continuing the light of his Gospel , and setling his true Religion among them . 2. In restoring to them the benefit of the Lawes , and the due execution of justice . 3. In suppressing the many Schismes in Church , and Factions in State. 4. In restoring him and his to the Ancient Rights , and glory of his Predecessours . 5. In turning the hearts of the People to God in Piety , to the King in loyalty , and to one another in charity . 6. In quenching the flames , and withdrawing the fewel of Civil Wars . 7. In blessing King and People with the freedom of Publick Councels , and delivering the Honour of Parliament from the insolency of the vulgar . 8. In keeping the King from the great offence of exacting any thing against his Conscience , and especially from consenting to sacrilegious rapines , and spoilings of God's Church . 9. In restoring him to a capacity to glorifie God in doing good both to the Church and State. 10. In bringing him again with peace , safety , and honour , to his chiefest City and Parliament , if chased from them . 11. In putting again the sword of Justice into his hand , to punish and protect . 1. The Soul of the said King ought to praise God , and magnifie his name before his People . 2. To hold God's glory dearer to him than his Crowns . 3. To make the advancement of true Religion both in purity and power to be his chiefest care . 4. To rule his People with justice , and his Kingdoms with equity . 5. To own ever to God's more immediate hand , as the rightfull succession , so the mercifull restauration of his Kingdoms , and the glory of them . 6. To make all the World see this , and his very Enemies enjoy the benefit hereof . 78. A restored King , as he should freely pardon , for Christ's sake , those that have offended him in any kind : so his hand should never be against any man to revenge what is past in regard of any particular injury done to him . 79. When a King and People have been mutually punished in their unnatural divisions , the King should , for God's sake , and for the love of his Redeemer , purpose this in his heart ; That he will use all means in the wayes of amnesty and indempnity , which may most fully remove all fears , and bury all jealousies in forgetfullness . 80. As a King's resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward his People : so may he expect God's mercies to be toward him and his . 81. God will hear the King's prayer , which goeth not out of feigned lips . 82. If a King commit the way of his Soul to the Lord , and trust in him , he shall bring his desire to pass . 83. A King ought not to charge God foolishly , who will not restore him and his ; but to bless his Name , who hath given and taken away ; praying to God that his People and the Church may be happy , if not by him , yet without him . 84. God , who is perfect Unity in a Sacred Trinity , will in mercy behold King and People , whom his Justice may have divided . 85. They who at any time have agreed to fight against their King , may as much need his prayers and pity , as he deliverance from their strivings , when ready to fight against one another to the continuance of the distractions of his Kingdoms . 86. The wayes of Peace consist not in the divided wills of Parties , but in the point and due observation of the Lawes . 87. A King should be willing to go whither God will lead him by his Providence , desiring God to be ever with him , that he may see God's constancy in the Worlds variety and changes . 88. The King whom God makes such as he would have him , may at last enjoy the safety and tranquillity which God alone can give him . 89. God's heavy wrath hangs justly over those populous Cities , whose plenty addes fewel to their luxury ; whose wealth makes them wanton ; whose multitudes tempt them to security ; and their security exposeth them to unexpected miseries . 90. To whom God gives not eyes to see , hearts to consider , nor wills to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to his glory and the publick Peace ; their calamity comes upon them as an armed man. 91. Rebellious Cities and P●●●● cannot want enemies who ab●●●● in sin ; nor shall they be long undisarmed and undestroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against God , and the clear convictions of their own Consciences , fight more against themselves , than ever they did against thier King ; their sins exposing them to Gods Justice , their riches to others injuries , their number to Tumults , and their Tumults to Confusion . 92. A depressed King should have so much charity as to pray , That his fall be not their ruine who have with much forwardness helped to destroy him . 93. An injur'd King should not so much consider either what Rebellious People have done , or he hath suffered , as to forget to imitate his crucified Redeemer ; to plead their ignorance for their pardon , and , in his dying extremities , to pray to God his father to forgive them who know not what they did . 94. They who have denied tears to their King in his saddest condition , may need his prayers for God's grace to bestow them upon themselves , who the less they weep for him , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . 95. A King should pray that his bloud may not be upon them and their children , whom the fraud and faction of some , not the malice of all , have excited to crucifie him . 96. God can , and will , both exalt , and perfect , a good King by his sufferings , which have more in them of God's mercy , than of man's cruelty , or God's own justice . 97. God that is King of Kings , who filleth Heaven and Earth , who is the fountain of eternal life , in whom is no shadow of death , is both the just afflicter of death upon us , and the mercifull Saviour of us in it , and from it . 98. It is better for us to be dead to our selves , and live in God , than by living in our selves , to be deprived of God. 99. God can make the many bitter aggravations of a Soveraign's violent death , as a Man , and a King , the opportunities and advantages of his special graces and comforts in his Soul , as a Christian . 100. If God will be with the King , he shall neither fear , nor feel , any evil , though he walk through the valley of the shadow of death . The Fourth Century . 1. TO contend with Death , is the work of a weak and mortal man , to overcome it , is the grace of him alone who is the Almighty and immortal God. 2. Our Saviour , who knowes what it is to dye with a King , as a Man , can make the King to know what it is to pass through death to life with him his God. 3. Let a distressed King say , Though I dye , yet I know that thou my Redeemer livest for ever : though thou slayest me , yet thou hast encouraged me to trust in thee for eternal life . 4. God's favour is better to a distressed King than life . 5. As God's Omniscience discovers , so his Omnipotence can defeat the designs of those , who have , or shall conspire the destruction of their King. 6. God can shew an injur'd King the goodness of his will through the wickedness of theirs that would destroy him . 7. God gives a distr●ssed King leave , as a man , to pray , that the cup [ of death ] may pass from him ; but he has taught him , as a Christian , by the example of Christ , to adde , Not my will , but thine be done . 8. God , by resolving the King's will into his own , can make them both become one . 9. The desire of life should not be so great in a distressed King , as that of doing or suffering God's Will in either life , or death . 10. God can make a King content to leave the Worlds nothing , that he may come really to enjoy all in him , who hath made Christ unto him , in life gain , and in death advantage . 11. Though the Destroyers of their King forget their duty to God and him , yet he ought to beseech God not to forget to be mercifull to them . 12. There is no profit in a King's bloud , nor in gaining his Kingdoms from him , if they lose their own souls that do it . 13. An injur'd King ought to pray for such as have not only resisted his just power , but wholely usurped and turned it against ●im , That though they may have d●served , yet that they may not rece●ve , damnation to themselves . 14. God that made his Son a Saviour to many that crucifi●d him , while at once he suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them , will at the instance of a devoted King , hear the voyce of Christ's bloud call louder for Regicides , than the cry of the King's bloud against them . 15. Let a King pray for his murtherers , That God would prepare them for his mercy by due convictions of their sin , and not let them at once deceive and damn their own Souls by fallacious p●etensions of Justice in destroying him , while the conscience of their unjust usurpation of their King's power chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against him . 16. The mercies of Regicides are very false , and so very cruel unto their King , who , while they pretend to preserve him , meditate nothing but his ruine . 17. God can deal with bloud-thirsty and deceitfull men otherwise than they deserve , by overcoming their cruelty with his compassion , and the charity of their devoted King. 18. When God maketh inquisition for Royal bloud , the Souls which he sindeth penitent , though polluted , he can sprinkle with the bloud of his Son , and then the destroying Angel shall pass over them . 19. Though Regicides in design think any Kingdom on earth too little to entertain at once both themselves and their King ; yet he ought to pray that the capacious Kingdom of God's infinite Mercy may at last receive them both . 20. When King and People be reconciled in the bloud of the same Redeemer , they shall come at last to live far above the ambitious desires which begat mortal enmities between them . 21. When the hands of Regicides shall be heaviest and cruellest upon their King , if he fall into the armes of God's tender and eternal mercies , he shall be safe . 22. What is cut off of a King's life in the miserable moment of a violent death , may be repayed in God's ever-blessed eternity . 23. The King , whose eyes have seen Gods salvation , shall depart in peace . FINIS . CAROLI I mi Monita & Observata Britannica . The Prudential ADVICE AND OBSERVATIONS OF King CHARLES I. Relating To the POLICIE OF HIS Britannike Kingdoms . Collected and Published BY RICHARD WATSON . Homer Odys : ● . — 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 — . London , Printed for Robert Horn , 1661. To the Reader . Friend , ALthough the Aphorismes , in the two former divisions , are made generall , to serve the good purpose of any Prince , and his People , to whom the like calamities are incident , as were the sad experiments of our own , which prompted the Spirit of Wisdome to their production ; yet the guilt of our sinnes , and remembrance of our sufferings , will make us easily sensible of their more peculiar reflexion upon our selves . This Century , with the Surplusage , points so directly upon our Kingdome , as we have no way to avoid the seasonable importunity of the Counsel and Instruction ; and , knowing what it cost His Majesty that left it , are inexcusably miserable , if we put not the best value upon it by our observance . We hear much of Book-Cases , and precedents , in contests and pleadings for mens personal propriety ; I know no reason , why such rules , and instances , as these , should not be alike positive , and prevalent for Publick Interest , the Prerogative of the King , and Priviledges of the Church . One calls the Sword , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , that the Souldier should ever have ready and at hand ; I could wish this might be 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , the King-and Parliament-mans Manuall , not so much to reproach him with the unworthiness of some of his factious predecessours , as to instruct him , by the fatality of such examples , to a future sobriety in his votes , and moderation in his publick desires , or demands . If you and I cannot help the extravagant deviations , that may yet hereafter willfully be made from the assured steadiness of this Royal Canon ; we may at least be satisfied in our own aversion from the Ordinances of men , that imagine mischief for Law , and betray their trust , to the second ruine of their Country , à Dieu . Your servant , RICHARD WATSON . C. I. Monita , &c. Britannica . The First Century . 1. THe Kings of England should call their Parliaments , not more by others advice , and the necessity of their affairs , than by their own choice and inclination . 2. The right way of Parliaments is most safe for the Crown , and best pleasing to the People . 3. When some mens distempers study to kindle sparks in Parliaments , the King may hope to extinguish them by forbearing to convene for some years . 4. The King resolving with himself to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick grievances in Church and State , may hope by his freedom , and the Members moderation , to prevent all misunderstandings , and miscariages in the Parliament he calls . 5. Elections of Parliament men , are many times carried in many places with partiality and popular heat . 6. The King knowing best the largeness of his own heart toward his Peoples good and just contentment , may please himself in the hopes of a good and firm understanding , which by a Parliament may grow between him and them . 7. The King should resolve to reform what by free and full advice in Parliament he is convinced to be amiss ; and to grant what ever his Reason and Conscience tells him is sit to be desired . 8. Though the King resolve not to imploy in his affairs a questiond Minister of State against the advice of his Parliament ; yet he should not have any hand in his death , of whose guiltlesness he is better assured , than any man living can be . 9. The Peoples clamours for Justice in exorbitance of fury is not to be regarded , when they mean thereby the King and Two Houses of Parliament should Vote as they would have them . 10. A Tumultuous Parliaments after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent for future imitation [ in case of bloud ] sufficiently tells the World , that some remorse toucheth them that are most implacable against the person , as if knowing he had hard measure , and such as they would be very loth should be repeted to themselves . 11. The tenderness and regret the King may find in his soul , for having had any hand though very unwillingly ) in shedding one man's bloud unjustly ( though under the colour and formalities of Justice , and pretenses of avoyding publick mischief ) may be hop'd to be some evidence before God and Man to all Posterity ; that he is far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all the bloud shed in an unhappy Civil War , as his Rebels charge upon him . To overawe the freedom of the Houses of Parliament , or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them , is a design unworthy of the King , who shall not need so rough assistance , if he have Justice and Reason on his side . 13. Popular Tumults are not the best removers of obstructions in Parliaments , which rather infringe all freedome or differing in Votes , and debating matters with reason and candor . 14. When the obstinacy of Men in Parliament , resolved to discharge their Consciences , must be subdued by Tumults , it may be feared , that by the same all factious , seditious , and scismatical proposals against Government Ecclesiastical , or Civil , will be backed and abetted till they prevail . 15. The riot and impatience of popular Tumults is such , that they will not stay the ripening and season of Counsels , or fair production of Acts , in the order , gravity , and deliberateness , besitting a Parliament ; but will rip up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive Votes , such as their Inviters , and Incouragers most fancy . 16. When Tumults are become so insolent , that there is no securing of the King's freedom in Parliament , nor of his very person in the streets , he is not bound by his presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts . 17. When , and only when , Parliaments , in their first Election , and Constitution , sit full and free , as in all reason , honour , and Religion , they ought to be , things may be so carried , as will give no less content to all good men , than they wish or expect . 18. It may prove unhappy to convene a Parliament , where the Place affords the greatest Confluence of various and vitious humours . 19. The King , when he calls a Parliament , should purpose to contribute what in Justice , Reason , Honour , and Conscience , he can , to the happy success of it ; nor should it have any other design in him , but the General good of his Kingdoms . 20. Triennial Parliaments , in a Kingdom , as gentle and seasonable Physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting head , or prevailing , especially if the remedy prove not a disease beyond all remedy . 21. Some men , when they meet in Parliament , occasion more work than they find to do , by undoing so much as they find well done to their hands . 22. The perpetuating a Parliament is an Act of highest confidence , whereby a King hopes to shut out and lock the dore , upon all present jealousies , and future mistakes , but intends not thereby to exclude himself , as some may requite him . 23. Those Subjects are unworthy of an indulgent King , who deceive his extreme confidence by ill using any Act of Grace wherein he declares so much to trust them , as to deny himself in a high point of his Prerogative . 24. A continual Parliament by preserving Lawes in their due execution and vigour ( but no otherwise ) may be thought , until Experiment shew a fallacy , the best means to keep the Commonweal in tune . 25. The agreeing Votes of the major part in both Houses of Parliament are not , by any Law , or Reason , conclusive to the judgment of their King ; nor do they carry with them his consent , whom they in no kind represent . 26. The King is not further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses , then he sees them agree with the will of God , with his just Rights , as a King , and the general good of his People . 27. The Members of Parliament , as many men , are seldom of one mind ; and it is oft seen , that the major part of them are not the right . 28. The Majesty of the Crown of England is not bound by any Coronation Oath to consent to whatever its ▪ Subjects in Parliament shall require . 29. The Coronation Oath is discharged by the King 's governing by such Lawes as his People with the House of Peers have chosen , and himself hath consented unto . 30. The King should give no ear to the importunity of his Parliament , when , instead of Reason and Publick concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of parties , and flowes from the partialities of private wills and passions . 31. Every Subject is bound to stand to the sentence of Parliament according to Law. 32. Where an orderly guard is granted unto the Parliament , no account in reason can be given for the not suppressing Tumults , but only to oppress both the King 's and the Two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience . 33. The King should not by power protect any against the Justice of Parliament . 34. It is justifiable for men in Parliament to withdraw , who fear the partiality of their trial ( warned by any sad president ) while the Vulgar threaten to be their Oppressours , and Judgers of their Judges . 35. When Factious Tumults overbear not the Freedom and Honour of the two Houses ; but they assert their Justice against them , and make the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences , no man should be so dear unto their King , as whom he should have the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their summons . 36. Though the King may approve ( in some cases ) mens generous constancy and cautiousness ; yet further than that he should never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses , to whom he ought to wish nothing more than Safety , Fullness , and Freedom . 37. Those men that despair in fair and Parliamentary wayes by free deliberations , and Votes , to gain the concurrence of the Major part of Lords and Commons , betake themselves ( when they have interest ) by the desperate activity of factious Tumults , to sift and terrifie away all those Members , whom they see to be of contrary minds to their purposes . 28. Bishops ought to enjoy their Ancient places , and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers . 39. Bills in Parliament are not to be brought on by tumultuary clamours and schismatical Terrours , and passed when both Houses are sufficiently thinned and over-awed . 40. The King , beside the grounds he may have in his own judgment , has also a most strickt and indispensable Oath upon his Conscience , to preserve the Order of Bishops , and the Rights of the Church to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury , most unbeseeming a Christian King , should he ever , by giving his Consent , be betrayed , he might account it infinitely greater misery , than any had , or could befall him ; 41. The King puts much to the adventure , who by satisfying the fears and importunities of unquiet Subjects , both to secure his friends , and overcome his Enemies , to gain the peace of all , deprives himself of a sole power to help or hurt any , yielding the Militia to be disposed of as the two Houses shall think sit . 42. The Militia is the King 's undoubted right , no less than the Crown . 43. The King should not desire to be safer than he wisheth the Parliament and his People . 44. The new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , makes the Majesty of the Kings of England hang like Mahomet's Tomb , by a magnetique Charme , between the power and priviledges of the two Houses , in an ayery imagination of Regality . 45. The Body of Parliament , as the Moon from the Sun , receiveth its chiefest light from the King. 46. Parliament-men may remember that they sit there as their Kings Subjects , not Superiours , called to be his Counsellors not Dictatours : Their summons extends to recommend their advice , not to command his duty . 47. When the two Houses have once been in the Wardship of Tumults , their Propositions are not to be hearkned to , until they shall have sued out their livery , and effectually redeem'd themselves . 48. When the King's judgment tells him , that any propositions sent to him are the results of the Major part of their votes , who exercise their freedom , as well as they have right to sit in Parliament , ( and not before ) he may expect his own judgment for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . 49. The King cannot allow the Wisdom of his Parliament such a completeness and inerrability as to exclude himself . 50. A Parliament , without the concurrent reason of the King , cannot beget , or bring forth , any one complete and authoritative Act of publick Wisdom which makes the Lawes . 51. A King may satisfie his Parliament and his People ; but for fear or flattery to gratifie any Faction , how potent soever , were to nourish the disease , and oppress the body . 52. The end of calling a Parliament , being to use their advice that sit , the King ought to have charity enough to think there are wise men among them , and humility enough to think it fit he should in some things hearken to them , whose counsel he may want . 53. The Suns influence is not more necessary in all Natures productions , then the King's concurrence in all Lawes . 54. We are to take heed of , and beware the old leaven of Innovations masked under the name of Reformation , which heaved at , and sometime threatned , both Prince and Parliament in Queen Elizabeth's and King James's dayes . 55. Reason , Honour , and Safety , both of Church and State , command the King to chew such morsels as a factious Parliament may present him with , before he lets them down . 56. The King hath not any ground of credulity to induce him fully to submit to all the desires of those men , who will not admit , or do refuse , and neglect to vindicate the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in Parliament . 57. I know not any such tough and malignant humours in the constitution of the English Church , which gentler Applications , than those of an Army , raised by their Scotch fellow Subjects , might not easily remove . 58. If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only Institution of Jesus Christ yet were it hard to prove , that Christ had given Subjects commission by the Sword to set it up in any Kingdom , without the Soveraigns consent . ; 59. If Presbytery in the Supremacy of Subjects be an Institution of Christ , it is the first and onely point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with Christian bloud . 60. The many learned and pious Churchmen in England , who have been alwayes bred up in , and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former opinion and practise , only because a Party of the Scots will needs by force assist a like Party of English , either to drive all Ministers as sheep into the common fold of ●resbytery , or destroy them , at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their flock . 61. What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles payd to the chief Governours of States , where they lived , is very clear in the Gospel but that He or they ever commanded to set such a parity of Presbyters , and in such a way as some Scots endeavour , is not very disputable . ; 62. The Effusions of blood shed for the advancement of Scotch Presbitery runs in a stream contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy , which was with patient sheding of their own bloud , not violent drawing other mens . 63. Wise and learned men think , that nothing hath more markes of Schism and Sectarism than the Presbyterian way . 64. The Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in have pawned their Souls to them , by a Solemn League and Covenant ; 65. Some pretenders , of late , to Reformation , have intended mainly the abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery , and the robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues . 66. The Bishops and Church-men , as the fattest Deer , must be destroyed , when the other Rascal-herd of Schisms , Heresies , &c. being lean may ( by these men ) enjoy the benefit of Toleration . 67. If the poverty of Scotland might , yet the plenty of England cannot excuse the envy and rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues . 68. There is not any exception to which the best Kings may be so liable in the opinion of them who are resolved to oppose them , as too great a fixedness in that Religion , whose judicious and solid grounds , both from Scripture and Antiquity , will not give his Conscience leave to approve , or consent to , those many dangerous and divided Innovations which their bold Ignorance would needs obtrude upon Him and His People . 69. There is not such an Oglio or medley of various Religions in the World again , as those men entertain in their service , who find most fault with the King that adheres to the establishment of the Church without any scruple as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions 70. It hath been a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants , to inforce their Lord and King , a declared Protestant , to a necessary use of Papists or any other , who did but their duty to help Him to defend Himself . 71. The Papists have had a greater sense of their Allegeance than many Protestant Professours who seem to have learned , and to practise , the worst principles of the worst Papists . ; 72. The King is not to justifie beyond humane errours and frailties Himself , or his Councellours , who may have been subject to some miscarriages , yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormous extravagances , wherewith some men have wildred and almost quite lost both Church and State. 73. The event of things may make evident to the People , That should the King follow the worst Counsels that his worst Counsellours might have the boldness to offer Him , or Himself any inclination to use , He could not bring both Church and State in three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of confusions , & Hell of miseries , as some have done , who most clamour against his Counsels , out of which they can not , or will not , in the midst of their many great advantages , redeem either Him or his Subjects . 74. Some mens unsatiable desires of revenge upon the King , his Court , and his Clergy may wholely beguile both Church and State of the benefit of any either Retractations or Concessions He may have made . 75. Some men being conscious to their own formality in the use of our Publick Liturgy , have thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , and a total rejection of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts . 76. I do not see any reason , why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy ( as I hold ours to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the Constancy abates nothing of the excellency and usefullness . 77. Sure , we may as well before hand know what we pray , as to whom we pray , and in what words , as to what sense when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same words . ; 78. I ever thought , that the proud oftentations of mens abilities for invention , and the vain affectations of ●ariety for expression● in publick prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin , than that which they call coldness and barrenness : nor are men in those novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant forms , where not the words , but mens hearts , are to blame . 79. I make no doubt but a man may be very formal in the most extemporary variety , and very fervently devout in the most wonted expressions . Nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy . 80. I am not against a grave , modest , discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts , even in publick , the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions . 81. I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joint abilities and concurrent gifts of many learned and godly men , such as the Composers of the Service-book were , who may in all reason be thought to have more gifts and graces enabling them to compose with serious deliberation and concurrent advice such Forms of prayers , as may best fit the Churches common wants , inform the Hearers understanding , and stir up that siduciciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soul of prayer , and that so much pretended spirits of prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have . 82. What such mens solitary abilities are many times ( even there where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations ▪ emptiness , impertinency , ●udeness , confusions , flatness , levity , obscurity , vaine and ridulous repetitions , the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions , all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do fufficiently convince all men , but those who glory in that Pharisaïcal way . 83. Men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before God and the Church , after so ridiculous and indeed prophane a manner . 84. In Sacramental administrations , Ministers own forms , to be used constantly , are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the duty , as forms of publick composure . 85. In Sacramental administrations and the like , every time to affect new expressions , when the subject is the same , can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiences not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatness , order , and gravity , becoming those duties , which by the mean , are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private infirmities , indispositions , errours , disorders , and defects , both for judgment and expression . 86. The want of a constant Liturgy of publick composure this Church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in a multitude of errours , schismes , disorders , and uncharitable distractions in Religion . 87. The Innovations which Law , Reason , and Religion forbids , must not be brought in and abetted , much less so obtruded as wholly to justle out the publick Liturgy of the Church . 88. The severity of those men is partial and inexcusable , who cried out of the rigour of Lawes and Bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of Conscience , which they deny others , having the power in their hands . 89. They who suddenly changed the Liturgy into a Directory , seem to have thought that the Spirit needed help for invention , though not for expressions . 90. Matter prescribed doth as much stint and obstruct the Spirit , as if it were clothed in and confined to fit words . 91. This matter of the publick Liturgy is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober debates , least being convinced by the evidence of Reason , as well as Lawes , they should have been driven either to sin more against their knowledg , by taking it away , or to displease some faction of the people , by continuing the use of it . 92. They that use such severity as not to suffer , without penalty , any to use the Common-prayer-book publickly , although their Consciences bind them to it , as a duty of piety to God , and obedience to the Lawes , I believe have offended more considerable men ▪ not only for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious piety , than those are , whose weakness or giddiness they sought to gratifie by taking it away . 93. One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common prayer book , I believe was this , That it taught them to pray so oft for their King to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen , nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches , and even Cursings of Him in their own Forms , instead of praying for Him. ; 94. I wish their R●pentance may be their only punishment , that seeing the mischiess which the disuse of publ●ck Liturgies hath produced , they may restore that credit , use , and reverence to them , which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms if sound and wholesome words . 95. To such as have any jealousie , that the King is earnest and resolute to maintain the Church-Government by Bishops , not so much out of piety as policy and reason of State , this may be said , That He being ( as King ) intrusted by God and the Lawes with the good both of Church and State , there is no reason He should give up , or weaken , by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason He ought to have over both . 96. As the King is not to incline to Bishops for any use to be made of their Votes in State-affairs so neither should He think any Bishops worthy to sit in the House of Peers , who would not vote according to his Conscience . ; 97. The King must in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its right constitution , as a matter of Religion , wherein his judgment is fully satisfied , that it has of all other both the fullest Scripture-grounds , and , until the last Century , the constant practise of all Christian Churches . 98. The King that has no temptation to invite Him to alter the Government of Bishops ( that He may have a title to their Estates ) will not easily believe their pretended grounds to any new wayes , who desire a change . 99. Some there are , who by popular heaps of weak light , and unlearned Teachers , seek to overlay and smother the pregnancy and authority of that power of Episcopal Government , which beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth , both by Scripture , and all after-Histories of the Church . 100. The King should have fair grounds both from Scripture , Canons and Ecclesiastical examples , whereon to state his judgment for Episcopal Government , and not permit any policy of State , or obstinacy of Will , or partiality of Affection either to the Men , or their Function , to fix Him. The Second Century . 1. ALL the Churches in the Christian World , which Presbyterians , or Independants , can pretend to , are by so much fewer than others governed by Bishops , as those in my three Kingdoms will equalize ( I think ) if not exceed . 2. Oppression will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian parity , which makes all Ministers equal ; and the Independant inferiority , which sets their Pastors below the People . 3. The Britannike Bishops are as legally invested in their Estates , as any who seek to deprive them : and they having by no Law been convicted of those crimes which might forfeit their Estates and Livelihoods , the King , without many personal injustices to many worthy men , can give up neither their Order , nor Revenue . 4. Those Subjects in vain pretend to tenderness of Conscience and Reformation , who can at once tell the King , That his Coronation-Oath binds Him to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Him , though contrary to all the Rational and Religious freedom which every man ought to preserve ; and at the same time perswade Him , That He must , and ought to dispense with , and roundly break , that part of his oath which binds Him ● agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion He hath ) to maintain the Government and Legal Rights of the Church . 5. It were strange , the King's oath should be valid in that part which both Himself and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable , as being against the very natural and essential liberty of their Souls , yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause , wherein He thinks Himself justly obliged both to God and Man. 6. I cannot find that in any Reformed Churches ( whose patterns are so cryed up and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominions ) that either Learning or Religion , works of Piety or Charity , have so flourished , beyond what they have done in my Kingdoms , by God's blessing , which might make Me believe either Presbytery , or Independancy , have a more benign influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives , than Episcopacy in its right constitution . 7. They who take part with the King in a Civil War , have clearly , and undoubtedly , for their Justification , the Word of God , and the Lawes of the Land , together with their own Oathes ; all requiring obedience to his just Commands ; but to none other under Heaven without Him , or against Him , in the point of raising Armes . 8. The King should be well pleased with his Parliaments intentions , to reform what the Indulgence of Times and corruption of Manners may have depraved . 9. The King may be willing to grant , or restore to Presbytery what with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to in a conjuncture with Episcopacy : but , for that wholly to invade the power , and by the Sword to arrogate , and quite abrogate the Authority of Episcopacy , is neither just , as to that ancient Order , nor safe for Presbytery , nor yet any way convenient for this Church or State. 10. The contentions between the Presbyterians and Independants in the Britannike Churches , have been the struglings of those twins which one womb enclosed , the yonger striving to prevail against the elder What the Presbyterians hunted after , the Independants sought , and caught for themselves . ; 11. That the Builders of Babel should from division fall to confusion , is no wonder : but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill Omen , and sounds too like the fury of those Zelots , whose intestine bitterness and divisions , were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that City . 12. The Independants in this seemd more ingenuous than the Presbyterian rigour , who sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to lawes became the greatest exactors of other mens submission to their novel injunctions . 13. The King should alwayes wish so well to Parliament and City , that He should be sorry to see them do , or suffer , any thing unworthy such great and considerable bodies in this Kingdom . 14. When such Bodies become restive and refractory against Soveraignty , the King may be glad to see them scared and humbled , by Tumults or otherwise , but not broken by that shaking ; of whom He should never have so ill a thought , as to despair of their Loyalty to Him , which mistakes may eclipse , but He should never believe Malice can quite put out . 15. When Parliament or City are not only divided , and separated from the King , but brought to intestine confusion within themselves , He should look upon them as Christ did sometime over Jerusalem , as objects of his prayers , and tears , with compassionate grief , as foreseeing those severer scatterings which will certainly befal such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their duty . 16. The best profession of Religion I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England , as coming nearest to Gods Word for Doctrine , and to the Primitive examples for Government , with some little amendment , which I have often offered , though in vain . 17. All the lesser Factions at first were officious servants to Presbytery , their great Master : till time , and military success , discovering to each their peculiar advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of uniform Religion , pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of profits and preferments , to the breaking and undoing , not only of the Church and State , but even of Presbytery it self , which seemed , and hoped , at first , to have ingrossed all . 18. In the administration of Justice , the settled Lawes of the Britannike Kingdoms are the most excellent rules the King can govern by , which by an admirable temperament give very much to Subjects industry , liberty and happiness ▪ and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King , who owns his People as Subjects , not as Slaves ; whose subjection , as it preserves their property , peace and safety , so it will never diminish his Rights , nor their ingenuous Liberties , which consist in the injoyment of the fruits of their industry , and the benefit of those Lawes , to which themselves have consented . 19. No Subjects can , without an high degree of guilt , and sin , devest the King of those enjoyments , which the Lawes have assigned to Him. 20. The King , in uncertain times , is to require and entreat the Prince his Son , as his Father , and his King , that He never suffer his heart to receive the least check against , or disaffection from , the true Religion established in the Church of England . 21. After trial , much search , and many disputes , I conclude the Religion of the Church of England to be the best in the World , not only in the Community , as Christian , but also in the special notion , as Reformed , keeping the middle way between the pomp of superstitious Tyranny , and the meanness of fantastick Anarchy . 22. The drought being excellent , as to the main , both for Doctrine , and Government in the Church of England , some lines ( as in very good figures ) may happily need some sweetning , or polishing , which might have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand , if some mens precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude alterations , as would have quite destroyed all the beauty , and proportions of the whole . 23. The King is not to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments , which in their right constitution with Freedom , and Honour , will never injure , or diminish , his greatness , but will rather be as interchangings of love , loyalty , and confidence between a Prince , and his People . 24. The sad effects that have issued from the insolencies of popular dictates , and tumultuary impressions , should make Parliaments more cautious to preserve that Freedom and Honour , which belong to such Assemblies . 25. Nothing can be more happy for all , than in fair , grave , and honourable wayes , to contribute their Councels in Common , enacting all things by publick consent , without Tyranny , or Tumults . 26. After the storm of Civil dissension and War , wherein the folly and wickedness of some men have so far ruined , as to leave nothing intire in Church or State , to the Crown , the Nobility , the Clergy , or the Commons , either as to Lawes , Liberties , Estates , Order , Honour , Conscience or Lives , the yong Prince that succeeds , should be an Anchor , or Harbour rather to the tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms , a Repairer of the ruines by his wisdom , justice , piety , and valour . 27. The King cannot ( in what extremity soever ) suffer any diminution of the Churches patrimony , or alienation of it , it being without paradventure Sacriledg ▪ and likewise contrary to his Coronation-Oath . 28. The Government of the Church , according to its constitution in England , is a chief column , and support , to the Monarchy and Crown . 29. The greatest means to make a Parliament happy is , That the King on his part , and the Members thereof on theirs , lay aside all suspicion one of another . 30. The Navy , and Forts , are the walls and defence of this Kingdom , which if out of Order , all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies , and what disheartning to our Friends . 31. The King can no way consent that the voyces of Bishops in Parliament should be taken away , which they have enjoy'd since , and before , the Conquest , and is one of the fundamental constitutions of this Kingdom . 32. Often Parliaments is the fittest mean to keep correspondency between the King and his People . 33. Neither Queen Elizabeth , nor [ my Father ] King James did ever avow , that any Priest , in their time , was executed meerly for Religion : the inconveniences that by this severity may fall to the King's Subjects , and other Protestants abroad , ought to be considered by any Parliament that presses it . 34. The Parliament that takes the Government all in pieces , must do like a skillfull Watchmaker , to make clean his Watch , who takes it asunder , puts it again together , but leaves not out one pin , if he means to have it go better . 35. The Parliament ought not to wish more , than they can shew the King the way how conveniently it may be done . 36. It is the great expression of Trust the King has in the affections of his Parliament unto Him , when before they do any thing for Him , He puts a confidence in them by his gracious concessions . 37. If any person durst be so impudent as to move the King to alter the Lawes , He ought to put such a mark upon him , as from which all posterity might know his intention was ever to govern by the Law , and no otherwise . 38. That Parliament is not to alledg against the King his deceiving their expectation in the time of his return ( having departed with their consent ) who as much , and more , have deceived Him in the condition , for proceeding in his affairs . 39. When the King sends a Serjeant at Armes to His Parliament ; He may expect obedience , not a message . 40. In cases of Treason , no person hath a priviledg by being a Member of the Parliament . 41. The King should alwayes be as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion , protect , and preserve , the Lawes of the Land , and defend the just priviledg and freedom of Parliaments , as of his Life , or his Crown . 42. When the King calls his Parliament together to be witnesses of his Actions , and privy to his Intentions , it may be certainly believed , He has not the least thought , disagreeing with the happiness , and security of his Kingdom . 43. A loyal Parliaments concurrence with the King , it may be hoped , will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of the whole Kingdom ( who must look upon the Members , as persons naturally , and originally , trusted by and for them ) that it will be above the reach and malice of those , who sometimes have too great an influence upon the People , to discredit the King 's most intire Actions , and sincere Promises , the Members being the best witnesses for the one , and security for the other . 44. When the King , and his Parliament , have both the same ends , there will be no other differences in the way , than what upon debate , and right understanding , will be easily adjusted . 45. Let right Religion ( in which all are most nearly concerned , and , without care of which , they must not look for God's blessing ) be vindicated and preserved ; Let the King's honour , and Rights ( which have an inseparable relation with the Subjects interests ) be vindicated , and if ravish'd from Him , restored ; Let the Subjects Liberties , Properties , Priviledges , ( without which a good man should not desire to be a King ) be secured , and confirmed , and there is nothing the Parliament can advise the King to , wherein He should not meet them , that together they may inform Posterity , how much their trust and confidence in each other , is a better expedient for the Peace and Preservation of the Kingdom , than Fears and Jealousies . 46. During any Session of Parliament , the King may expect ( as most proper for the duty of Subjects ) that Propositions for the remedies of evils ought rather to come to Him , than from Him ; yet such should be his Fatherly care of his People , that He should rather lay by any particular respect of his own dignity , than that any time should be lost for the preventing of those threatning evils , which cannot admit the delayes of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament . 47. That the Subjects cannot be obliged to obey an Act , Order , or Injunction of Parliament , to which the King hath not given consent , is the King 's known and unquestionable Priviledg , and , being so , is a Priviledg of the Kingdoms . 48. The Kings power is invested in Him by the Law , and by that only He should desire to maintain it . 49. The King that gives away the Militia , parts with the power of the Sword , entrusted to Him by God , and the Lawes of the Land , for the protection and government of his People , thereby at once devesting Himself , and dis-inheriting his Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown , which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office , and so weakens Monarchy in his Kingdom , that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain . 50. For the abolishing Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. a Britannike Soveraign cannot give his consent , as He is a Christian , and a King. 51. The Britannike Kings have so inseparably woven the right of the Church into the liberties of the rest of the Subjects , as the Government by Arch-Bishops , and Bishops , cannot be abolished . 52. The King cannot consent to the alienation of Church-Lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledg as also , that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors , who have laid a heavy curse upon all such prophane violations . Beside which matter of Conscience , it will be a prejudice to the publick good , many of the Subjects having the benefit of renuing Leases at much easier Rates , than if those possessions were in the hands of private men : Nor is it to be omitted , the discouragement which it will be to all learning and industry , when such eminent rewards shall be taken away , which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons . ; 53. The exercise of mercy should be no more pleasing to the King , than to see both Houses of Parliament consent for his sake , that He should moderate the severity of the Law , in an important case . 54. No Free-born Subject of England can call Life , or any thing he possesseth his own , if Power , without Right , dayly make new , and abrogate the old fundamental Law of the Land. 55. I am confident no learned Lawyer will afirm , that an impeachment can lye against the King , all the Lawes going in his Name , and one of their Maximes being , that The King can do no wrong . 56. The Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A78780-e330 Vid. H. Grot. ad cap. 1. Proverb . Notes for div A78780-e3070 1. Lips . Excerpt ex Comoed. & Tragoed . Graec. 
A78996	----	By the King. A proclamation for putting the laws against Popish recusants in due execution. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78996 of text R209820 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[57]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78996 Wing C2593 Thomason 669.f.3[57] ESTC R209820 99868676 99868676 160615 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78996) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160615) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[57]) By the King. A proclamation for putting the laws against Popish recusants in due execution. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641 [i.e. 1642] With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78996 R209820 (Thomason 669.f.3[57]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for putting the laws against popish recusants in due execution. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 320 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation for putting the Laws against Popish Recusants in due execution . THe Kings most Excellent Majestie , having been formerly moved by His Parliament , for putting the Laws in execution against Papists , whereto He hath from time to time still given His gracious Answers , expressing His willingnesse thereunto : But now finding , that no such proceedings against them have been yet had , as might answer His Majesties expectation : His Majestie therefore , out of His Princely and pious care , as well for maintaining the true Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , as for suppressing by lawfull wayes , all increase and growth of Popery ; Hath thought fit to publish His Royall Pleasure therein ; Wherefore His Majestie doth hereby straitly charge and command , all and every His Iudges and Iustices of Assize , Sheriffs , Iustices of Peace , and other His Officers and Ministers whatsoever , whom it doth any way concern , That they , and every of them , according to the duties of their severall Offices and places , do forthwith , and without further delay , put in due and effectuall execution the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , provided and made against Popish Recusants , and that without favour or connivence ; As they tender His Majesties just and Royall Commands , the good of this Church and Kingdom , and will answer for neglect of their duties herein . Given at His Majesties Court at Stanford the sixteenth day of March , in the seventeenth yeer of His Reign . ❧ God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barket , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A78997	----	By the King. A proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall, and commissions of that nature, granted before the first of Iuly, in the 18th yeare of His Majesties raigne. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A78997 of text R212204 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[17]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A78997 Wing C2594 Thomason 669.f.9[17] ESTC R212204 99870848 99870848 161115 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A78997) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161115) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[17]) By the King. A proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall, and commissions of that nature, granted before the first of Iuly, in the 18th yeare of His Majesties raigne. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1644. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, the 19. day of December, in the twentieth yeare of Our Reigne. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Privateering -- England -- Early works to 1800. Prize law -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A78997 R212204 (Thomason 669.f.9[17]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all letters of marque or reprisall, and commissions of that nature, granted bef England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 731 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for repealing and making voyd of all Letters of Marque or Reprisall , and Commissions of that nature , granted before the first of Iuly , in the 18th yeare of His Majesties Raigne . WHEREAS at severall times before the first day of July in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Raigne , severall Letters of Marque or Reprisall and Commissions of that nature , have been granted to severall Persons under Our Great Seale of England , or under the Seale of Our Admiralty , giving them power thereby to set forth to Sea one or more shippe or shippes Equipped , Victualled and Manned in Warlike manner , and therewith to take , seize , or surprize the Ships Goods and Merchandizes of such Persons , Countryes , or States as are limited or mentioned in the said Commissions , for the satisfaction and reimbursment of such Person or Persons to whom such Commissions were granted , of and for the Losses and Dammage which they had susteined at Sea or in Forreigne Parts ; and in particular such Letters of Marque or Reprizall , or a Commission of that nature , was granted before the said first day of July , unto one Gregory Clements of London Merchant , and his Partners or Associates . And whereas the said Gregory Clements , his Partners or Associates , and others to whom such Letters or Commissions have bin granted as aforesaid , have had sufficient time to recover their losses , and as We are credibly informed , have seised , and taken the Ships , Vessells , Goods , and Merchandizes of diverse Subjects of Our friends and Allies , and have received full satisfaction for their Losses , and do shelter themselves under the power of the Rebells , which are now in Armes against Us , so that there is no meanes open for examination of what Goods , or Merchandizes have come to their hands , or have bin taken or seised by them , and yet still they endeavour to make further use of those Commissions , or Letters of Marque or Reprisall ; Wee do therefore by this Our Proclamation , Publish and Declare Our Will and Pleasure to bee , To Repeale , Revoke , Determine , and make Voyd , all Letters of Marque or Reprisall , and all Commissions of that nature , for letting forth any shippe or Shippes , and taking of Prizes , granted at any time since the beginning of Our Raigne , before the said first day of Iuly , in the said eighteenth year of Our Raigne , to the said Gregory Clements , his Partners or Associates , or to any other person or persons , or to any Corporation or Body-politique whatsoever , upon any pretence or suggestion whatsoever ; And that all such Commissions , and Letters of Marque or Reprisall granted within the time aforesaid , and the force and effect of the same , be from henceforth Revok'd , Repeal'd , and absolutely voyd and determined ; and accordingly We do hereby Revoke , Repeale , Determine , and make voyd the same ; And We do hereby further publish & declare , That all prizes which shall at any time hereafter be taken , & all Acts whatsoever which shall at any time hereafter be done or Acted , by or under colour or pretence of any such Commission , Letters of Marque or Reprisall , granted within the time aforesaid , shall be taken , deemed and adjudged as illegall and voyd , and without warrant or authority , and the person or persons which shall take , act , or doe the same to be punishable , as if such Commissions , Letters of Marque or Reprisall , had never bin made or granted , any Clause , Matter , or thing contayned in any such Commission Letters of Marque or Reprisall to the contrary here of not withstanding . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the 19. day of December , in the Twentieth yeare of Our Reigne . GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1644. 
A79002	----	By the King. A proclamation for the better defence of the Kings Royall Person, and of this Universitie and city Proclamations. 1644-05-24 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79002 of text R232688 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2603). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79002 Wing C2603 ESTC R232688 99900223 99900223 171052 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79002) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171052) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:7) By the King. A proclamation for the better defence of the Kings Royall Person, and of this Universitie and city Proclamations. 1644-05-24 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1644. Dated at end: ... Oxford, the 24th day of May, ... 1644. Arms 41; Steele notation: the to may. Reproduction of original in the Victoria and Albert Museum, Forster Collection, London, England. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Protection -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79002 R232688 (Wing C2603). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the better defence of the Kings Royall Person, and of this Universitie and city. England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 707 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the better Defence of the Kings Royall Person , and of this Vniversitie and City . WHEREAS by Our Proclamation of the 28 of Aprill past , taking notice of the desires of the Lords and Commons of Parliament here Assembled , We did straitly Charge and Command all Persons whatsoever residing in this University and City speedily to List themselves in the Regiment of Auxiliaries under the Command of the Earle of Dover , which is upon no occasion to March out of this City upon service , otherwise then upon Sallyes in case of a Siege , nor to doe duties therein , except in case of a Siege , or other extraordinary occasion ; And whereas We have since given a like Commission to the Lord Littleton , Keeper of Our Great Seale , to raise one other Regiment of Auxiliaries to consist of Gentlemen of the Innes of Court , and others appertaining to the Law : Notwithstanding which We find that many Persons have not , nor doe not ( as We are informed ) intend to List themselves at all in any of the said Regiments , or any others here in Garrison , to the manifest prejudice of Our service , and neglect of their duties for the preservation of this University and City . Wherefore We have thought fit , by the advice of Our Councell of Warre , again straitly to charge and Command all persons whatsoever ( not already listed ) ( except such as are already Officers or Souldiers in some other Regiment of Our Army , and except the Members of both Houses of Parliament , the Gentlemen of Our Troop , Our Meniall Servants , and the Servants of Our Dearest Sonne Prince Charles , Our Commissioners , such as have entered into holy Orders , or such as for age , or some infirmity are not of ability to beare Armes ) to List themselves in the City Regiment , or in one of the said Regiments of Auxiliaries , before the 27 of this instant May , or else to depart the City , as Persons unfit to reside here , or to have the benefit of Our Protection . And if any shall be found after that time ( not being excepted ) who have not Listed themselves , We doe Command the Governour to cause such to be forthwith apprehended and proceeded against , as Persons disaffected to Our service and the good and security of this City . And We doe farther straitly Command all the Inhabitants of this City able to beare Armes , with their servants , to List themselves in the City Regiment , and to arme themselves accordingly before the said 27 of May , upon paine of being severely proceeded against for their neglect , which We require as well the Governour , as the Colonell and other Officers of the said City Regiment in their respective Charges to see straitly obeyed ; and to the end that no Person who shall reside here may be exempt , We shall take some speedy course that those of Our servants , and of Our Dearest Sonne the Prince , whose attendances are not immediatly required , shall be Listed under such Commands , as that upon all occasions they may be ready for the defence of this City . And that We may find the effects hereof , Our expresse pleasure is , That the City Regiment , and both the Regiments of Auxiliaries appeare before Us in Armes upon Tuesday next in the morning in the New Parkes , where We intend to view them and their numbers . This Our Pleasure We Command shall instantly be published in this City and University , to the end it may , be observed accordingly . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the 24th day of May , in the Twentieth yeare of Our Reigne . 1644. GOD SAVE THE KING . ¶ Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1644. 
A79003	----	By the King. A proclamation for the better government of His Majesties army and for the preventing the plundring, spoyling, and robbing of His Majesties subjects, under any pretense whatsoever, upon pain of the punishments herein declared. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79003 of text R211465 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[109]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79003 Wing C2606 Thomason 669.f.5[109] ESTC R211465 99870189 99870189 160821 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79003) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160821) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[109]) By the King. A proclamation for the better government of His Majesties army and for the preventing the plundring, spoyling, and robbing of His Majesties subjects, under any pretense whatsoever, upon pain of the punishments herein declared. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] In this edition the 7th line of text begins with: "that". At foot of page: "Given at Our court at Reading, the 25 day of November, in the eighteenth yeer of Our raign. God save the King." Imprint from Wing. With engraving including royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Confiscations and contributions -- Early works to 1800. A79003 R211465 (Thomason 669.f.5[109]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the better government of His Majesties army, and for the preventing the plundring, spoyling, and robbing of England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 753 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation for the better Government of His Majesties Army , and for the preventing the Plundring , Spoyling , and Robbing of His Majesties subjects , under any Pretence whatsoever , upon pain of the Punishments herein declared . WE having taken into Our Princely and serious Consideration the great misery and ruine falling , and likely to fall upon Our good Subjects ( if not timely prevented ) by the Plundring , Robbing , and Spoyling of their houses , and taking from them their Money , Plate , Houshold-stuff Cattle , and other goods , under pretence of their being disaffected to Us and Our Service ; And these unjust and unlawfull Actions done by divers Souldiers of Our Army , and others sheltring themselves in the same , under that Title ; Have , of Our tender commiseration of such their sufferings , as detesting all such horrid and barbarous proceedings , and for their future defence and preservation , thought fit to publish and declare Our Royall Pleasure to be ; That from henceforth no Officer , Souldier , of Horse or Foot , or Party sent from Our Army , presume to search for , or seize upon any Money , Plate , Goods , or Houshold-stuff belonging to any of Our Subjects , of what Condition soever , without Our expresse Warrant for the same , under Our Sign Manuall , declaring the cause of such seizure : And if any , either Officer or Souldier of Our Army of Horse or Foot , presume from henceforth , to Plunder , Spoyl , or Rob any of Our People , or take from them any their Money , Plate , Houshold-stuff , or any Oxen , Sheep or other Cattle , or any Victualls , Corn , Hay , or other Commodities or Provisions going to , or from any Our Markets or otherwise , Being in the Grounds , Houses , or Possession of any Our Subjects , without giving full satisfaction for the same : Upon complaint made thereof , We will and command the Officer in chief of the Quarter within which such fact shall be committed , to proceed against such Offendor or Offendors by the Law Martiall , without Favour or Connivence , and cause him or them to be executed accordingly without mercy . And if any Officer in chief of such Quarter , shall either neglect or refuse to do Justice upon any person whatsoever , offending against any particular herein mentioned , Our Will is , and We do require the party grieved to repair unto Us , wheresoever We shall remain , and appeal to Our Justice , which We shall be ever most ready to afford any of Our Subjects for redresse of their suffering , in any the least kinde whatsoever . Likewise for the better Order in Our Army and for the preservation of the due Government thereof , We do farther strictly Charge and Command all Officers and Souldiers , both of Horse and Foot of the same , as also all Parties sent out , That they , nor any of them , presume to depart or be absent from their Quarter , without a Passe or License under the Hand of the Officer commanding in chief in such Quarter of Our Army , upon pain of death ; nor that any other , but such Our Officer in chief , presume to give any Passe or other License to any Officer or Souldier to be absent , upon pain of cashiering . And that Our Pleasure herein declared , may be fully observed , and produce the effects We intend , for the good and securitie of Our Subjects , We do hereby further require all the Officers commanding in chief , in any the Quarters of Our Army , to cause this Our Proclamation to be published and made known to all the officers and souldiers under their Command , and to see that severe and due punishment be inflicted upon such as shall henceforth offend against any the least Particulars herein before mentioned , as they and every of them expect to avoid our high displeasure for the neglect thereof . Given at Our Court at Reading , the 25 day of November , in the eighteenth Year of Our Raign . God save the King . 
A79005	----	By the King. A proclamation for the ease of the citty of Oxford, and suburbs, and of the county of Oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there Proclamations. 1643-01-17 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79005 of text R232023 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2610). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79005 Wing C2610 ESTC R232023 99897796 99897796 137325 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79005) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 137325) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2527:15) By the King. A proclamation for the ease of the citty of Oxford, and suburbs, and of the county of Oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or abiding there Proclamations. 1643-01-17 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1643] Dated at end: "Given at our court at Oxford, the seventeenth day of January, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne." Imprint from Madan and Wing (CD-ROM edition). Reproduction of original in the Bodleian Library. eng England and Wales. -- Army -- Barracks and quarters -- Early works to 1800. Vagrancy -- England -- Early works to 1800. Oxford (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A79005 R232023 (Wing C2610). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the ease of the citty of Oxford, and suburbs, and of the county of Oxford, of unnecessary persons lodging or England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 741 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the ease of the Citty of Oxford , and Suburbs , and of the County of Oxford , of unnecessary Persons lodging or abiding there . HIs MAIESTY being inforced to draw into these parts and places diverse Regiments of Souldiers , who want fit places to Billet them in , by reason ( as He is informed ) there are many Women and Children as well as Men , who have no necessary employment either about His Majesties Person , or Court , or Army , and yet have thrust themselves into Houses and Lodgings in these places , from whence they keep out others , which must be placed here , and are but a burthen in the consuming those provisions which are and must be made for those , whose attendance and service is necessary , Hath therefore , by the advice of the Lords and others His Highnesse Commissioners , of His Princely care , thought fit to publish and declare His Royall Pleasure and Command as followeth . 1. That all such as have Houses , or parts of Houses , or other Roomes , sit for the entertaining , lodging , or disposing of any Souldiers , or others , doe truly deliver the number of roomes they have , the number of bedds , the true number of Persons there lodged , entertained or receaved , and their names , as neere as they can , and to whom they doe belong , or under whose command they are . 2. That all such as are so lodged or entertained doe truly deliver what their qualities are , under whose command , or upon what attendance , either to the Court or Army , what their names are , and doe truly set downe what bedds they have to receave them , and where . 3. That if any doe refuse to give such true information , or doe mis-informe in any thing , or doe colour any others to lodge there which ought not so to be , that He or Shee shall be subject to that punishment which the offence deserveth . 4. That if any Person shall not immediatly , or within twenty foure houres after the publishing of this Proclamation , depart from this Citty and Suburbs thereof , and County aforesaid , who cannot justify their abiding here as aforesaid , they shall be sent away by the Officers of the Army , or Ministers of Iustice , as the case shall require , with such disgrace as they deserve for such their fault herein . 5. That if in this County there be any Women or Children lodged or entertained under pretence of attending the Army , or any Souldiers therein , that the Commanders in that place shall examine and certify to the Kings Commissioners , what they conceave to be fit , According to whose Certificate , that shall be done which shall be just in such case . 6. That if any have houses of abiding in this County , or neere thereunto , that they remove thereunto speedily , where they shall have the Kings Protection for their safety . 7. That if any shall in any of these things offend , they are hereby to know , that they shall not only incurre the danger of contempt to His Majesty for such their offence , but also such other punishment as the nature of their offences shall deserve . 8. That if any Person come into the Citty or Suburbes thereof , he shall that night , or before , discover unto St Iacob Ashley the Governour of the Citty , his owne name , and the names of his servants , or company , and the place from whence he came , and the occasion of his comming . And that the Master of the House shall , before any new commer shall lodge in any house , deliver the name of such Person and his company to the Governour of the Citty , upon the like pain as aforesaid . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , the Seventeenth day of Ianuary , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79006	----	By the King. A proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79006 of text R211521 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[114]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79006 Wing C2613 Thomason 669.f.5[114] ESTC R211521 99870238 99870238 160826 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79006) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160826) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[114]) By the King. A proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Alice Norton, [London : 1642] Imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document, between two bands of ornament and initials C. R. "Given at Our court at Oxford, the eight day of December, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne. God save the King." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79006 R211521 (Thomason 669.f.5[114]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the free and safe passage of all clothes, goods, wares, and merchandize to our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 433 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Paul Schaffner Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT C R BY THE KING . A Proclamation for the free and safe passage of all Clothes , Goods , Wares , and Merchandize to Our City of LONDON . WHereas We have been informed , that diverse of Our loving Subjects , who have been travelling from Our Westerne Counties , and other parts of Our Kingdome to Our City of London with Clothes , Goods , and other Merchandize , have been of late stopped and interrupted in their Iournies , and other Clothes , Wares , and Merchandize have been taken or detained from them , whereby the season and benefit of their Markets have been lost to them , and considering , that if the same Licence and Course shall be still taken and held , that the damage and mischief thereof will not only fall upon Places and Persons disaffected to Vs , but upon very many of Our good and loving Subjects of all parts , and that thereby the generall Trade and Commerce of the Kingdom ( which We have alwayes , and do desire to advance to the utmost of Our Power ) will in a short time decay , and the poore People , wanting work , be brought to Penury and Famine . Wee are gratiously pleased to declare , and doe hereby will and require all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army , and all other Our Officers and Ministers whatsoever , that from henceforth they giue no stop or interruption to any of Our loving Subjects as they travell to Our City of London with any Clothes , Wares , or other Merchandize , but that they suffer them , and such their Clothes , Wares , and Merchandize freely and peaceably to passe without any let , trouble , or molestation whatsoever . And We doe hereby promise and assure all Our loving Subjects , that if they shall henceforth suffer by any Souldiers of Our Army in this Case , and shall not upon Complaint to the chief Officers of Our Army where such damage is suffered , receive Iustice and Reparation for the damage they sustaine , upon complaint made to Vs We will take speedy care for the severe and exemplary punishment of the Offendors , and for the full satisfaction of the Parties grieved and injured . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the eight day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79007	----	By the King. A proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in His Majesties armies, and the City of Oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79007 of text R212174 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.9[3]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79007 Wing C2617 Thomason 669.f.9[3] ESTC R212174 99870820 99870820 161101 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79007) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161101) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f9[3]) By the King. A proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in His Majesties armies, and the City of Oxford, and in all other parts of the kingdome. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford [i.e. London] : 1644. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Actual place of publication from Wing. Dated at end: Given at our Court at Oxford, the eighteenth of April. 1644. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Swearing -- Early works to 1800. Soldiers -- Conduct of life -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79007 R212174 (Thomason 669.f.9[3]). civilwar no By the King· A proclamation for the further restraint of prophane swearing and cursing, and the better observing of prayer and preaching in England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 768 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-06 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . ❧ A Proclamation for the further restraint of Prophane Swearing and Cursing , and the better observing of Prayer and Preaching in His Majesties Armies , and the City of Oxford , and in all other parts of the Kingdome . WHEREAS , by our Proclamation dated the 13. day of June last past , We did strictly Charge and Command all the respective Officers of our Army , to cause all our Military Orders against Blasphemie , Oathes , and other scandalous Actions against the Honour and Service of God , to be duly and severely put in execution ; which our Command , if it had been well observed and the Lawes of our Realm touching those offences duly executed , ( as in duty to God and Us they ought to have been ) there had not been that Liberty taken by those of our Army , and other persons in the Kingdome , of dishonouring the Sacred Majesty of God , by horrible Oathes and Execrations , to the high provocation of God's wrath against themselves and this whole Nation : We therefore out of our tender care of the honour of God ( to whose glory we shall ever devote our Grown ) and in token of our hatred and detestation of this monstrous impiety , do by this out Proclamation strictly charge all Commanders and Officers of our Armies , and of all our Garrison Townes , to see that all our Military Orders for the repressing of prophane . Swearing and Cursing by Souldiers , be duly and severely executed for the time to come , and exemplary punishment done upon offenders therein , to the terrour of others . Which that they may know is by Us expected at their hands , We do hereby require all Commanders and Officers in our Armies , and Garrison Townes , and all who do or shall attend Us in our Court , to be vertuous examples in their own persons to all Souldiers and others , by abstaining from all such prophanations , as they desire the blessing of God upon Us , upon themselves , and the whole Land ; which if they shall neglect to perform , We do hereby Declare , That all such persons in our Court , Armies , or Garrison Towns as shall appear to Us to be notorious Offenders in this kind , We will in some publike way set a character of disgrace upon them , that they may appeare to the whole world to be offensive both to God and Us . And We do further hereby strictly charge and command all Justices of Peace , Bayliffs , and Head-officers in all Cities and Townes Corporate within the same , that they , cause the Statute made in the 21. yeare of the Raign of our late Father of blessed memory , for the prevention and Preformation of prophane Swearing and Cursing to be put in due execution and that the forfeiture of Twelve-pence for every offence be levied according to that Statute , and particularly in our City of OXFORD , where our Court now is , wherein We strictly charge and require the Major , and Justices of Peace of our said City ( of whom We will require a strict account ) to take especiall care of the punishment of all offenders in that kind , and that children and others , of whom the penalty of Twelve-pence cannot be Levied or had , be whipped , or set three houres in the Stocks , according to the forme of that Statute . And for the future prevention of these and the like offences so opposite to the glory of God by planting his true fear in the hearts of all men , We do lastly charge and command , That Divine Service and Sermons ( according to the Doctrine and Liturgie of the Church of England established by Law ) be duly and constantly used in all our Armies and Garrison Townes , and in all Churches and Chappells throughout this Realme . All these our commands We require forthwith to be printed , and published at the head of every Regiment of our Army , and in all Garrison Townes and in all Parish Churches within this our Realme . Given at our Court at Oxford , the Eighteenth of April . 1644. GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1644. 
A79009	----	By the King. A proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands, in the county of Wilts who have, or shall become his Majesties tenants. Proclamations. 1644-03-05 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79009 of text R225679 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2629). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79009 Wing C2629 ESTC R225679 99900186 99900186 171053 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79009) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 171053) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2552:8) By the King. A proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands, in the county of Wilts who have, or shall become his Majesties tenants. Proclamations. 1644-03-05 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1643. [i.e. 1644] Dates are given according to Lady Day dating. Dated at end: ... Oxford, the fifth of March, in the nineteenth yeare of Our reigne, 1643. Arms 37; Steele notation: being and Our. Reproduction of original in the Victoria and Albert Museum, Forster Collection, London, England. eng Great Britain -- History -- Confiscations and contributions -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79009 R225679 (Wing C2629). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the security and protection of the possessors of delinquents lands, in the county of Wilts, who have, or sha England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 538 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion BY THE KING . CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ A Proclamation for the security and Protection of the Possessors of Delinquents Lands , in the County of Wilts , who have , or shall become his Majesties Tenants . WHEREAS diverse Seditious and Rebelliously affected persons of Our County of Wilts , being conscious to have justly deserved our high displeasure and the punishment of the Lawes , have withdrawn themselves from their estates and dwellings in that County , unto other parts , and places of this Kingdome , in the power and possession of the Rebells ; where they remaine and ( either personally , or by supplies of Money , and other Provisions , ) are in Rebellion against us . And whereas by vertue of our Commission , lately issued under our Great Seal of England , the Lands of many such Delinquents have been seized , and by Our Commissioners disposed and Let at reasonable and moderate rates , to severall Tenants , who have agreed to pay their Rents to Us , and for Our use , untill the said Rebellious Persons shall submit themselves to Legall Tryalls ; For the better inabling therefore , and incouragement of such Tenants to performe their undertakings for Our service , and that henceforth they may be freed from that violence which the Souldiers of Our Armies too frequently , without command , have exercised upon possessors of Delinquents Lands ; We doe hereby Declare , That all persons whatsoever , as well such as formerly held Lands of such Delinquents , and now are , or hereafter by agreements , as aforesaid , or otherwise , shall become Our Tenants ; as others , who have , or shall take such estates of Our Commissioners in that County , shall be held , reputed , and esteemed , to be in our immediat Protection and Regard ; Wherefore We Will , Require , and Command , all Officers and Souldiers of Our Armies , that they at any time presume not to doe wrong or dammage to their Persons , Houses , Cattell , Lands , or Goods ; And that as much as may be possible , and the service will permit , they forbeare at any time to Billet or Quarter themselves or Horses on them ; but that in all things such respect be had of them , and their welldoing , as is justly due to persons in Our speciall Service and Protection . And We doe hereby farther Order and Declare , That if any such Officers or Souldiers , shall ( after notice that they are Our Tenants ) in contempt of this Our Proclamation , doe any Act whereby such Persons or any of them shall be damnified or oppressed , upon due information thereof given , they shall receive such severe and exemplary punishment as their Offences shall deserve . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the fifth of March , in the Ninteenth yeare of our Reigne , 1643. GOD SAVE THE KING . ¶ Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1643. 
A79013	----	By the King. A proclamation forbidding all assessing, collecting, and paying of the twentieth part and of all vveekly taxes by colour of any order or ordinances, and all entring in protestations and associations against his Majestie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79013 of text R211768 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[148]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79013 Wing C2641 Thomason 669.f.5[148] ESTC R211768 99870468 99870468 160859 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79013) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160859) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[148]) By the King. A proclamation forbidding all assessing, collecting, and paying of the twentieth part and of all vveekly taxes by colour of any order or ordinances, and all entring in protestations and associations against his Majestie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] At foot of text: "Given at Our court at Oxford the eight day of March, in the eighteenth yeer of Our reign. 1642. God save the King." London reprint of the Oxford original. -- Steele. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Taxation -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. A79013 R211768 (Thomason 669.f.5[148]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation forbidding all assessing, collecting, and paying of the twentieth part, and of all vveekly taxes by colour of an England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 773 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . ❧ A Proclamation forbidding all Assessing , Collecting , and Paying of the Twentieth Part , and of all VVeekly Taxes by Colour of Orders or Ordinances , And all entring into Protestations and Associations against his Majestie . WHereas , an actuall and open Rebellion being raised against Vs under the Command of Robert Earle of Essex , and diverse other Traiterous Persons , for the destruction of Vs and Our Posterity , and the subversion of the Religion , Laws , and Liberties of this Our Kingdom , great Endeavours are daily used to perswade and fright Our good Subjects in Our City of London , and thorowout this Kingdom , to submit to severall illegall Impositions , by pretended Orders or Ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament , for the levying of the Twentieth Part of their Estates , and for VVeekly Taxes upon the same , and to engage them into unwarrantable Protestations and Associations , to no other end then to foment and maintain this unnaturall VVarre against Vs ; All which Contributions , Protestations , and Associations are by the known Law of the Land Acts of High Treason , and Endeavours to take Our Life from Vs ; VVe do therefore strictly charge and command all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , and particularly of Our Counties of Norfolk , Suffolke , Hertford , Essex , Cambridge , Kent , Surrey , Sussex , South-Hampton , North-Hampton , Leicester , Derby , Rutland , Nottingham , Huntingdon , Bedford , and Buckingham , where this Association hath been already attempted , upon their Allegiance not to enter into any such Association or Protestation , And all Our loving Subjects in what parts of this Our Realm soever ( particularly of Our City of London ) not to submit to any such Imposition , Levy , or Tax as aforesaid , nor to presume to be assistant thereunto by Assessing , Taxing , Levying or Collecting thereof . And VVe do hereby publish and declare , That VVe are resolved to grant out Our Commissions for the seizing of the Goods , and the sequestring of the Estates of all such Persons as shall rebelliously disobey Vs herein , To the Intent that such their Goods and Rents may be safely deposited , untill such time as the Offendors can be brought to a Legall Tryall , which shall speedily proceed against them , as soon as they can be apprehended and delivered into the hands of Iustice . And VVe do hereby will and command all Persons who are any wayes indebted unto , and all the severall Tenants of all such Persons , who shall by submitting to , or assisting of any such Imposition , Levy , or Tax , contribute to the maintenance of the Armies in Rebellion against Vs , or that shall joyn in any such Traiterous Association or Protestation , That they forbear to pay any Rents or Debts due to the said severall Persons , but detain the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the Peace of the Counties , and the Reparation of such men who have suffered by the Violence of the aforesaid Armies , The same course being already taken by publique Order and directions against such as have faithfully and according to their Allegiance assisted Vs against this unnaturall Rebellion . And as VVe have heretofore declared , That whosoever sould lose his Life in this Our necessary Defence , the VVardship of his Heire should be granted by Vs without Rent or Fine to his own use ; so on the other side VVe do here by publish and declare , That whosoever of Our Subjects shall not make use of this Our gracious VVarning , but persist in , or hereafter engage themselves into either actuall bearing Arms against Vs , or any such Traiterous Assistance of those that do bear Arms either by Contribution or Association as aforesaid , in case they dye or be so killed during this Rebellion , that the Coroner cannot have Inspection of their bodies , their Heires shall have no benefit by Our Instructions of Grace to Our Court of VVards ; The Benefit of which , VVe shall ever be carefull that all Our good Subjects may fully enjoy . Given at Our Court at Oxford the Eight day of March , in the eighteenth yeer of our Reign . 1642. God save the King . 
A79014	----	By the King. His Majesties proclamation forbidding all His loving subjects of the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, to raise any forces without His Majesties consent or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the Rebellion against His Majesty. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79014 of text R211759 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[139]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79014 Wing C2645 Thomason 669.f.5[139] ESTC R211759 99870460 99870460 160850 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79014) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160850) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[139]) By the King. His Majesties proclamation forbidding all His loving subjects of the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, to raise any forces without His Majesties consent or to enter into any association or protestation for the assistance of the Rebellion against His Majesty. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] At head of title: "C.R." without royal arms. "Given at Our court at Oxford, this sixteenth day of February, in the eighteenth yeere of Our reigne. God save the King." Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: "March 1". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Kent (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Sussex (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Surrey (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Hampshire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79014 R211759 (Thomason 669.f.5[139]). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties proclamation forbidding all His loving subjects of the counties of Kent, Surrey, Sussex, and Hampshire, to raise England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1052 2 0 0 0 0 0 19 C The rate of 19 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. BY THE KING . His Majesties Proclamation forbidding all His loving Subjects of the Counties of Kent , Surrey , Sussex , and Hampshire , to raise any Forces without His Majesties Consent , or to enter into any Association or Protestation for the assistance of the Rebellion against His Majesty . WHEREAS We have been informed of certain Propositions agreed upon by some seditious Persons of Our severall Counties of Kent , Surry , Sussex and Hampshire , for an Association betwixt the said Counties , to raise an Army of 3000 Foot , and 300 Horse , and great summes of Money for the maintenance thereof , and an Invitation to Our good Subjects of that County , to enter into a Protestation to assist them in this odious and unnaturall Rebellion ; We doe hereby Declare for the satisfaction of all our loving Subjects of those Counties , and that they may not be seduced from their Obedience by the cunning and subtilty of those men , That the entring into such an Association and Protestation , and raising of men or contributing Money upon the same , is an Act of high Treason , and an endeavour to take away Our Life from Vs : And We do therefore straitly Charge and Command all Our loving Subjects whatsoever upon their Allegiance not to enter into any such Association or Protestation , and such , as by colour of such Authority have assembled together , that they immediately di●band and repaire to their Houses . And We doe once more renew Our offer of a free and gratious Pardon to all Our Subjects of Our said foure severall Counties , excepting those whom We before excepted in Our severall Proclamations concerning those Our Counties , against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Persons guilty of high Treason ; And whom We doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Justice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe custody . And Our Expresse Pleasure is , and We doe hereby Will and Command all the severall Tenants of the Persons excepted in Our Proclamation for those foure Counties of Kent , Surrey , Sussex , and Hampshire , and all other Persons who are any waye indebted unto them , and all the Tenants to any other Person of any of the said Counties , who is now in Actuall and open Rebellion against Us , or who after the publishing of this Our Proclamation shall contribute to the maintenance of the Armies now in Rebellion against Us , under the conduct of Robert Earle of Essex , or of any other Person or Persons , or that shall joyne in any such traiterous Association or Protestation , That they forbeare to pay any Rents or Debts due to the said severall Persons , but detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the Peace of the Counties , and the reparation of such Men who have suffered by the violence of the others . And if any Souldier or Souldiers now under Command against Us in either of Our said foure Counties , shall within six dayes after the publishing of this Our Proclamation , apprehend and bring before Us , or any Officers of Our Army , or any other Our Minister of Justice , so that the Person apprehended be kept in safe Custody , the bodies of any of the Persons so excepted by Us , or of any of the Commanders or Officers now in Rebellion against Us in any of the said foure Counties , such Souldier or Souldiers , besides their Pardons , shall receive such liberall Rewards by Pensions , or otherwise , as their severall services in respect of the qualities of the Persons so apprehended shall deserve . And if any Commander or Officer ( except the Persons before excepted ) now in Rebellion against Us , in any of the said foure Counties , shall within five dayes after this Our Proclamation published , being convinced in his Conscience of his damnable Offence against God and Us , in assisting this odious Rebellion , returne to his Alleagiance and repaire to Our Army , and commit no hostile Act in the meane while against Us , We shall not onely Pardon him , but so far imploy him as his quality and deme●nour shall deserve . And We doe hereby require all Our loving Subjects of what degree or quality soever , within Our said foure severall Counties , upon their Allegiance , and as they tender the cause of God , the Protestant Religion , being invaded and threatned to be rooted up by Anabaptists , Brownists , and Atheists , of Us , and Our Posterity ( Our Life being sought after by this Rebellion , and of themselves , the Law and Liberty of the Subject being in apparent hazard to be subjected to an Arbitrary Lawlesse power , of a few Schismaticall , factious , and ambitious Persons ) to assist Us in Person , or with the Loane of Money , Plate , and Horses , in this Our great necessity . And having said thus much out of Our tender Regard of Our Subjects of those our Counties ; If they shall henceforward be guilty of the premises : And shall either by Loane or contribution assist the said Army of Rebels , assemble and muster themselves in Armes withour Authority derived from Us under Our Hand , or shall enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Us and Our Army , and so compell Us to send part of Our Forces thither to reduce them to their Obedience ; they must Answer the miseries that must follow , to God , and their Country . And Our Pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be Read in all the Parish Churches and Chappels in the said foure severall Counties . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this sixteenth day of February , in the Eighteenth yeere of Our Reigne . God save the KING . 
A79015	----	By the King A proclamation forbidding all His Majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands of Militia of this kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise by vertue of any order or ordinance of one, or both houses of Parliament, without consent or warrant from His Majesty, upon pain of punishement according to the laws. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79015 of text R210579 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[31]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79015 Wing C2648 Thomason 669.f.5[31] ESTC R210579 99869363 99869363 160744 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79015) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160744) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[31]) By the King A proclamation forbidding all His Majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands of Militia of this kingdom, to rise, march, muster, or exercise by vertue of any order or ordinance of one, or both houses of Parliament, without consent or warrant from His Majesty, upon pain of punishement according to the laws. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Imprinted first at York, and now Re-printed at London for Edward Husbands, [London] : May 31. 1642. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Militia -- Early works to 1800. A79015 R210579 (Thomason 669.f.5[31]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation forbidding all His Majesties subjects belonging to the trained bands or Militia of this kingdom, to rise, march, England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 862 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation forbidding all His Majesties Subjects belonging to the Trained Bands or Militia of this Kingdom , to Rise , March , Muster , or Eye cise by vertue of any Order or Ordinance of one , or both Houses of Parliament , without Consent or Warrant from His Majesty , upon pain of punishment according to the Laws . WHereas by the Statute made in the seventh Year of King Edward the first , the Prelates . Earls , Barons , and Commonalty of the Realm affirmed in Parliament , That to the King it belongeth , and His part it is by his Royall Séigniority , straitly to defend wearing of Armour , and all other Force against the Peace , at all times when it shall please Him , and to punish them which shall do contrary , according to the Laws and Vsages of the Realm ; and hereunto all subjects are bound to aid the King , as their Soveraign Lord , at all seasons , when need shall be . And whereas Wee understand , That expresly contrary to the said Statute , and other good Laws of this Our Kingdom , under colour and pretence of an Ordinance of Parliament , without Our Consent , or any Commission or Warrant from Us , The Trained Bands , and Militia of this Kingdom have been lately , and are intended to be put in Arms , and drawn into Companies in a war-like manner , whereby the Peace and Quiet of Our Subjects is , or may be disturbed : We being desirous by all gracious and fair Admonitions to prevent , That some malignant Persons in this Our Kingdom , do not by degrees seduce Our good Subjects from their due Obedience to Us , and the Laws of this Our Kingdom , subtilly endeavouring , by a generall Combustion or Confusion , to hide their mischievous Designes and Intentions against the Peace of this Our Kingdom , and under a specious pretence of putting Our Trained Bands into a Posture , draw and engage Our good Subjects in a warlike Opposition against Us , as Our Town of Hull is already , by the Treason of Sir Iohn Hotham , who at first pretended to put a Garrison into the same , onely for Our Security and Service . We do therefore by this Our Proclamation expresly Charge and Command all Our Sheriffs , and all Colonells , Lieutenant-Colonels , Serjeant Majors , Captains , Officers , and Souldiers belonging to the Trained Bands of this Our Kingdom , and likewise all High and Petty-Constables , and other Our Officers and Subjects what soever , upon their Allegiance , and as they tender the Peace of this Our Kingdom , Not to Muster , Leavy , Raise , or March , or to Summon , or Warn upon any Warrant , Order , or Ordinance from one , or both Our Houses of Parliament ( whereto We have not , or shall not give Our expresse Consent ) any of Our Trained Bands , or other Forces , to Rise , Muster , March , or Exercise , without expresse Warrant under our Hand , or Warrant from Our Sheriff of the County , grounded upon a particular Writ to that purpose under Our great Seal . And in case any of our Trained Bands shall Rise , or gather together , contrary to this Our Command , We shall then call them in due time to a strict Account , and proceed Legally against them as Violaters of the Laws , and Disturbers of the Peace of the Kingdom . Given at Our Court at York the seven and twentieth day of May , 1642 . ❧ By the King . OUr Will and Pleasure is , That the Ministers , Free-holders , Farmers , and substantiall Copy-holders of this Our County of York , do assemble and meet together at Heworth Moor , neer Our City of York , upon Friday in VVhitson week ( according to former Summons ) by nine of the Clock in the Morning . For that VVe are informed there are divers Fayrs to be kept in this Our County the day following , at which time many of them may have necessary occasion to be absent : And therefore , out of Our tendernesse and care of Our good Subjects , VVe have thought fit to give this early Notice , to the end the said Inhabitants may be put to as little Prejudice as may be . And this Our Pleasure VVe require to be forthwith Printed , and Copies thereof to be speedily published and dispersed by the Sheriff of this County : For which this shall be sufficient VVarrant . Given at Our Court at York , the seven and twentieth day of May , 1642 . Imprinted first at York , and now Re-printed at London for Edward Husbands , May 31. 1642. 
A79017	----	By the King. A proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without His Majesties expresse pleasure, signified under his great seal, and all contributions or assistance to any such levies. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79017 of text R29202 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[45]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 13 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 3 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79017 Wing C2651 Thomason 669.f.5[45] ESTC R29202 99872225 99872225 160758 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79017) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160758) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[45]) By the King. A proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without His Majesties expresse pleasure, signified under his great seal, and all contributions or assistance to any such levies. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [4] p. by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, [Imprinted at London : 1642] Imprint from colophon. At bottom of text: Given at our court at York the eighteenth day of June, in the eighteenth yeer of our reign. 1642. Annotation on Thomason copy: "[Mostly illegible] - "This proclamation .. sheriffe of London, but ..". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. eng Prerogative, Royal -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79017 R29202 (Thomason 669.f.5[45]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation forbidding all levies of forces without His Majesties expresse pleasure, signified under his great seal, and all England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 2502 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 B The rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King . ❧ A Proclamation forbidding all Levies of Forces without His Majesties expresse pleasure , signified under His Great Seal , and all Contributions or Assistance to any such Levies . WHereas , under pretence that VVe intend to make VVar against the Parliament ( the contrary whereof is notoriously known to all that are here , and as we hope by this time apparent to all other Our Subjects , as well by Our Declaration of the sixteenth of Iune , as by the Testimonie of all Our Nobility and Councell , who are here upon the place ) And by colour of the Authoritie of both Houses of Parliament ( a major part whereof are now absent from London ) by the contrivance of some few evill persons , disguising and colouring their pernicious Designes and hostile Preparations under the plausible names of The preservation of publike Peace , and defence of us , and both Houses of Parliament from Force and and Violence , it hath been endeavoured to raise Troopes of Horse and other Forces : And for that purpose they have prevailed , not onely to prohibit Our own Moneys to be paid to Vs , or to Our use , but , by the Name and Authoritie of Parliament , to excite Our Subjects to contribute their Assistance to them , by bringing in Moneys , Plate , or underwriting to furnish and maintain Horses , Horsmen , and Arms ; And to that purpose certain Propositions or Orders ( as they are styled by them ) have been Printed , whereby they have endeavoured to engage the Power and Authoritie of Parliament ( as if the two Houses , without Vs , had that Power and Authoritie ) to save harmlesse , all those that shall so contribute , from all Prejudice and Inconvenience that may befall them by occasionthereof . And although we well hope that these Malignant persons ( whose Actions do now sufficiently declare their former Intentions ) will be able to prevail with few of Our good people to contribute their Power or Assistance unto them ; Yet , lest any of Our Subjects ( taking upon trust what those Men affirm ) without weighing the grounds of it , or the danger to Vs , themselves , and the Common-wealth , which would ensue thereupon , should indeed beleeve ( what these persons would insinuate , and have them to beleeve ) That such their Contribution and Assistance would tend to the preservation of the publike Peace , and the Defence of Vs and both Houses of Parliament , and that thereby they should not incur any danger ; We , that we might not be wanting ( as much as in Vs lieth ) to foreshew and to prevent the danger which may fall thereupon , Have hereby thought good to declare and publish unto all Our loving Subjects , That by the Laws of the Land , the power of raising of Forces or Arms , or leavying of war for the defence of the Kingdom , or otherwise , hath always belonged to Vs , and and to Vs onely , and that by no Power of either , or both Houses of Parliament , or otherwise , contrary to Our personall Commands , any Forces can be raised , or any war 〈…〉 And therefore , by the Statute of the seventh yeer of Our famous Progenitour , King Edward the first , whereas there had been then some variances betwixt him and some great Lords of the Realm , and , upon Treaty thereupon , it was agreed , that in the next Parliament after provision should be made , That in all Parliaments , and all other Assemblies which should be in the Kingdom for ever , that every man should come without Force and Armour , well and peaceably : Yet at the next Parliament when they met together to take advice of this Businesse ( though it concerned the Parliament it self ) the Lords and Commons would not take it upon them , but answered , That it belonged to the King to defend Force of Armour , and all other Force against the Peace at all times when it pleased Him , and to punish them which should do contrary , according to the Laws and Vsages of the Realm , and that they were bound to aid Him , as their Soveraign Lord , at all seasons when need should be . And accordingly in Parliament , in after times , the King alone did issue His Proclamations , prohibiting bearing of Arms by any person , in , or neer the Citie where the Parliament was , excepting such of the Kings Servants as He should depute , or should be deputed by His Commandment , and also excepting the Kings Ministers . And by the Statute of Northampton , made in the second yeer of King Edward the third , it is Enacted , That no man , of what condition soever he be ( except the Kings Servants , in His presence , and His Ministers in executing the Kings Precepts , or of their Office , and such as be in their company assisting them ) go , nor ride Armed by night or day in Fairs , Markets , nor in the presence of the Iustices , or other Ministers , nor in no part elsewhere . And this power of raising Forces to be solely in the King , is so known and inseparable a right to the Crown , That when , in the reign of King Henry the eight , there being a sudden Rebellion , the Earl of Shrewsbury , without Warrant from the King , did raise Arms for the suppression thereof , and happily suppressed it , yet was he forced to obtain his Pardon . And whereas the Duke of Gloucester , and other great Lords , in the eleventh yeer of King Richard the second ( upon pretence of the good of the King and Kingdom , the King being then not of age , and led away , as they alleadged , by evil Counsellours ) did raise Forces , and by them mastered their Adversaries . In that Parliament ( such as it was , for it was held and kept with Force , how good use soever hath been made of the Presidents therein ) they procured a speciall Act of Pardon for their raising of Men , and that those Assemblies should not be drawn into example for the time to come . And as no man can leavie War , or raise Forces without the King , so much lesse against the personall Commands of the King opposed thereunto : For , by the Statute of the 25. yeer of King Edward the third ( which is but Declaratory of the old Law in that point ) it is Treason to leavie war against the King in His Realm ; within the construction of which Statute , it is true ( which was said in the late Declaration , under the name of both Houses of Parliament , of the 26. of May last ) leavying War ( in some sense ) against the Kings Authority ( though not intended against His Person ) is leavying war against the King : And therefore the raising of Forces , though upon pretence of removing of some evil Counsellors from about the Queen , hath been adjudged Treason , in the Case of the late Earle of Essex in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , and in divers other Cases . ( And we wish all Our Subjects to consider , Whether , if men shall be raised contrary to Our Proclamation and against Our Will , it be not against Our Authority . ) But it is as true ( and was never denied , but in that Declaration ) That the raising of Forces against the Kings personall Command ( being no Ideot , nor Infant , uncapable of understanding to Command ) being accompanied with His presence , is , and is most properly leavying of War against the King ; For if it be a sufficient pretence for raising of Men against the Kings person , that it is for the defence of the Kings Authority , and of His Kingdom ( though against His expresse Command and Proclamation ) the Irish Rebels will have colour for their horrid Rebellion ; For they say ( though it be notoriously false ) It is for the defence of the Kings Authority , and of His Kingdom ; And Wat Tyler , and Jack Cade , and Kett the Tanner wanted not publike Pretences , which were perhaps just causes of Complaints , though not of raising of Men . And though these persons have gone about subtilly to distinguish betwixt Our Person and Our Authority , as if , Because Our Authority may be where Our Person is not , that therefore , Our Person may be where Our Authority is not ; We require all Our good Subjects to take notice of the Law ( which is in Print and full Force ) That their Allegiance is due unto the naturall Person of their Prince , and not to His Crown or Kingdom distinct from His naturall Capacitie . And that by the Oath of Ligeance at the Common Law ( which all persons above the age of twelve yeers are , or ought to be sworn unto ) they are bound to be true and faithfull , not to the King onely as King , but to Our Person as King CHARLES ; and to bear Vs truth and faith of Life and Member , and earthly Honour ; and that they shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage intended to Vs that they shall not defend . And that when , in the time of King Edward the second , Hugh Spencer being discontented with the King , caused a Bill to be written , wherein was contained amongst other things , That Homage and the Oath of Allegiance was more by reason of the Kings Crown ( that is , His Kingdom ) then of His Person ; and that seeing the King cannot be reformed by suit of Law , if the King will not redresse and put away that which is ill for the Common People , and hurtfull to the Crown That the thing ought to be put away by force , and that His Leiges be bound to Govern in aid of Him , and in default of Him ; he was condemned for it by two Parliaments , and perpetually vanished the Kingdom . We have made mention of these cases , not so much to cleer Our Right , That We alone have the power of raising Forces , and none of Our Subjects , either in Parliament or out of Parliament against Our Will , or personall Command ( which We think no man that hath the least knowledge in Our Laws , and is not led away by private Interests , and may speak his minde freely , will deny ; nor was ever questioned in any Parliament before this time ) as to let them see how dangerous the effect and consequence of raising of Forces , without Vs , may be unto Vs , and to the Common-wealth , uuder pretence of Defence of both . And though We cannot doubt of the affections of Our good Subjects , considering their interest is involved with Ours , and how precious the peace of the Kingdom is , and ought to be unto them ; and that according to the words of the Statute of the eleventh yeer of King Henry the seventh , and the eighteenth Chapter , By the duty of their Allegiance they are bounden to serve and assist Vs at all seasons when need shall require . Yet , to the end that Our good Subjects may know what their duty is , and what We expect from them , and that all others , who , through Malice or private Interests , shall be transported beyond their duties , may be left without excuse ; we do therefore by this Our Proclamation charge and command all Our Subjects uopn their Allegiance , and as they tender Our Honour and Safety , and the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom , that they presume not to raise or leavie any Horses , Horsmen , or Arms , or any Forces whatsoever , by colour of any Authority whatsoever , without Our expresse pleasure signified under Our great Seal , ( other then such as shall be raised , leavied and imprested by the Order , as well of Our Self , as of both Houses of Parliament , according to an Act made this Sessions , intituled , An Act for the better raising and leavying of Souldiers for the present defence of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland ( by Iustices of Peace , and otherwise , in such manner as is prescribed in the said Act ) or Contribute , or give any Assistance in Money , Plate , finding of Horses , horsmen , or Arms , or any other wayes , to or for any such Preparation , Levie , or Forces : And that such of Our good Subjects , who through Ignorance have been mis-led to consent or subscribe to any such Leavie , Contribution , or Assistance , forthwith , upon publication of this Our Proclamation , desist from continuing such their Contribution or Assistance , or giving any Countenance to any such Leavies , at their utmost perils . And We do likewise straitly Charge and Command as well all Sheriffs , Iustices of Peace , Majors , Bailiffs , Constables , and all other Our Officers whatsoever , That they use their utmost endeavours , as well for publishing this Our Proclamation , as for the suppressing of all Leavies , or Forces raised , or to be raised without or against Our consent : As also all other Our loving Subjects , That they be attending , Aiding , and Assisting Our said Officers and Ministers therein , as they , and every of them will answer it at their utmost perils . Given at Our Court at York the eighteenth day of June , in the eighteenth yeer of Our Reign . 1642. ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1642. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A79017e-30 Cook 7. Rep. Calvins case . 
A79018	----	By the King. A proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebells,to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79018 of text R211976 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[39]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79018 Wing C2654 Thomason 669.f.7[39] ESTC R211976 99870641 99870641 161021 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79018) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161021) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[39]) By the King. A proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebells,to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford : 1643. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, the twenty fifth day of September, in the nineteenth year of Our Reigne. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79018 R211976 (Thomason 669.f.7[39]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 612 1 0 0 0 0 0 16 C The rate of 16 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation forbidding all the Tenants or Debtors of such who are in actuall and open Rebellion , or who adhere to , or assist the Rebells , to pay any Rents or Debts to such Persons or any of them . WHEREAS We have , by Our severall Proclamations , bearing Date the Eight Day of March last and the Seventh Day of Aprill last , published Our Resolution to grant out Our Commissions for the seizing of the Goods , and Sequestring the Estates of all such Persons who are in Rebellion or do assist those who are , to the intent that such their Goods , and Rents , may be safely deposited untill such Time as the Offenders can be brought to a Legall Triall , which shall speedily proceed against them as soone as they can be apprehended , and delivered into the hands of Iustice . And We did therefore command all Persons who were any wayes indebted unto , and all the severall Tenants of all such Persons , to forbeare to pay any Rents , or Debts due to the said severall Person but to detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the Peace of the severall Counties , and the Reparation of such men who have suffered by the violence of the Rebells . Since which time hath pleased God so farre , and so eminently to blesse Our Armies , that We have again reduced severall Counties to Our Obedience , which were for the greatest part , if not totally , possessed by the Rebells ; And considering therefore that it very probable Our said Proclamations were kept from the knowledge of Our good Subjects of those Counties , We have once more thought fit to publish the same , and do hereby Declare to all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , that as We have already issued out such Our Commissions into severall Counties , in which We give Authority to the Persons truste by Us to distinguish between those who have been active and malitious Contrivers of this Rebellion , and those who have been through Weaknesse or Feare seduced by them ; So We will dayly issue out other Commissions to the same Purpose . And We doe straitly charge and command all Our loving Subjects of what Condition soever , as they will answer their Disobedience at their utmost Perills , That they pay no Rents or Debts which now are , or hereafter shall grow due to any Persons who either are , or lately have been in Rebellion , ( and have not since submitted themselvs to Us ) or to any such who adhere to , or assist those who are in Rebellion , and that they presume not to receive any Good Money or Stock in trust for any such Persons , but that they faithfully accompt , and pay the same to such Persons as either are , or shall be intrusted by Us for that Purpose , and We shall proceed against all such Persons who shall wilfully , and peremptorily disobey Us herein , as against Persons notoriously disaffected to Us and Our Service . And Our Pleasure is That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chappells throughout this Our Kingdom . Given at Our Cou●● at Oxford , the Twenty fifth day of September , in the Nineteenth yeare of our Reigne . God save the King . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A79019	----	By the King. A proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebels, to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79019 of text R39148 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[43]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79019 Wing C2655 Thomason 669.f.7[43] ESTC R39148 99872531 99872531 161024 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79019) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161024) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[43]) By the King. A proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist the rebels, to pay any rents or debts to such persons or any of them. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lychfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford [i.e. London] : 1653. Actual place of publication from Wing. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford, the twenty fifth day of September, in the nineteenth year of Our Reigne. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "September 5: octob. 5th". Reproductions of the originals in the Harvard University Library (Early English books), and the British Library (Thomason Tracts). eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79019 R39148 (Thomason 669.f.7[43]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation forbidding all the tenants or debtors of such who are in actuall and open rebellion, or who adhere to, or assist England and Wales. Sovereign 1653 618 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ❧ A Proclamation forbidding all the Tenants or Debtors of such who are in actuall and open Rebellion , or who adhere to , or assist the Rebels , to pay any Rents or Debts to such Persons or any of them . WHEREAS VVe have , by Our severall Proclamations , bearing Date the Eight Day of March last , and the Seventh Day of Aprill last , published Our Resolution to grant Our Commissions for the seizing of the Goods , and Sequestring the Estates of all such Persons who are in Rebellion , or doe assist those who are , to the intent that such their Goods , and Rents , may be safely deposited , untill such Time as the Offenders can be brought to Legall Triall , which shall speedily proceed against them as soon as they can be apprehended , and delivered into the hands of Iustice . And VVe did therefore command all Persons who were any wayes indebted unto , and all the severall Tenants of all such Persons , to forbeare to pay any Rents or Debts due to the said severall Persons , but to detaine the same in their hands towards the maintenance of the Peace of the severall Counties , and the Reparation of such men vvho have suffered by the violence of the Rebells . Since which time it hath pleased God so far , and so eminently to blesse Our Armies , that We have againe reduced severall Counties to Our Obedience , which were for the greatest part , if not totally , possessed by the Rebells : And considering therefore that it is very probable Our said Proclamations were kept from the knowledge of Our good Subjects of those Counties , VVe have once more thought fit to publish the same , and do hereby declare to all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , that as VVe have already issued out such Our Commissious into severall Counties , in which we give Authority to the Persons trusted by Vs to distinguish betweene those who have been active and malitious contrivers of this Rebellion , and those who have been through weaknesse or feare seduced by them : So VVe will dayly issue out other Commissions to the same Purpose . And VVee doe straitly charge and command all our loving Subjects of what Condition soever , as they will answer their Disobedience at their utmost Perills , That they pay no Rents or Debts which now are , or hereafter shall grow due to any Persons who either are , or lately have been in Rebellion , ( and have not since submitted themselves to Vs ) or to any such who adhere to , or assist those who are in Rebellion , and that they presume not to receive any Goods , Money or stocke in trust for any such Persons , but that they faithfully account , and pay the same to such Persons as either are , or shall be intrusted by Vs for that Purpose , and we shall proceed against all such Persons who shall wilfully , and peremptorily disobey Vs herein , as against Persons notoriously disaffected to Vs and Our Service . And Our Pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chappells through this Our Kingdome . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the twenty fifth day of September , in the nineteenth Year of Our Reigne . God save the KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lychfield , Printer to the Vniversity , 1643. 
A79021	----	By the King. His Maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant, devised by some members of both Houses to engage His Maiesties good subjects in the maintenance of this odious rebellion. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79021 of text R39149 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[24]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79021 Wing C2660 Thomason 669.f.7[24] ESTC R39149 99872532 99872532 161006 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79021) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161006) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[24]) By the King. His Maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant, devised by some members of both Houses to engage His Maiesties good subjects in the maintenance of this odious rebellion. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford [i.e. London] : 1643. Actual place of publication from Wing. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford the one and twentieth day of Iune, in the nineteenth year of Our Raigne. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproductions of the originals in the Harvard University Library (Early English books), and the British Library (Thomason Tracts). eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79021 R39149 (Thomason 669.f.7[24]). civilwar no By the King. His Maiesties proclamation forbidding the tendring or taking of the late vow or covenant, devised by some members of both House England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 849 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ¶ BY THE KING . His Maiesties Proclamation forbidding the Tendring or Taking of the late Vow or Covenant , devised by some Members of both Houses to engage His Maiesties good Subiects in the maintenance of this odious Rebellion . VVHereas We have lately seen a Vow or Covenant pretended to be taken by some Members of both Houses of Parliament , whereby after the taking notice of a Popish and Traiterous Plot for the subversion of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Liberty of the Subject , and to surprize the Cities of London and Westminster , They doe promise and covenant , according to their utmost power , to assist the Forces pretended to be raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament , against the Forces raised by Us , and to assist all other Persons that shall take the said Oath , in what they shall doe in pursuance thereof ; Which Oath as the same hath been taken without the least colour or ground , the contrivers thereof well knowing that there is no Popish Army within this Kingdom , that We are so far from giving countenance to that Religion , that We have alwayes given , and always offered Our consent to any Act for the suppression of Popery and the growth thereof ; and that the Army raised by Us is in truth for the necessary defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established by Law , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and Our own just Rights according to Law , all which being setled and submitted to , or such a free and peaceable convention in Parliament being provided for , that the same might be setled , We have offered and are still ready to disband Our Armies ; and as the said Oath was devised only to prevent Peace , and to preengage the Votes of the Members of both Houses ( directly contrary to the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament ) & to engage them and Our good Subjects in the maintenance of this horrid and odious Rebellion ; so it is directly contrary , as well to their naturall Duty as to the Oaths of Allegiance & Supremacie established by Law , which obliges them to bear to Vs Truth and Faith of Life , Members and Earthly Honour , and to defend Us to the utmost of their powers against all conspiracies and attempts whatsoever , which shall be made against Our Person , Our Crown and Dignity , and to do their best endeavours to disclose and make known to Us all Treasons and Traiterous Conspiracies which shall be against Us , and to their power to assist and defend all Jurisdictions , Priviledges , Preheminences , and Authority belonging to Us , or united and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of this Realme . And whereas We are informed that some desperate seditious Persons doe endeavour to perswade and seduce others of Our Subjects to take the said Oath , thereby to engage them & this Kingdom into a continuance of these miserable and bloody distempers , We doe therefore out of Grace and Compassion to Our people , and that they may not by any craft or violence suffer themselves to be seduced against their Duty and Conscience , warne them of their naturall Allegiance , and their Obligations by Oathes lawfully administred to them , and with them to remember the great blessings of God in peace and plenty which the whole Kingdome hath received , whilst that Duty and these Oathes were carefully observed , and the unspeakable miseries and calamities they have suffered in the breaking and violation thereof . And We doe straitly Charge and Command Our loving Subjects of what degree and quality soever , upon their Allegiance , that they presume not to take the said seditious and traiterous Vow or Covenant , which endeavours to withdraw them from their naturall Allegiance which they owe unto Us , and to which they are or ought to be sworn , and are bound by the known Laws of the Land , albeit they are not sworn , and engages them in Acts of High Treason by the expresse letter of the Statute of the 25. year of King Edward the third . And We doe likewise hereby forbid and inhibit all our Subjects to impose , administer , or tender the said Oath or Covenant : And if not withstanding this Our gracious Proclamation any person s ; hall presume to impose , tender , or take the said Vow or Covenant , We shall proceed against him or them with all severit , according to the known Laws of the Land . Given at our Court at Oxford the one and Twentieth day of Iune , in the nineteenth year of our Raigne . God save the KING . Printed at Oxford by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the University . 1643. 
A79022	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of Exceter. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79022 of text311 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[99]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79022 Wing C2669 Thomason 669.f.5[99] 99870041 99870041 160812 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79022) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160812) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[99]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of Exceter. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Maydenhead, this ninth day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne." With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Place and date of imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardons -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Exeter (England) -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79022 311 (Thomason 669.f.5[99]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of his citty of Exceter. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 690 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pradon to the Inhabitants of His County of His Citty of Exceter . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in Our County of Exceter , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only been drawne to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money and Horses towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are graciously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County to the power and Faction of their seducers , Who , We beleeve , by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free & gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Our City of Exceter , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except Sir George Chudleigh , and Sir Iohn Northcote Baronets , Sir Samuell Rolle , and Sir Nicholas Martyn Knights , ) against whom We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitours and Stirrers of sedition against Vs , And whom Wee doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12. of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , or shall give any obedience to any warrants concerning any Musters , Leavies , or Contributions for Leavies whatsoever , under any pretence of Authority whatsoever , either from the said Sir George Chudleigh , Sir Iohn Northcote , Sir Samuell Rolle , and Sir Nicholas Martyn , or from any other persons whatsoever , without Our expresse consent declared under Our great Seale or Signe Manuall , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publick Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And We doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County of that Our Citty under what pretence soever without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand ; And We likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the Traine Bands of that Our County , or make any Leavies in the same by virtue of Commission under Our great Scale or signe Manuall . ¶ Given at Our Court at Maydenhead , this ninth day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79023	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Kent. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79023 of text R211305 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[98]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79023 Wing C2671 Thomason 669.f.5[98] ESTC R211305 99870035 99870035 160811 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79023) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160811) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[98]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Kent. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Reading, this eight day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne.". With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Place and date of imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardons -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Kent (England) -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79023 R211305 (Thomason 669.f.5[98]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Kent. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 605 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His County of Kent . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in Our County of Kent , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only been drawne to exercise the Militia , undercolour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money and Horses , towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are graciously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County to the power and Faction of their seducers , Who , We beleeve , by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Kent , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except Sir Michaell Lively Baronet , and Thomas Blount Esquire , ) against whom Wee shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitours and Stirrers of sedition against Vs , And whom Wee doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12. of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publick Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Law of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And We doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe , Commissioners of Array , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County under what pretence soever without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand ; And We likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the Traine Bands of that Our County , or make any Leavies in the same by virtue of Commission under Our great Seale or signe Manuall . ¶ Given at Our Court at Reading , this eight day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79024	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of Oxon. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79024 of text R211130 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[94]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79024 Wing C2674 Thomason 669.f.5[94] ESTC R211130 99869863 99869863 160807 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79024) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160807) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[94]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of Oxon. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Oxford, the third day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne.". With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Imprint from by Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardons -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Oxfordshire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. A79024 R211130 (Thomason 669.f.5[94]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of Oxon. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 502 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-07 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon , to the Inhabitants of His County of Oxon. WHEREAS We have taken notice that by the malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in Our County of Oxon , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only been drawne to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money and Horses , towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are graciously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County to the power and Faction of their seducers , Who , We beleeve by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardonto all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Oxon , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except the Lord Say , Nathaniell Fynes Esquire , Sir William Cobb , and Iohn Doyley Esquire , ) against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitours and Stirrers of sedition against Vs , And whom We doe heereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12 of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publick Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Law of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , the third day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79025	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Somersett. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79025 of text R211314 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[100]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79025 Wing C2675 Thomason 669.f.5[100] ESTC R211314 99870044 99870044 160813 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79025) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160813) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[100]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Somersett. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Mayden-head, this ninth day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne." With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Place and date of imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardons -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Somerset (England) -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79025 R211314 (Thomason 669.f.5[100]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of his county of Somersett. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 665 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His County of Somersett . WHEREAS We have taken notice , that by the Malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill-affected and seditious persons in Our County of Somersett , very many of Our weak and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only been drawne to exercise the Militia , undercolour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money and Horses towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are graciously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County to the power and Faction of their seducers , Who , We beleeve , by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free & gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Somersett , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , except Iohn Pine , Iohn Ashe , and William Strode of Streate Esquires , against all which Wee shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitours and Stirrers of sedition against Vs , And whom Wee doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12. of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , or shall give any obedience to any warrants concerning any Musters , Leavies , or Contributions for Leavies whatsoever , under any pretence of Authority whatsoever , either from the said Iohn Pine , Iohn Ashe , and William Strode , or from any other persons whatsoever , without Our expresse consent declared under Our great Seale or Signe Manuall , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publike Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And We doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County , under what pretence soever without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand . And We likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the Traine Bands of that Our County , or make any Leavies in the same by virtue of Commission under Our great Seale or signe Manuall . ¶ Given at Our Court at Mayden-head , this ninth day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79026	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of His county of Sussex. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79026 of text R211298 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[97]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79026 Wing C2676 Thomason 669.f.5[97] ESTC R211298 99870027 99870027 160810 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79026) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160810) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[97]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of His county of Sussex. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Reading, this seaventh day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne." With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Place and date of imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardons -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Sussex (England) -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79026 R211298 (Thomason 669.f.5[97]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of His county of Sussex. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 608 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon , to the Inhabitants of His County of Sussex . WHEREAS We have taken notice that by the malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in Our County of Sussex , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only been drawne to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money and Horses , towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are graciously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that Country to the power and Faction of their seducers , Who , We beleeve by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Sussex , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except Herbert Morley Esquire , and Henry Chisttey Cittizen of Chichester , ) against whom Wee shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitours and Stirrers of sedition against Vs , And whom Wee doe hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12 of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publick Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Law of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And We doe hereby will and require Our high Sheriffe , Commissioners of Array , Iustices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers , and loving Subjects to resist , oppose and apprehend all such Persons as shall presume to make any Leavies in that Our County under what pretence soever without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand ; And We likewise will and require them and every of them to be assistant to all such as shall either command the Traine Bands of that Our County , or make any Leavies in the same by virtue of Commission under Our great Seale or signe Manuall . ¶ Given at Our Court at Reading , this seaventh day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79027	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of His counties of Stafford and Derby. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79027 of text R211769 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[149]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79027 Wing C2677 Thomason 669.f.5[149] ESTC R211769 99870469 99870469 160860 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79027) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160860) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[149]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of His counties of Stafford and Derby. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) printed by Robert Barker, [London : 1643] At foot of title: Given at our Court at Oxford, this five and twentieth day of March, in the eighteenth yeer of our reigne. God save the King. Imprint from Wing. A London reprint of the Oxford original. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "1642". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Staffordshire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Derbyshire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. A79027 R211769 (Thomason 669.f.5[149]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to the inhabitants of His counties of Stafford and Derby. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 652 1 0 0 0 0 0 15 C The rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . A Proclamation of His MAJESTIES Grace , Favour , and Pardon to the Inhabitants of His Counties of Stafford and Derby . WHereas we have taken notice , That by the Malice , Industry , and Importunity of severall ill affected and seditious Persons Our Countries of Stafford and Derby very many of Our Weak and seduced Subjects of those our our counties have not onely been drawn to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance without and against Our consent , ( a crime of a very high nature , if Wee would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made contributi-ons of Plate , Money , and Horses , towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Us , and have at last actually themselves taken Arms against Us ; we do hereby publish and declare , That we are graciously pleased to attesbute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of those Our Counties to the power and faction of the their Seducers , who , we beleeve , by Threats , Menaces , and false informations , compelled and led them into those Actions of Undutifulnesse and Disloyalty towards Us ; And we do therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said Counties of Stafford and Derby , for all offences concerning the premisses committed against US , before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , except Sir John Gell , and Sir William Brereton Knights , against whom We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traytors and Stirrers of Sedition against Us , And whom we do hereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Juctice , and all Our lobing Subjects Whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody , till our pleasure be further known . Provided that this Our grace shall not extend to any person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation , shall presume by Loan , or Contibution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Mustrer themselves in Arms without Authority derived from Us under Our hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for apposing Us and Our Army or to succour or entertain any of the persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the twelfth of August , But we must and do declare , That whosoever shall henceforward be guilty of the premisses , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Us , as an Enemy to the publike Peace , a Person disaffected to Us , and to the Religion and Laws of the Kingdom , and guilty of high-Treason , and shall accordingly recieve their condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . And we do hereby require Our high-Sheriffs , Commissioners of Array , Justices of the Peace , and all other Our Officers and loving Subjects to resist , oppose , and apprehend all such persons as shall presume to make any Levies in those Our Counties , under what pretence soever , Without Authority derived from Us under Our hand . And we likewise will and Require them and every of them to be Assistant to all such as shall either Command the Train-bands of those Our Counties , or make any Levies in the same by virtue of Commission under Our great Seale or Signe Mannuall . And Our Pleasure is , That this Our Counties of Stafford and Derby . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this five and twentieth day of March , in the Eighteenth yeer of Our Reign . 1642. God save the Kin● 
A79029	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of Willts. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79029 of text R211128 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[91]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79029 Wing C2680 Thomason 669.f.5[91] ESTC R211128 99869861 99869861 160804 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79029) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160804) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[91]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of Willts. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Oxford, this second day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne.". Place and date of imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Pardons -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Wiltshire (England) -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79029 R211128 (Thomason 669.f.5[91]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon, to the inhabitants of his county of Willts. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 503 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon , to the Inhabitants of His County of Willts. WHEREAS We have taken notice that by the malice , Industry and Importunity of severall ill affected and seditious persons in Our County of Willts , very many of Our weake and seduced Subjects of that Our County have not only been drawne to exercise the Militia , under colour of a pretended Ordinance , without and against Our Consent ( a Crime of a very high nature , if We would strictly enquire thereinto ) but have made Contributions of Plate , Money and Horses , towards the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs ; We doe hereby publish and declare , That We are graciously pleased to attribute the Crimes and Offences of Our said Subjects of that County to the power and Faction of their seducers , Who , We beleeve by Threates , Menaces , and false Informations compelled and led them into these actions of undutifullnesse and disloyalty towards Vs ; And We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Inhabitants of Our said County of Willts , for all Offences concerning the premises committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation ( except Sir Edward Hungerford , Sir Henry Ludlow , Sir Iohn Evelin , and Walter Long Esquire ) against all which We shall proceed according to the Rules of the Law , as against Traitours and Stirrers of sedition against Vs , And Whom We doe heereby require all Our Officers and Ministers of Iustice , and all Our loving Subjects whatsoever , to apprehend and cause to be kept in safe Custody till Our Pleasure be further knowne . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loane or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebells , to assemble and Muster themselves in Armes without Authority derived from Vs under Our Hand , to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Vs and Our Army , or to succour or entertaine any of the Persons excepted in this Our Proclamation , or in Our Declaration of the 12 of August . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises , or of either of them , shall be esteemed by Us as an Enemy to the publick Peace , a Person disaffected to Vs , and to the Religion and Law of the Kingdome , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment , of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perills . ¶ Given at Our Court at Oxford , this second day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79030	----	By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to all sea-men, sailers, marriners and other water-men. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79030 of text R211316 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[101]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79030 Wing C2681 Thomason 669.f.5[101] ESTC R211316 99870046 99870046 160814 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79030) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160814) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[101]) By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to all sea-men, sailers, marriners and other water-men. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by L. Lichfield, [Oxford : 1642] "Given at Our court at Mayden-heath, the tenth day of November, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne.". With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Place and date of imprint from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Sailors -- Great Britain -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Merchant mariners -- Great Britain -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79030 R211316 (Thomason 669.f.5[101]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation of His Majesties grace, favour, and pardon to all sea-men, sailers, marriners and other water-men. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 540 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation of His Majesties Grace , Favour , and Pardon to all Sea-men , Sailers , Marriners and other Water-men . WHEREAS ever since the beginning of Our Reigne We have , to the care of the good of Our Subjects in generall , added particular encouragements to such of them as are Sea-men , Sailers , and Marriners , as well by increasing the wages of such of them as served in Our own Ships , placing of Corporalls in every ship for their learning of the Discipline of Warre , and Chaplaines for their instruction in the Protestant Religion , as by diverse other Acts of Grace and Favour to them in generall , farre beyond any of Our Predecessors . Notwithstanding which , We find that by the cunning of some Traiterous and Seditious persons ( who amongst other their false devices , by which they have endeavoured to alienate the hearts of Our Subjects from Us , have suggested that We intended an alteration in Religion ) many of Our Sea-men , Sailers and Marriners have been seduced to keep Our own ships from Us , to contribute towards the maintenance of the Army which is raised against Us ( and which had destroyed Us , if God almighty had not protected Us in the day of Battle ) and have been since drawn on and invited to serve in land-service against Us , though they have ever heretofore been freed by Us , and many of them ( especially those which belong to the Corporation of the Trinity-house ) have had speciall exemptions from any such service . Which Actions of disloyalty We cannot believe they were drawn into by their own inclinations , but by the false informations , or threats and menaces of their seducers . We doe therefore hereby offer Our free and Gratious Pardon to all Our Subjects being Sea-men , Saylors , Marriners , and all other Water-men , for all offences concerning the premises committed against Us before the publishing of this Our Proclamation . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person who after notice of this Our Proclamation shall presume to detaine any of Our ships from Us , or to serve in any of Our ships detained from Us , or otherwise serve against Us either by Sea or Land , or shall presume by Loane , Contribution or otherwise to assist the said Army now raised against Us , or to assemble or muster themselves in Armes without authority derived from Us under Our hand , or to enter into any Oath of Association for opposing Us or Our Army . But We must and doe declare , That whosoever shall hence forward be guilty of the premises or any of them , We shall proceed against them as enemies to the publike peace , and Persons disaffected to Us , and to the Religion and Lawes of the Kingdom . ¶ Given at Our Court at Mayden-heath , the tenth day of November , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . God save the King . 
A79031	----	By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton Proclamations. 1643-01-02 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79031 of text R226402 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2691). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79031 Wing C2691 ESTC R226402 99895661 99895661 153112 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79031) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 153112) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2347:20) By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton Proclamations. 1643-01-02 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, [Oxford : 1643] Concerns the disposition of the Spanish ship Sancta Clara and its goods, pending an investigation by the admiralty occasioned by a complaint made by the Spanish ambassador. Imprint from Wing. At end of text: Given at the court at Oxford, the second day of Ianuary, in the eighteenth yeare of His Majesties reigne. Reproduction of original in the Henry E. Huntington Library. eng Cardenas, Alonso de. -- Early works to 1800. Strafford, Bennet -- Early works to 1800. Sancta Clara (Ship) -- Early works to 1800. Pirates -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A79031 R226402 (Wing C2691). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into S England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 581 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the Ship called the SANCTA CLARA , lately brought into South-Hampton . COMPLAINT having been made unto His Majesty , by Don Alonco de Cardenas Ambassador from the King of Spaine , that a Ship called the Sancta Clara belonging to the said King and His Subjects , hath been lately treacherously brought to South-Hampton , by one Captain Bennet Strafford and others , from Sancto Domingo , the said Ship being laden with Silver , Cocheneale , and other Wares and Merchandizes to a very great value ; And that the said Ship and Goods , being by the said Ambassador arrested , and the said Bennet Strafford apprehended , whil'st a suite for the said Ship and Goods is depending in the Court of Admiralty , the silver ( part of the lading of the said ship to a very great value ) hath been disposed of contrary to Law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty Name of publike Faith , which without His Majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged , or if engaged without His Majesty , is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . And it is further complained by the said Ambassador , That the Cocheneale , and other Merchandizes formerly sequestred at London and South-Hampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their Price and Value , are likely to be sold against the Will of those who pretend to be the Owners , ( Parties to the suite depending in the said Court of Admiralty ) which is alleadged to be apparently against the Rules of Law , and practices of that Court in such Cases . His Majesty well weighing what may be the ill Consequences of such injurious Proceedings , manifestly contrary to the Law , and the Articles of Treaty between the two Crownes , and plainly foreseeing how heavily it may light upon such of His good Subjects , who have Estates in Spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the Trade and Commerce of His Subjects and Kingdomes , doth hereby not only expresly Charge and Command the Judge of his Admiralty , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a Businesse of such Value and consequence , with Care , Expedition , and according to Iustice ; But doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any Order or Warrant from one or both Houses of Parliament , or any Authority derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said Cocheneale , or other Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the said Ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , Upon paine of His Majesties high Displeasure , and of being responsible and lyable to payment and satisfaction for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of His Majesties Subjects , whose Goods or Estates shall for that Cause be embargued or seized in Spaine . ¶ Given at the Court at Oxford , the second day of Ianuary , in the Eighteenth yeare of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King . 
A79032	----	By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79032 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[122]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79032 Wing C2691A Thomason 669.f.5[122] 99870309 99870309 160834 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79032) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160834) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[122]) By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into South-Hampton. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1643] The Spanish ambassador, Don Alonco de Cardenas, complains that the Sancta Clara has been treacherously brought to Southampton by Captain Bennet Stratford from Sancto Domingo, laden with silver, .. The admiralty are to judge the matter carefully, and no one is to deal in the cargo under cover of warrants from Parliament. -- Steele. Imprint from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Cardenas, Alonso de. -- Early works to 1800. Strafford, Bennet -- Early works to 1800. Sancta Clara (Ship) -- Early works to 1800. Pirates -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. A79032 (Thomason 669.f.5[122]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into S England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 579 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . A Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the Ship called the SANCTA CLARA , lately brought into South-Hampton . COMPLAINT having been made unto His Majesty , by Don Alonco de Cardenas Ambassador from the King of Spaine , that a Ship called the Sancta Clara belonging to the said King and His Subjects , hath been lately treacherously brought to South-Hampton , by one Captain Bennet Strafford and others , from Sancto Domingo , the said Ship being laden with Silver , Cocheneale , and other Wares and Merchandizes to a very great value ; And that the said Ship and Goods , being by the said Ambassador arrested , and the said Bennet Strafford apprehended , whil'st a suite for the said Ship and Goods is depending in the Court of Admiralty , the Silver ( part of the lading of the said Ship to a very great value ) hath been disposed of contrary to Law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty Name of publicke Faith , which without His Majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged , or if engaged without His Majesty , is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . And it is further complained by the said Ambassador , That the Cocheneale , and other Merchandizes formerly sequestred at London and South-Hampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their Price and Value , are likely to be sold against the Will of those who pretend to be the Owners , ( Parties to the suite depending in the said Court of Admiralty ) which is alleadged to be apparently against the Rules of Law , and practices of that Court in such Cases . His Majesty well weighing what may be the ill Consequences of such injurious Proceedings , manifestly contrary to the Law , and the Articles of Treaty between the two Crownes , and plainly foreseeing how heavily it may light upon such of His good Subjects , who have Estates in Spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the Trade and Commerce of his Subjects and Kingdomes , doth hereby not only expresly Charge and Command the Judge of his Admiralty , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a Businesse of such Value and consequence , with Care , Expedition , and according to Justice ; But doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any Order or Warrant from one or both Houses of Parliament , or any Authority derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said Cocheneale , or other Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the said Ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , Upon paine of His Majesties high Displeasure , and of being responsible and lyable to payment and satisfacton for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of His Majesties Subjects , whose Goods or Estates shall for that Cause be embargued or seized in Spaine : Given at the Court at Oxford , the second day of January , in the Eighteenth yeare of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King . 
A79033	----	By the King a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both Houses of Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79033 of text R211524 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[115]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79033 Wing C2693 Thomason 669.f.5[115] ESTC R211524 99870241 99870241 160827 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79033) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160827) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[115]) By the King a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of both Houses of Parliament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Imprint from Wing. As the customs afford the fuel to feed this war, it is ordered that no person is to pay or receive them in future. A free pardon to all who henceforth refuse to pay. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. At foot of document: "Given under Our signe manuall at Our court at Oxford, the sixteenth day of December, in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne. God save the King." Annotation on Thomason copy: "Decemb: 22 1642". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Customs administration -- Great Britain -- 17th Century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Finance -- Early works to 1800. A79033 R211524 (Thomason 669.f.5[115]). civilwar no By the King a proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of customes, and other maritime duties upon the late pretended ordinance of b England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 717 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion CR DIEV ET MON DROIT . HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING A Proclamation prohibiting the payment and receipt of Customes , and other Maritime Duties upon the late pretended ORDINANCE of both Houses of PARLIAMENT . WEE have made so many Declarations of Our Royall Intentions concerning the preserving of the Religion and Lawes of this Land , That Wee thinke it not fit oft to repeate , Though by Gods grace We seriously intend never to decline or depart from the same . But this seemes most strange unto Vs , that whil'st ( especially at , and about LONDON ) Our just and Legall Commands are not obeyed , other Orders and Ordinances , ( for which there is no Legall foundation ) which not onely discountenance but overthrow the Lawes of the Land that settle Religion , and were the sences of the Subjects property , are submitted unto and obeyed by many of Our weaker Subjects : And amongst these a blind obedience hath been yeelded unto the pretended Ordinance , for setling Customes without an act ; of Parliament , when an Act this Parliament ( received from Vs , and so understood by Vs , as one of the greatest graces the Crowne ever conferred on the Subject ) declares , no Custome is due without an Act ; and all such persones as receive the same incurr the forfeiture of a premunire . This We thought would not have found obedince from the Merchant , who understood what his owne benefit was thereby and could not be ignorant how penall it was in him to breake this Law ; especially when he found he paid his Custome for support of an unnaturall Warr against his Prince , and to foment an intestine and Civill dissention which hath already , and may in the future produce so many Evills upon this poore People . But upon the menaces and usage some received that denyed it , We find since a more generall Obedience in such as Trade , then We expected , though We understand by it the Trade of the Kingdom is much lessened . Neverthelesse We thought not fit untill this present , by any of Our Proclamations to prohibite the same , because We hoped before this time ; We having so often and by so many meanes endeavoured the same , some happy understanding might have beene between Vs , and both our Houses of Parliament . But at present finding that the monyes arising from these Duties , are a great part of the fewell that maintaines this fire , and supports this unnaturall Rebellion against Vs , and heightens the Spirits of such as have no Spirit to Peace , unlesse they may destroy Vs Our Posterity , and the setled government both of Church aod State ; We doe hereby Declare to all Our People of what sort soever , That whosoever henceforward shall , by vertue of the pretended Ordinance of Parliament , pay any Monyes for Custome or other Dutyes therein mentioned , other then to Our proper Ministers , what is due to Us by the knowne Laws of the Kingdome , That We will proceed against him or them in due time , as an ill-affected person or persons to the Peace of this Kingdome , and as such as endeavour ( as much as in them lyes ) to hinder a true Intelligence betwixt Vs and Our People . And for such person or persons as shall continue to require or receive the same contrary to the Statute made this Parliament , We shall likewise proceed against them according to the penalty in the said Act , And because ( though the Law ought to have been every mans prohibition ) We did not , untill this time , forbid the same , We doe hereby grant our free pardon to all such as formerly having either paid , or received these customes , shall henceforth refuse the same , And to no other . Given under Our Signe Manuall at Our Court at Oxford , the sixteenth day of December , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne . GOD SAVE THE KING . 
A79035	----	By the King. A proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of Array, issued into the severall counties of our realm of England, and dominion of Wales, and of the use of them and commanding them to obey our commissioners therein named, in the execution of their said commissions. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79035 of text R210834 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[47]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 10 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79035 Wing C2703 Thomason 669.f.5[47] ESTC R210834 99869589 99869589 160760 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79035) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160760) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[47]) By the King. A proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of Array, issued into the severall counties of our realm of England, and dominion of Wales, and of the use of them and commanding them to obey our commissioners therein named, in the execution of their said commissions. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) [s.n.], Imprinted at York, and now reprinted at London : 1642. Originally published: York : 1642. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. At end of text: Given at Our court in York the twentieth day of June, in the eighteenth Yeer of Our Reign, 1642. eng Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79035 R210834 (Thomason 669.f.5[47]). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation to inform all our loving subjects of the lawfulnesse of our commissions of Array, issued into the severall count England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1842 2 0 0 0 0 0 11 C The rate of 11 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . A Proclamation to inform all Our loving Subjects of the Lawfulnesse of Our Commissions of Array , issued into the severall Counties of Our Realm of England , and Dominion of Wales , and of the use of them : And commanding them to obey Our Commissioners therein named , in the Execution of their said Commissions . WHereas by the Laws of this Land , the Ordering and Governing of the Militia of the Kingdom , for the preventing and suppression of all Invasions and Rebellions , hath ( as a most known and undoubted right and prerogative ) belonged in all times solely to Our Self and Our Progenitors , Kings of England . And accordingly we have heretofore awarded Commissions of Lieutenancie into the severall Counties of this Our Realm , for the governing and exercising of the Souldiory and Trained Bands there , like as Queen Elizabeth and Our dear Father , both of happy memory , had done before Us . And therein ( amongst other things ) gave power to the Commissioners in each County , to Levie , call together , Arm , Array , Train , and Muster Our Subjects inhabiting in the said severall Counties , and to conduct and lead them against all Our Enemies , and all Rebels and Traitors from time to time , as often as need should require . All which Commissions ( although We did , since the beginning of this Parliament , grant the like for the County of York , to the now Earl of Essex , with the privity of both Our Houses of Parliament , and without exception from either ) have , without hearing any of Our Councell learned , been since Voted in Our said Houses of Parliament to be illegall and void ; the reason whereof We have not yet been informed of , nor can imagine : For that neither any illegall Clause ( if any such be ) in those Commissions , nor any excesse or abuse of their Authority , by any Lieutenants or their Deputies , in raising of Moneys , taxing of the Inhabitants , or otherwise could , by Law , make void any such Powers as in themselves were lawfull to be granted and put in execution . And whereas , in case of danger and necessity , it had been more sutable to the condition of the times , and the good liking of Our Subjects ( who cannot be well pleased with any new wayes , how specious soever ) that Our Houses of Parliament should ●●●e taken Order that Our Commissions of Lieutenancie ( the Course whereof had so long continued ) should , for the present , have been put in execution , at least wise such part thereof as was undeniably and unquestionably legall , and was sufficent for the purposes before mentioned , or that ( according to the like Presidents in former times ) they would have desired Us to have granted new Commissions of that nature , omitting such Clauses as might justly have been excepted against , which we would not have denied ; and not to have called in so suddenly for those Commissions to be cancelled , as was done ( though we know not by what Law ) in Our House of Peers . Yet notwithstanding , Our two Houses of Parliament , in stead of such Our Commissions , under pretence of evident and imminent danger , and urgent and inevitable necessity of putting Our Subjects into a posture of Defence , have made a late Order for the setling of the Militia , under the name of an Ordinance ( which two or three severall times had been refused by the major part of Peers ) and being made , not onely without , but against Our Consent ( the reasons whereof are sufficiently known to all Our Subjects ) is not onely without any one warrantable President of former times ( as We beleeve ) but ( as we are well assured ) void in Law . Wherefore , out of the care which We have of Our people , lest under the pretence of danger , necessity , and want of Authority from Us to put them into a Military Posture , they should be drawn and ingaged in any opposition against Us or Our just Authority ; and that they may know they are by Us otherwise provided for , and secured against all just causes of Fears and Dangers from any Force in a legall way ( for We are resolved to rule and govern Our Subjects according to Our known Laws onely ) We have thought fit , for the present , hereby thus timely to publish and declare , That We have awarded into the severall Counties of Our Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , Our severall Commissions of Array , thereby giving power to severall persons of Honour , Reputation , and Estate in the said Counties , for the safety and defence of Us , Our Kingdom , and Our good Subjects from time to time , as it shall be needfull to Array , Train , Arm , and Muster Our Subjects inhabiting in the said Counties , and in case of imminent danger to conduct and lead them for the destruction of Our Enemies , and in the defence of their Countrey and the Kingdom . Which power of granting Commissions for the defence of Us and Our Kingdom , as it is inherent in Us , and inseparable from Our Crown , so it hath been warranted by Presidents of the like Commissions in all Ages , both before and since the grant of the great Charter by King Henry the third , down to the very time that Commissions of Lieutenancie were granted , and was agreed to be legall even by the two learned Judges , Sir George Crook , and Sir Richard Hutton ( amongst all the rest ) in their Arguments , which concluded on the Subjects part in Our Exchequer-Chamber in Master Hampdens Case , as by the same ( now since printed ) may appear , together with divers particular Records in severall Ages therein mentioned , to which many more may be added . And in these Our Commissions , to prevent all manner of Exception , We have , in the powers given to Our Commissioners , in all points followed that Commission of Array , which was agreed upon by the King and both Houses of Parliament , after conference with the Judges of the Realm , in the fifth yeer of King Henry the fourth , and was done upon the desire of the Commons , to have some alterations from former Commissions in certain overstrict Clauses , whereunto neverthelesse no exception was taken for the legalitie , but the Kings Assent acknowledged as an Act of great Grace , as appeareth by the Parliament Rolls of that yeer . Since which time Commissions of Array have frequently issued for prevention of danger , either of Enemies abroad or at home ( in both which respects Our Houses of Parliament have voted this Kingdom to be in danger ) the same being indeed the old ordinary way for the preservation of the King and Kingdom , who must not delay their preparation till such danger break forth into Action , and so perhaps prove too late . And these Commissions of Array were not discontinued , till by reason of the Commissions of Lieutenancie ( which in substance contained the powers given by those Commissions of Array ) they came to be of little use . And , whereas by the Statute of the fourth and fifth yeers of the Reign of Philip and Mary King and Queen of England , it is enacted , That if any person or persons that shall be commanded generally or specially to Muster afore any such as shall have Authority or Commandment for the same , by , or from the King , or by any Lieutenant , Warden , or other person or persons authorised for the same , do willingly absent him or themselves from the same Musters , having no true and reasonable excuse of Sicknesse , or other lawfull Impediment , or at their apparence at such Musters , do not bring with them such their best Furniture , or Array and Armour , as he or they shall then have for his or their own person in readinesse , that such person or persons shall , for every such default and offence , incur such penalties , and to be inflicted in such manner as by the said Statute are limited . Which Statute is in full force . We do therefore , by this Our Proclamation , expresly charge and command all Our Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Majors , Bailiffs , Constables , and all other Our Officers , and other Our loving Subjects of Our severall Counties of England , and Dominion of Wales respectively , That they be attending , aiding , assisting , counselling , and at the commandment of the said Commissioners of Our severall Counties respectively in the execution of their Commissions , as they will answer the contrary at their utmost perils . And although We can nothing doubt that any of Our loving Subjects shall or will oppose or hinder Our said Commissioners in the Execution of their said Commissions , by putting in Execution any Power touching the Militia , not warranted by Our Authoritie , or otherwise disturbing Our said Commissioners in Execution of Our Service , considering the extreame danger wherein such Act may upon the severall Circumstances , by the strict construction of the Law involve them : Yet , lest any ill-affected Persons , too far presuming upon Our Clemency , and in hope of impunity or pardon , should dare to off●nd Us , and Our Laws , contrary to this Our Proclamation ; We do hereby declare to all Our Subjects , That whosoever shall , after this Our Proclamation published , do any thing in opposition of Our Commissioners , by disobeying their Commands , according to Law , or putting in Execution any other Command concerning the Militia of Our Kingdom , contrary to Law , We shall account them unworthy of Our Grace and Mercy , and such as must expect , that justice ( how penall or capitall soever it be ) shall be done upon them according to their demerits . Given at Our Court at York the twentieth day of June , in the eighteenth Yeer of Our Reign , 1642. Imprinted first at York , and now Reprinted at London . 1642. 
A79038	----	By the King. A Proclamation warning all His Majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes, orders, and pretended ordinances, of one, or both Houses by reason the Members doe not enjoy the freedome and liberty of Parliament. With His Majesties gracious offer of pardon to the Members of both Houses, and of protection to such of them as shall repair to him. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79038 of text R225499 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[23]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 18 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79038 Wing C2716 Thomason 669.f.7[23] ESTC R225499 99870424 99870424 161005 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79038) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161005) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[23]) By the King. A Proclamation warning all His Majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes, orders, and pretended ordinances, of one, or both Houses by reason the Members doe not enjoy the freedome and liberty of Parliament. With His Majesties gracious offer of pardon to the Members of both Houses, and of protection to such of them as shall repair to him. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1643. Dated at end: Given at Our Court, the 20 day of June, in the 19 year of Our Reigne. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79038 R225499 (Thomason 669.f.7[23]). civilwar no C.R. By the King. A Proclamation warning all His Majesties good subjects no longer to be misled by the votes, orders, and pretended ordinanc England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 3245 2 0 0 0 0 0 6 B The rate of 6 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C. R. By the KING . A Proclamation warning all His Majesties good Subjects no longer to be misled by the Votes , Orders , and pretended Ordinances , of One , or both Houses , by reason the Members doe not enjoy the freedome and Liberty of Parliament . With His Majesties Gracious Offer of Pardon to the Members of both Houses , and of Protection to such of them as shall repair to Him . WHereas We have been long since driven by Force and Violence from Our Pallace at Westminster ( the place of sitting for Us , and Our two Houses of this Parliament ) so that We could not with safety of Our Life be present with Our great Councell , and much the greater part of the Members of both Houses of Parliament have been likewise driven by Tumults and Force for their safety from their attendance upon that Councell , the said Members having been threatned and assaulted for delivering their Opinions freely in the Houses ; or have out of Conscience and Duty withdrawne themselves from being present at the Debates and Resolutions , which they have well knowne to be so contrary to their Duty and Allegiance , or for so withdrawing , or for freely speaking in the Houses , have been expended or suspended from being Members of that Councell , contrary to the ancient Practice , and just Priviledges of Parliament . Since which time , and by which meanes , a great and Rebellious Army hath been raised against Us , under the Command of Robert Earle of Essex , which Army hath not onely endeavoured to take away Our Life from Us in a set Battle , but the same , and other Forces raised by the like meanes , hath committed all the Acts of Outrage , Robbery , and Murder , upon Our good Subjects throughout the Kingdome , and still continues to doe the same . And though in truth , a very small part of that great Councell remaine there together , yet under pretence of having the countenance of Our two Houses of Parliament , some seditious persons assume to themselves ( with the assistance of those Rebellious Armies , and of divers mutinous and desperate Brownists , Anabaptists , and other ill affected persons in Our City of London , by whose meanes they awe such Members of both Houses who yet continue amongst them ) a power to doe things abslolutely contrary to the Lawes of the Land , and destructive to Our Rights , and to the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and to alter the whole Frame and Government of this Kingdome , disposing of the Lives and Fortunes of Us , and Our good Subjects , according to their discretion , subjecting both to their owne unlimited arbitrary Power and Government : We have only accused some particular persons , whom We well know to be the Authours and Contrivers of these desperate Counsels , and Actions , and have forborne to censure or charge the whole number of the Members remaining , by whose Orders and Authority the evils have been pretended to be done , We hoping that the sense of the miserable Distractions of the Kingdom would at length have brought them to discern where they had erred , and Our ●ften Messages , and Complaints of the violence offered to Us , and to the Members of both Houses , would have procured justice & Redresse and that the Power and Reputation of such amongst them , who wished well to the Peace of the Kingdom , and Honor & Dignity of Parliaments , would at last so far prevailed , that a right understanding might have been begotten betwixt Us and Our People , and all shew of Force and Violence so taken away and suppressed , that We might in a full and peaceable convention of Parliament , with the advice of that Our great Councell , have so setled the present distempers , that there might be no feare left ofthe of the like for the future . But finding to Our great Griefe , that the power of those seditious persons , who first contrived these desperate and bloody Distractions , continues so great , that as they have driven , and now keep Us , and the much greater part of both Houses , from being present at that Councell , so they so far awe those who remaine there , that they cannot with freedome give their Votes and Resolutions according to their Consciences , and the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdome , that the Members of both Houses have beene compelled to make Protestations to live and dye with the Earle of Essex , the Generall of the Rebellious Army , and other unlawfull and Treasonable Protestations ; and that such who have refused to take the said Protestations , have been expelled and imprisoned for such their refusall . That the great affaires of the Kingdome are managed and concluded by a private Committee without being ever reported to the Houses , contrary to the Laws and Rules of Parliament . That the Common-Councell of London ( most of them being persons factiously chosen out of Brownists , Anabaptists , and such who oppose the regular wholesome Government of that City , and have promised themselves the destruction of the Church , are grown the superintendents over both Houses , and obtrude upon them what conclusions and resolutions they please . That they take upon them to justifie this Rebellion against Us ; And have presumed under pretence of the Order of both Houses , to invite forraigne Forces to invade this Kingdome . To send Agents to forraigne Princes to Negotiate and Treat with them in their owne names . To imprison Our good Subjects contrary to Law , prohibiting Our Judges to grant Habeas Corpus according to Law . To introduce a new Clergy throughout the Kingdome , by displacing godly learned Divines , Without the least colour of Law , or judiciall , proceedings , and putting ignorant and seditious Preachers in their places to poyson the hearts of the People . To countenance the vilifying of the Booke of Common-Prayer established by the Law of the Land . To seize , leavy , and take away what they please of the Estates and Fortunes of Our Subjects by disposing of the twentieth part of their Estates , by exhausting them with unsupportable weekly Taxes for the maintenance of their Rebellious Army ; and by endeavouring to lay odious Excises upon Victuals , Goods and Marchandise of Our People for the same purpose , while they suffer Our poor Protestant Subjects of Our Kingdome of Ireland , whose defence was undertaken by Our two Houses , and that Army raised for the suppressing of that horrid Rebellion , to be starved , and in danger of disbanding , or necessitated to desert that Kingdome for want of money , victuall , and such other necessaries as were to be provided for them by Act of Parliament , out of those moneys which they have spent to destroy Us and this Kingdome , by exacting from Marchants Tunnage and Poundage , and other impositions upon Marchandises , as well Native as forraigne , contrary to an Act made this present Parliament , with a penalty of premunire on those who shall pay or receive it . And lastly , That they have ( after the breaking of the late Treaty , by a peremptory recalling the Committee , who in truth , during their abode with Us , had no power to Treat by reason of their strict limitation ) so far rejected all possible meanes and overtures of Treaty and Accommodation , that instead of answering Our Gracious Messages , the House of Commons hath imprisoned Our Messenger sent by us to them , to invite both Houses to an Accommodation , and especially to move them to take such a course for the freedome of Parliament which we might safely advise with that Our great Councell for the setling those miserable Distractions , and Distempers . And hath maliciously and in contempt of Us ( and after an attempt to murder Her at Burlington Rode , the place of Her landing ) impeached Our Royall Consort of High Treason , for assisting Us with Armes and Ammunition to defend Us from this Rebellion . T is time now to let Our good Subjects know , that they may no longer looke upon the Votes and Actions of the persons now remaining , as upon Our two Houses of Parliament , Freedome and Liberty to be present , and of opinion and debate there , being essentiall to a Parliament , which Freedome and Liberty , all men must confesse to be taken away from this Assembly , when they remember the great Tumults brought downe to awe and terrifie both Houses , and that they were then brought downe when any great Debate was in either House , and not like to be so carried as some seditious persons who governed those Tumults did desire ; that in the greatest heat and fury of those Tumults the principall governours amongst them directed the unruly people to goe to White-Hall , where Our owne Person then was , and designed by force to have surprised the Person of Our Son the Prince ; that when it was desired that a Declaration might be made against such Tumults , in stead of consenting thereunto , the Tumults themselves were justified ; and when a legall course was prescribed by the Lords , and taken by the proper Ministers of Justice to suppresse and prevent such Tumults , and Riots , that legall course was superseaded by those who were then present of the House of Commons , and the Ministers of Justice punished and imprisoned for executing the Law , when they remember that severall Members of either House have been threatned and assaulted in those Tumults , and their owne names prescribed as persons disaffected , because they freely used to speake their consciences in both Houses . That the House of Peers have been so far threatned and menaced , that the names of those have been with threats demanded by the House of Commons at the Bar of the Lords House , who refused to consent to this or that Proposition which had been in debate before them : And tumultuous petitions countenanced which have been presented to that same purpose . That the Members of both Houses have been imprisoned , and forbid to be present at those Councels , for no reasons but because their opinion have not been liked . That Our Negative Voice ( Our greatest and most Soveraigne Priviledge ) is boldly denyed . That a presumptuous attempt hath been made by the major part of the remaining part of the House of Commons to make Our Great Seale of England , the making of which by the expresse letter of the Law , is high Treason , and would subvert the ancient and fundamentall administration of Justice . That at this time , We and the Major part of both Houses are kept by a strong and Rebellious Army from being present at that Councell , and that those who are present , are by the same Army awed and forced to take unlawfull and Treasonable Protestations to engage their Votes . And that such Resolutions and Directions which concerne the Property and Liberty of the Subjects are transacted and concluded by a few persons ( under the name of a close Committee consisting of the Earle of Manchester , the Lord Say , Mr. Pym , Mr. Hampden , Mr. Strood , Mr. Martyn , and others , the whole number not exceeding the number of 17 persons ) without reporting the same to the Houses , or having the same confirmed by the Houses , contrary to the expresse Law and Customes of Parliament . All which for the matter of fact , We are ready to make proofe of , and desire nothing but to bring the Contrivers of all the aforesaid mischiefes o their triall by Law , and till that be submitted to , We must pursue them by Armes or any other way , in which Our good Subjects ought to give Us assistance to that purpose . The imagining the death of Us , Our Royall Confort , or Our eldest Son , the leavying War against Us in Our Realme , giving to them aid of comfort , the counterfeiting Our great Seal or Money , being by the expresse words of the Stat. of the 25 yeare of King Edw. 3. Cap. 2. high Treason , and how applicable this is to those who have borne Armes against Us , and to those who have consented that such Arms be borne , to those who have promised to live and dye with the Earle of Essex , and to those who every day consent to some Act for the support and increase of that Army , We shall leave to all the world to judge , and hope that this Gracious Warning and Information now given by Us , will make that Impression in the hearts of Our People , that they will no longer suffer themselves to be misled from their Duty and Allegiance upon any pretences whatsoever : And We doe declare , That We shall proceed with all severity against all persons whatsoever , who shall hence forward , insist , vote , or incur in any kinde toward the maintenance and countenancing such Actions and Resolutions , which by the knowne and expresse Lawes of the Land , are high Treason , and against all those who shall adhere to them who are in Rebellion against Us , against Rebells and Traitors , in such manner as by the Laws and Statutes of the Realme is directed and appointed : And since by the power of seditious persons , We and both Houses are kept from being secured against tumultuous Assemblies , and both Houses from adjournment to some place of safety , which being done , might quickly make an end of these miserable Destractions , whereby We are debarred from the benefit and advice We expected from that Our great Councell , the Members thereof being scattered into severall places ; Therefore that the whole Kingdome may see that We are willing to receive Advice from those who are trusted by them though We cannot receive the same in the place to which they were called , for the Reasons aforesaid , nor intend to receive advice from them elsewhere in the capacity of Houses of Parliament : We do hereby declare , That such of the Members of both Houses , as well those who have been by the faction of the Malignant party expelled for performing their duties to Us , and into whose rooms no persons have been since chosen by their Countries , as the rest who shall desire Our protection , shall be welcome to Us at Our City of Oxford , untill by the adjournment of the Houses to some fit and free place , or otherwise due course be taken for the full and free convention in Parliament of Us , and all the Members of both Houses . And for their better encouragement to resort to Us , We do hereby will and command all the Officers and Souldiers of Our Army to suffer all such persons who are Members of either House , with their attendants and servants to come to Us to this Our City of Oxford : And that none of Our good Subjects may believe that by this Our necessary Declaration against the freedom & liberty of that present Assembly , We may have the least intention to violate or to avoid any Act or Acts passed by Us for the good and benefit of Our people this Parliament : We doe hereby declare to all the world , That We shall , as We have often promised as inviolably observe all those Acts , as if no such unhappy interruption had happened of the freedom and liberty in that Councell : And desire nothing more then to have such a free convention in Parliament , that We may add such further Acts of Grace as shall be thought necessary for the advancement of the true Protestant Religion , for the maintenance of the Liberty & Property of the Subjects , and the preservation of the Liberty , Freedome and Priviledges of Parliament . And that all the world may see how willing and desirous We are to forget all the Injuries and Indignities offered to Us by such who have been misled through weaknesse or fear , or who have not been the principall Contrivers of the present miseries : We do offer a free and generall pardon to all the Members of either House ( except Robert Earle of Essex , Ro●ert Earle of Warwick , Edward Earle of Manchester , Hen. Earle of Stamford , William Vis . Say and Seal , Sir John Hotham Knight and Baronet , Sir Arthur Haslerig Barronet , Sir Henry Ludlow , Sir Edward Hungerford , Sir Francis Popham Knights , Nathaniel Fines , John Hampden , John Pym , William Strood , Henry Martyn , & Alexande Popham Esquires , Isaac Pennington Alderman of London , and Captain Ven , who being the principall Authors of these present Calamities , have sacrificed the Peace and Prosperity of their Country to their own pride , malice and ambition . And against whom We shall proceed as against persons guilty of high Treason by the known Laws of the Land , & shall in the proceeding be most carefull to preserve to them all priviledges in the fullest manner that by the Law or the usage of former times is due to them , ) If they shall within tenne dayes after the publishing of this Our Proclamation returne to their Duty and Allegiance to Us . And lastly , We further injoyne and Command all Our Subjects upon their Allegiance to Us , as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God , and as they desire that they and their Posterity should be freed from the foule taint of high Treason , and as they tender the peace of this Kingdome , that they presume not to give any assistance to the before mentioned Rebellious Armies in their persons or estates in any sort whatsoever , but joyn with Vs according to their Duty and the Laws of the Land to suppresse this horrid Rebellion . And Our Pleasure and Command is , That Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chappels within this Our Kingdome . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the 20 day of June , in the 19 Year of Our Reigne . God save the KING . Printed at Oxford by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the University , 1643. 
A79047	----	Propositions from the Kings Most Excellent Majesty: propounded by the Earle of Devon. The Earle of Newcastle. The E. of Northampton. The Earle of Lindsey. The Earle of Rivers. The Lord Moubray. The Lord Rich. The Lord Chapel. Accompanyed with 5000. horse and foot for their guard. To the Lo: Brooks, and the gentry and commonalty assembled at Warwick, on Thursday last, August 18. With the Lo: Brooks his answer to the said propositions. Also the Parliaments determination concerning their resolution, wherein they declare that they will (to the hazard of their lives and fortunes) assist all those that shall obey their just commands. Aug. 20. Ordered that this be printed and published. Joh. Browne, Clar. Parl. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79047 of text R22167 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E112_44). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79047 Wing C2727 Thomason E112_44 ESTC R22167 99871633 99871633 124045 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79047) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 124045) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 20:E112[44]) Propositions from the Kings Most Excellent Majesty: propounded by the Earle of Devon. The Earle of Newcastle. The E. of Northampton. The Earle of Lindsey. The Earle of Rivers. The Lord Moubray. The Lord Rich. The Lord Chapel. Accompanyed with 5000. horse and foot for their guard. To the Lo: Brooks, and the gentry and commonalty assembled at Warwick, on Thursday last, August 18. With the Lo: Brooks his answer to the said propositions. Also the Parliaments determination concerning their resolution, wherein they declare that they will (to the hazard of their lives and fortunes) assist all those that shall obey their just commands. Aug. 20. Ordered that this be printed and published. Joh. Browne, Clar. Parl. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Brooke, Robert Greville, Baron, 1607-1643. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. [2], 6 p. Printed for Henry Fowler, London : 1642. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Aug: 20". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Brooke, Robert Greville, -- Baron, 1607-1643 -- Early works to 1800. Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources -- Early works to 1800. A79047 R22167 (Thomason E112_44). civilwar no Propositions from the Kings Most Excellent Majesty:: propounded by the Earle of Devon. The Earle of Newcastle. The E. of Northampton. The E England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 1393 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-03 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-04 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-04 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion PROPOSITIONS FROM The Kings most Excellent Majesty : Propounded by The Earle of Devon . The Earle of Newcastle . The E. of Northampton . The Earle of Lindsey . The Earle of Rivers . The Lord Moubray . The Lord Rich. The Lord Chapel . Accompanyed with 5000. Horse and Foot for their Guard . To the Lo : Brooks , and the Gentry and Commonalty assembled at Warwick , on Thursday last , August 18. With the Lo : Brooks his Answer to the said Propositions . Also the Parliaments determination concerning their Resolution , wherein they declare that they will ( to the hazard of their Lives and Fortunes ) assist all those that shall obey their just commands . Aug. 20. Ordered that this be printed and published . Joh. Browne , Cler. Parl. LONDON , Printed for Henry Fowler . 1642. PROPOSITIONS Propounded from the Kings most Excellent Majesty , to the Lord Brooks and the Gentry and Communalty or the County of WARWICK . THe Kings most excellent Majesty had set downe his Resolution , that on the 18. of August , being Thursday , He would goe in Person to Warwicke , but other affaires hindering him , or his intention altering , he deferred it till a further time , onely there went up the Earle of Newcastle , with two Troops of Horse , the Earle of Northampton with a Regiment of Foot , and a Troope of Horse , the Earle of Lindsey with five Companies and two Troops of Horse , the Earle of Rivers with a Company of Lancashire-men , which are thought to be for the most part Papists the Lord Rich with a Regiment of Foot and two hundred Horse , the Lord Mowbray with a Regiment of Foot , and the Lord Chapell with a Troop of Horse . Thus they marcht from Nottingham , about eleven of the clock at night , toward Warwick , with a great deale of privacie : Where being arrived , they found my Lord Brooks provided for to entertaine them ; for he having given private intelligence to the Gentry and Commonalty of the County , there were assembled almost 7000. trained men and others , who suffered them not to come neere Warwicke by 2. Miles , but met them comming from Grove-Parke , from Mr. Dormers , a great Papist ; where it seemes the Lords had been to refresh themselves . The Lords seing my Lord Brooks so well prepared , made a stand , and caused the Drum to beate a parly , which was answered by my Lord Brooks , and a Trumpet let 〈◊〉 to demand the Cause ; who was met by a Trumpeter of the Kings partie ; who gave information that they desired a conference with my Lord . Brooks , wishing him to draw out a hundred Horse , and fifty Musketiers for his guard , and they would doe the like . Also that six men might be exchanged as Pledges for the security of either party . Which was agreed on , and speedily effected ; which being done , in the middle way between both Forces , the Lord Brooks gave them a meeting , where after a salutation , the Earle of Newcastle and the Earle of Lindsey , propounded these following Propositions . 1. THat the Lord Brookes should immediately lay down his Arms and submit to his Majesties mercie , from whom he should receive a gracious pardon . 2. That the Lo. Brooks should resigne the Castle of VVarwick into such hands as his Majesty should thinke fit . 3. That the Lord Brooks should disavow the Ordinance of the Militia , and endeavour the execution of the Commission of Array . 4. That the Lord Brooks should deliver the Magazine of that County into the hands of the Earle of North-hampton . 5. That the Lord Brooks should immediately repaire to Nottingham , and appeale for his Majesties Pardon or upon neglect thereof , to undergo his Majesties severest censure . And that if he refused to performe these their honourable demands , they vowed to make him the Subject of their that dayes fury . These threats so farre incensed my Lord Brooks , that he was about to leave them without reply , but after a litle consideration he wheeld about , and boldly marcht up to them , speaking as followes . My Lords , I much wonder that men of judgement , in whose breasts true honour should remaine , should so much derogate from their Ancestors and noble Predecessors , as to seeke ( for private ends ) the ruine of that Kingdom they should endeavour to support . Doth fond ambition , or your selfe-will'd pride so much bewitch you , that you cannot see the crown of all your actions ? When the great Councel of the Parliament was first assembled , you then were Members ; why did you not continue ? Was it because your actions were so bad , you were ashamed to own them ? Had you done evill in some petty kind , Submission might have quitted you from that , and you have been still honoured , loved , and feared ; but by these actions ( which tend both to the ruine of King and Kingdome , and your selves too ) you cannot make amends for former evils . As for these Propositions , take this in Answer : When that His Majesty , His posterity , and the peace of the Kingdome shall be secured from you that seeke the ruine of them all , I gladly shall lay downe my Armes and Power . As for the Castle , it was delivered to my trust by the High Court of Parliament , who reserve it for the Kings use ; and dare boldly say will so imploy it , and not like you imploy it against the King . As for the Commission of Array , you know it is unlawfull , and like your actions , destructive both to the Laws and Religion of the Kingdome . For the Magazine of the County , it was delivered to him both by the Parliament , and the Countrey ; and although he was not an Earle , yet he dares be a truer Subject to his King , and a faithfuller servant to his Countrey ; and being so , he was resolved to keep it till Northampton could shew him greater authority for his delivery of the same . As touching His Majesties Pardon , as he was confident that he had not given any occasion of offence to His Majesty , so he needed not pardon ; that being a duty belonging to offenders , such as themselves ; and he advised them to sue out a pardon with speed , for feare that their offences being once knowne , they prove impardonable ; for he doubted not but that in a short time His Majesty would finde who are his best friends . As for their fury , he bade them spit their venome ; for he hoped that Northampton should be translated to Warwick , and stand centry upon Warwick-castle , to fright crowes , kites , and buzzards . Having thus spoken , they turned their horses , and rode up to their Troops : my Lord Books thinking that they had intended to have done something , but they very fairely wheeled about , and marched away , not once so much as taking their leave ; which my Lord Brooks seeing , did the like , and marched with his men to Warwick : Where after many thanks he read part of the Resolution of the Lords and Commons to them , animating them on to the same Resolution . We the Lords and Commons doe declare , that this is the true cause for which we raise Armes , in the defence whereof we are resolved to live and die . Ordered that this by printed and published . Hen. Elsyng Cler. Parl. Do. Com. 
A79058	----	His majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high Court of Iustice which he intended to deliver in vvrititing [sic] on Munday Ianuary 22. 1648. Faithfully transcribed out of the originall copie under the kings own hand. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79058 of text R211203 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.13[81]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79058 Wing C2740 Thomason 669.f.13[81] ESTC R211203 99869934 99869934 162977 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79058) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162977) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f13[81]) His majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high Court of Iustice which he intended to deliver in vvrititing [sic] on Munday Ianuary 22. 1648. Faithfully transcribed out of the originall copie under the kings own hand. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [London : Printed in the yeer 1648 [i.e. 1649] Place of publication suggested by Wing. His protest against the legality of the Court has not been answered. No impeachment lies against the King in law. The people have not been consulted. The majority of the Commons has been excluded. To try him for anything before the Treaty of Newport is a breach of public faith -- Cf. Steele. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Feb 5". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Trials, litigation, etc. -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79058 R211203 (Thomason 669.f.13[81]). civilwar no His majesties reasons against the pretended iurisdiction of the high Court of Iustice, which he intended to deliver in vvrititing [sic] on M Charles I, King of England 1649 1261 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES REASONS Against the pretended Iurisdiction of the high Court of Iustice , which he intended to deliver in VVrititing on Munday Ianuary 22. 1648. Faithfully transcribed out of the Originall Copie under the Kings own Hand . HAving already made my protestations not onely against the illegality of this pretended Court , but also that no earthly power can justly call me ( who am your King ) in question as a Delinquent , I would not any more open my mouth upon this occasion , more then to referre my selfe to what I have spoken , were I alone in this case concerned . But the duty I owe to God in the preservation of the true Liberty of my People , will not suffer mee at this time to be silent : For , how can any free-born Subject of England call life or any thing he possesseth his owne , if power without right daily make new , and abrogate the old fundamentall Law of the Land , which I now take to be the present case . Wherefore when I came hither , I expected that you would have indeavoured to have satisfied me concerning these grounds , which hinder me to Answer to your pretended impeachment ; but since I see that nothing I can say will move you to it ( though Negatives are not so naturally proved as Affirmatives ) yet I will shew you the Reason why I am confident you cannot judge me , nor indeed the meanest man in England ; for I will not ( like you ) without shewing a reason , seek to impose a beliefe upon my Subjects . There is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by Gods Lawes , or the municipall Lawes of the Country where he lives . Now I am most confident , that this daies proceeding cannot be warranted by Gods Law , for on the contrary the authority of obedience unto Kings is clearly warranted and strictly commanded both in the Old and new Testament ; which if denied , I am ready instantly to prove : and for the question now in hand , there it is said , That where the word of a King is , there is Power , and who may say unto him , what doest thou : Eccles. 8.4 . Then for the Lawes of this Land , I am no lesse confident , that no learned Lawyer will affirme that an impeachment can lie against the King , they all going in his name ; and one of their Maximes is , that the King can do no wrong . Besides the Law upon which you ground your proceedings , must either be old or new ; if old , shew it ; if new , tell , what authority warranted by the fundamentall Lawes of the Land hath made it , and when . But how the House of Commons can erect a Court of Judicature , which was never one it selfe ( as is well known to all Lawyers ) I leave to God and the World to judge ; And it were fall as strange that they should pretend to make Lawes without King or Lords-House , to any that have heard speak of the Lawes of England . And admitting , but not granting , that the people of Englands Commission could grant your pretended power , I see nothing you can shew for that ; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth man of the Kingdome , and in this way you manifestly wrong even the poorest Plough-man , if you demand not his free consent ; nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended , Commission without the consent at least of the major part of every man in England , of whatsoever quality or condition , which I am sure , you never went about to seek ; so farlare you from having it . Thus you see that I speak not for my own right alone , as I am your King , but also for the true Liberty of all my Subjects , which consists not in sharing the power of Government , but in living under such Lawes , such a Government as may give themselves the best assurance of their lives and propriety of their goods . Nor in this must or do I forget the Priviledges of both Houses of Parliament , which this daies proceedings doth not only violate , but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their Publike Faith that ( I beleeve ) ever was heard of , with which I am far from charging the two Houses : for all the pretended Crimes laid against me , bear date long before this late Treaty at Newport , in which I having concluded as much as in me lay , and hopefully expecting the two Houses agreement there unto , I was suddenly surprized , and hurried from thence as a prisoner , upon which accompt I am against my will brought hither , where since I am come , I , cannot but to my power defend the ancient Lawes and Liberties of this Kingdome , together with my own just right ; then for any thing I can see the higher House is totally excluded . And for the House of Commons , it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deter'd from sitting , so as if I had no other , this were sufficient for me to protest against the lawfulnesse of your pretended Court . Besides all this , the peace of the Kingdome is not the least in my thoughts , and what hopes of settlement is there so long as power reigns without rule of Law , changing the whole frame of that Government under which this Kingdom hath flourished for many hundred yeares , ( nor will I say what will fall out in case this lawlesse unjust proceeding against me do go on ) and beleeve it the Commons of England will not thanke you for this change , for they will remember how happy they have been of late years under the Reign Q. Elizabeth , the King my Father , and my selfe , untill the beginning of these unhappy troubles , and will have cause to doubt that they shall never be so happy under anie new . And by this time it will be too sensibly evident , that the Armes I tooke up were onely to defend the fundamentall Lawes of this Kingdom , against those who have supposed my power hath totally changed the ancient Government . Thus having shewed you briefly the Reasons , why I cannot submit to your pretended authority without violating the trust which I have from God , for the welfare and liberty of my People ; I expect from you either clear Reasons to convince my Judgement , shewing me that I am in an error ( and then truely I will readily answer ) or that you will withdraw your proceedings . This I intended to speak in Westminster-Hall on Monday 22. January , but against reason was hindered to shew my Reasons . Printed in the Yeer 1648. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A79058e-30 Hereabout I was stopt , and not suffered to speak any more concerning Reasons 
A79081	----	His Majesties second message sent to the Parliament concerning Sir John Hothams refusall to give His Majestie entrance into his town of Hull. 28. April. 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79081 of text R231295 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2768). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79081 Wing C2768 ESTC R231295 99897017 99897017 136968 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79081) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 136968) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:3) His Majesties second message sent to the Parliament concerning Sir John Hothams refusall to give His Majestie entrance into his town of Hull. 28. April. 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majesty: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1642. Calls on Parliament for justice on Sir John Hotham at Hull, being assured that though they put a garrison in it to guard it against papists, it was not against their Sovereign--Steele. Arms 30; Steele notation: all the with. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C. eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1647 Jan. 2 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Hull (England) -- History -- Siege, 1642 -- Early works to 1800. A79081 R231295 (Wing C2768). civilwar no His Majesties second message sent to the Parliament concerning Sir John Hothams refusall to give His Majestie entrance into his town of Hull England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 416 1 0 0 0 0 0 24 C The rate of 24 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . His Majesties second Message sent to the Parliament concerning Sir John Hothams Refusall to give His Majestie entrance into His Town of Hull . 28. April . 1642. WE are so much concerned in the undutifull Affront ( an indignity all Our good Subjects must disdain , in Our behalf ) We received from Sir John Hotham at Hull , that We are impatient till We receive Iustice from you : and are compelled to call again for an Answer , being confident ( however you would be so carefull , though without Our Consent to put a Garrison into that Our Town , 〈…〉 against any attempt of the Papists ) that you never intended to dispose and maintain it against Vs your Sovereign : Therefore We require you forthwith ( for the Businesse will admit no delay ) that you take some speedy course that Our said Town and Magazin be immediately delivered up to Vs : And that such severe exemplary Proceedings be against those Persons ( who have offered Vs this insupportable Affront and Injury ) as by the Law is provided : And till this be done , We shall intend no Businesse whatsoever , other then the Businesse of Ireland . For if We are brought into a Condition so much worse then any of Our Subjects , That whilest you all enjoy your Priviledges , and may not have your Possessions disturbed , or your Titles questioned , We onely may be spoiled , thrown out of Our Towns , and Our Goods taken from Vs ; 'T is time to examine how We have lost those Priviledges , and to try all possible wayes , by the help of God , the Law of the Land , and the Affection of Our good Subjects , to recover them , and vindicate Our Self from those Injuries . And if We shall miscarry herein , We shall be the first Prince of this Kingdom that hath done so , having no other end , but to defend the true Protestant Profession , the Law of the Land , and the Liberty of the Subject : And God so deale with Vs , as We continue in those Resolutions . ¶ Imprinted at York by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A79082	----	His Majesties second message to the Parliament, concerning Sir Iohn Hothams refusall to give His Majestie entrance into his town of Hull. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79082 of text R29649 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[10]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79082 Wing C2769 Thomason 669.f.5[10] ESTC R29649 99872237 99872237 160723 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79082) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160723) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[10]) His Majesties second message to the Parliament, concerning Sir Iohn Hothams refusall to give His Majestie entrance into his town of Hull. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most excellent Majesty: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1642. The message of 30 April 1642. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Reproductions of the originals in the British Library (Thomason Tracts) and the Bodleian Library (Early English books). eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1647 Jan. 2. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Hull (England) -- History -- Siege, 1642 -- Early works to 1800. A79082 R29649 (Thomason 669.f.5[10]). civilwar no His Majesties second message to the Parliament, concerning Sir Iohn Hothams refusall to give His Majestie entrance into his town of Hull. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 418 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-04 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-05 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE DIEV ET MON DROIT . ¶ His Majesties second Message to the Parliament , concerning Sir Iohn Hothams Refusall to give His MAJESTIE Entrance into His Town of HULL . WE are so much concerned in the undutifull affront ( an indignity all Our good Subjects must disdain in Our behalf ) We received from Sir John Hotham at Hull , that We are impatient till We receive Iustice from you ; and are compelled to call again for an Answer , being confident ( however you would be so carefull , ( though without Our consent ) to put a Garrison into that Our Town , to secure it and Our Magazine against any attempt of the Papists ) that you never intended to dispose and maintain it against Vs your Soveraign : Therefore We require you forthwith ( for the Businesse will admit no delay ) That you take some speedie course , that Our said Town and Magazine be immediately delivered up unto Vs , and that such severe exemplary proceedings be against those persons ( who have offered Vs this insupportable affront and injury ) as by the Law is provided : And till this be done , We shall intend no Businesse whatsoever ( other then the Businesse of Ireland ) For if We are brought into a Condition so much worse then any of Our Subjects , that whilest you all enjoy your Priviledges , and may not have your Possessions disturbed , or your Titles questioned , We onely may be spoiled , thrown out of Our Towns , and Our goods taken from Vs ; 't is time to examine how We have lost those Priviledges , and to try all possible Wayes , by the help of God , The Law of the Land , and The affection of Our good Subjects , to recover them , and vindicate Our Self from those Injuries . And if We shall miscarry herein , We shall be the first Prince of this Kingdom that hath done so ; having no other end , but to defend The true Protestant Profession , The Law of the Land , and The Libertie of the Subject : And God so deal with Vs , as We continue in those Resolutions . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majesty : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A79090	----	His Maiesties speech at Leicester, to the gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of that county. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79090 of text R210969 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[63]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79090 Wing C2780 Thomason 669.f.5[63] ESTC R210969 99869715 99869715 160776 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79090) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160776) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[63]) His Maiesties speech at Leicester, to the gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of that county. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Alice Norton, Imprinted at Yorke, and re-printed at London : 1642. Royal arms with initials at head of title. He had come to Leicester to remove any misunderstandings there. He has sent such propositions for peace and accommodation to Parliament as should make them submit. If they do not the King relies on them to support him and the old-established laws .. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Leicestershire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. A79090 R210969 (Thomason 669.f.5[63]). civilwar no His Maiesties speech at Leicester, to the gentlemen, freeholders, and inhabitants of that county. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 499 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-05 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2008-06 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion royal blazon or coat of arms C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE HIS MAIESTIES SPEECH At Leicester , to the Gentlemen , Freeholders , and Inhabitants of that County . Gentlemen , SInce I have found my presence so very acceptable amongst my good Subjects in these Northerne parts , and that the Errours and Mistakes amongst them , have wholly proceeded from mis-information , and are removed with more satisfaction , and case to them then they were received ; I hold it a piece of my duty , to take the utmost paines I can , fully to informe and undeceive my People ; and rather to prevent Crimes , then to punish them : In this Errand I am come to you , amongst whom there hath not beene the least misunderstanding , to shew you , That I doe not suspect any malice in the Place , or in the People ; though persons of as ill dispositions have been busie in it , and amongst you , as in any County in England , and such who have taken as great paines to doe mischiefe , and to bring Confusion , as good men should for Peace and Happinesse : Though 't is as true , that very many worthier persons amongst you have appeared of contrary affections , which I shall alwayes acknowledge : I am come to you in a time too , when nothing could invite mee to such a Iourney , but my Affection to , and good esteem of you ; having sent such Propositions for Peace and Accommodation to my two Houses of Parliament , that I hope to have no other use of your Affections , but in your Prayers ; being sure they will submit to them with all alacrity , if the unexcusable Enemies to the Peace of the Kingdom be not strong enough to prevail : And then you will find your selves so much concerned ( for I have required nothing that with more justice can be denied me ( if it be duly weighed ) then my Crown , or my Life may be taken from me ) that I shall not need to ask your assistance : I know you will bring Horse , Men , Money , and Hearts worthy such a Cause . Your Religion , your Liberties , your Laws ( which I will defend with my life , I mean the good known Laws of the Land , not Ordinances without my consent , which till within these twelve Moneths was never heard of from the Foundation of this Kingdom ) will be the Quarrell : And in such a Cause , the taking away my Towns , Ships , Armes , and Money from me , shall not dishearten me : The Concurrence and affection of my People with Gods blessing will supply and recover all . Imprinted at Yorke , and re-printed at London by Alice Norton , 1642. 
A79105	----	His Royall Maiesties speech: spoken in the High Court of Parliament on Friday, December the 2. 1641, with the love which His Majesty lately hath shown to the city of London, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at Hampton Court, and royally giving them againe into their hands London-Derrie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79105 of text R9799 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E199_33 E199_34). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79105 Wing C2795 Thomason E199_33 Thomason E199_34 ESTC R9799 99873616 99873616 157532 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79105) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 157532) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 35:E199[33], 35:E199[34]) His Royall Maiesties speech: spoken in the High Court of Parliament on Friday, December the 2. 1641, with the love which His Majesty lately hath shown to the city of London, by knighting five aldermen, at his palace at Hampton Court, and royally giving them againe into their hands London-Derrie. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 1, [5],p. Printed by B. Alsop, [London] : 1641. Place of publication from Wing. Text continuous despite pagination. Thomason E.199[34] has the caption title: "His Majesties love to the aldermen of London at Hampton Court.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Speeches, addresses, etc., English -- Early works to 1800. London (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A79105 R9799 (Thomason E199_33 E199_34). civilwar no His Royall Maiesties speech: spoken in the High Court of Parliament on Friday, December the 2. 1641,: with the love which His Majesty latel England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 326 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion His Majesties love to the Aldermen of London at Hampton Court . HIs Majesties goodnesse and care of this Kingdome , hath alwayes bin wonderfull , to the comfort of all his loyall and well-affected Subjects . London in his returning home , shew'd its love unto his sacred Majesty , and he his Affection by the honour which he shewed downe upon it . First of all , in knighting the Loid Major , and Recorder , at Kingsland , Then by suffering the Lord Major in such a tryumph to beare the sword before him . the like of which , was never knowne in England , but the sword was alwayes presented , as an Honour to some Noblemen . At Guild-hall his Majesty graced the City with his presence to dine there , accompanyed with his Spouse and Princely children , Guifts were presented there unto his sacred Majesty . And he rewarded them with as great a benefit by granting unto them ( so soone as it shall please God to fet a period to the wicked Designes of treacherous Rebels in Ireland ) London-Derry . Also upon Thursday , Decemb , 4 about seven of the clock in the morning , so expresse his extraordinary love to the city , he sent for five of the Aldermen of London to Hampton Court , his Majesties royall Palace , 12 miles distance from London , and made them all Knights . What encouragement can Subjects have more , as to love and obey a King , then to have such favour and love showne by a King ; for whose prosperous , happy , and successive reigne , it behoves us all to pray : else there is no question to be made , but that judgment will bee flowred downe upon our heads , by the Heavenly King , for not loving so good a heavenly King . FINIS . 
A79117	----	By the King. His Majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the riotous and tumultuous assemblies, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79117 of text R209717 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[26]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79117 Wing C2821 Thomason 669.f.3[26] ESTC R209717 99868584 99868584 160584 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79117) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160584) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[26]) By the King. His Majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the riotous and tumultuous assemblies, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641. Title from caption and opening lines of text. "Given at our court at VVhitehall, this eight and twentieth day of December, in the seventeenth yeer of our reign.". With engraving of royal seal of Charles I at head of document. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Riots -- Great Britain -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79117 R209717 (Thomason 669.f.3[26]). civilwar no By the King. His Majestie taking into his princely consideration the manifold inconveniences and mischiefs that may arise and happen by the England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 277 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . HIs MAJESTIE taking into His Princely consideration the manifold Inconveniences and Mischiefs that may arise and happen by the Riotous and Tumultuous Assemblies , in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , not onely to the violation of His Majesties Peace , and scandall of Government , but to the disturbance of His Houses of Parliament now assembled ; Doth straitly charge and Command all the Inhabitants of His Cities of London and Westminster , and the Liberties thereof , and also of the Suburbs and Confines of the said Cities and places adjoyning , That upon no occasion they do assemble themselves in any Tumultuous or Riotous manner , in any part or place in or neer the said Cities or Liberties , and that all persons now assembled in any numbers , ( without His Majesties authority ) do forthwith , upon publishing this His Majesties Proclamation , dissolve their Assemblies and Companies , and repair to their dwellings or places of abode , upon their perils , of being proceeded against as violaters of the publike Peace of this His Majesties Kingdom , and of being punished according to the severity of the Lawes and Statutes of the same . Given at Our Court at Whitehall , this eight and twentieth day of December , in the seventeenth yeer of Our Reign . ❧ God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill . 1641. 
A79118	----	His Majesties late protestation Before his receiving of the Sacrament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79118 of text R210843 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.12[48]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79118 Wing C2823 Thomason 669.f.12[48] ESTC R210843 99869598 99869598 162841 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79118) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162841) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f12[48]) His Majesties late protestation Before his receiving of the Sacrament. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [London : Printed in the Yeare 1648. Place of publication from Wing. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. At head of title: That the mouths of all Schismaticall and Seditious persons may be stopped (who endeavour to bring their Soveraigne into hatred with his people, by scandalizing his Sacred Majestie, with a purpose to alter our religion, and introduce Poperie) ... Annotation on Thomason copy: "June 14th". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Church and state -- Great Britain -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. A79118 R210843 (Thomason 669.f.12[48]). civilwar no That the mouthes of all schismaticall and seditious persons may be stopped, (who endeavour to bring their soveraigne into hatred with his pe England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 651 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms That the Mouthes of all Schismaticall and Seditious persons may be stopped , ( who endeavour to bring their Soveraigne into hatred with his People , by scandalizing his Sacred Majestie , with a purpose to alter our Religion , and introduce Poperie ) here is published to the view of all the World his Majesties solemne Protestation ( which he made in the presence of God and the Congregation , before he received the Blessed Sacrament ) at Christs-Church in Oxford , 1643. which neither adversitie nor prosperitie can ever make him violate . His Maiesties late PROTESTATION , Before his Receiving of the Sacrament . His MAJESTIE being to receive the Sacrament from the hands of the Arch-bishop of Armagh , used these publique expressions immediately before ; He rose up from His knees , and beckning to the Arch-bishop for a short forbearance , made this Protestation . MY Lord , I espie here many resolved Protestants , who may declare to the World the Resolution I doe now make . I have to the utmost of my power prepared my Soule to become a Worthy Receiver : And may I so receive comfort by this Holy Communion , as I doe intend the establishment of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , as it stood in its beautie , in the happie dayes of Queene Elizabeth . I blesse God , in the midst of the publique Distractions , I have still Libertie to Communicate ; And may this Sacrament be my Damnation , if my Heart doe not joyne with my Lips in this Protestation . A Prayer for the King , to be frequently and fervently said of all Loyall Subjects . O Most gracious and most glorious Lord God , we humbly pray thee , for the merits of our Lord Iesus Christ , to look downe ( with much pitie and compassion ) upon the sad and suffering Condition of thy Servant ; and our Soveraigne , the King , O , let his Life be right deare and precious in thy sight : Lord remember him and all his Trouble , how he sware unto the Lord , and vowed a Vow unto the Almightie God of Jacob : O , save and deliver him , according to thy mercy , that all the world may know that this is thy hand , and that thou , Lord , hast done it : though his enemies curse , yet blesse thou ; and let them be confounded that rise up against him , but let thy Servant rejoyce : O , be with him in Trouble , deliver him , and bring him to Honor ; satisfie him with long life , and shew hun thy salvation . Remember , Lord , the Reproach that thy Servant hath , and vow he doth beare in his Bosome the Rebukes of many people , wherewith thine enemies have blasphemed thee , and slandred the foot-steps of thine Anointed : Wherefore we beseech thee to comfort him againe now , after the time that thou hast afflicted him , and for the yeares wherein he hath suffered adversitie ; shew thy Servant thy Worke , and his Royall Children thy Glory : and the glorious Majestie of the Lord our God be upon all those that endeavour his re-inthroning : prosper thou the work of their hands upon them , O prosper thou their handy-worke . O , satisfie us with this mercy and that soone , so shall we be glad , and rejoyce all the dayes of our life , and joyne with our gracious King , in giving prayse to thee , who livest and reignest world without end . AMEN . June 14th Printed in the Yeare 1648. 
A79124	----	Charles by the grace of God King of great Brittain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. To our lovits [blank] messengers, our sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute, greeting. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79124 of text R211963 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.7[31]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 5 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79124 Wing C2826 Thomason 669.f.7[31] ESTC R211963 99870628 99870628 161013 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79124) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161013) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f7[31]) Charles by the grace of God King of great Brittain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. To our lovits [blank] messengers, our sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute, greeting. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [Edinburgh : 1643] Dated and signed at end: Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh the eighteenth of August, and of Our Reigne the nineteenth yeare, 1643. Per actum Dominorum conventionis. Arch. Primerose Cler. Conven. A proclamation for raising men and arms in Scotland, in pursuance of the Solemn Covenant entered into between England and Scotland. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Annotation on Thomason copy: "Printed at Edinburgh. 18 August 1643.". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Solemn League and Covenant (1643). -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79124 R211963 (Thomason 669.f.7[31]). civilwar no Charles by the grace of God King of great Brittain, France and Ireland, defender of the faith. To our lovits [blank] messengers, our sheriff England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 841 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms CHARLES by the grace of God King of great Brittain , France and Ireland , defender of the Faith . To Our Lovits Messengers , our Sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . Forsameikle as the Estates of Our Kingdome of Scotland presently conveened , taking into their most serious consideration the great and imminent danger of the true Protestant reformed Religion , and of the peace of thir Our Kingdomes from the treacherous and bloudy plots , conspiracies , attempts and practices of Papists , Prelats , Malignants , and their adherents , Have after mature deliberation thought expedient to enter into a solemne and mutuall Covenant with Our Kingdome of England , for the defence of the true Protestant reformed Religion in the Kirk of Scotland , and the reformation of Religion in the Kirk of England , according to the Word of God , the example of the best reformed Kirks , and as may bring the Kirk of God in both Kingdomes to the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in Religion and Church government , And siclike to preserve and defend the Rights and Priviledges of Our Parliaments , and Liberties of Our Kingdomes respectivè , And to preserve and defend Our Person and Authoritie in the preservation of the said true Religion , and Liberties of Our saids Kingdomes , And to observe the Articles of the late Treaty and Peace betwixt the two Nations , And to assist and defend all that shall enter into this Covenant , in the maintaining and pursuing thereof , as the same more fully proports : Which as it wil be a comfort and incouragement to all Christians who fear God , and love Religion , to all good and loyall Subjects who truly honour Us , and to all true Patriots who tender the liberty of their Countrie : So doubtlesse it wil exasperate and inrage the said Papists , Prelats , Malignants , and their adherents , to practise and execute all the mischief & cruelty they can against this Kirk and Kingdome , as they have done in Our Kingdoms of England and Ireland . For preventing therof , the Estates of this Our said Kingdome ( according to the practise of Our Councel , Convention of Our Estates , & of Our Parliaments in former times of the like exigence ) have resolved to put this Our said Kingdom , with all possible speed , in a present posture of defence , And for the better safety and securitie thereof , have statute and ordained , and hereby statues and ordaines , that immediately after the publication hereof , all the sensible persons within this Our Kingdome of Scotland , betwixt sixtie and sixteene yeares of age , of whatsoever qualitie , rank , or degree , shall provide themselves with fourtie dayes provision , and with Ammunition , Armes , and other warlike provision of all forts , in the most substantious manner , for Horse and Foot , with Tents , and all other furnishing requisite , And that the Horsemen be armed with Pistols , broad Swords , and Steel caps , And where these Armes cannot be had , that they provide Jacks , or Secrets , Lances and Steel-bonnets , And that the Footmen be armed with Musket and Sword , or Pike and Sword , And where these cannot be had , that they be furnished with Halberts , Loquhaber axes , or Jeddart staves and Swords . OUR WILL IS HEREFORE , and We charge you straitly and commands , that incontinent thir Our Letters seene , you passe to the Market Crosse of Edinburgh , and severall Burrowes of this Our Kingdome , and Parish Kirks thereof , and there by open Proclamation make publication hereof , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same , And that you command and charge all and sundry Our subjects foresaids , being sensible persons , betwixt sixtie and sixteene yeares , to provide themselves in manner foresaid , and to be in readinesse to make their Randevous thus armed at the places to be appointed by Our saids Estates , or Committees having power from them , within eight and fourty hours after they shall be lawfully warned by order from them to that effect , as they will testifie their affections to the true Protestant Religion , the Liberties of Our Kingdomes , Our owne honour , and the peace and safety of that their native Countrey ; and under the paine to be esteemed and punish as enemies to Religion , Us and Our Kingdomes , and their whole goods to be confiscate to the use of the publick . Given under Our Signet at Edinburgh the eighteenth of August , and of Our Reigne the nineteenth yeare , 1643. Per Actum Dominorum Conventionis . Arch. Primerose Cler. Conven. Printed at Edinburgh 15 August 1648 
A79127	----	By the King. To our trusty and welbeloved high shieriffe [sic] of our county of York. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79127 of text R210528 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2828). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79127 Wing C2828 ESTC R210528 47682831 ocm 47682831 172789 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79127) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172789) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2650:10) By the King. To our trusty and welbeloved high shieriffe [sic] of our county of York. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.). Imprinted at Yorke by Robert Barker, and now reprinted at London and are to be sold by G.B. at his shop neere Cliffords Inne., [London] : 1642. Royal arms, with init. "C R" at head of title; initial. "Given at Our Court at Yorke the fifth day of May, in the eightenth [sic] yeare of Our Reigne, &c." Reproduction of original in: Eton College. Library. eng Hotham, John, -- Sir, d. 1645 Jan. 2. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century. A79127 R210528 (Wing C2828). civilwar no By the King. To our trusty and welbeloved high sheriffe of our county of York. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 773 1 0 0 0 0 0 13 C The rate of 13 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . To Our trusty and welbeloved high shieriffe of Our County of York . TRusty and Well beloved , Wee greet you well : Whereas we understand , That Sir Iohn Hotham takes upon him ( without any legall Authority or Power ) to issue warrants to Constables , and other Our Officers , to raise diverse of our Trained bands of this Our County , and requires them to ma●ch with their Armes , and to come into Our Towne of Hull , where he hath disarmed diverse of them , keepes their Armes , and discharges the men : And whereas Wee are credibly informed , that diverse persons , Who were lately Colonels , Livetenant-Colonels , Captaines and Officers of the trained Bands of this Our County , intend shortly to summon , and indeavour to muster the forces of this Our County : For as much as by the Law of the Land , none of Our trained Bands are to be raised or mustered , upon any pretence or authority whatsoever , but by special warrant under Our owne hand , or by a legall Writ directed to the Sheriffe of the County , or by warrant from the Lord Lievtenant , or Deputy-Lievtenants of the County , appointed and authorized by Commission under Our Great Seale . And whereas at present there is no Lord Lievetenant or Deputy Lievetenant legally authorized to command the Forces and trained Bands of this Our County of Yorke , and the Commissions , to Command , and Power of all Colonells , Lievetenant Colonels , Captaines and Officers of Our trained Bands , ( which were derived from the Commission and Power of the Lord Lievetenant onely ) are now actually voyd , and of no force and Authority . Our will and Command therefore is , that you forthwith issue Warrants under your Hand , to all the late Colonels , Lievetenant-Colonels , Captaines and Officers , who ( whiles the Lord Lievtenants Commission was in force ) had the command of the trained Bands of this Our County : And also to all High and Petty Constables , and other our Officers , in this Our County , whom it may concerne , charging and commanding them , and every of them , in Our Name , and upon their Allegiance , and as they tender the Peace of this Our Kingdome , not to Muster , Leavie , or Raise , or to Summon , or Warne ( upon any pretence or Directions whatsoever ) any of Our trained Bands to Rise , Muster , or March , without expresse Warrant Under Our Hand , or Warrant from you Our Sheriffe grounded upon a particular writ to that purpose , Which we also command you , not to put in Execution without Our Privity and Allowance , whiles we shall reside in this Our County . And in case any of Our trained Bands shall rise , or gather together , contrary to this Our Command , Then Wee will and command you to charge and require them , to dissolve , and retire to their dwellings . And if upon due Summons from you , they shall not lay downe their Arms , and depart to their dwellings , We will and command you upon your Allegiance , and as you tender the peace and quiet of his Our Kingdome , to raise the power of the County , and suppresse them by force , as the Law hath directed and given you Power to doe . And too the end that this Our expresse Command may be notified to all Our good Subjects in this Our County , so as none may pretend hereafter to have been misled through ignorance ; We require you to cause these Our Letters to be forthwith read , and published openly in all Churches and Parishes in this Our County . Herein you may not faile , as you tender the safety and honour of our Person , the good and peace of this Our Kingdome , and will answer the contrary at your peril . For which this shall be your sufficient Warrant . Given at Our Court at YORKE the fifth day of May , in the eighteenth yeare of Our Reign , &c. Imprinted at Yorke by Robert Barker , And now reprinted at London and are to be sold by G.B. at his shop neere Cliffords Inne . 1642. 
A79128	----	Charles R. To our trustie and welbeloved, the Lord Major, aldermen, and sheriffs of our City of London. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79128 of text R209725 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[29]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79128 Wing C2832 Thomason 669.f.3[29] ESTC R209725 99868592 99868592 160587 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79128) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160587) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[29]) Charles R. To our trustie and welbeloved, the Lord Major, aldermen, and sheriffs of our City of London. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1642. "Given at our court at York the 14 day of June, in the 18 yeer of our reign. 1642". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79128 R209725 (Thomason 669.f.3[29]). civilwar no Charles R. To our trustie and welbeloved, the Lord Major, aldermen, and sheriffs of our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 650 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Charles R. To Our trustie and welbeloved , the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Sheriffs of Our City of LONDON . TRustie and Welbeloved , We greet you well . Whereas We have received severall Informations of great sums of Money endeavoured to be borrowed of Our City of London by some direction proceeding from both Our Houses of Parliament , and likewise that great labour is used to perswade Our Subjects to raise Horse , and to furnish Money , upon pretence of providing a Guard for Our Parliament ; These are to let you know , that ( notwithstanding any scandalous Votes which have presumed to Declare Our Intention of leavying War against Our Parliament , and to lay other aspersions on Us , so fully disavowed by Us in the presence of Almighty God , by Our severall Answers and Declarations ) all Our desires and purposes are for the publike Peace , and that We have not the least thought of raising or using Force , except We are compelled to it , for the defence of Our Person , and in Protection of the Law : And therefore We expect , that you suffer not your selves to be mis-led by such vain and improbable suggestions , and do declare , That if you shall lend any sums of Money towards the relief of Ireland ( to which We have contributed all the assistance could be desired of Us , which way soever the Money given and raised to that purpose is disposed ) or towards the payment of Our Scots Subjects , We shall take it as an acceptable Service at your hands ; but if upon generall Pretences contrived by a few Factious Persons against the peace of the Kingdom , you shall give or lend any Money , or provide or raise any Horses or Arms towards the raising such a Guard , We shall look upon it as the raising Force against Us , and to be done in malice and contempt of Us and Our Authority . And We do therefore straitly charge and command you to publish this Our Letter to the severall Masters and Wardens of the severall Companies , that they may be assured , that such Money as they shall lend out of their good affection to the Kingdom , may be onely imployed for Ireland or Scotland and not toward such Guards , which ( in trueth ) are intended by the Contrivers of that Designe ( though We beleeve many honest men seduced by them do not yet see their end ) to be imployed against Us : And if you and they shall herein fail punctually and severally to observe Our commands , We shall not onely proceed against the severall Companies for deceiving the Trust reposed in them ; but against the particular persons , as Contemners and Opposers of Our Authoritie , and of the Law of the Land , in the most exemplary way the known Law of the Land shall prescribe to Us ; And shall be compelled to question the Charter of your City , which We are willing yet to beleeve ( notwithstanding the Barbarous and Insolent demeanour of the meaner and baser sort ) in a good degree to continue Loyall to Us . And of your obedience to these Our Commands We do expect and require a full Account , and of the names of such Persons who shall oppose the same . Hereof faile you not as you will answer the contrary at your perill . Given at Our Court at York the 14 day of June , in the 18 yeer of Our Reign . 1642. Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
A79133	----	A true copy of His Maiesties message sent to the Houses of Parliament by the Earl of Dunfermeline. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79133 of text R201552 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E391_8). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 1 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79133 Wing C2838 Thomason E391_8 ESTC R201552 99862051 99862051 160264 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79133) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160264) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 62:E391[8]) A true copy of His Maiesties message sent to the Houses of Parliament by the Earl of Dunfermeline. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Dunfermline, Charles Seton, Earl of, d. 1673. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1647] Imprint from Wing. Annotation on Thomason copy: after 'Houses of Parliament': "unto them upon Saturday June 5th: 1647"; "London. printed June the 8th 1647". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79133 R201552 (Thomason E391_8). civilwar no A true copy of His Maiesties message sent to the Houses of Parliament: by the Earl of Dunfermeline. England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 111 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A true Copy of His Majesties Message sent to the Houses of Parliament by the Earl of Dunfermeline . Saterday June 5th 1647 I am commanded by His Majestie to make known to the Houses of Parliament . 1. THat His Majestie went from Holdenby unwillingly . 2. That Hedesires they will neglect no means for preservation of the Honour of the Parliament , and the established Laws of the Land . 3 That they will beleeve nothing that is said or done in His Name against the Parliament , untill they send unto Himself , and know the truth of it . London printed June the 8th 1647 
A79134	----	Munday the 29th. January, 1648 A true relation of the Kings speech to the Lady Elizabeth, and the Duke of Gloucester, the day before his death. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79134 of text R211062 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.14[9]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79134 Wing C2840 Thomason 669.f.14[9] ESTC R211062 99869798 99869798 162997 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79134) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162997) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f14[9]) Munday the 29th. January, 1648 A true relation of the Kings speech to the Lady Elizabeth, and the Duke of Gloucester, the day before his death. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Elizabeth, Princess of England, 1635-1650. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n.], [London : Printed in the Yeare, 1648. [i.e. 1649] Place of publication from Wing. Includes: Another relation from the Lady Elizabeths own hand. Annotation on Thomason copy: "march 24". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79134 R211062 (Thomason 669.f.14[9]). civilwar no Munday the 29th. January, 1648. A true relation of the Kings speech to the Lady Elizabeth, and the Duke of Gloucester, the day before his de Charles I, King of England 1648 818 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Munday 29th , January , 1648. A True Relation of the KINGS Speech to the Lady ELIZABETH , and the Duke of GLOUCESTER , the day before his Death . HIs Children being come to meet Him , He first gave His Blessing to the Lady ELIZABETH ; And bad her remember to tell her Brother JAMES when ever shee should see him , That it was his Fathers last desire that he should no more look upon CHARLES as his Eldest Brother only , but be Obedient unto him , as his Soveraigne ; And that they should love one another , and forgive their Fathers Enemies : Then said the KING to her , Sweet heart , you 'l forget this ; No , ( said shee ) J shall never forget it while J live ; and powring forth abundance of Teares , promised Him to write downe the particulars . Then the KING taking the Duke of Gloucester upon His Knee , said , Sweet heart , now they will cut off thy Fathers head ; ( Upon which words the Child looked very stedfastly on Him . ) Mark Child what J say , they will cut off my head , and perhaps make thee a King ; But marke what J say , you must not be a King , so long as your Brother CHARLES and JAMES do live ; For they will cut off your Brothers heads ( when they can catch them ) and cut off thy head too at the last . And therefore , I charge you , do not be made a King by them : At which the Child , sighing , said , J will be torn in peeces first : Which falling so unexpectedly , from one so young , it made the KING rejoyce exceedingly . Another Relation from the Lady ELIZABETHS own hand . WHat the KING said to Me the 29 of January , 1648. being the last time I had the happiness to see Him : He told me he was glad J was come , and although he had not time to say much yet somewhat he had to say to Me , which he had not to another , or leave in writing . Because he feared their Cruelty was such , as that they would not have permitted him to write to me . Hee wished me not to greeve and torment my selfe for him ; for that would be a glorious death that he should dye ; it being for the Laws , and Liberties of this Land , and for Maintaining the true Protestant Religion . He bid me read Bishop Andrew's Sermons , Hookers Ecclesiasticall Policie , and Bishop Lauds Book against Fisher , which would ground me against Popery . He told me he had forgiven all his Enemies , and hoped God would forgive them also ; And commanded us , and all the rest of my Brothers and Sisters to forgive them : hee bid me tell my Mother , That his thoughts had never straied fr_____ m her , and that his Love should be the same to the last . Withall he commanded me and my brother to be obedient to Her . And bid me send his Blessing to the rest of my brothers and sisters , with commendation to all his Friends : So after he had given me his blessing , J tooke my leave . Further , he commanded us all to Forgive those People , but never to Trust them ; for they had been most false to Him , and to those that gave them power , and he feared also to their own soules ; And desired me not to greeve for him , for he should dye a Martyr , And that hee doubted not but the Lord would settle his Throne upon his Son , and that we should be all happier , then we could have expected to have been , if he had lived ; with many other things , which at present J cannot remember . Elizabeth . The KING said to the Duke of Gloucester that he would say nothing to him but what was for the good of his soul ; he told him that he heard that the Army intended to make him King ; but it was a thing not for him to take upon him , if he regarded the welfare of his Soule ; for hee had two brothers before him ; and therefore commanded Him upon his blessing ; never to accept of it ; unless it redounded lawfully upon him . And commanded him to feare the Lord , and he would provide for him . Copia vera . March 24 Printed in the Yeare , 1648. 
A79148	----	Charles R. Wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of Our county of Cornwall, of their zeale for the defence of Our person, and the just rights of Our crowne ... Proclamations. 1643-09-10 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79148 of text R225683 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2874). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79148 Wing C2874 ESTC R225683 99896966 99896966 135754 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79148) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 135754) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2457:6) Charles R. Wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of Our county of Cornwall, of their zeale for the defence of Our person, and the just rights of Our crowne ... Proclamations. 1643-09-10 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) y Leonard Lichfield, printer to the Vniversity, Printed at Oxford : 1643. Title taken from opening lines of text. Dated at end: Given at our campe at Sudeley Castle the tenth of September. 1643. Arms 37; Steele notation: of gable at. Reproduction of original in the Folger Shakespeare Library, Washington, D.C. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Cornwall (England : County) -- History -- Early works to 1800. A79148 R225683 (Wing C2874). civilwar no Charles R. Wee are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of Our county of Cornwall, of their zeale for the defence of Our person, an England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 375 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms CHARLES R. WEE are so highly sensible of the extraordinary merit of Our County of Cornwall , of their zeale for the Defence of Our Person , and the just Rights of Our Crowne , ( in a time when We could contribute so little to Our own defence or to their Assistance ; in a time when not only no Reward appeared , but great and probable dangers were threatned to obedience and Loyalty ; ) of their great and eminent Courage and Patience in their indefatigable Prosecution of their great Work against so potent an Enimy , backt with so strong , Rich , and Populous Citties , and so plentifully furnished and supplied with Men , Armes , Mony , Ammunition and Provision of all kinds ; And of the wonderfull successe with which it hath pleased Almighty God ( though with the losse of some most eminent Persons , who shall never be forgotten by Vs ) to reward their Loyalty and Patience by many strange Victories over their and Our enimies , in despight of all humane Probability , and all imaginable disadvantages ; That as We cannot be forgetfull of so great deserts , so We cannot but desire to publish to all the World , and perpetuate to all Time the Memory of these their merits , and of Our acceptance of the same . And to that end , We doe hereby render Our Royall thankes to that Our County , in the most publike and most Lasting manner We can devise , commanding Copies hereof to be Printed and published , and one of them to be read in every Church and Chappell therein , and to be kept for ever as a Record in the same , That as long as the History of these Times , and of this Nation shall continue , the memory of how much that County hath merited from Vs and our Crowne , may be derived with it to Posterity . Given at Our Campe at SUDELEY Castle the Tenth of September . 1643 . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 1643. 
A79149	----	By the King. Whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of Ireland, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79149 of text R209728 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.3[30]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79149 Wing C2876 Thomason 669.f.3[30] ESTC R209728 99868595 99868595 160588 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79149) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160588) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f3[30]) By the King. Whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of Ireland, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker, printer to the Kings most Excellent majestie: and by the assignes of John Bill, Imprinted at London : 1641. [i.e. 1642] Title from caption and opening lines of text. With engraving of royal seal of Charles I at head of document. "Given under our signet at our palace at VVestminster, the first day of January, in the seventeenth yeer of our reign. 1641". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Early works to 1800. A79149 R209728 (Thomason 669.f.3[30]). civilwar no By the King. Whereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in rebellion in our kingdom of Ireland, ... England and Wales. Sovereign 1641 576 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . WHereas divers lewd and wicked persons have of late risen in Rebellion in Our Kingdom of Ireland , surprised divers of Our Forts and Castles , possessed themselves thereof , surprised some of Our Garrisons , possessed themselves of some of Our Magazins of Arms and Munition , dispossessed many of Our good and loyall Subjects of the Brittish Nation and Protestants of their Houses and Lands , robbed and spoiled many thousands of Our good Subjects of Brittish Nation , and Protestants of their goods , to great values , massacred multitudes of them , imprisoned many others , and some who have the honour to serve Vs as Privie Councellours of that Our Kingdom : We therefore having taken the same into Our Royall consideration , and abhorring the wicked disloyaltie and horrible acts committed by those persons , do hereby not onely declare Our just indignation thereof , but also do declare them and their Adherents , and Abettors , and all those who shall hereafter joyn with them , or commit the like acts on any of Our good Subjects in that Kingdom , to be Rebels and Traitors against Our Royall Person , and enemies to Our Royall Crown of England and Ireland . And We do hereby strictly charge and command all those persons , who have so presumed to rise in Arms against Vs and Our Royall authority ( which We cannot otherwise interpret then Acts of high Rebellion and detestable disloyaltie , when therein they spoil and destroy Our good and Loyall Subjects of the Brittish nation , and Protestants ) That they immediately lay down their Arms , and forbear all further Acts of Hostility ; wherein if they fail , We do let them know , That We have authorised Our Iustices of Ireland , and other Our chief Governour or Governours , and Generall , or Lieutenant Generall of Our Armie there ; And do hereby accordingly require and authorise them , and every of them , to prosecute the said Rebels and Traitours with fire and sword , as persons who by their high disloyalty against Vs their lawfull and undoubted King and Soveraign , have made themselves unworthy of any mercy or favour , wherein Our said Iustices , or other chief Governour or Governours , and Generall or Lieutenant Generall of Our said Army , shall be countenanced , and supported by Vs and by Our powerfull succours of Our good Subjects of England and Scotland , that so they may reduce to obedience those wicked disturbers of that Peace , which by the blessing of God that Kingdom hath so long and so happily injoyed , under the government of Our Royall Father and Vs . And this Our Royall pleasure , We do hereby require Our Iustices , or other chief Governour or Governours of that Our Kingdom of Ireland , to cause to be published and Proclaimed , in , and thorowout Our said Kingdom of Ireland . Given under Our Signet at Our Palace at Westminster , the first day of January , in the seventeenth yeer of Our Reign . 1641. ❧ God save the King . ¶ Imprinted at London by Robert Barker , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie : And by the Assignes of John Bill , 1641. 
A79150	----	By the King. Whhereas [sic] this county, in which (out of our experience of the good affection thereof) we have chosen to make our residence this winter, is in great danger to suffer violence, and to receive losse and damage by the incursions of the rebells, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A79150 of text R211517 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[113]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A79150 Wing C2879 Thomason 669.f.5[113] ESTC R211517 99870234 99870234 160825 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A79150) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160825) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[113]) By the King. Whhereas [sic] this county, in which (out of our experience of the good affection thereof) we have chosen to make our residence this winter, is in great danger to suffer violence, and to receive losse and damage by the incursions of the rebells, ... England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] A requisition for horses in order to protect the county of Oxford from Dragooners. Title from caption title and opening words of text. At foot of page, below a rule of 33 ornaments: God save the King. With engraving of royal seal at head of document. Imprint from Wing. Steele notation: Affection up Case. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Oxfordshire (England) -- History -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A79150 R211517 (Thomason 669.f.5[113]). civilwar no By the King. Whhereas [sic] this county, in which (out of our experience of the good affection thereof) we have chosen to make our residence England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 654 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R DIEV ET MON DROIT HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms ❧ By the King . WHEREAS this County , in which ( out of Our experience of the good Affection thereof ) We have chosen to make Our residence this Winter , is in great danger to suffer violence , and to receive losse and damage by the Incursions of the Rebells , who by reason of their number of Dragooners ( with which they have furnished themselves , by seizing of the Horses of any of Our loving Subjects , without their consent , and to which they are authorized by a late pretended Ordinance ) run up and down into severall Counties , pillaging and plundring Our good Subjects with unheard of Rapine , Insolence , and Inhumanity , whilst Our Horse , for want of such Assistance in respect of the Lanes , and deep and narrow wayes , cannot prevent those out-rages . Though We hope never to be forced to follow the example of these ill men ( who having received such vast Sums of Money from Our Subjects , and seized all Ours , can yet have no cause for such Impositions , but their love of Rapine ) to lay such burthens upon Our People , albeit for their preservation , as the Committees in severall Counties have Authority , and are directed to do by that Ordinance , yet We have thought fit to declare , That it will be an exceeding acceptable Service unto Us , and We shall take it as a singular Testimony or their affection , and the sense of the Cause , if they shall at this time send in Horses , Geldings , Mares , or Naggs , to be used as Dragoon-Horses for Our Service , and the defence of this County : And to that purpose Our Will and Pleasure is , That this Our Declaration be read in all Churches and Chappels on Sunday next , both at Morning and Evening Prayer ; not doubting but that every Gentleman , and other substantiall Free-holder , and the Inhabitants of every Parish , by joynt consent , will send in such Horses as aforesaid , with Saddles and Bridles : And whosoever can send in men armed with Muskets upon those Horses , shall much adde to this Service . And Our pleasure is , That all such who are willing to gratifie Us herein , shall bring or send their Horses on Thursday next , to the sign of the Katherine-Wheel in Oxford , and deliver them to the hands of Our trusty and welbeloved , Winter Graunt Esquire , Our Waggon-Master Generall , who shall be there ready to receive them . And We command the Constable of every Hundred , receiving Information from the severall Petty-Constables within their Hundred , to bring in a Note of the names of all such Parishes and particular Persons who upon this so visible occasion shall oblige Us in this kinde , and present the same unto Us , with the number of Horses , Men , and Muskets so sent by them , that We may remember it to their advantage ; and , when it shall please God to enable Us , pay them the true Value , which We do hereby Promise to do : And such Persons who shall then offer themselves to serve on the said Horses , shall be then listed and entred into Pay , as the rest of Our Dragoons are ; And We hope the Threats , Menaces , and Compulsion of the Rebells shall not more work upon Our People for their Supply , then this gracious desire and earnest intreaty of Ours shall do , in a Case wherein they , We , and the Publike are so neerly concerned . God save the King . 
A80052	----	A speech, or complaint, lately made by the Spanish embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called Sancta Clara in the port of Sancto Domingo, richly laden with plate, cocheneal and other commodities of great value, by one Captaine Bennet Strafford, and by him brought to Southampton. Being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two Kings of Spaine and England. Also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into Southampton. / Translated out of Spanish, in Oxford, by Sr Torriano, an Italian. Cardenas, Alonso de. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A80052 of text R3713 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E245_12). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 14 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A80052 Wing C496 Thomason E245_12 ESTC R3713 99872468 99872468 124905 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A80052) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 124905) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 42:E245[12]) A speech, or complaint, lately made by the Spanish embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called Sancta Clara in the port of Sancto Domingo, richly laden with plate, cocheneal and other commodities of great value, by one Captaine Bennet Strafford, and by him brought to Southampton. Being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two Kings of Spaine and England. Also a proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara, lately brought into Southampton. / Translated out of Spanish, in Oxford, by Sr Torriano, an Italian. Cardenas, Alonso de. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Torriano, Giovanni. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). Spain. Legación (England and Wales) 8 p. Printed for Nathaniel Butter, London, : Jan. 17. 1643. Attributed to Alonso de Cardenas. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Strafford, Bennet. Sancta Clara (Ship) Pirates -- England -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A80052 R3713 (Thomason E245_12). civilwar no A speech, or complaint, lately made by the Spanish embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford, upon occasion of the taking of a ship called Sanct Cardenas, Alonso de. 1643 2369 1 0 0 0 0 0 4 B The rate of 4 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-04 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-05 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-05 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A SPEECH , OR COMPLAINT , LATELY Made by the Spanish Embassadour to his Majestie at Oxford , upon occasion of the taking of a Ship called Sancta Clara in the Port of Sancto Domingo , richly laden with Plate , Cocheneal and other commodities of great value , By one Captaine BENNET STRAFFORD , and by Him brought to Southampton . Being a matter of high concernment betwixt the two Kings of Spaine and England . Also a Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the ship called the Sancta Clara , lately brought into Southampton . Translated out of the Spanish , in OXFORD , BY SR TORRIANO , an Italian . LONDON , Printed for Nathaniel Butter , Jan. 17. 1643. Don Alonso de Cardenas , The Embassador Ordinary for the King of Spaine , His Speech unto His Majestie at Oxford , Decemb. the 30. 1642. occasioned by the taking out of the Port of Sancto Domingo one of the King of Spaine his Ships called Sancta Clara , laden with Plate , and other merchandize of rich value , by Cap. Bennet Strafford , by him brought unto Southampton , and there made prize ; together with the answer of his Majesty sent on New-yeers day unto the said Embassadour , by the Lords Mowbray and Faulkland . SIR , THe unsufferable wrong the King my Master hath lately sustained by a Subject of your Majesties ( wherein many of his owne Merchants have likewise borne some share , and what your Majesty for the future may do is not yet known ) have in obedience to my Masters commands ( who is but too sensible of this affront , and his peoples losses , ) constrained mee to make this my repaire unto your Majesty , and to trouble you in these your most serious and important affaires of your Kingdomes , it having not been my unhappinesse since I had first the charge of this honourable imployment , to provoke discontent by such messages unto your Majesty , especially at such a time wherein my Master perfectly understanding how it fareth with your Majesty , for the cordiall reference he ever bore unto your Majesties owne person , had rather afford your Majesty a cordiall then a corrasive : yet this in briefe must be the sum of my complaint unto your Majesty . That on the eighth of October Stilo veteri , there arrived in the habour , or rather close port of Sancto Domingo of the West Indies ( the very centre of my Masters Dominions ) a Ship of your Majesties , and a Pinnace , under the command of Captain Bennet Strafford , an English man , and a member of your Majesties Fleet at Sea , which letting fall anchor under colour of ●aking in fresh water , & some other necessary provision , about one or two of the clock the same evening ( the Master and other Officers of my Masters faire Ship , called La Sancta Clara , lately having taken in her lading of Silver Ingots , to the number of 2000. with Coucheneale , Tobacco , Indie hides , to eight hundred tunne weight ) was in a thievish and Piratick manner stollen out of the said harbour by the Captaine of your Majesties Ship above mentioned , that is , Bennet Strafford , whose men comming aboard the said Ship , under pretence of chearing and merry making , observing the wind served for their designe , cut the cables , and let her drive , till such time that the Captain perceiving his advantage , forthwith seized and boarded the said Ship , clapping all my Masters Sailers and other Officers there aborad her under the hatches , carried the ship unto Cape de bona Speranza there landed them ashore in his long boate like slaves and captives , manned my Masters Ship with his owne men , unto your towne of Southampton , and there made prize of her , exposing my Masters goods to most unconsiderable rates and valuation , to make the better dispatch of his unlawfull attempt . Sir , I am rigorously commanded by the King of Spaine my Master , to intimate to your Majestie , that an affront of this kind hath never been committed against him by the Crowne of England , or by any other Crowne or State , during the time of their league and amity , neither during his peace , sworne either between your Majesties father or your selfe , can any evident proofe be brought of the least appearance of violation either betwixt Crownes or Kingdomes on his Catholike Majestie my Masters part : For instance whereof , my Master desireth your Majesty to consider his sincere and princely dealing with your Majesties self , as touching your Rebels in Ireland , whom he hath been any way so far from succouring , ayding , or countenancing , that hee hath straitly charged all his Subjects of all his Territories and Dominions , by open proclamation , upon paine of death , not onely not to aid or relieve them with any armes , shipping , ammunition or victualls ; but not to trade with them during the time of their rebellion against your Majesty , upon any termes , semblances , or pretences whatsoever ; having further given in command unto the officers of his Finances and Excheate , that the pensions usually paid unto certaine of the nobility of Ireland , in way of acknowledgement that they or their fathers have done him any memorable service , either in the Low-countries or any other his Dominions , shall in no wise be any longer paied to any of them , either father , childe , or any of the linage that stand at this time , or ever shall stand in opposition against your Majesty or undoubted issue ; and hath in particular disabled Sr. Philomie O neale of the large gratuite annuity of 4000. ducates per annum , though granted not by his now Majesty & my Master of Spain , but by his father unto the Earle of Tyrone his heyrs & successors by pattent ; by all which I earnestly desire your Majesty to weigh my Masters high discontent , and in that regard his just demands : a Ship of that estimate is taken in such a daring scornfull manner , not upon the maine ( that in some sort had quallified the affront though not the damage ) but out of my Masters Port , laden with Bullyon for his owne particular use , by a Subject , yea , a servant of your Majesties Crowne arriving there ( as it seemed ) for reliefe ; and having partaken of all the favour the haven then could afford , his Subjects and servants turned ashore as villaines and slaves ; his Ship and goods made prize . My Masters demands unto your Majesty in a wrong of so high a condition are these : That the said Captaine may receive condigne punishment , as who ( what lay in him ) hath broken the league on your Majesties behalfe ; that full restitution be made both to my Master and the owners , according to the just valuation of the goods , as by bil of lading shal be made manifest ; that strict orders may forthwith passe from your Majesty , for the staying of farther havock , and embeselling of the goods yet remaining in the Ship at Southampton ; that full reparation be likewise made for stay of the Ship , and frustration of her voyage ; upon refusall of which I am expresly to declare unto your Majestie , that the King my Master will cause speedy stay and arrest to be made upon all the English Merchants ships throughout his ports , which must needs occasion great discontent , losse and inconvenience to both the Crownes , if no other worse thing arise . This Speech , or rather Complaint of the Embassadors ended , the King withdrew him unto the window in his presence-chamber at Christ Church ; there spake certaine words in private , and after ( before certain Lords there about him ) told him , that unto his message or complaint some time to morrow he would by his Secretary , or some other , send him an answer ; whereat the Embassador tooke leave of the King , and repaired unto his lodging in New-Colledge . New-years Day ( being Sunday , Ianuarie 1. ) about foure of the clock in the After-noone , the Lord Mowbray and the Lord Faulkland brought from the King unto the Embassadour this Answer following . My Lord , The King Our Master hath commanded Vs to returne this Answer as touching your heavie complaint unto Him yesterday . THat His Majesty hath with deep discontent resented the particulars of your Lordships Message , or Complaint . Yet neither himselfe , nor any Ministers , Agents , or Servants of His , by Sea or Land , are in any wise ( as from Him ) to be blamed of any breach of amitie ; much lesse of this , being in so high a nature as his Lordship had lately related it . That Captain Bennet Strafford was never employed by Him in any of His Ships or Pinnaces : and therefore ( when time should serve ) should not onely answer for what hee did in His Majesties Ships , but by whose authoritie hee came there . That His Majesty further desired , that what at this time , above all other , might be done against the League , either by Sea or Land , might not be imputed unto Him ; his Majestie ( through the distempers of some of his Subjects ) having as little command over his ships , as he had over his Towns and Castles . That He would issue forth a Proclamation , with all convenient speed , to prevent the further embezelling of the Merchandizes of the Ship ; and likewise for the restoring what should be found in the hands of any of His Subjects or Officers , and therein would give especiall command unto the Iudge of His Admiraltie . But would be sorrie the King of Spaine should make all his Subjects trading under him to suffer , for the villanous act of one person , authorized by he knew not whom . C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms By the King . A Proclamation prohibiting the buying or disposing of any the lading of the Ship called the Sancta Clara , lately brought into SOUTHAMPTON . COmplaint having been made unto His Majesty , by Don Alonco de Cardenas Ambassador from the King of Spain , that a Ship called the Sancta Clara , belonging to the said King and his Subjects , hath beene lately treacherously brought to Southampton , by one Captaine Bennet Strafford and others , from Sancto Domingo , the said Ship being laden with Silver , Cocheneal , and other Wares and Merchandizes , to a very great value ; And that the said Ship and Goods being by the said Ambassadour arrested , and the said Bennet Strafford apprehended , whilest a suit for the said Ship and Goods is depending in the Court of Admiralty , the Silver ( part of the lading of the said Ship , to a very great value ) hath been disposed of , contrary to Law , without any other security given for the same , then the empty name of Publicke Faith ; which without His Majesty cannot ( as is well knowne to all the world ) be engaged ; or if engaged without His Majesty is not valid , or to be relyed on for satisfaction . And it is further complained by the said Ambassadour , that the Cocheneale , and other Merchandizes formerly sequestred at London and Southampton , albeit they are not perishable , but have rather encreased in their price and value , are likely to be sold against the will of those who pretend to be the Owners , ( Parties to the suite depending in the said Court of Admiralty ) which is alledged to be apparently against the Rules of Law , and practices of that Court in such cases . His Majesty well weighing what may be the ill consequences of such injurious Proceedings , manifestly contrary to the Law , and the Articles of Treatie between the two Crownes , and plainly fore-seeing how heavily it may light upon such of His good Subjects who have estates in Spaine , and how destructive it may prove to the Trade and Commerce of His Subjects and Kingdomes , doth hereby not onely expresly charge and command the Judge of His Admiraltie , and all others whom it may concerne , to proceed in a businesse of such value and consequence , with Care , Expedition , and according to Justice : But doth also expresly prohibite all persons , of what condition soever , upon pretence of any Order or Warrant from one or both Houses of Parliament , or any authoritie derived from thence , to buy , meddle with , or dispose of any part of the said Cocheneale , or other Goods or Merchandizes belonging to the said Ship , untill the propriety thereof shall be judicially decided and determined , upon paine of His Majesties high displeasure , and of being responsible and liable to payment and satisfaction for whatsoever damage shall happen to any of His Majesties good Subjects , whose Goods or Estates shall for that cause be embargued or seized in Spaine . Given at the Court at Oxford , the second day of Januarie , in the eighteenth yeere of His Majesties Reigne . God save the King , FINIS . 
A82903	----	A new declaration from both houses of Parliament, die Martis, May 17, 1642. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A82903 of text R210538 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[26]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A82903 Wing E1663 Thomason 669.f.5[26] ESTC R210538 99869324 99869324 160739 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A82903) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160739) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[26]) A new declaration from both houses of Parliament, die Martis, May 17, 1642. England and Wales. Parliament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). 1 sheet ([1] p.) for W.G., Imprinted at London : May the 20. 1642. Includes: His Majesties letter to the gentry of York-shire, May 16. 1642. The Lords and Commons do declare that the King can only summon those subjects holding of him by special service. Whoever shall take armes on this pretence is a disturber of the public peace, .. It is ordered by the House that if the trained bands assemble on the King's order, the sheriff is to raise the county to suppress them, .. -- Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Prerogative, Royal -- Great Britain -- Early works to 1800. Yorkshire (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Sources. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A82903 R210538 (Thomason 669.f.5[26]). civilwar no A new declaration from both houses of Parliament, die Martis, May 17, 1642. England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 916 10 0 0 0 0 0 109 F The rate of 109 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the F category of texts with 100 or more defects per 10,000 words. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A NEW DECLARATION From both HOVSES OF PARLIAMENT , Die Martis , May 17. 1642. THe Lords and Commons in Parliament doe declare , That it is against the Lawes and Liberties of the Kingdome , that any of the Sub●ects thereof , should be commanded by the King to attend him at his pleasure , but such as are bound thereto by speciall Service ; and that whosoever upon pretence of his Majesties command shal take Armes , and gather together with others in a warlike manner , to the terror of the Kings People , shall be esteemed disturbers of the publicke peace , and to doe that which may introduce a president of very dangerous consequence for the future , and produce most mischievous effects for the present , considering the great distempers of the Kingdome , and what pernitious Councellors and lncendiaries , are now about the King , and how desperate and ill affected divers persons attending upon his Majesty , have shewed themselves to the Parliament , and to his other good Sub●ects , threatning and reproaching them publickly , even in his Majesties presence , and for preventing and avoiding such great mischiefes as may thereupon ensue . It is Ordered and Ordained by both Houses of Parliament , That if the Trained bands , or any other his Majesties Subjects , shall upon pretence of any such command be drawne together , and put into a posture of Warre , the Sheriffe of that County where there shall be such raising , or drawing together of armed men ; Doe forthwith raise the power of the County to suppresse them , and to keepe his Majesties peace according to the Law . And that the Lord Lieutenants , Deputy Lieutenants , Justices of the Peace , and all other his Maiesties Subiects , be aiding and assisting to the severall and respective Sheriffs in performance hereof , as they will answer the contray at their perill . Hen Elsing ▪ Cler. Par. D. Com. His Majesties Letter to the Gentry of York-shire , May 16. 1642. To our right trusty and well beloved the Gentry of York and others of this our County of Yorke , whom it doth or may concerne . WEE have with great contentment considered your dutifull and affectionate answer to our proposition concerning the unsufferable affront which we receiued at Hull : Wee have not been deceived in that confidence we have had in your affection , Wherefore we desire you to assure the rest of your Countrey-men , wh● through negligence were omitted to be summoned : that Wee shall never abuse your love by any power wherewith God shall enable us to the least violation of the least of your liberties , or the d●minution of those immunities which we have granted you this P●rliament , though they be beyond the Acts of most ( if not all ) on Predecessors ; being resolved with a constant and firme resolution to have the Law of this Land duly observed , and shall endeavour onely so to preserve our just Royall Rights , as may enable us to protect our Kingdome and People , according to the ancient honours of the Kings of ENGLAND , and according to the trust which by the Law of God and this Land , is put into the Crowne , being sufficiently warned by the last affront at Hull , not to transferre the same out of our power ; concerning which affront we will take some time to advise , which way we may imploy your affections . In the meane time we shall take it well from all such as shall personally attend us , so followed and provided , as they shall thinke fit for the better safety of our person , because we know not what sudden violence or affront may be offered unto us , having lately received such an actuall testimony of rebellious intentions , as Sir Iohn Hotham hath expressed at Hull . Being thus secured by your affections and assistance , we promise you our protection against any contrary power whatsoever . And that you shall not be molested for your humble and modest Petition , as of late you have been threatned . Given at our Court at York May 16. 1642. Die Martis 17. May , 1642. WHereas the Lords in Parliament , have this day been Informed , That the King is resolved to adjourn the next Term from Westminster to York ; Vpon which , The Lords sent a Committee to the Lord Keeper of the great Seal of England ▪ to know of him , whether he had received any Command touching the same , who acquainted the said Committee , tha● he had received command from his Majesty , to issue Proclam●tions , and Writs , to that purpose . Whereupon , this House taking the said matter into consideration , hath voted : That the Kings removall of the Term to York , from Westminster , sitting this Parliament , is illegall . And hath further Ordered , That the said Lord Keeper shall not issue out any Writs , or Seal any Proclamation ▪ for adjourning the said next Term from Westminster to Yorke , as aforesaid . Ioh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . Imprinted at London for W. G. May the 20. 1642. 
A83521	----	To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty: the humble petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament delivered at Colebrook, 10 Nov. 1642. by the Earls of Pembrooke and Nothumberland, Lord Wainman, M. Perpoint, and Sir Jo. Hippesley. England and Wales. Parliament. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A83521 of text R211419 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[103]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A83521 Wing E2375 Thomason 669.f.5[103] ESTC R211419 99870146 99870146 160816 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A83521) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160816) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[103]) To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty: the humble petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament delivered at Colebrook, 10 Nov. 1642. by the Earls of Pembrooke and Nothumberland, Lord Wainman, M. Perpoint, and Sir Jo. Hippesley. England and Wales. Parliament. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Place and date of publication from Wing. Includes: His Majesties answer to the foresaid petition, given to the committee at Colebrooke, Nov. 11. 1642. Date of proceedings from Steele. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A83521 R211419 (Thomason 669.f.5[103]). civilwar no To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty: the humble petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament delivered at Colebrook, 10 Nov England and Wales. Parliament. 1642 684 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-11 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion To the Kings Most Excellent Majesty : The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in . PARLIAMENT Delivered at Colebrook , 10 Nov. 1642. by the Earls of Pembrooke and Northumberland , Lord Wainman , M. Perpoint , and Sir Jo. Hippesley . WE Your Majesties most loyall Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , being affected with a deep and piercing sense of the Miseries of this Kingdom , and of the Dangers to Your Majesties Person , as the present Affairs now stand , And much quickned therein with the sad Consideration of the great effusion of Blood at the late Battell , and of the losse of so many eminent Persons ; And farther weighing the addition of Losse , Misery , and Danger to Your Majesty and Your Kingdom which must ensue , if both Armies should again joyn in another Battell , as without Gods speciall Blessing , and Your Majesties Concurrence with Your Houses of Parliament , will not probably be avoided . We cannot but believe that a sutable Impression of Tendernesse and Compassion is wrought in Your Majesties Royall Heart , being Your Self an eye-Witnesse of the bloody and sorrowfull Destruction of so many of Your Subjects ; And that Your Majesty doth apprehend what diminution of Your Own Power and Greatnesse will follow ; And that all Your Kingdoms will thereby be so weakned , as to become subject to the Attempts of any ill affected to this State . In all which Respects we assure our selves , That Your Majesty will be inclined graciously to accept this our humble Petition , that the Misery and Desolation of this Kingdom may be speedily removed and prevented : For the effecting whereof , we most humbly beseech Your Majesty to appoint some convenient Place , not far from the City of London , where Your Majesty will be pleased to reside , untill Committees of both Houses of Parliament may attend Your Majesty with some Propositions for the removall of these bloody Distempers and Distractions , and setling the state of the Kingdom , in such a Manner as may conduce to the preservation of Gods true Religion , Your Majesties Honour , Safety , and Prosperity , and to the Peace , Comfort , and Security of all Your People . His Majesties Answer To the foresaid Petition , given to the Committee at Colebrooke , Nov. 11. 1642. WE take God to witnesse how deeply We are affected with the Miseries of this Kingdom , which heretofore We have stroven ( as much as in Vs lay ) to prevent ; It being sufficiently known to all the world , That as We were not the first that took up Arms , so We professed Our readinesse of composing all things in a fairway , by Our severall offers of Treaty ; And shall be glad ( now at length ) to finde any such Inclinations in others . The same tendernesse to avoyd destruction of Our Subjects ( whom we know to be Our greatest Strength ) which would alwayes make Our greatest Victories bitter to Vs , shall make us willingly hearken to such Propositions , whereby these bloody Distempers may be stopped , and the great Distractions of this Kingdom setled , To Gods Glory , Our Honour , and the Well-fare and Flourishing of Our People . And to that end shall reside at Our Own Castle at Windsor ( if the Forces shall be removed ) till Committees may have time to attend Vs with the same ( which , to prevent the inconveniences that may intervene , We wish may be hastened ) and shall be ready there , or ( if that be refused us ) at any place where we shall be , to receive such Propositions as aforesaid , from both Our Houses of Parliament . Do you your Duty , VVe will not be wanting to Ours . God of his mercy give a Blessing . 
A84430	----	The ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of Salop for the raising and maintayning of forces at their own charge, for the defence of His Maiestie, their countrey, and more particularly the fortunes, persons, and estates of the subscribers under-named. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A84430 of text R176617 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing E734A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A84430 Wing E734A ESTC R176617 99897819 99897819 170951 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A84430) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 170951) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2532:5) The ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of Salop for the raising and maintayning of forces at their own charge, for the defence of His Maiestie, their countrey, and more particularly the fortunes, persons, and estates of the subscribers under-named. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [S.l. : 1642]. Cf. Wing E734A which = Steele 2321 which has Steele notation: selves prevention very. Steele notation for this edition is: selves prevention Peace,. Date of publication from Wing E734A. With 81 signatures. Reproduction of original in the William Andrews Clark Memorial Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Wiltshire -- History -- Sources -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England A84430 R176617 (Wing E734A). civilwar no The ingagement and resolution of the principall gentlemen of the county of Salop, for the raising and maintayning of forces at thier own cha [no entry] 1642 740 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-09 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-10 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2007-10 Pip Willcox Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE INGAGEMENT AND RESOLUTION OF THE Principall Gentlemen of the County of Salop , for the Raising and Maintayning of Forces at their own Charge , for the defence of His MAIESTIE , their Countrey , and more particularly the Fortunes , Persons , and Estates of the Subscribers under-named . VVE whose names are under-written , do hereby ingage our selves each to other , and promise upon the Faith and VVord of a Gentleman , That we will do our uttermost endeavours , both by our selves and friends , to raise , aswell for defence of our King and Countrey , as our own particular Safeties , one entire Regiment of Dragoneers , and with our lives to defend those mens Fortunes and Families that shall be Contributers herein , to their abilities . And for the more speedy expedition of the said service , as also for prevention of being surprized and plundered by our Enemies , we have thought fit to intreat Sir Vincent Corbett formerly Captain of the Horse for this County , to be our Chief Commander over the aforesaid Regiment ; And likewise we have appointed the day of our appearance for bringing in of every mans proportion of his Horse or Money , according to the subscription of his undertaking , to be the Twentieth day of December , all in Battlefield . Henry Bromley Esquire , Sheriffe : Robert Viscount Killmorrey . Robert Howard , Richard Leveson Knights of the Bath . Richard Herbert Esquire . Richard Lee Baronet . Paul Harris Thomas Wolrych . Vincent Corbett . Knights and Baronets . William Owen . Richard Prince . Robert Eyton . Iohn Weld Sen. Francis Ottley . Thomas Screven . Thomas Eyton . Thomas Lister . Knights . Iohn Corbett . Rowland Lacon . Roger Owen . Edward Kinaston . Francis Herbert . Robert Corbett , of Humfreston . Iohn Bromley . Thomas Corbett . Pelham Corbett . Roger Kinaston . Carew Stewry . William Fowler . Edward Acton . Walter Pigot . Thomas Ireland . William Cotton . Edward Cresset . William Barker . Francis Thornes . Arthur Sandford . Thomas Owen . Iohn Newton . Edward Baudewin Charles Baldwin . Thomas Edwards . Walter Waring . Esquires . Ralph Goodwin . Tho. Whitmore . William Blunden . Richard Okeley . Harbert Iencks . Francis Billingsley . Robert Matthews . Richard Church . Rees Tannat . Thomas Phillips . Iohn Leighton . Lawrence Bentall . George Ludlow . Iohn Dawes . Thomas Barkley . Edward Stanley . Henry Powell . Francis Burton . Fulk Crumpton . Iohn Pay . Pontesbury Owen . Esquires . Creswell Taylor . Thomas Holland . Andrew Charleton . Edward Owen . George Holland . Edmund Bullock . Iohn Huxley . Iohn Wilkocks . Thomas Lokier . Audley Bowdler . Edward Astley . Richard Hosier . Iohn Wibumbury . Francis Chambers . Francis Smith . Henry Heynes . Francis Morris . Gentlemen . These who have subscribed , are those which were at the first and second meeting . The rest of the Gentry which are far remote , and as well affected , we humbly desire may be added to this our Association . IOHN STVDLEY Esq Major of the Town of Shrewsbury , and the rest of the Inhabitants within the said Town and Liberties thereof , do , with a full and generall consent , engage themselves to finde and furnish one Troop of Dragoneers consisting of sixtie , at the charge of the said Town and Liberties ; as also two hundred foot Souldiers at their charges . Likewise under the command of Sir Francis Ottley Knight , Captain for the said Town , for the defence of the Kings Majesties Royall Person , The known Laws of the Land , The Liberty and Property of the Subjects , And the Safety of the said Town and Liberties . May it please Your Majestie , WE the Clergy of this County , are ( with the Noble Gentry ) sensible of Your Majesties Wrongs , and our Countries Danger ; And therefore with them offer up our Abilities , ( with all humilitie ) an hundred Horse , to be under the Command of Sir Vincent Corbett , according to Your Majesties Commission : That so Your Loyall Subjects may here live in Peace , and be serviceable to Your Majestie . 
A85673	----	Behold! Two letters, the one, written by the Pope to the (then) Prince of Wales, now King of England: the other, an answere to the said letter, by the said Prince, now His Majesty of England. Being an extract out of the history of England, Scotland and Ireland; written in French by Andrew du Chesne. Geographer to the K. of France, (lib. 22. fol. 1162. Printed at Paris cum privilegio) and now translated into English. Gregory XV, Pope, 1554-1623. 1642 Approx. 22 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2009-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A85673 Wing G1880 Thomason E238_18 ESTC R6360 99872974 99872974 158229 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A85673) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 158229) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 41:E238[18]) Behold! Two letters, the one, written by the Pope to the (then) Prince of Wales, now King of England: the other, an answere to the said letter, by the said Prince, now His Majesty of England. Being an extract out of the history of England, Scotland and Ireland; written in French by Andrew du Chesne. Geographer to the K. of France, (lib. 22. fol. 1162. Printed at Paris cum privilegio) and now translated into English. Gregory XV, Pope, 1554-1623. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Du Chesne, André, 1584-1640. Histoire d'Angleterre, d'Escosse, et d'Irlande. Gregory XV, Pope, 1554-1623. [2], 6 p. s.n.], [London : Printed in the yeare of discoveries 1642. The title page is engraved. In double columns, English and French. The letters are by Pope Gregory XV and Charles Stuart, later King of Great Britain. The papal letter was originally published in 1623 as "The Pope's letter to the Prince in Latine, Spanish, and English." An English translation of both letters was published in 1650 as the latter part of "The King of Scotlands negotiations at Rome". Reproduction of the original in the British Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Church of England -- Relations -- Catholic Church -- Early works to 1800. 2007-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-10 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-07 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Behold ! TWO LETTERS , THE ONE , Written by the POPE to the ( then ) Prince of Wales , now ● King of ENGLAND : THE OTHER , An Answere to the said Letter , by the said Prince , now His Majesty of ENGLAND . Being an Extract out of the History of England , Scotland and Ireland ; Written in French by A●drew du Ches●●e . Geogropher to the K. of France , ( lib. 22. fol. 1162. Printed at Paris Cum Privilegio ) and now Translated into English . Printed in the yeare of Discoveries 1642. ❧ The Popes Letter , MOst noble Prince , Salvation and light of the divine grace : Forasmuch as great Brittaine , hath alwayes been fruitfull in Vertues , and in men of great worth , having filled the one , & the other world with the glory of her renown ; She doth also very often draw the thoughts of the holy Apostolicall Chaire , to the consideration of her praises . And indeed the Church was but then in her Infancie , when the King of Kings did choose her for his inheritance , and so affectionately , that we beleeve , the Roman Eagles have hardly out-passed the Banner of the Crosse ▪ Besides that many of her Kings instructed in the knowledge of the true salvation , have preferred the Crosse before the Royall Scepter ; and the Discipline of Religion before Covetousnesse , leaving examples of Piety to other Nations , and to the ages yet to come . So that having merited the Principalities and first places of blessednesse in Heaven , they have obtained on Earth the Tryumphant ornaments of true holynesse . And although now the state of the English Church is altered , we see neverthelesse the Court of Great Brittaine adorned and furnished with Morall Vertues , which might serve , to support the Charity that we beare unto her , and be an Ornament to the name of Christianity , if withall she could have for her defence and protection the Orthodox and Catholique truth . Therfore by how much the more , the Glory of your most noble Father , and the apprehension of your Royall inclination , delights us , with so much morezeal , we desir that the gates of the Kingdome of Heaven might be opened unto you , and that you might pur●ase to your selfe the love of the universall Church . Moreover it being certain that Gregory the grea● of most blessed memory , hath introduced to the English people , and taught to their K●ngs the law of the Gosp●ll , and the respect of Apostolicall authority : We , as inferiour to him , in holinesse and vertue , but equall in name and degree of dignity , it is very reasonable that we following his blessed footsteps , should indeavour the salvation of those Provinces , especially at this time , when your desig● ( Most noble Prince ) elevates us to the hope of an extraordinary advantage : Therfore , as you have directed your journey to Spaine , towards the Catholique King , with desire to allie your selfe to the house of Austria , We do much commend your designe , and indeed do testifie openly in this present businesse , that you are he that takes the principall care of our Prelacy . For seeing that you desire to take in Marriage a Daughter of Spaine : from thence we may easily conjecture that the ancient seeds of Christian piety , which have so happily flourished in the hearts of the Kings of great Brittaine ; may ( God prospering them ) revive againe in your soule : And indeed it is not to be beleeved that the same man should love such an alliance , that hates the Catholique Religion , and should take delight to Oppresse the holy Chaire . To that purpose we have commanded to make continually most humble Prayers to the Father of lights , that he would be pleased to put you as a faire Flower of the Christianisme , and the only hope of great Brittaine , in possession of that most noble heritage , that your Ancestors have purchased for you , to defend the authority of the Soveraigne High Priest ; and to fight against the Monsters of Heresie . Remember the dayes of old , inquire of your Fathers , and they will tell you the way that leads to heaven ; and what way the temporall Princes have taken to attaine to the everlasting Kingdome . Behold the Gates of Heaven opened , the most holy Kings of England , who came from England to Rome accompanied with Angels , did come to honour and do hommage to the Lord of Lords , and to the Prince of the Apostles in the Apostolicall Chaire : their actions and their examples being as so many voyces of God , speaking and exhorting you to follow the course of the lives of those to whose Empire you shall one day attaine . Is it possible that you can suffer that the Heritiques should hold them for impious , and condemne those that the Faith of the Church testifies to reigne in the Heavens with Jesus Christ , and have Command and authority upon all Principalities and Empires of the earth ? Behold how they tender you the hand of this truly happy inheritance , to conduct you safe and sound at the Court of the Catholique King , and that desire to bring you back again into the lap of the Roman Church : Bes●cching with unspeakable sighs and groanes , the God of all mercy for your salvation , & do tender you the arms of the Apostolicall Charitie , to imbrace you with all Christian affection ; You , that are her desired Sonne , in shewing you the happy hope of the Kingdome of Heaven . And indeed you cannot give a greater consolation to all the people of the Christian Estates , than to put the Prince of the Apostles in possession of your most noble Island , whose authority hath been held so long in the Kingdome of great Brittaine ▪ for the defence of Kingdomes , and for a divine Oracle ; which will easily arrive , and that without difficulty , if you open your heart to th● Lord that knocks , upon which depends all the happinesse of that Kingdome . It is of our great Charity that we cherish the praises of the Royall name ; and that which makes us desire that you and your Royall Father might be stiled with the names of Deliverers , and Restorers of the ancient and paternall Religion of Great Brittaine , which we hope for , trusting in the goodnesse of God , in whose hands are the hearts of Kings , and who causeth the people of the Earth to receive healing , to whom we will alwaies labour , with all our power , to render you gracious and favourable ; In the interim take notice by these Letters of the care of our Charity , which is none other than procure you● happinesse ; and it will never grieve us to have written them , if the reading of them stir but the least sparke of the Catholique Faith , in the heart of so great a Prince , who we wish to be filled with long continuance of joy , and flourishing in the glory of all vertues . Given at Rome in the Pallace of St. Peter , the 20. of Aprill , 1623. in the Third yeare of our Popedome . ❧ The Popes Letter , TRes-Noble Prince , salut & lumiere de la grace divine : Comme ainsi soit qu● la grand ' Bretagne ait tousiours esté abondante en vertus , & en personnages de grand merite , & ait remply l' vn & l' autre monde de lo gloire de sa renomme , elle atttire anssi tres-souuentles pensees du Saint Siege Apostolique à la consideration de ses loüanges . Et de fait l' Eglise ne faisoit encore que naistre , quandle Roy des Roys la voulut choisir pour son heritage , & si affectionnement , qu' on tient qu' à peine les Aigles Romoins y one plustost passe que l ▪ estendart de lax Croix . Ioint que plusieurs de ses Roys instruits en lae cognoissance du vraysalut , ont prefere la Croix au Sceptre Royal , & la discipline de la Relion á la conuotise : laissants des exemples de pietè aux nations estrangeres , & aux siecles futurs . Si bi en qu' ayans merite dans lo Ciel les Principautez , & preeminences de la Beatitudene , ils ont obtenu en terre des ornaments triomphaux de vraye Saintetè . Et ores qu' auiourd huyl ' Estat de l ▪ Eglise Anglicane soit alterè , nous voyons neant , moins la Court de la grand BRETAGNE estre ornee & munie de vertus Morales , qui serviroient de consolation à la charitè que nous luy portons & d' ornement au nom Chrestien , si coni●inct ement elle pouuoit auoir pour sa defence & protection la verité orthodoxe & vniuerselle . C ' est pourquoy d' autant plus que la Gloire de vostre Serenissime Pere , & le r●ssentiment de vestre Royal naturel , nous delectent , de tantplus grande ardeur resirons-nos que les p●rt●s du R●iaume Celest●s vous soye●t ouuertes , & que vous ▪ vous acqu●riez l'●●●● de l'Eglise Vniverselle . D' ailleurs , estant ●ray que Gregoire le grand de tressainte memoire a introduit aux peuples d' Angleterre , & enseignè a leurs Rois la Loy de l' Euangile , & le respect de l' auctoritè Apostolique : Nous comme inferieurs , aluy en saintetè & vertu , & pareils en nom & degrè de dignitè , il est bien ra●fonnable , que suiuants ses Saints vestiges nous procurions le salut de ces ▪ Provinces , nommèment aujourd ' huy que vistre heureux dessein ( tres noble Prince ) nous esle●e àl esperance d' vn bon-heur extraordinaire . Partant , comme vous vous estes acheminè el Es●●gne ve●sl● personne du Roy Catholique ▪ auec desir de vous allier á la Ma●sond Austriche , Nous auous bien voulu loüer vostre dessein , voire , mesmete sm●igner ouuer●ement en l' affaire qui se presente , que vous estes cel●y que regarde le principal soin de n●st●e Prelature . Car ainsi estant que vous desirez prendre en mariage vne Fille d' Espagne , de là pouuons-nous ▪ aisement coniecturer , que ces anciennes semences de la Piete Chrestienne , lesquelles out sy heureusement fleury dans les còeurs des Rois de la grand ' Bretague , peuvent ( Di● leur donnant ac●r●issement ) reuerdir en v●stre a●●e . Et de fait il ne seroit pa● croyable que celuy-là aimast vne telle alliance , lequel hayroit la Religion Catholique , & se plairei à opprimer le Saint Siege . Nous 〈◊〉 ensuite de ce commandè de faire comi●●ellement de tres-humbles prieres an Pere des lumieres , à ce qu ●l ●●y plaise de vous mettre comme vne belle fleurdu Christianis●● , & vnique esperance de la grand ' Bretagn● , en possession de ce tres noble heritage ; que vos ancestres vous 〈◊〉 acquis , à deffendre l' auctoritè du souuerain Pontife , & à combattre les monstres de l' heresie . Sonne●●zvous des iours anciens , enquerez-vous de vos Peres , & ils vous d●●●t par quelle voy● l' on va a● Ciel , & quelehemin out 〈◊〉 les Princes temporels pourpar●●●ir an Roya●me eternel . Voyez les portes d● Ciel o●uertes , ces tres-Saincts Roys d' Angl●terre , qui pareans d' Angleterre pour venir à Rome accompagnez des Anges son● venus honorer & faire hominage a● Seigneur des Seigneurs , & au Prince des Apostres en la Chaire Aqostolique ▪ Leurs oeuures & leurs exemples sont autant de voix de Die● qui parlent , & qui vous exhortent à ce qu' ayez àsuiure la facon de viure de coux ▪ à l' Empire desquels vous paruiendrez vn iour . Est-il possibile qne vous puissiez souffrir , que les Heretiques tiennent pour impies , & condamnent ceux que la foy de l' Eglise t● smoigne regner dans le Ciel auec Iesus-Christ , & auoir commandement & auctoritè sur toutes les Principantez & Empires de la terre ? Veilà qu' ils vous tenden● la main de ceste bie●-heureuse Patrie , pour vous conduire sain & sauf à la Cour d● Roy Cath●lique , & qui desirent vous ramener au giron de l' Eglise Romaine : laquelle suppliant auec gemissements in●●arrables le Diu de toute Misericorde pour vostre salut , vous tend les bras de la Charite Apostolique pour vous embrasser auec toute affection Chrestienn● , vous qui estes son desire fils , en vous monstrant l' ●sperance bie●heurense du Royaume des C●eux . Pour vray vous ne pourrez donner plus grande consol●●i●n à tous les Peuples de l' Estat Chrestien , que de mettre en possession de vostre tres-noble Isle le Prince des Apostres , l' Auctorite duquela este te●●e si long-temps e● vostre Royaume de la grand ' Bretague pour la defense des Roya●mes , & pour oracle de la Divinite . Ce qui arri●era saus difficulte , si vous ●uurez vostre eoeur au Seigneur qui frappe , en quoi gist toutle b●n-heur de ce Roya●me . C'est de ceste si grande charitè que nous fauorisons les loüanges d● nom Royal & qui nous fait desirer que vous & vostre Serinissime pere soyez qualifiez du no● de Liberateurs & Restaurateurs de l' anci●●ne & paternelle Religion de la grand ' Bretagne . C● que nous esperons , nous confians en la bonte de Dien es mains duquel sont les coeurs des Reys , & qui fait que les Pe●ples de la terre puissent receuoir guarison , lequell nous tascher●us t●nsiours de tout nostre p●uuoir vous rendre pr●pice & fauorable . Cependant recognoissex en ces Lettres le soinde nostre charitè , qui n'est autre chose que pour procurer vostre b●n-heur : & iamais il ne nous fera mal de les auoir escrites , si la lecture d' icelles vient au moins à exciter quelque petite est incelle de la Foy Catholique dans le coeur d'vnsi grand Prince , lequel nons desirous estre comble d'vne ioye de longue duree , & florissant e● la gloire de toutes vertus . Donnè à Rome au Palais de Saint Piere le xx . iourd ' Aurill 1623. l' an troisiesme de nostre pontificat . Pope Gregory the 15 th having writ the foregoing LETTER to the Prince of WALES , it was presented to him by the Nuncio of his Holinesse in Spaine , he being accompanied with the Italian Lords , that then were in the Court. The Prince of Wales having received this LETTER , made this following Answer , which was after published . MOST Holy Father , I received the dispatch from your Holinesse with great content , & with that respect which the pietie and care where with your Holynesse writes , doth require : It was an unspeakable pleasure to me to reade the generous exploits of the Kings my Predecessours , in whose memory , posterity hath not given those praises and Elogies of honour , as were due to them : I do believe that your Holinesse hath set their examples before my eyes , to th' end that I might imitate them in all my actions , for in tru●h they have often exposed their estates and lives for the exaltation of the Holy Chaire ; And the courage with which they have assaulted the enemies of the crosse of Jesus Christ , hath not been lesse , than the care and thought which I have , to the end that the peace and intelligence which hath hitherto bin wanting in Christendome , might be bound with a true and strong concord , for as the commo● enemie of the peace , watcheth alwaies to pu● hatred and dissention amongst Christian Princes , ●o I beleeve that the glory of God requires that we should indeavour to unite them ; And I do not esteeme it a g●●a●●r honour to be discended from so great Princes , then to imitate them in the zeale of their piety , in which it helpes me very mu●● to h●ve knowne the mind● and will , of our thrice honoured Lord and Father , and the holy inte●tions of his Catholik● Majesty to give a hap●ie concurrence to so laudable a designe , for : grieves him extreamly to see the great eills that grow from the devision of Christi●● Princes , which the wisdome of your Holinesse foresaw , when it judged the M●riage which you pleased to de●●g●● , betweene the Infanta of Spaine and my selfe , to be necessary to procure ●o great a good , for 't is very certa●ne , that I shall never be so extreamly affectionate to any thing in the world , as to endeavour allya●ce with a Prince that hath the same apprehension of the true Religion with my selfe : Therefore I intreate your Holynesse to believe , that I have been alwaies very far from incouraging Novelties , or to be a part of any Faction against the Catholike , Apostolike Roman Religion : But on the contrary , I have sought all occasions to take away the suspition that might rest upon me , and that I will imploy my selfe for the time to come , to have but one Religion and one faith , seeing that we all beleeve in one Jesus Christ . Having resolved in my selfe , to spare nothing that I have in the world , and to suffer all manner of discommodities , even to the hazarding of my estate and life , for a thing so pleasing unto God : It rests only that I thank your Holynesse , that you have bin pleased to afford me the leave , and I pray God to give you a blessed health and his glory , after so much paines which your Holynesse takes in his Church . Signed , CHARLES STVVARD . Le Prince de Galles ayant receu cel LETTRES , il fist la Responce suivante , quy fut publice vn p●u apres . TRes-Saint Pere , I'ay receu la Depe sche de vostre Sainte tè auec vn grand contentement dans le respect que demandent la Piete & la Bienueillance , auec lesquelles vostre Santetè l'descrite . Ce qui● a estè vnplaisir indicible de lire les exploits genereux des Roys mes Predecesseurs , à la memoire desquels la posteritè n'a point donnè les eloges d'honneur qui l●ur sont deubs . Ie veux eroire que vostre Saintetè a mis leur exemple denant mes yeux , afin que●e les imitasse ●n tontes mes actions . Car ● laveri●e ils ont exposè souuent leur Estat & leurs vies pour l●exaltation du Saint Siege . De sorte que le co●vage , auec lequell ils ont assailly le e●●emis de la Croix de Iesus-Christ , n'a pas est● m●ind●e que le so●cy & lapensee que i'ay , afin qu● l● Paix & l Intelligence , qui ●nt manque 〈◊〉 ques à present dans la Chrestiente so●e●t estraintes d' vnl●en d' vne veritable concorde . Car de me sme que l' ennemy commun de la Paix veille iousiours pour mettre la hay●e & dissension pa●my les Princes Chrestiens ▪ auss● ie croy que la gloire de Dieu demande qu on ●a sche de les vnir . Et ie n'estime pas que i' aye vnplus grand honnour d' estre d●s●en●u de si g●ands Princes , que de les imiter ●ans le ze●● de leur Piete . En quoy il me sert grandement d'●●oir recogn● la volo●●e de nostre tres honore S●ign●●r & p●●e , & les s●intes intentions de sa Majest● Catholique ▪ p●ur faire reussi● heureu sement ce lo●●ble des●●●● parce qu' elle a un extreme r●g●et de voir ●es grands mal heurs qui naissen● de la aiv sion des Princes Chrestiens . Ce que la prudence de vostre Sainctete a pr●ue● , lors qu'elle a i●ge que le mariage qu' il luy plaist desseigne entre l' Infante d' Espagne & moy , est necessaire po●r procurerv● si grand b●en qu' il est tout certain , que i● ne me p●rter●● tamais si passionement a chose de monde , qu' à la recherche de l' alliance ● un Prince , qui aurale mesme sentiment de la vraye Religion auec moy . C'est pourquoy ie pri● vostre Salutete de eroire que i ay tousiours estè fort esloigne d' aduantager les nouueautez , ni d' estre partisan d' aucune faction contre la Religion Catholique Apostolique Romaine : mais au contraire , que i'ay recherche les occasions , afin que le soupcon qui peut t●●ber sur●●y s●i● entierement ●ste , & que i● 〈◊〉 ●●ploye de tout m●n reste pour ● ' anoir qu' vne Religion , & qu' vne Foy , puis que nous cryons tous ensemble en Iesus-Christ . Ayant resolu de ne ● ' ●spargner point en chose d● monde , & des●●ffrir toutes sortes d' incomm●ditez ●es●e de hazarder mon Estat & mavie , pour vne occasion si agreable à Di●u ▪ Il reste seulemont que ie remercie vostre Saintete de la permission qu' illuy a pleu de ● accorder , & que i● prie Dieu qu' il luy donne vne heureuse sante , & sa gloire , aprestant de trauaux quae vostre Saintete prend dans son Eglise . Signe , CHARLES STVVARD . These two Letters are Printed ( as is aforesaid ) in the French History of England , &c. and in the two and twentieth Booke , ( and 1162. fol. ) you may find the same : which Booke was also twice Printed in Paris Cum Privilegio . FINIS . 
A85788	----	The Lord Maior of Londons letter to the King at Yorke, Iune, 22. In behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes, the master and wardens of each severall company in answer to His Maiesites letter. The Parliaments resolution, concerning the Kings most excellent Maiestie, and the Lords and Commons which have absented themselues from the said Houses, and are now at Yorke attending on his Maiesty. Like wise the grounds and reasons why they are enforceed [sic] to take arms, with the severall reasons to prove that every man is bound to uphold the Parliament against all opposers whatsoever. Gurney, Richard, Sir, 1577-1647. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A85788 of text R210847 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.5[49]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 7 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A85788 Wing G2261 Thomason 669.f.5[49] ESTC R210847 99869602 99869602 160762 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A85788) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 160762) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 245:669f5[49]) The Lord Maior of Londons letter to the King at Yorke, Iune, 22. In behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes, the master and wardens of each severall company in answer to His Maiesites letter. The Parliaments resolution, concerning the Kings most excellent Maiestie, and the Lords and Commons which have absented themselues from the said Houses, and are now at Yorke attending on his Maiesty. Like wise the grounds and reasons why they are enforceed [sic] to take arms, with the severall reasons to prove that every man is bound to uphold the Parliament against all opposers whatsoever. Gurney, Richard, Sir, 1577-1647. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. 1 sheet ([1] p.) s.n., [London : 1642] Place and date of publication from Wing. "Ordered by the Lords and Commons that this be printed and published. Ic. Bro. Cler. par. Hen. Elsing Cler. parl." Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A85788 R210847 (Thomason 669.f.5[49]). civilwar no The Lord Maior of Londons letter to the King at Yorke, Iune, 22. In behalfe of the aldermen sheriffes, the master and wardens of each severa Gurney, Richard, Sir 1642 1050 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-11 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion The Lord Maior of Londons Letter to the King at Yorke , Iune , 22. In behalfe of the Aldermen Sheriffes , the Masters and Wardens of each severall Company in Answer to His Maiesties Letter . The Parliaments Resolution , concerning the Kings most excellent Maiestie , and the Lords and Commons which have absented themselues from the said Houses , and are now at Yorke attending on his Maiesty . Like wise the Grounds and Reasons why they are enforced to take Arms , With the severall Reasons to prove that every man is bound to uphold the Parliament against all Opposers whatsoever . Ordered by the Lords and Commons that this be printed and published . Ic. Bro. Cler. par . Hen. Elsing Cler. parl. AS no greater fidility can be presented to me , then a Loyall Obedience to your Maiesties Command , so no greater unhappinesse can befall me , then in conceiving my solicitous indeavours to imbecill and invailid , and not able to incline to myaffections ; for my condiscentious mind is so dubiously ballanced , depending on a double Authority , that it is an unexpressible difficulty to my thoughts , how to weigh my resolution with an unquestionable action . If I should not obey Your Maiesties command in an equitable cause , I might meritoriously bee suspended from that place of Honour conferred on mee , undeserving to be your Maiesties Subiect , muchlesse Your Personable Servant , and liable to Your Maiesties displeasure and indignation ; yet if I should obey Your Maiesties command without consent of Parliament , I should bee neverthelesse liable to the censure of Parliament , so that in various and severall commands a conformity of Obedience is very difficult . Whereas Your Maiesty hath received true information of great sums of Money endeavoured to be borrowed of Your City of London , by directions proceeding from both Houses of Parliament , with additionall perswasions to your good subiects for the raising of Horse and furnishing your Parliament with necessary Moneyes , ( I Your Maiesties faithfull Subiect ) doe conceive , and dare asseverate , that it is intended upon no other pretence then for the Honour and defence of Your Maiesty , together with both Houses of Parliament , and for the vniversal security of Your Kingdomes . And since Your Maiesties manifold Protestations taken in the presence of Almighty God , and by Your severall Oathes taken by the Faith of a Prince , are ample testimonies of Your Maiesties iust desires for the publike peace , and sufficient manifestations , of your reall intentions , not to levie war against your Parliament , I cannot entertaine such a sinister conceit in my thoughts , that your Maiestie will violate those severall Oathes by raising any Forces , which consequently would ruinate the prosperitie of your Maiesties Kingdome by a Civill Discord And I am so confident on the other side , that whatsoever moneys shall be collected , or forces levied by your Parliament , they will not derogate any thing from your Maiesties Prerogative , but to the preservation of the publike peace , and the advancement both of your Maiisties Honour , and your Kingdomes happinesse . So that whatsover Mony , Plate , Horse , Arms shall be contributed by your Maiesties willing and Leyall , subiects of the City of London , being disposed by the prudent dispensation of your Parliament , chiefly to maintaine the Protestant Religion , your Maiestis Authority , and person in Royall Dignity the free course of Iustice , the Lawes of the Land , the peace of the Kingdome , and Priviledge of Parliament , and partly to the necessary use of Ireland ; as also the payment of the Scottish subiects . I hope your Maiesty will take it as an acceptable service at their hands , and not looke upon it as the raising forces against your Maiesty , or to be done either in malice , or contempt of your , or of your Authority . Thus I , and the severall Companies having herein punctually , observed the direction of both Houses of Parliament , nothing contradictory to Your Maiesties Commands , We hope Your Maiesty shall have no cause to proceed against the severall Companies , in obeying the Trust reposed in them both by Your Maiestys Authority , and by both Houses of Parliament : or against any particular persons , either as Contemners or opposers of Your Maiesties Commands and Authoritys , or Her Law of the Land ; doing nothing , but what Your Parliament wisdome , Truth , and Equitie have prescribed unto them , as well for the intended safetie of your Maiestees person , as the securitie of the Kingdom . And that Your Maiestie shall hereby have no iust occasion to be compelled to question the Charter of this Your City , which as Your Maiestie is yet willing to believe , so You may be confident both in a high and low degree will continue Loyall to Your Maiesties sacred Person , and Authoritie . These ample testimonies of my Loyaltie ( SIR ) I hope will give Your Maiestie a satisfactorie contentation , since Your Maiesties Commands are iusty presormed , and obeyed by Your Maiesties faithfull humble and Loyall Subject and Servant . E. G The Reason why the Subject is bound to obey the Command of the Parliament , Voted , That if in case of necessity , his Majesty shall deny his assent , the Ordinance agreed on by both Houses of Parliament , doth oblige the People , and ought to bee obeyed , being warranted by the Fundamentall Laws of the Kingdome , Both houses of Parliament hath took into their serious consideration the Occasion and Reason why the Members of the said Houses should absent themselves upon their summoning in Wherupon they hath drawn up a Charge against them , and are resolv'd that they shall pay 100. l a man , and to be examined by the Committee before the next fitting . Ordered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , that this be printed and published . 
A86141	----	Heads of His Majesties letter and propositions sent from the Isle of Wyght, for setling of the Church and kingdome, and paying of the Army. And His Majesties desire to come to London to the Parliament. Also the copy of a second letter from Col. Hammond governour of the Isle of Wyght, and his desires to the Parliament concerning the Kings Majesty. Novemb. 19. 1647. Imprimatur Gilb. Mabbott. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A86141 of text R202582 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E416_12). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A86141 Wing H1284 Thomason E416_12 ESTC R202582 99862812 99862812 161291 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A86141) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 161291) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 66:E416[12]) Heads of His Majesties letter and propositions sent from the Isle of Wyght, for setling of the Church and kingdome, and paying of the Army. And His Majesties desire to come to London to the Parliament. Also the copy of a second letter from Col. Hammond governour of the Isle of Wyght, and his desires to the Parliament concerning the Kings Majesty. Novemb. 19. 1647. Imprimatur Gilb. Mabbott. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Hammond, Robert, 1621-1654. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 8 p. : port. (woodcut) Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield, London : 1647. An abstract of "His Majesties gracious message and propositions from the Isle of Wyght, for setling of the Church and kingdome, and paying of the Army" (Wing C2323), with different accompanying matter. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Treaties -- Early works to 1800. A86141 R202582 (Thomason E416_12). civilwar no Heads of His Majesties letter and propositions sent from the Isle of Wyght,: for setling of the Church and kingdome, and paying of the Army England and Wales. Sovereign 1647 883 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-06 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Heads of HIS MAJESTIES LETTER and PROPOSITIONS SENT From the Isle of Wyght , for setling of the Church and Kingdome , and paying of the Army . AND His Majesties desire to come to London to the PARLIAMENT . ALSO The Copy of a second Letter from Col. Hammond Governour of the Isle of Wyght , and his desires to the Parliament concerning the Kings Majesty . Novemb. 19. 1647. Imprimatur Gilb. Mabbott . HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms London , Printed by Robert Ibbitson in Smithfield , 1647. portrait of Charles I Heads of HIS MAIESTIES Letter , and Propositions to both houses of PARLIAMENT . Dated at the Isle of Wyght . HIs Majestie conceives himself bound not to abolish Episcopacy , both as he is a Christian , and as hee is a King ; As hee is a Christian , it being instituted by Christ and his Apostles : And as he is a King , being bound to maintain them by the Oath which he swore at his Coronation ; And by them the Doctrine of Religion , the Government and Discipline of the Church , which hath ( under his Predecessors ) been maintained . And for sale of the Bishops Lands , His Majesty holds it high sacriledge , they having been given to them by divers benefactors . His Majesty offers to call in all his Proclamations and Declarations against the Parliament , and those who have adhered to them , and will give order for withdrawing all Inditements against those who have adhered to the Parliament ; And his Majesty offers to passe an Act of indempnity . and generall pardon . For the Army , his Majesty undertakes with the moneys received , and due , and to be received out of Sequestrations , to pay 400000 pound for payment of the Army their Arrears , and if it will not do it , his Majesty will make it up out of Forrest Lands . His Majesty is content to part with the Militia of the Kingdome , during his own life , but that after his Reigne it may return again to its proper place . For the publique debts of the kingdome , his Majesty will conferre with his two Houses of Parliament , for the payment of them . And his Majesty is content to confirme such Officers of State as the two Houses of Parliament shall nominate , &c. His Majesty propounds the Proposalls of the Army to be taken into consideration by the Houses of Parliament . And for other things , his Majesty propounds to come to London , to consult with his Parliament , for the setling of a firme and lasting peace . These be the heads of his Majesties Letter from the Isle of Wyght . Subscribed CHARLES REX . A LETTER FROM Colonell Hammon , Governour of the Isle of Wyght , ( and Colonell of a Regiament of Foot , of the Army under the immediate command of his Excellency ) . Read in both Houses of Parliament . My Lord , Since my last which gave your Lordship an account of his Majesty being in this Island I have had a meeting with the Gentery thereof , who expresse a great deale of cherefullnesse in their desires , and endeavours of preserving His Majesties person , and obedience unto the authority of Parliament . I have also given orders , ( which are diligently observed ) that no persons goe out of the Island without passes : And that no botes bring over any person whatsoever , ( not belonging to this Island ) but whom they cause to be brought to mee , to be examined , that I may thereby be the better able to preserve the Kings Person in security , as also to prevent the confluence of people that otherwise , upon the occasion of His Majesties presence would flocke hither to the disturbance of the peace of this Island , which at present ( through the blessing of God ) is in a quiet and peaceable posture , having earnest expectations upon the continuance of their peace , by a generall settlement of the peace of the Kingdome , for conveyance of which unto them , they looke at your Lordships as the blessed Instruments . My Lord , Give me leave to acquaint you that the accommodations of the King at this time are no wayes suitable to His quallity , which makes mee bold to offer to your Lordships ( if it bee thought fit ) that His usuall allowance may bee continued to Him , for His better provision whilest he shall abide in this place . I shall not further trouble your Lordship then to assure you , that in all things , in my power , which may expresse my duty to you and the Kingdome , I shall study to declare my selfe . My Lord , Your Lordships and the kingdomes most humble and faithfull servant . RO. HAMMOND . From the Castle of Carisbrooke Novem. 16. 1647. To the Right Honourable the Earle of Manchester , Speaker of the house of Peers pro tempore . FINIS . 
A87412	----	Joyfull nevves from the Kings Majesty, and the Prince of Wales, to all loyall subjects within the realm of England, and principality of VVales. With His Majesties desires and proposals to both Houses, concerning all his liege people whatsoever. Signed, Charles R. Also, Colonell Hammonds letter to the Parliament, concerning His Majesties royal person. And the proceedings of the Prince at sea, his sayling towards the north, and his design touching the Earl of VVarwick. Likewise, the proceedings of Lieut. Gen. Cromwel, and Gen. Monro in the north, and Monroes declaraaion [sic] to his army. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A87412 of text R202630 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E462_5). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 9 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A87412 Wing J1148 Thomason E462_5 ESTC R202630 99862852 99862852 162186 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A87412) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162186) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 74:E462[5]) Joyfull nevves from the Kings Majesty, and the Prince of Wales, to all loyall subjects within the realm of England, and principality of VVales. With His Majesties desires and proposals to both Houses, concerning all his liege people whatsoever. Signed, Charles R. Also, Colonell Hammonds letter to the Parliament, concerning His Majesties royal person. And the proceedings of the Prince at sea, his sayling towards the north, and his design touching the Earl of VVarwick. Likewise, the proceedings of Lieut. Gen. Cromwel, and Gen. Monro in the north, and Monroes declaraaion [sic] to his army. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Hammond, Robert, 1621-1654. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [2], 6 p. September 4. Printed for G.VV., [London] : 1648. Includes the letter from Charles I, an abstract of Robert Hammond's letter, and other unsigned dispatches. Place of publication from Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- II, -- King of England, 1630-1685. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A87412 R202630 (Thomason E462_5). civilwar no Joyfull nevves from the Kings Majesty, and the Prince of Wales, to all loyall subjects within the realm of England, and principality of VVal England and Wales. Sovereign 1648 1436 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-04 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion JOYFULL NEVVES FROM THE KINGS MAJESTY . AND The PRINCE of WALES , TO All loyall Subjects within the Realm of England , and Principality of VVales . With His Majesties Desires and Proposals to both Houses , concerning all His liege People whatsoever . Signed , CHARLES R. ALSO , Colonell Hammonds Letter to the Parliament concerning His Majesties Royal Person . And the Proceedings of the prince at Sea , his sayling towards the North , and His Design touching the Earl of VVarwick . Likewise , the proceedings of Lieut. Gen. Cromwel , and Gen. Monro in the North , and Monroes Declaraaion to his Army . September 4. Printed for G. VV. 1648. THE DESIRES OF The Kings most Excellent Maiesty to both Houses of Parliament , concerning all his looall and faithfull subiects within these his distracted Realms and Dominions . My Lord , and Mr. Speaker , I Have received your Letter of the 25 of this month with the Votes that you sent me , which though they are not so full as I could have wished for the perfecting of a Treaty , yet because I conceive by what you have done that I am in some measure fit to begin one ; such is my uneessant and earnest desire to give a peace to these my now diftracted Dominions , as I accept the Treaty and therefore desire that such five Lords and ten Commons as my two Houses shall appoint , be speedily sent , fully authorized and instructed to treat with me , not doubting by what is now wanting , wil at our meeting upon debate be fully supplied , not only to the furtherance of this Treaty , but also to the consummation of a safe and well-grounded peace . So I rest your good friend , CHARLES R. For the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers , pro tempore , and William Lenthall Esq Speaker of the House of Commons . Postscript . I desire in order to one of your votes , that ye would send me a free passe for Mr. Parsons , one of the Groomes of my Presence Chamber to go into Scotland , and that ye would immediatly send him to me to receive dispatch thither accordingly . The Right Honorable the House of Peers having received the said Letter , communicated the same to the Commons , who after receipt thereof , ordered to debate it , and no doubt but there will be a happy concurrence and compliance between his Majesty and both Houses , to the great joy and comfort of all his liege people , and the flourishing of his distracted Realms and Dominions . Another Letter were read in both Houses from col . Hammond Governour of the Isle of Wight ; wherein he declares his desires to the Lords and Commons to be freed of his employment , and that the service as formerly be by Commissioners . The Lords read both these letters , but did not proceed thereupon . Joyfull Newes from the Prince . Honoured Sir , BY a messenger from Deal we are advertized , that His Highnesse the Prince of VVales having called a generall Councell aboard the Reformation , took into consideration their present proceedings at Sea for the advancement of his Fathers Cause , and conceiving it more necessary to draw off the Navy from the Downs , gave command to Vice-Admiral Batten to send Orders to every Captain throughout the Navy , to weigh Anchor , which accordingly they did , and are now sayled towards the North with the whole Fleet ; but some conjecture that it is only done in policy to invite the Earl of VVarwick to Sea , who we hear will suddenly be there , and in all probability may become master thereof , having a gallant Fleet consisting of sixteen sayl of lusty ships , the St. George being Admirall , carrying fifty pieces of Ordinance , and wel man'd , as also the rest . Our Country Royalists are now frustrated in their Design , who stuck not to say , That if ever the Prince landed , they would rise as one man for him , and cut the throats of the Parliaments souldiers ; but finding their Design not to take effect , and hearing of the Princes drawing off from the Downs , begins to be more moderate , and recals their former speeches . The Copy of a Letter from the City of York , declaring the proceedings of Major Generall Monro , and Lieutenant Generall Cromwel . Noble Sir , YEsterday wee received intelligence from Scarbrough , that Colonell Bointon sallied out of the Castle with a considerable party of horse and foot , & thought to have surprized our Cuards , but through the vigilancy of the Centinels they were discovered , who fired , and allarm'd the Guards , whereupon they retreated into the Castle without any further action . But this morning about three of the clock they gave us another visit , Capt. Dorbore who had command of the Guard drew out his men , charged them , and after some dispute , worsted the Enemy , put them to a disorderly retreat , killed seven , and took four prisoners , with the loss of two men . Sir , I have sent you here inclosed a copy of a Letter from Lieutenant General Cromwels Army , which followeth in these words . Endeared fir , We have had a long and wearied march , our souldiery tyred , and our horses much galled , yet full of courage and gallantry , to fight the enemy , and to try the spirits of the Irish Invaders , which will suddenly be effected , being neer an ingagement with Monro . Scarbrough 1 Septemb. 1648. Other Letters from the North say . We expect a sudden engagement between the two Armies , born being resolved to fight , the Scots Army is said to be about 6000. Monro commanding in chief , being resolved to fight , and saith , That hee will shew Cromwell School play . Indeed hee hath four thousand resolute old soldiers , which he brought out of Ireland with him , who hath been a long time exercized and trained in the Discipline of War . But notwithstanding all which , our men feares them not , as appears by the fore-going action , who disputed the ground at great odds and disadvantage , and made good their retreat with little losse . The Lieutenant Generals Army consists of about five thousand , all armed , and well disciplin'd , the country rising for him wheresoever he commeth , and assisting him with all necessaries whatsoever . But Generall Monro to gain the affections of the Country People , hath made Proclamation at the head of each Regiment , and set forth a Declaration to the Inhabitants , intimating , That any souldier whatsoever that shall use any violence or injury to any of the Inhabitants , or plunder , or take away any goods whatsoever , to the value of two pence under any pretence , shall immediatly be tryed by Marshal Law , and die for it . We hear that Monro hath sent a message to the kingdom of Scotland , desiring , That some additionall forces may be forthwith raised and sent unto him , and that care be taken for provisions and other necessaries for maintenance of the Army , The two Castles of Scarbrough and Pontefract holds out still , and are very resolute and obstinate , slighting the Lieutenant Generals Summons . It is said that some of Lieutenant General Cromwels horse have lately beaten up the Scots out-quarters in Westmerland , and have taken divers prisoners , putting many of the Irish to the sword , the two Bodies advance , and are neer an ingagement , Monro being resolved to fight , so is the Lieutenant Generall , both parties proceed forward , and a field is suddenly expected , policy is the chief Engine which the two Generals make use of , who are exceeding vigilant , in relation to an ingagement , knowing it to be a busines of great consequence , and much looked upon by both kingdoms . York 30. August , 1648. FINIS . 
A90515	----	A messenger from the dead, or, Conference full of stupendious horrour, heard distinctly, and by alternate voyces, by many at that time present. Between the ghosts of Henry the 8. and Charls the First of England, in Windsore-Chappel, where they were both buried. In which the whole series of the divine judgments, in those infortunate ilands, is as it were by a pencil from heaven, most lively set forth from the first unto the last. Nuntius a mortuis. English. Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A90515 of text R203144 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E936_4). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 39 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A90515 Wing P1597 Thomason E936_4 ESTC R203144 99863209 99863209 115398 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A90515) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 115398) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 140:E936[4]) A messenger from the dead, or, Conference full of stupendious horrour, heard distinctly, and by alternate voyces, by many at that time present. Between the ghosts of Henry the 8. and Charls the First of England, in Windsore-Chappel, where they were both buried. In which the whole series of the divine judgments, in those infortunate ilands, is as it were by a pencil from heaven, most lively set forth from the first unto the last. Nuntius a mortuis. English. Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673. Henry VIII, King of England, 1491-1547. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 20 p. : ill. (woodcuts) Printed for Tho. Vere, and W. Gilbertson, and are to be sold at their shops, at the sign of the Angel, and the sign of the Bible without Newgate, London : 1658. Latin verse on p. 20 signed: R.P., i.e. Richard Perrinchief. Originally published in 1657 as: Nuntius a mortuis. Annotation on Thomason copy: "marh ye 4th"; the 8 in the imprint date is crossed out and "7" written in. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1649-1660 -- Humor -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Commonwealth and Protectorate, 1649-1660 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Henry VIII, 1509-1547 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1509-1547 -- Humor -- Early works to 1800. A90515 R203144 (Thomason E936_4). civilwar no A messenger from the dead, or, Conference full of stupendious horrour,: heard distinctly, and by alternate voyces, by many at that time pre Perrinchief, Richard 1658 6859 1 0 0 0 0 0 1 B The rate of 1 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-12 Jason Colman Sampled and proofread 2008-12 Jason Colman Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A MESSENGER From the DEAD , OR , CONFERENCE Full of stupendious horrour , heard distinctly , and by alternate voyces , by many at that time present . BETWEEN THE Ghosts of Henry the 8. and Charls the First of ENGLAND , in Windsore-Chappel , where they were both Buried . In which the whole Series of the Divine Judgments , in those infortunate Ilands , is as it were by a Pencil from Heaven , most lively set forth from the first unto the last . London , Printed for Tho. Vere , and W. Gilbertson , and are to be sold at their shops , at the sign of the Angel , and the sign of the Bible without Newgate , 1658. The Messenger from the Dead : OR , The dreadfull Conference between the Ghosts of HENRY the Eighth and CHARLS the first , King of England . Henry . SAy ! Who art thou that presumest by a Sacrilegious Impiety to disturbe the ashes of a King , which so many years have been at rest ? When Henry had spoken these words , there immediately was heard another voice in a softer , but most doleful accent , which seamed to be the voice of King Charls , expressing himself after this manner . Charls . I am that unhappy King of England , the undoubted heive of sixty and two Monarchs , and who did wear my self the Royall Crown two and twenty years , and longer . Henry . What you a King ! Did you ever wear a Crown on your head , who have not a head on your Shoulders ? Charls . I have not alwayes wanted a head , my Subjects , wo is me , did lately bereave me of it . Henry . Your subjects ! How could that be ? What hainous crime have you committed , that could inforce your subjects to so great a violence ? Charls . I know not wel what ; but this I am most confident of , that I never did Commit adultery with any woman , nor ever defloured any Virgin , I never axpelled any man from his House , or Lands , of all which Henry the Eighth my Predecessor is condemned to be guilty by all the World ; Here Charls made a little pause , to see what answer that Henry would return to him ; But when he perceived him to be stil silent he thus did prosecute his Discourse ; My Father being dead strange Rumours were spread of it ; not long afterwards I marryed with the Daughter of France , and in the beginning of my Raign made two unfortunate Wars , the one with the Spaniard , the other with the French , a Parliament being called at Oxford I lost the love of my people , for dissolving it at that instant when the Duke of Buckingham was questioned for having a hand in my Fathers Death ; At this I perceived that the people did repine , but I was too constant alwayes to my own Counsailes , and although many Parliaments were afterwards called , I dissolved them all . This inforced me to put unusuall taxes upon my people ; by which and by the enertainment of the Queen Mother of France ( a Lady most extreamly hated by the Generallity of the Nation ) I wonderfully increased their evil opinion of me ; At the last we did proceed to Armes ( the Parliament then bearing sway , by me not suddainly to be dissolved ) and the War not thriving with me , I was brought to London , a Court was called , not before heard of , and I protesting against the unlawfullness of it , and that there was no Power on Earth by which I was to be tryed , they passed the sentence of Death on me , according unto which I suffered . Henry . The greatest prejudice that can arrive unto a Prince , is the loss of his peoples love . And thus my Neece Mary Queen of Scotland , having lost the affections of that Nation , amongst other things suffered for that Indiscretion by the loss of her head in England ; but if you are discended from such Kings as you do boast you are , had it not been better for you to have your bones to rest amongst them , then here to interrupt my peace at Windsor ? Charls . I dying did desire to be buryed at West-Minster , but my starres which did shine but Clowdily , and obscurely on me , in my life , were as inauspicious to me at my Death . I suffered many things grievous to relate . At West-Minster I received my fatal sentence where my Predecessors were accustomed to be crowned ; At Saint James I was kept in Custody , a place much beloved of me by reason of my Child-hood spent there , and the many innocent recreations of my youth ; At White-Hall I was Beheaded , the Scaffold being erected before the Doors of the Court , and I passed through that place in which I was accustomed to be present at Masks and Showes , and at the entertainment of the Ambassadors of forrain Princes . Henry . Are you Charls the son of King James , and do you not yet perceive wherefore you are oppressed with such a weight of affliction ? do you not plainly perceive the admirable course and tenour of the Divine Justice ? It was greivous to you to be in custody at S. James , because in your tender years , you did there delight your self with innocent pastimes . Do you not cal to mind how heretofore I seized upon that place by violence ? As indeed what place was free from my cruelties and oppressions , you are not ignorant how most unjustly I brought unto my Exchequer , to satisfy my own avarice , all the Estates of the Carthusian , Bernardine , and Cistercian Monks , and of all the other Orders , but especially of the Order of Saint Benedict , whose Lands and revenues were the greatest , and whose Covents , and houses were the fairest ? How many innocent men have I imprisoned , because they would not be subject to my will ? It was I that caused some Abbots to be hanged before their own doors , to become a terrour to the other Monks . Do you not know that even your own Palace , was heretofore the House of the Archbishops of York , which I extorted from Cardinall Wolsey , whom I advanced to great honours and riches , whiles I found him a profitable Minister to my lust , and afterwards crushed him to peices when I found it to be expedient for my avarice ; It was I who although I never started from the obedience of the Church of Rome , but onely in one particular to satisfy my lust ; did afterwards compell all the Bishops of the Land , to subscribe to what I commanded , the Bishop of Rochester onely excepted , whom because I could not overcome , neither by threatnings , nor perswasions , I made him shorter by the head . Charls . But I was never accused of such enormities ; Must I suffer for the offences of others , the stedfastness and unaltered Resolution of my Spirit , was never prejudicicall unto any . Henry . Yes , unto your self , and to all that had relation to you ; Besides , Flatter not your self , He who receiveth money of a Judge for the seat of Judicature , perverteth Justice . You need not to fear that any private designes or Combinations should dispossesse you of your life , for so the punishment would not answer the offence , it is expedient and necessary that publick sins should be publickly expiated . I afterwards that I began to offend , did not act fearfully , nor did seek out Corners , for the commiting of Iniquity , but made pretences of Justice for my Impiety . I divorced my self from my lawfull wife , and pretended Law for it . On the same account I brought the goods of divers men into my Treasury , whosoever opposed me , I impeached them of Treason , and caused them to suffer accordingly for it , therefore when I did acts of unrighteousness , and pretended Law , I ought not to wonder if I my self should suffer punishment in the same nature . Charls . Should a King suffer by his Subjects ? Henry . We deserve greater punishments , because we commit greater offences , they offend against a mortall King , we against a King immortall ; but could not you ( unless by the divine providence you were destined to be a Sacrifice , for the expiation of the Crimes of your predecessours , and your own ) could you not by your own power dissolve the Parliament , and so bring about your own Counsailes , for the managing of the affaires of the Nations , according to your own will ? Charls . I told before that I had dissolved many sever all Parliaments , but understand what followed ; My native Subjects the Scots did by force of Armes invade England , and whiles I staid at York to carry on with more vigour the Affaires of the War , the Lord of Kimbolton did present me with a Petition , to which twelve of the Nobility had set their hands . When king Henry had heard the name of Kimbolton , he fetched a déep sigh , as if from the bottome of his heart , and said , Henry . Ah! At Kimbolton it was , that the most excellent Mirrour of her sex and the Example of all Vertues my first wife Queen Katharine dyed , whom I divorced from my bed that I might bring into it Anne Bollen an incontinent woman , whom not long afterwards being taken in adultery I caused to be beheaded by the common Hangman ; That this divoree from my first wife contrary to all laws both divine and humaine might remaine unquestioned , being not able to defend one wickedness but by another , I did assume unto my self to govern this nation , by an Arbitrary power , which was the original of all the calamities that have since befallen , either to my self , or you , or to our unfortunate Kingdomes . Charls . Having rashly ( as I have said ) estranged my selfe from the love of my English Subjects , and finding the Scots to grow more and more upon me , I was inforced to make use of those Counsailes which I thought most expedient for my present safety , I observed that my dissolution of so many Parliaments , ( called to give redress to the sufferings and complaints of the people ) was one of the greatest reasons that at first did pull upon me their suspition , and afterwards their hatred , they feared also that I would introduce amongst them an Innovation of Religion , which laying a force upon their Consciences they accounted the greatest tyr any that could be in the world , therefore to give them a plenary and a thorough satisfaction on the one side , and to be discharged of the Scots Army on the other side , I gave order that a Parliament should be called againe not to be dissolved by me without their own liking and approbation ; To this many of the most apparent of my Counsaile did readily agree with me , and amongst others my own kinsman , the unfortunate Duke of Hamilton . Henry . You were more tame ( beleeve me ) then I would have bin , had it bin in my time , my subjects should have found I would have dealt more roundly with them , but I most plainly do perceive that the measure of my iniquities was compleated in you my successour , and the divine vengeance did mark you out for destruction . The houses got by me , by violence and rapine , must be pluckt from you , to be established on another that is more worthy of them . Were you so weak , that when it proceeded so far you could not with largesses and honours procure and confirm unto your self a strong party even in that Parliament ? Charls . I did indeed attempt it , but all things did fall out cross to my Expectation , for all the Bishops and the Catholick Lords , who were faithfull to me , were cast forth by the adverse party , who were more powerfull and numerous . They used their utmost Indeavours to promote my Interests . The Catholicks hoped that I would moder ate that severity of the Laws which were made against them by you and Q Elizabeth , and King James my Father , laying a great penalty on all those who would not acknowledge them to be the supreame Governours , in the Territories of their Dominions . The Bishops and Prelats were eager to maintaine my cause , that so they might preserve their own Dignities , and Fortunes , that is their Bishopricks , and Benefices , which seemed otherwise to be in a most ruinous Condition . Having by this meanes lost above forty voyces in the upper House ; those who remained were more flexible , and did conforme themselves to the temper and resolution of the rest . Henry . But could you by no printed papers , insinuate into the minds of your Subjects , how much you stood devoted to their safety and prosperity ? When I was resolved to use my Arbitrary power , that I might appeare unto the world to undertake nothing by force , I caused books to be dictated according to my own pleasure , which were presented to me as if they came from the Monks themselves . If any refused to subscribe unto them I caused them to be hanged up , especially the chiefest of them , to be a terrour to the rest . Thus when I was pleased to exercise my will , I caused divers for fear of Death , to subscribe to what I did propound unto them , and that so handsomly , as if it had been their own motion . Charls . But I did deal more gently , nevertheless being resolved at the last to have recourse to Armes , I did betake my self to the Northern part of my Kingdome , and having erected the Royall Standard , not far from Notingham , the most faithfull of my Subjects , did from every part of the Kingdome resort unto me , whose number in a short time was so great that they hold out a War for above the space of seven years against the Parliament ; It is remarkeable to see with what resolution , above all the rest , the Roman Catholicks did adventure their lives , and their fortunes for me , and that not onely in one field , but wheresoever their War made triall of their valour ; but the Army of the Parliamen prevailed , and I being driven to the greatest extremities did betake my self unto the Scots , as to my last refuge , amongst whom I did not long continue but I was delivered to some of Note in the English Army , who carrying me from one place to another , have at last brought me hither in this sad Condition wherein you see me . Henry . The English were alwayes much addicted to their Parliaments , in which they found a constant redress for all their greivances , it is therefore less to be admired that they revolted from you ; but how came it to pass that those of your own Nation the Scots should make war against you ? Charls . The Revolt of the Scots was the cheifest cause of my Ruine , for if I had to deal onely with the English , I could have kept them in obedience , or have reduced them to it by the assistance of my faithfull Subjects , both im England , and in Ireland ; But the Scots fell off from me upon this account ; It was my desire that throughout all my Dominions , there might not be onely the same form of faith , but of Rights , and Ceremonies , and that the Liturgy of the Church of England , together with the Surplice might be used by the Ministers of Scotland . This I must confess I did by the perswasion of the Arch-bishop of Canterbury , whom I did reverence as a Patriarch , which when the people of Scotland understood , and perceived that it began to be put in practise , they presently cried out that Papistry , and the abomination of Rome began be introduced , hereupon seditions began to increase which were much fomented by the Pulpits . At the last the Scots were resolved to defend their Religion by Armes , and as already I have made mention they invaded England , and possessed themselves of New-Castle . Henry . It is cleerer then the noon day , and you see all along , what it is to govern by an Arbitrary power . Charls . Too late I perceive it , but I do not yet understand wherefore those Calamities did not overwhelm you , who did first practise it with so much constancy and so much cruelty . Henry . Ah Charls you are much deceived , if you think me free from punishment , punishment doth alwayes follow sin , neither was there ever any one that hath got cleerly off , and not payed for his Impiety . Not to speak of the torments which I do now indure ; What pangs did I not feel within me whiles I was alive being perpetually scourged with rods of knotted steel by the three Beadles of Avarice , Cruelty , and Incontinency . In the first place , my Avarice was so unsatisfied that after I had overthrown three hundred and seventy six Monasteries , and with one Edict taken away all their Goods and Lands , one year was not fully expired , before I oppressed my Subjects , with greater taxes then before . Being palate-taken by this first Morsell , not long afterwards , I brought into my treasury all the other Monasteries of the Kingdome , it is not easy to comprehend how many & how rich they were . Whiles I made havock of these , I did feed my Subjects with vain hopes that the goods thus gotten would so cram my treasury , that they should never have need to fear any more Subsidies , which news was so welcome to the people that they were greatly pleased , and much applauded what I did ; But they were so deluded of their expectations , that after this I exacted more upon them then all my Predecessors had done in five hundred years before . After that I had Plundred and levelled to the ground , about one thousand Churches , and converted to my use the goods appropriate to them , after that by force I had seized upon their gold , their silver , and consecrated vessailes , and sold the brass , the lead , the stones and timber belonging to them ; and out of the Church of Canterbury alone , had taken two great Chests so full of gold , and precious stones , that four men could hardly stir either of them , I was driven to so extreame a penury , that whereas at first by my Proclamation , two ounces of brass were to be mixed with ten ounces of silver , I afterwards gave order that two ounces of silver , should be mighled with ten ounces of brass ; After this manner was I tormented by my Covetousness , neither did I suffer less by my cruelty . Secondly , for the first 20 years before I exercised any violent & arbitrary power , no King before me did shed less blood ; In all that time there were but two Noble men that lost their lives , but after that I began to show my self in my own colours , I was as greedy of blood as I was before of gold , and made a great laughter of all ages , sexes , and orders whatsoever , and for no other trespass but that they opposed my pleasure . Four Queens that successively had bin married to me , did lose their lives , either by the Axe , or by a grief as fatall as the Axe . I proscribed two Princesses , two Cardinalls , and the third who was not onely my Kinsman , but at that time out of the Kingdome . I did put to Death by the common Hangman 12 eminent personages who were either Dukes , or Marquesses , or Earls , or the Sons of Earls , two and twenty Barons , and Knights , sixteen Abbots and Priors , seventy seven Priests and Religious men , and others of a lower rank almost not to be numbred . And in this so black a cruelty I was feared by none more then by the most faithful of my won friends , as the Events of Wolsey Norris , of the Family of the Bullens , and of the Howards , have declared . Thirdly , Moreover I did so prostrate my self unto Lust , that after the divorse of my best and my first wife , I saw no Lady handsommer then other , with whom I not presently fell in love , neither made I love to any whom I would not enjoy . Was it not for the punishment of my sins , that you and your Father were crowned Kings of England , when I left nothing unattempted , that I might hinder you from the possession of the Kingdom of England , and by some heir of my own might confirm it in my own house . Two wives I did drive out of my bed , and two out of the World , the fifth I caused to be ripped up alive , being then in labour and full of her childing throwes , that her child might be preserved , adding to the cruelty these barbarous , and inhumane words , that Wives could more easily be found then Children . I married the sixth wife , and intertained thoughts of taking her our of the World , when not long afterwards I was taken out of the World my self . But in this great care of mine , and iudeavour for posterity , not any of my race lived threescore years after my Death ; It is true that a child of mine , of nine years of age , did succeed me in the Government , but not well able to govern himself , much less the Kingdome , and who departed out of the World , before he departed out of his nonage , My Daughter Mary , did afterwards receive the Crown , but rejected the Religion of her Brother , I might well expect to have had issue by her , being five years Married to Philip , the Catholick King of Spain , but God the Revenger of so many Murders , and abhominations committed , would not that my Race should inherite the Land ; for he is not to be mocked , neither doth his word fall upon the ground , which saith , For the sins of the Fathers the daies of the Children , shall be shortned . She therefore in a short time dying without issue , the Kingdome is translated unto you . It is true that my Daughter Elizabeth succeeded my Daughter Mary , but being never Married she also without issue descended into the sleep of Death . Thus do I find true what the Kingly Prophet did foretell me . The seed of the wicked shall perish , Psalm . 37. and in another place . Thou shalt destroy their fruit from the Earth , and their seed from the sons of men , Psalm . 12. By wofull experience , I do say , I have proved the truth of his prophecy , for it pleased God to laugh at the vain counsails of men , And the same Prophet giveth this reason of it , For they imagined Counsailes which they could not bring to pass . Psalm . 21. For their is no Counsaile against the Lord . Pro. 21. As now too late I have learned . Will you have me yet further to confirme the truth of this unto you . When I was dying I did leave unto my Son EDWARD twelve Tutors , all of them Catholicks , as I conceived , and commanded them to bring him up in the Catholick Religion , the Supremacy of the Church onely excepted , which I would have him to continue , and to reserve unto himself , but I who violated the testaments of others , and overthrew so many Monuments of Piety , did not deserve that my own should be kept ; Of so many Tutors the Duke of Somerset Unkle to Edward , by his mothers side , after my Death was Tutor alone unto him , and brought him up in that Religion , which I forbad him , and hated . I commanded also that a more sumptuous Monument should be provided for me , then was ever raised for any of my Predecessors , and as yet I have no Monument at all , although of all the Kings of England , not one of them had three children that successively swayed the Scepter but my self . But , alas , I need not fear that I shall be ever lost in the memory of men , I have purchased to my self an everlasting Name , by my enormous offences . All sorts of men do strive as it were in emulation who shall hate me most . I am become justly odious to the Catholicks because I divided England from the Communion of the Church of Rome . I am abhomination to the orders of the Religious , because I have extinguished their Charters and themselves , and have sold their Lands , and houses . I am detestable both to the Clergy , and the Laity , because I have raised a persecution , against even the whole Name of Catholicks , which continueth to this day . The Protestants hate me , because through all the course of my life , I did pursue them with fire and Sword ; Luther named me a big-bellied Beast , and a Tyrant ; Calvin hath written bitterly against me , and brandeth me in his books , as destitute of all fear of God , and the shame of men . All Lettered men will evermore curse my memory , beause I have utterly destroyed such excellent Monuments of Learning and Antiquity that the Christian World can hardly parralell . Finally whiles I was alive , most men hated me , all men feared me , no man loved me . In my last dayes , like Orestes , I was tormented with the Consciousness of my sins , and desired to reconcile my self to the Church , and to make some amends for the injury offered to my wife , the latter I did in some part performe , for I provided in my will , that my Daughter Mary born of Queen Katharine , whom before I had disinherited , should succeed in the Kingdome , if my Son Edward should dye without children . Oh how often have I discoursed with my friends of the first , but as I deceived many of them , heretofore by the same artifice , so now I my self became suspected to them all , and they grew to be jealous of me , and to shun me , as diving into their secrets . And thus being abandomed by all , I dyed without the Communion of the Church , repeating oftentimes in my last houre these words , We have lost all . Being dead , I had the same end as Ahab , and it is the more remarkable because it was in the Ruines of a Religious house , for as my Corps nasty with excessive fatness , and too great a Belly , was on the way tobe convaied hither , the Coffin of Lead in which it was put did crack by chance , and opened ; To soder which , a Plummer being sent for , my Corps was set down in the said ruines of the house , there , whiles the Plummer was running from place to place , being very busie at his work , his dog most greadily did lick the blood that issued from me . A Revenge from God for the effusion of so much blood , which in my life time I had soilled . Charls , Do you not now see sufficiently how God hath scourged me in my own person ; Never think that I have eseaped unpunished ! Charls . This is a sad story indeed , and most worthy to be remembered , and seriously to be considered of by all posterity . Henry . But these things which I have rehearsed , although they seem greivous to the eares of the living , yet they are but meer Delights , if they be compared to the Torments which I indure amongst those who inhabite the Regions of Darkness , for besides those punishments which I have pulled upon me by my own sins , whatsoever evills that my posterity hath committed by my Example , it doth increase my sufferings by a new addition . Charls . I would to God that Flattery had never been heard of in the Courts of Princes , would to God that I had never heard that we are above the Law , and are to give an account to God onely for what we have committed upon Earth , neverthelesse it doth administer some comfort to me , that I have made no innovation in Religion , I have been above my other Predecessors most gentle to the Catholicks , and came neerest to their Religion , and used my Supremacy with the greatest moderation . And because in my apprehension it was not fit for a Lay-man , I committed almost the whole Exercise of the Ecclefiasticall affaires to the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury . Henry . And have not you observed in these late troubles , that none of all the Bishops of England , but the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , alone did lose his head ? Charls . Was I guilty of it ? By his Instigations indeed I shewed more countenance to some practises of the Church of Rome , then either my Father did , or the Queen your Daughter that raigned before him ; I confess my self not to be altogether without fault , nevertheless I would fain understand , being more moderate then any of my Predecessors , and more forward then they in the promoting the peace of the Church , wherefore I am visited with far more grevous punishments then any of them all ? Henry Are you still to understand that the jealous God who visiteth the sins of the fathers . on the children , doth most usually exact the punishments of the most enormous offences on the third of fourth Generation , for if the should inflict present punishment upon all sins , men would be apt to beleive that they were quickly , and easily expiated , neither doth the defer the punishment unto so many Generations , that the memory of the offender may perish from the Earth , and that we could not know for what enormity the pushment was inflicted . You are the third King from me , and do suffer punishment in the third Generation ; For although my two Daughters Mary and Elizabeth did raigne successively , yet they do make but one Generation with Edward their Brother and my Son . If therfore you do number the Generations or the Kings , Edward succeeded me , James succeeded him , and you succeeded James . Neither do I beleive it is without the providence of God , that so direfull a revenge hath fallen on you , the most moderate , and the most innocent of them all , that so all might understand that not so much your sins , as the hereditary Evils , and the wickedness annexed to your Crown and your titles , are taken vegeance of in your person , according to that of the Prophet ; The Fathers have eaten a sowre bunch of grapes , and the teeth of the Children are set on edge . Ezekiel . 18. Which is not so to be undestood , that children altogether guiltless and innocent should be overwhelmed in the punishments of their most ungodly fathers , For the Soul that sinneth shall dye , but that Children not so guilty , and as it were innocent in comparison of their fathers , are oftentimes involved in their punishments ; for if this punishment had come to pass in the dayes of some luxurious and wicked King , I should have looked to further for the causes of it , but on the Crimes of so dissulute a Grovernour ; But that your Subjects who do call themselves Protestants , should affict upon you so ignominious a Death as by making you shorter by the head , when your Enemies can accuse you of no gross offence , must certainly be imputed to nothing else , but to the Capitall sin of my misgovernance , in which though not so visibly , others and your self , no doubt have partaken with me . Charls . O how just are the Judgments of God , and his wayes past finding out ? For in whatsoever a man finneth , he either sooner or later shall be punished by it , either in himself , or in his posterity . I would to God when I was alive and in my prosperity , or that in the time of my Imprisonment when I had leasure enough , that I had seriously thought on these things . O that in the bitterness of my soul I had observed the proceedings of the divine Justice , ow slowly it came on , and how long it did hang over my devoted head . An incomparable Scholler , and highly esteemed in the days of my Father and Q'een Elizabeth , hath left recorded that God doth most for Kings , and Kings , againe do least for God . But be wise O you Princes , and learn righteous Judgment , O you Judges of the Earth ; O that the flattery of being obove all Laws had never sounded in my eares ; O that I had never been accused of Arbitrary Government ; O that I had known that my highest Prerogative had b●en the love and the obedience of my Subjects ! I had leisure enough to write and to compose a whole Book on other Anguments , as on the overthrowes of my Armyes , on my own miseries and calamities , and on the insolencies of other men ; But these things which I ought to lay most neer unto my heart , and on which above all things I ought most to meditate , did never enter into my thought . I would to God that the Bishop of London , honest Juxon , for so I was accustomed to call him , or he who intirely loved me , and was to me a faithfull Counsailer in all other things , and who laid down his life for my sake , William Laud , the Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , had advertised me of these things either by Letters from himself , or by words of mouth from his friends ; he had before his Death , the tedious leisure of three years Imprisonment , to meditate and to ruminate on them . But they were hid from their eyes . O how blind were my seers ! But , Jam sero sapinus , sed sine fruge Phriges . True Trojans we , whose hapless Fates , Is to grow wise when'tis too late . Henry . You do confess that you came more neer in your Religion to the Church of Rome , the either your Father or Queen Elizabeth , if you had been absolutely a Catholick I do beleive it had been better for you ; for what doth it profit you to have inclined to the Roman Catholike Faith , unless you altogether did profess it . It doth not suffice to sit down in the porch unless you enter into the Church . It was not sufficient to Salvation for King Agrippa that he was almost a Christian , nay because he was not wholly converted when Paul preached , he is now howling with me in the Kingdome of Darkness . You acknowledge that you were more inclined to the Catholike Church , then either of your two Predec effors that immediately swayed the Scepter before you , had you been wholly devoted to it , it is likely that it might have been better for you . Charls . It is likely that my Armies were the more unfortunate , because I was so indulgent to it . The super stition of the Papists , and the most petulant probhaneness of the other part of my Army , have rendred me a greater Subject of Calamity and Contempt then I believe I should have otherwise appeared to the World . I have bled enough already . Think not to give new wounds unto me by striking at me in my Religion . What the sacred Authority of the Word of God , and the light of my own Conscience hath convinced me unto : What neither the frequent solicitations of forraign Princes , nor the hourly Importunity of my dearest Wife , could disswade me from ; What ( dying ) I commanded my children to imbraces , I shall never after Death be induced to retract . In this resolution I do expect the day of a joufull Resurection , the Morning ayre whereof I do already feel refreshing me . The unrighteous shall then tremble at the sound , and the summens of a Trumpet from Heaven ; they shall wish that the Rocks and the Hills might cover them , that sobeing hid from the presence of the Lamb , they might lye for ever confin'd to the dull peace of a Grave . The End . In malevolos hujus narratiunculae obtrectatores . ZOile me laceres morsu mea Scripta canino , Neve meris dicas omnia suta dolis , Extimus historiae cortex ( volo ) fictus habetur , Vera sed huic intus ligna subesse scies . Istaque corporeis licet auribus invia nostris , Mentis at internae sensibus hausta putes . Fia , age , mendacem me , carptor inepte , Poetam Occine ; narranti , res dabitipsafidem . R. P. DEtractor , tear not with a dogged tooth These leaves , nor yet upbraid them with untruth , Though counterfeit the bark without be found , Know that the Tree within is good , and sound . And what 's not obvious to the outward eare , More deep Impression in the mindn doth bear ; The tax me not that Poet-like I faign , This Story , to its Speaker , truth will gaine . 
A91127	----	The protestation of the freeholders of Yorkshire, May 13. 1642. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91127 of text R182231 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing P3867). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91127 Wing P3867 ESTC R182231 47683487 ocm 47683487 172945 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91127) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 172945) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 2658:3) The protestation of the freeholders of Yorkshire, May 13. 1642. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) 1 sheet ([1] p.). for T. Bates., Printed at London : 1642. The king's answer is included at the bottom of the sheet. Reproduction of original in: Eton College. Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Yorkshire (England) -- History -- 17th century. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century. A91127 R182231 (Wing P3867). civilwar no The protestation of the freeholders of Yorkshire, May 13th. 1642. VVhereas His Majesty hath beene pleased to give summons to the gentry of t [no entry] 1642 635 5 0 0 0 0 0 79 D The rate of 79 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-07 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-07 Apex CoVantage Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE PROTESTATION Of the Freeholders of Yorkshire , May 13. 1642. VVHereas His Majesty hath beene pleased to give Summons to the Gentry of this County to attend him at his Court at Yorke the twelfth of May instant , to advise with him in some particulars concerning the honour and safety of his Majesties person , and the wel-being and peace of this our County , and in the said Summons was pleased to omit the Freeholders of this County , out of a tender respect of putting them to any extraordinary charge , yet we conscious of our sincere loyalty to his Majesty our gracious Soveraign , and concerning our selves according to the proportions of our estates , equally interested in the common good of the County , did take boldnes to come in person to Yorke , and were ready to attend his Majesties pleasure there . And whereas his Majesty was pleased then to propound severall things to the purpose aforesaid , at the meeting of the Country , to consider a fit answer to returne to his Majesty thereupon , the doores of the meeting house were shut against us , we utterly excluded , and in our absence a Referree of Knights and Gentlemen chosen without our knowledge or consent to draw up the said answer : We the Free-holders who petitioned his Majesty the day above said , concerning our selves abundantly injured in the election ( not knowing any warrant by writ or otherwise for the same of the said Referree , & that we ought not however to be concluded by any resolution of theirs without our assent in their election ; doe absolutely protest and declare against the said election ; and as farre as concernes us disavow whatsoever shall be the result of their consultation thereupon , and doe desire a new and faire election o● a Referree may be made , we admitted to our free Votes in the same , and some one or more to be nominated by us , allowed to deliver our sense for us at anot●er meeting : And that we shall not make good in the least r●sp●ct any th●ng whatsoever which shall otherwise be concluded upon . By the King . VVHereas upon Summons from Vs divers Gentlemen of this our County of Yorke did attend upon Thursday the 12. of this instant , when We declared our resolution for the reasons then delivered by Vs , to have a Guard to secure and defend our person , and desired therein the concurrence and assistance of the Gentry of this County . And whereas divers Gentlemen of this County for many reasons and occasions could not then appeare to receive Our pleasure in that behalfe , whereunto divers have subscribed , We have therfore thought good hereby to give notice as well to those Gentlemen who were not then present , as to those which did then attend Vs , That our Command is , that as well those Gentlemen who are charged with horse , as others , appeare at Yorke upon Friday the 20. of this moneth , in such manner and equipage as will be convenient for the guard of Our Person . And We require and command that in the intrim no other Warrants , Order , or Command whatsoever shall distract or hinder this Our service . And we further wil & command , that this our Order be forthwith published by the Sheriffe of this Our County , for which this shall be sufficient Warrant ▪ Given at Our Court at Yorke the 14. day of May , in the eighteenth yeare of Our reigne . Vivat Rex . 1642. Printed at London for T. Bates . 1642. 
A91339	----	A political catechism, or, Certain questions concerning the government of this land, answered in his Majesties own words, taken out of his answer to the 19 propositions, pag. 17, 18, 19, 20. of the first edition; with some brief observations thereupon. Published for the more compleat setling of consciences; particularly of those that have made the late protestation, to maintain the power and priviledges of Parliament, when they shall herein see the Kings owne interpretation what that power and priviledges are. It is this twentieth day of May, An. Dom. 1643. ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning printing, that this booke entituled, A Politicall catechism, be printed. Iohn White. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A91339 of text in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason E104_8a). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 33 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 10 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A91339 Wing P416A Thomason E104_8a 99865335 99865335 155928 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A91339) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 155928) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 18:E104[8a]) A political catechism, or, Certain questions concerning the government of this land, answered in his Majesties own words, taken out of his answer to the 19 propositions, pag. 17, 18, 19, 20. of the first edition; with some brief observations thereupon. Published for the more compleat setling of consciences; particularly of those that have made the late protestation, to maintain the power and priviledges of Parliament, when they shall herein see the Kings owne interpretation what that power and priviledges are. It is this twentieth day of May, An. Dom. 1643. ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons in Parliament concerning printing, that this booke entituled, A Politicall catechism, be printed. Iohn White. Parker, Henry, 1604-1652. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) England and Wales. Parliament. [2], 14 p. Printed for Samuel Gellibrand, at the Brazen Serpent in Pauls Church-yard, London : 1643. Two editions are filmed consecutively, both labeled E.104[8]. The first is Wing P416A, and has an ornamental border enclosing title. The second is Wing P416, which does not have a border. In this edition, line fifteen of title reads: "herein see the kings owne interpreta-"; Title enclosed within an ornamental border. By Henry Parker -- Cf. Wing. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng England and Wales. -- Parliament -- Early works to 1800. England and Wales. -- Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I). -- His Maiesties answer to the XIX propositions of both Houses of Parliament. Royal supremacy (Church of England) -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- Politics and government -- 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A91339 (Thomason E104_8a). civilwar no A political catechism, or, Certain questions concerning the government of this land,: answered in his Majesties own words, taken out of his Parker, Henry 1643 5644 22 0 0 0 0 0 39 D The rate of 39 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2007-05 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-05 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Sampled and proofread 2007-09 Elspeth Healey Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A POLITICAL CATECHISM , OR , Certain Questions concerning the Government of this Land , Answered in his Majesties own words , taken out of His Answer to the 19 Propositions , Pag. 17 , 18 , 19 , 20. of the first Edition ; with some brief Observations thereupon . Published for the more compleat setling of Consciences ; particularly of those that have made the late Protestation , to maintain the Power and Priviledges of Parliament , when they shall herein see the Kings owne Interpretation what that Power and Priviledges are . We can do nothing against the Truth , but for the Truth . 2 Cor. 13. 8. It is this twentieth day of May , An. Dom. 1643. Ordered by the Committee of the House of Commons-in Parliament concerning Printing , that this Booke entituled , A Politicall Catechism , be printed . IOHN WHITE . LONDON Printed for SAMUEL GELLIBRAND , at the Brazen Serpent in Pauls Church-yard , 1643. A Politicall Catechism , Serving to instruct those that have made the Protestation concerning the power and priviledges of Parliament ; taken out of his Majesties Answer to the 19 Propositions . Question . HOW many Simple kinds are there of Civill Government of States , and Common-wealths ? Answer . There are three kinds of Government among men ; Absolute Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy , page , 17. Qu. 2. Are there any of these Simple Formes perfect ? Ans. All these have their particular Conveniences and Inconveniences , page 17. Observ. 1 Experience hath taught men everywhere to acknowledge this , and accordingly there never was long ( if at all ) continued any of these Forms exactly Simple ; though some have more seemed such then others . Also in all mixtures there is commonly some one of these Forms more conspicuous then the rest , from whence such a particular Government hath its denomination . Q. 3. Is the State of England governed by any one of these kinds simply ? A. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath . moulded this [ Government ] out of a mixture of these . page 18 , Q. 4 What kind of government then is that of the state of England ? A. Regulated Monarchy . page 18. Observ. 1. If this Government be a mixture of all these , and a Regulated Monarchy ; then it is a fond thing with us to talk of an Absolute Monarchy , and what an Absolute Monarch is , or may doe . And it is only the language of Flattery that holds such Discourses . 2 It need not be counted a Solecisme ( as some would perswade us ) to speak of Free Subjects in a Monarchy , such a Monarchy as ours is . 3 If this Government be a mixture of all three , then the House of Commons , the Representative Body of the People , must needs be allowed a share in Government ( some at least ) which yet is denyed , page 19. 4 If this Government be a mixture , then is not the Government according to these Lawes , Solely Trusted to the King , as seems to be affirmed page 18. 5 If the Government be Regulated , why do men tell us that the King is above all Law ? for it is by Lawes that he is Regulated . 6 If the King bee Regulated by the Law , then is the King Accountable to the Law , and not to God only , as men would make us beleeve . 7 If the Monarchy or Regall Authority it selfe bee Regulated , then whatsoever is done by the King , undeniably without and beyond the limits of that Regulation , is not Regall Authority . And therefore . 8 To resist the Notorious Transgressions of that Regulation , is no Resisting of Regall Authority . And 9 It is so farre from being a Resisting of the Ordinance of God , that it is not so much as Resisting the Ordinance of man . Q 5. By whom was this government framed in this sort ? or who is to be accounted the Immediate Efficient of the Constitution thereof ? A. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this , page 18. Observ. 1. If our Ancestors were the moulders of this Government , then the King hath not his power , Solely , or Immediately , by Divine Right . 2 Much lesse hath he his Power or Authority by Right of Conquest . 3 But the Immediate Originall of it was from the People . And if so , Then — 4 In questioned cases , the King is to Produce his Grant ( for he hath no more then what was granted ) and not the People to shew a Reservation ; For all is presumed to be Reserved , which cannot be proved to be granted away . Q. 6 Is this Regulated and mixt Monarchy , as good as an Absolute Monarchy , or better , or worse ? A. This Excellent Constitution of this Kingdom , ( the Ancient , Equall , Happy , Well-poysed , and never enough Commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom . page 17. ) hath made this Nation so many years both Famous and Happy , and to a great Degree of Envy . page 20. Q. 7 How comes it to passe that this Constitution is so Excellent . A. The Experience and Wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this , out of a mixture of these , as to give to this Kingdom ( as farre as Humane Prudence can provide ) the Conveniences of all three , without the Inconvenience of any one p. 18 Observ. 1. Then those that would place in the King , an Absolute and Abitrary Power to do what he List , are Destructive to the Nations Happinesse , and Enemies to the Kingdom . 2. If this Mixture cause this happinesse , then it is not the Greatnesse of the Kings Power over his People , but the Restraint of that Power that hath made this Kingdom famous and Happy ; for other Kings have Power as large , but not so much restrained ; which Largenesse of their Power hath Raised those Kings indeed , ( but not their Kingdoms ) to a great degree of Envy . 3. Hence we discern , that it is Possible for Kings to envy their Peoples Happinesse , because the largenesse of the Peoples Happinesse depends much upon the Restraint of the Kings Exorbitant Power . 4. If this Mixture and well-Poised Constitution have raised this Kingdom to so Great a Degree of Envy , no marvell if Iesuiticall Councells be Active to overthrow this Happy Constitution . Q. 8 What is the Conveniency or Good of Monarchy ? A. The Vniting of a Nation under one Head , to Resist Invasion from abroad , and Insurrection at home . page 18. Obs. 1. What Pernicious Councellours are they then to a Monarch that advise him to bring in from abroad German Horse , or an Irish Army , or a Fleet of Danes to invade this Kingdom ; or to imploy Dunkeirk Ships to seaze upon his Merchants , which is so formally contrary to the proper Good or End of Monarchy it self ? 2. Or are they better or worse that Advise him to Authorize , or even permit any in his Name to Plunder , Rob , Spoil ▪ Imprison any of his Subjects , whom they have found peaceably in their houses , or at work in the Fields , and have not disobeyed any Legall Command of his ? Q. 9 What is the Ill of Absolute Monarchy ? or the Inconvenience to which it is Lyable ? A. The Ill of Absolute Monarchy , is Tyranny . page 18. Obs. 1. Therefore the more Absolute a Monarch is , the more prone to be a Tyrant . 2. Therfore also it is safer to Restrain the King of some Power to do us good then to grant him too much opportunity to do us hurt ; and the Danger is greater to the People in Englarging the Kings Power , then in restraining it somewhat . Q. 10 What is the Good or Conveniency of Aristocracy ? A. The good of Aristocracy is the Coniunction of Councells in the Ablest Persons of a State for publike Benefit . page 18 Obs. ● . Then surely it is for the Publike Benefit of the State , that this Conjunction of Councells in Parliament should be made use of more then once in thirteen or fourteen years ; and the Law for a Trienniall Parliament ( if there were not others before for the holding of a Parliament yearly ) was a most necessary Law , as also that it should not be dissolved for fifty dayes . 2. It was not then Intended in the Constitution of this Government , that the King in the Greatest Matters of Importance for Publike Benefit , should only hear what they say , and then follow it or reject it Meerly at his owne Pleasure ; for this may be as well done in an Absolute Monarchy . 3. Neither is it agreeable to the Constitution of this Kingdom , to withdraw the King from affording his Presence to his Great Councell of State , that so the private Counsels of Private men may be preferred before those whom the Law and the Constitution of the Kingdom ▪ counts the Ablest to Iudge of Publike Benefit . Q. 11 What is the Ill of Aristocracy , or the Inconvenience to which it is Lyable ? A. The Ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division . page . 18. Obs. What shall we say then to those Private Councellors that have abused the King , by perswading him first to withdraw himself from his Parliament , and then to call away the Members of both Houses , when yet without the Consent of both Houses this Parliament cannot be Adjourned to another Place , much lesse Dissolved ? Yet if all would have come away at call , had it not been Dissolved for want of Legall Numbers Remaining ? And what Greater Faction or Division can there be , then such as Divide between King and Parliament , and between the House and their Members ? Are not they most Pernicious Instruments , that make Monarchie it self , ( whose end is to unite as was said before ) thus far guilty of Faction and Division ? Q. 12 What is the Good , or Convenience of Democracy ? A. The good of Democracy is Liberty , and the courage and Industry which Liberty begets page 18. Obs. 1. Then the more Liberties are Encroached upon , the more the People will be rendred Cowardly and Poor , as may be plain enough seen by comparing the Valour and Riches of this Nation in Q. Elizabeths dayes , with what hath been of Late Dayes . 2. The King himself , when once his Subjects by having lost their Liberties shall lose withall their Courages , will prove the greatest Looser ; for then his Kingdom will be an easie Prey to any Forrain Invader , or even to a home-bred Usurper , that could gather any sudden Strength , and would Promise more Libertie . Q. 13 What is the Ill of Democracy , or the Inoonvenience to which it is Lyable ? A. The Ills of Democracy are Tumults , Violence , and Licentiousnesse . page 18. Obs. If these be the Evils for which the Peoples Liberty ought to be Restrained by the Mixture in this Government , then the Restraint of the Liberty should be measured according to the Exigency of these Evils , and so much Liberty need onely be Restrained as is sufficient for the Prevention of these Evils . Q. 14 What is the mixture of this Kingdom , which gives it the Conveniences of all the three forementioned kinds of Government , without the Inconveniences of any one . A. In this Kingdom the Lawes are Ioyntly made by a King , by a house of Peeres , and by a house of Commons chosen by the people : All having free Votes , and particular priviledges . page 18. Obs. 1. Whereas there hath been great Question made by many what is meant by the Power and Priviledges of Parliament , mentioned in the Protestation , which hath been so generally made thorowout the Kingdom ? There is no Reason to doubt but those things which the King grants afterward , to be the particular Priviledge of each House , and of both , are their certain Priviledges according to Law , and the Constitution of the Kingdom ; and to the maintaining of them every one that hath made the Protestation is most strictly bound , without peradventure or shift . 2. That the Priviledges which the King challenges to Himself , are to be yeelded to , onely so far forth as they are consistent with the Acknowledged Priviledges of the two Houses ; because the Monarchy being Acknowledged to be a Regulated Monarchy , and the Government mixt of Aristocracy and Democracy , as well a Monarchy ; it is the Priviledges of the two Houses of Parliament that makes the mixture , and so they must Regulate and Interpret the Priviledges of the King , and not the Priviledges of the King Regulate or Interpret theirs , save onely to the maintaining still the Regall Dignitie , and the Succession according to Laws . Q. 15 What Priviledges doth the King chalenge to himself ? A. The Government according to these Lawes is trusted to the king : power of treaties of warre and peace , of making Peeres , of choosing Officers , and Councellors for State Iudges for Law , Commanders for Forts and Castles ; giving Commissions for raising men to make Warre abroad , or to preuent or prouide against Inuasions and Insurr●ctions at home ▪ Benefit of Confiscations , power of pardouing , and some other of like kind are placed in the King . page 18. Obs. 1. That all these are ordinarily in the King , Experience and Custom Teaches , even those that Know not the Law by reading ; but by what hath been noted before , and follows after , it is to be understood only so , as not to prejudice the Priviledges of the Houses of Parliament , specially in cases of Necessitie , ( of which hereafter . ) Also — 2. It is acknowledged here , that the Government , Trusted , is to be according to the Lawes , and so all these Things are not Absolutely in the King ; as for instance , Pardons , the Law denies Power of Pardoning wilfull Murther ; And Benefit of some Confiscations belongs to some Private Lords of Mannours . 3. If Government onely according to Law be trusted to the King then to Resist Notorious Illegall Violences is not to Resist the Kings Authority . Q. 16 For what end is this Authority trusted to the King , and Placed in him ? A. For our Subiects sake these rights are vested in us p 17 The Prince may not make use of this high and perpetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it . page . 19. Obs. 1. Then the Good of the Subjects is ever to be preferred before the Monarchiall Greatnesse of the King ( the End is ever more considerable then the Means ) Salus Populi is suprema Lex . 2. Whosoever counsels the King to any Thing against the good of his Subjects , is the Kings Enemy as well as the Common-wealths , by Attempting to turn him from that which is the end of his Authoritie . Q. 17 To what purpose especially are the priviledges of the house of Commons and the house of Peeres ? A. That the Prince may not make use of this High and perpetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it : and make use of the name of publike Necessity for the gain of his priuate Fauourites and Followers &c. page 19. Obs. 1. The Law then supposes , that such Cases may fall out , though it then Charge the Blame upon those Favorites and Followers , and not upon the King ( as we shall see by and by . ) 2. We need not wonder then why Private Favorites and Followers are such Enemies to Parliaments and their Priviledges , which are on purpose to hinder their gains : Of which also more anon . 3. The two Houses are by the Law it seems , to be Trusted , when they Declare , that the Power is made use of for the Hurt of the People ; and the Name of Publike Necessitie made use of for the Gain of Private Favorites and Followers , and the like . Q 18 What are the speciall priviledges of the House of Commons towards this ? A. The House of Comm●ns , an Excellent conseruer of Liberty — is solely Intrusted with the first propositions concerning the Leauies of Moneys which is the Sinnews as well of peace as of warre &c page 19 Obs. 1. It seems then the House of Commons is presumed to be more carefull for the Subjects Liberties , then either the King , or the House of Peers . 2. Then it must needs be strange for any to conceive ( as the Kings Declarations would Perswade ) that the House of Commons would Fight against and Subvert the Libertie and Propriety of the Subject , and the Kings Favorites and Followers Fight for them , and Protect them . 3. Then no Moneys may be Levyed , neither for Peace nor Warre , no not under Pretence of Publike Necessity , ( as Ship-money and Monopolies were ) without the House of Commons first propound and Grant it . 4. If the House of Commons be an Excellent Conserver of Libertie , it must Needs have some Power in some Cases to Levie Mony even without the Kings consent ; or else it will be utterly unpossible to conserve Libertie at all . Of which likewise more anon . Q. 19. But if the Kings Private Favorites and Followers have ●ctually perswaded him to any Thing against the Laws and Liberties of the Subject with what further Power and Priviledge is the House of Commons Intrusted toward the Conserving of Liberty ? A. With the Impeaching of those ▪ who for their own Ends though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten command of the King , haue violated that Law , which he is bound ( when he knowes it ) to protect ; and to the protection of which they were bound to aduise him , at least not to serue him in the contrary . page 19. Obs. 1. Then it is no Excuse to any that Violate the Laws , that they serve the King in it . 2. The Law counts all Commands from the King , which are any way contrary to the Law , Surreptitiously-Gotten . 3. Then the Parliament speaks according to the Law , when they constantly lay the Blame of all violations upon the Kings Favorites and Followers , and their getting Surreptitiously Commands from him , and not upon the King himself . 4. No Command of the King is to hinder the Commons from Impreaching such as have violated the Law . 5. The King is bound not to Protect any of his Followers and Favorites against the Commons Impeachment of them ; because he Knows and Affirms , that he is bound to Protect the Laws , and that this is the Law , that the Commons are to Impeach such . Qu. 20. What is the speciall Priviledge of the House of Peers in the former Case of such Favorites and Followers of the Kings as are Impeached by the Commons ? and so to decide all Matters in Questions between the King and the People . A. The Lords being trusted with a Iudicatory power are an Excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and the people , to Ass●st●nch against any Encroachments of the other , and by iust Iudgments to preserue that Law which ought to be the Rule of euery one of the three , page 19. Qu. 21. But have the two Houses Power to put their judgements into Execution , as well as to Impeach and Iudge ? A. The power of punishment is already in your hands according to Law , page 20. Obs. 1. Then again it is no wonder that the Kings Favorites and Followers hate Parliaments , ( who not onely Hinder their Gain , but have Power to punish them ) when they have violated the Laws . 2. Then the Lords ( and much more the two Houses together ) are supreme Judges of all matters in Difference between the King and the People , and have Power to Prevent all the Kings Encroachments upon the People , as well as the Peoples upon him . 3. Then the King is Bound not to Protect any whom the Lords upon the Impeachment of the Commons , have Judged Delinquents ; For he hath granted that he is bound to Protect the Law , and that according to Law the Power of Punishing ( even of his Favourites and Followers , 'fore spoken of ) is in their hands , and they cannot punish them , so long as he Protects them . 4. Then the Law Allows them as the Supreme Judicatory ( even th●t which must be a Skreen between the King and the People , and Assist the People against the Kings Encroachments , and punish the Kings Favorites and Followers , though countenanced by Surreptitiously-Gotten Commands from the King ) a Power to bring such as they have Judged , ( or are to Judge ) to Condign Punishment , which is granted to all Inferiour Judges in their Circuits and Iurisdictions . 5. Then if those Delinquents get the King to Protect them , or surreptiously get Commands of him , to Raise Arms to Shelter themselves against the Iudgement of the two Houses ; the two Houses have Power by the Law to Raise not onely the Posse Comitatus of those Counties where such Delinquents are ▪ to apprehend them ; but also the Posse Regni , the Power of the whole Kingdom if need be ; or else the Power of Punishment is not in their hands according to Law , and it would be safer contemning and scorning and opposing the highest Iudicatory , the Parliament , then any Inferiour Court , a Judge of Assize , or the like : and they that could get Commands to Violate the Law before , would easily get Protection against the Parliament when they are Questioned , if the Parliament had no Power to Raise Arms to suppresse them . Qu. 22. But if there be an Attempt or Danger , that the Kings Favorites and Followers go about to change this Regulated Monarchy into an Arbitrary Government , and so into a Tyrannie , is there Authoritie in the Houses sufficient according to what was sore mentioned to remedy this ? A. Power Legally Placed in Both Houses is more then sufficient to Preuent and Restrain the power of Tyrannie P. 20. Obs. 1. Then at least what ever Power is Necessary to Prevent or Restrain the Power of Tyrannie is confessed to be Legally placed in both Houses ; for else there is not Power sufficient , much lesse , more then sufficient . 2. Then it is Lawfull for the two Houses to Raise Arms to defend themselves in case an Army be Raised against them , for else they have not Power sufficient to restrain the Power of Tyrannie : There is no Greater Attempt of Tyrannie then to Raise Arms against the Houses of Parliament , and there is no way to Restrain this Tyrannie , but by Raising Arms in their own Defence : Lesse then this cannot be sufficient . 3. If a Legall Power be placed in them , not onely to Restrain , but prevent the power of tyrannie , then they are the Legall Iudges , when there is danger of Tyrannie ; and they have Legall Power to Command their judgement to be obeyed , for Preventions as well as Restraint of Tyrannie . 4. Then it is Lawfull for them to provide for their own and the Kingdoms safetie , and they have Legall Power to command the People to this purpose ; not onely when Arms are Actually Raised against them , but when they Discern , and accordingly Declare a Preparation made towards it : for if they let alone altogether the Exercise of their Power , till Arms are Actually Raised against them ; they may in all likelihood finde it too late , not onely to Prevent , but even to Restrain the Power of Tyrannie . 5. Then they have Legall Power in such Times of Danger , to put into safe hands , such Forts , Ports , Magazines , Ships , and Power of the Militia , as are Intended , or likely to be Intended , to Introduce a Tyranny ; for else they cannot have Power sufficient to Prevent or Restrain the Power of Tyrannie . 6. Then they have Legall Power to Levie Moneys , Arms , Horse , Ammunitions , upon the Subjects , in such cases of Danger , even without or against the Kings Consent ; for it cannot be imagined that in such cases when the Kings Favourites and Followers have gotten Commands from him , to Protect them in their Delinquencies , and Attempts to Introduce Tyrannie , that ever he will consent to ●evies of Moneys against those Favourites and Fol●owers of his , or to the Raising Arms against them , specially he being still in their hands , and among them , and not with his Parliament ; and without such Levies of Moneys , &c. it is not possible for the two Houses of Parliament to Prevent or Restraine sufficiently the Power of Tyrannie . 7 They that have made the Protestation , to maintain and defend the Power and Priviledges of Parliament , may see in all these Things ( Acknowledged by the King , and clearly Following from his Acknowledgements ) what is that Power , and what are Priviledges of Parliament , which they have so solemnly in the Presence of Almighty God Vowed , Promised and Protested to maintain , &c. 8. And finally , since the two Houses of Parliament have so often and fully Declared their Intentions in settling the Militia , securing Hull and the Magazine there , and the Navie at Sea , with the Ports and Forts , and afterward in Raising Arms under the Command of the Earl of Essex , and last of all , Levying Moneys by voluntary Contibutions and Assessements ; they have onely used that Legall Power which is in them for the Punishment of Delinquents , and for the Prevention and Restraint of the Power of Tyrannie , of all which they are the Legall Judges ; and all the Subjects of this Kingdom are bound by the Laws to obey them herein , and those doubly bound that have made the late Protestation . That the Reader may the better discern how the Answers here applied do agree with the words of his Majesties Answer to the 19 Propositions , I have here transcribed so much of it as concerns this particular . Page 17. We call God to witnesse , that as for our subiects sake these Rights are vested in Vs , so for their sakes as well as for our own ) we are resolued not to quit them nor to subuert ( though in a parliamentary way ) the ancient , equall , happy well-poysed , and neuer-enough-commended Constitution of the gouernment of this kingdom . There being three kinds of gouernment amongst men Absolute Monarchy , Aristocracy , and Democracy , and all these hauing their particular conveniences and inconveniences . page 18. The experience and wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these , as to giue to this Kingdom ( as farre as humane prudence can prouide ) the conveniences of all three , without the inconveniences of any one , as long as the Ballance hangs euen between the three Estates ▪ and they run ioyntly on in their proper channell begetting Verdure and Fert●lity in the meadows on both sides ) and the ouer-flowing of either on either side , raise no Deluge or Inundation . The Ill of Absolute Monarc●y is Tyranny , The Ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Diuision , The Ills of Democracy are Tumults , Violence , and Licent●ousnesse : The good of Monarchy is the Vniting a Nation under one Head , to Resist Inuasion from abroad , and Insurrection at home : The good of Aristocracy is the coniunction of Councell in the Ablest persons of a State for the publike benefit : The good of Democracy is Liberty , and the courage and industry which Liberty begets . In this kingdom the Laws are iointly made by a King , by a house of Peeres , and by a house of Commons chosen by the people , all hauing free Votes and particular priviledges . The gouernment according to these Laws is trusted to the King , power of Treaties of war & peace , of making Peeres , of chusing Officers & Counsellours for State Iudges for Law , Cōmanders for Forts & Castles giving Cōmissions for raising men to make war abroad , or to preuent & provide against Invasions or Insurrections at home , benefit of Consiscations , power of pardoning ▪ & some more of the like kinde are placed in the King . — Again , Page 19. that the Prince may not make use of this high and pertetuall power to the hurt of those for whose good he hath it , and make use of the name of publike Necessity for the gain of his priuate Fauorites and Followers to the detriment of his people ; the house of Commons an excellent Conseruer of Liberty ▪ but neuer intended for any share in Gouernment , or the chusing of them that should gouern ) is solely intrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Leauies of moneys ( which is the sinews as wel of peace as warre , and the unpeaching of those who for their own ends , though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten cōmand of the King , haue violated that Law , which he is bound ( when he knows it ) to protect , & to the protection of which they were bound to aduise him , at least not to serve him to the contrary : & the Lords being trusted with a Iudicatory power , are an excellent screen and bank between the Prince and people , to assist each against any Incroachments of the other , and by iust iudgements to preserue that Law which ought to be the Rule of euery one of the three . — Pag. 20. Since therefore the Power Legally placed in both Houses is more then sufficient to preuent and restrain the power of Tyrannie : — since this would be a totall Subuersion of the Fundamentall Laws , and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom , which hath made this Nation so many years both Famous & Hapy to a great degree of envy ; since to the power of punishing ( which is already in your hands according to Law ) if — since the encroaching of one of these Estates upon the power of the other is unhappy in the effects both to them & all the rest — Pag. 2● . Our answer is ▪ Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari . But this We promise , that We will be as carefull of preserving the Lawes in what is supposed to concern wholly our Subiects , as in what most concerns Our self : For indeed We professe to belieue that the preseruation of euery Law concerns Vs , those of Obed●ence being not secure , when those of protection are Violated . FINIS . 
A95175	----	A true relation of His Majesties private departure from Hampton-Court, the eleventh of November, betweene foure and five of the clock in the after-noone. As it was delivered to the House of Commons this morning, Novemb. 12. by Sir Iohn Cook, and Master Crew, two of the commissioners. With the Houses resolution thereupon. This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription A95175 of text R210677 in the English Short Title Catalog (Thomason 669.f.11[95]). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 A95175 Wing T2909 Thomason 669.f.11[95] ESTC R210677 99869452 99869452 162747 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A95175) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 162747) Images scanned from microfilm: (Thomason Tracts ; 246:669f11[95]) A true relation of His Majesties private departure from Hampton-Court, the eleventh of November, betweene foure and five of the clock in the after-noone. As it was delivered to the House of Commons this morning, Novemb. 12. by Sir Iohn Cook, and Master Crew, two of the commissioners. With the Houses resolution thereupon. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) Printed for Richard Royston, [London] : 1647. Imprint from Wing. Includes a paraphrase of Charles's note to his jailers. Reproduction of the original in the British Library. eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. A95175 R210677 (Thomason 669.f.11[95]). civilwar no A true relation of His Majesties private departure from Hampton-Court, the eleventh of November, betweene foure and five of the clock in the Charles King of England 1647 674 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2007-06 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2007-06 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2007-08 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2007-08 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A true Relation of His Majesties private departure from Hampton Court , the eleventh of November , betweene foure and five of the Clock in the After-noone . As it was delivered to the House of Commons this morning , Novemb. 12. by Sir Iohn Cook , and Master Crew , two of the Commissioners . With the Houses Resolution thereupon . Novemb. 12. 1647. THe Speaker had a Letter from Gen : Cromwell late last night , that His Majesty was escaped , but no particulars . This morning Sir John Cooke and master Crew , two of the Commissioners , came to the House , and delivered the particulars thus : Yesterday in the afternoone His Majesty shut himselfe up in his Chamber , and commanded that no body should come to him : when it grew dark , he called for a Candle , and afterwards for Snuffers ; he came not out to Prayers , as he was accustomed ; which after some time , bred some mistrust : Then one of the Commissioners knocked at his chamber doore , and no body answering , went in , and found no body there , the back-doore open , and His Majesties Cloak lay in the midst of the roome on the floore , which for the present caused some feare that somewhat had been attempted on his person ; but looking farther , found three Letters upon the Table , written with His Majesties owne hand , which argued that he was well . The first was a kind of Declaration or Remonstrance , which he desired should be communicated to both his Houses of Parliament , to this effect , That He had as much as in Him lay , endeavoured to give His Houses satisfaction , and to re-establish a setled Peace ; but He saw that nothing reasonable would give them content , That He had certain information that the Agitators , or some of that Faction , had an intent speedily to murder Him , and that Master Peters had lately expressed so much to an intimate friend of his : Therefore His Majesty was resolved to retire to some private place for a time , for His owne Preservation , &c. The second Letter was to my Lord Mountague , and the rest of the Commissioners to give them thanks for their civilities to him , since his comming to Hampton-Court . The third , to Collonel Whalley of thanks likewise for his civilities , for he had that morning given charge to the Guards and others to have a care of his Majesty , having likewise had some intimation of an intended attempt that day upon his Majesties Person . A fourth Letter was found upon his Majesties Table , subscribed For his Majesty , without any name to it more then two letters . In this Letter his Majesty was warned of the said attempt on his Person , and earnestly beseeched to retire to some place of privacy for a time , and Broad-street in London was proposed as a place of security . The Commissioners could make no probable conjecture as then , whether His Majestie should be gone , That the Scotch Commissioners had been there the day before , but were yesterday come for London . Hereupon the House ordered a Committee , to examine the whole businesse , and the neglect of those that guarded him , and likewise ordered a stop of all the Ports , and a search to be made in London for him . Some beleeve he is gone for Scotland ; others , that part of the Army have conveyed him away : but this day at 12. of the clock there was no certainty of either , but wheresoever he be , God blesse him , and preserve him out of the hands of his Enemies . And let all good men say , Amen . Printed for Richard Royston . 1647. 
B02011	----	His Majesties gracious proclamation to the cities of London and Westminster. By the King. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02011 of text R211127 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2343). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02011 Wing C2343 ESTC R211127 51784437 ocm 51784437 174856 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02011) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 174856) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2703:15) His Majesties gracious proclamation to the cities of London and Westminster. By the King. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Robert Barker ... and by the assignes of John Bill., Imprinted at London : 1642 Caption title. At head of title: "By the King." Title vignette: royal seal. Reproduction of original in: Universität Göttingen Bibliothek. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649. Broadsides -- England -- London -- 17th century B02011 R211127 (Wing C2343). civilwar no By the King. His Majesties gratious proclamation to the cities of London and Westminster. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 983 1 0 0 0 0 0 10 C The rate of 10 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Pip Willcox Sampled and proofread 2008-10 SPi Global Rekeyed and resubmitted 2008-12 John Pas Sampled and proofread 2008-12 John Pas Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion ❧ By the King . ❧ His MAJESTIES Gracious Proclamation to the Cities of London and Westminster . WHereas amongst other Arts used by the Promoters of this horrid and desperate Rebellion against Vs , great Industry and Subtilty hath been applied to corrupt Our Subjects of Our Cities of London and Westminster , First by engaging them in Factions and Tumults , to aw the Members of both Our Houses of Parliament who would not consent to their seditious Designes ; Then by perswading them to Loans and Contributions for the maintenance of the Army now in Rebellion against Vs , upon pretence that the same was raised for the defence of Our Person , The Protestant Religion , The Laws of the Land , and Priviledge of Parliament ( Whereas in truth it is for the destruction of them all ) by their yeelding obedience to , and executing the pretended Ordinance of the Militia : And lastly , by infusing into them a desperate sense of their own Condition , and that We are so much incensed against them for the Premisses , that We intend to plunder , and give up the Wealth of those Our Cities as a prey to Our Souldiers ; We do hereby declare , That We are yet far from being so much incensed against those Our Cities as these men desire to be beleeved , and in truth have endeavoured to make Vs ; but We beleeve that those Tumults were contrived by the Persons whom We have formerly accused of that practice , and raised out of the meanest and poorest People of those Our Cities and Suburbs , without the privity and consent of the best and substantiall Citizens and Inhabitants , and that the Loans and Contributions which have been since raised , ( though they have passed more generally then We expected from the duty and sobriety of men of Fortunes and understanding ) have been wrested and extorted from them by Threats and Menaces , and fear of plundering and violence . And therefore We do hereby offer Our free and gracious Pardon to all the Citizens and Inhabitants of Our said Cities of London and Westminster for all offences concerning the Premisses committed against Vs before the publishing of this Our Proclamation , ( except all those Persons whom We have excepted in Our Declaration of the twelfth of August , and except Alderman Fulke , and Captain Manwaring , against all which We shall proceed according to the rules of Law , as against Traitors and stirrers of Sedition against Vs ) and We do assure them in the word of a King , that no violence shall be offered by Our Army , or any part of it to any of them , not doubting but their demeanour will henceforward be such , that We shall not compelled to bring Our Army against them . Provided that this Our Grace shall not extend to any Person , who after the publishing this Our Proclamation shall presume by Loan or Contribution to assist the said Army of Rebels , to assemble and muster themselves in Arms without Authority derived from Vs under Our hand , or to enter into any Oath of Association for the Assistance of the Earl of Essex , how speciously soever the same be pretended for Our safety : for since the encounter on Sunday the 23th . of this Moneth , where they used all possible means and malice to have destroyed Vs , and where it pleased God to give Vs so great a victroy over them ( though with the losse of many worthy men ) no man can be unsatisfied in the mischief and malice of their Rebelli●n And therefore We must , and do declare , That whosoever shall henceforward by Money , Plate , or otherwise assist the said Rebellion , shall take Arms by vertue of any pretended Ordinance , or shall enter into any Oath of Association against Vs , or without Our Consent , shall be esteemed by Vs as an enemy to the publick Peace , a person disaffected to Vs , the Religion and Law of the Kingdom , and shall accordingly receive condigne punishment ; of which We give them timely notice , that they may proceed accordingly at their perils . And to the end that they may receive all possible and particular assurance from Vs of Our gracious Intentions towards them , We shall be willing that such a number of grave and substantiall Citizens be imployed from Our said City to Vs , as shall by them be thought fit , who may propose such things to Vs on their behalf as shall be desired , to which we shall give a gratious and just Answer . And we do assure them and all the world , that as the Scandalls and Imputations upon Vs concerning Our favouring of Papists have been groundlesse , and malitiously contrived by the Authours of this Rebellion to beget a misunderstanding between Vs and Our Subjects , so all the professions We have made in Our severall Declarations for the suppression of Popery , and the maintenance of the true reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England , and for the defence of the Lawes of the Land , and the just Priviledges of Parliament , shall be as inviolably observed by Vs , as We expect blessing from the Almighty God , and obedience from our Subjects . ¶ Given at Our Court at Ayno this 27. of October in the eighteenth yeer of Our Raigne . God save the King . ❧ Imprinted at London by ROBERT BARKER , Printer to the Kings most Excellent MAJESTIE : And by the Assignes of JOHN BILL . 1642. 
B02013	----	His Majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and city of London. Ianuary 17, 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02013 of text R223452 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2385B). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 11 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 5 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02013 Wing C2385B ESTC R223452 51784438 ocm 51784438 174857 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02013) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 174857) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2703:16) His Majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and city of London. Ianuary 17, 1642 England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. City of London (England). Court of Common Council. [2], 6 p. by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the university., Printed by His Majesties command, at Oxford, Ianuary 18. : 1642. Reproduction of original in: Bodleian Library. eng B02013 R223452 (Wing C2385B). civilwar no His Majesties letter and declaration to the sheriffes and Citty of London· Ianuary 17. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 1939 1 0 0 0 0 0 5 B The rate of 5 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the B category of texts with fewer than 10 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Robyn Anspach Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Robyn Anspach Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAjESTIES LETTER AND DECLARATION TO THE SHERIFFES and CITTY of LONDON . Ianuary 17. 1642. Printed , by His MAjESTIES Command , AT OXFORD , Ianuary 18. By LEONARD LICHFIELD Printer to the Vniversity . 1642. HIS MAjESTIES LETTER AND DECLARATION to the SHERIFFES and CITTY Of LONDON . Ianuary 17. 1642. TRusty and Welbeloved , We greet you well . We received lately a Petition from the Aldermen and Common-Councell of Our City of London , by the hands of Persons entrusted by them for the delivery , who found such a reception from Vs , as well manifested Our regard to that body which sent them ; Though We well knew by whom that Petition was framed , and where perused and examined , before it was approved by those from whom it seemed to be sent , yet We were so willing to enter into a correspondence with that Our City , and to receive any addresse and application from them according to that Invitation We had given by Our late Proclamation ; And were so glad to find that there was yet some hopes they would look to the Peace and happinesse of that City , and at last sever themselves from any Faction or dependence , which might insensibly involve them in those Calamities they did not foresee , that We returned such a gracious Answer therunto , so full of Candor and Affection , that the meanest Inhabitant of that Our Citty , if he carefully consider the same , will find himselfe concerned in it , and that We have had an especiall care of his particular . With this answer of Ours We sent a servant of Our own , in the company of those who had been so well used here , to require and see that it might be communicated to the whole body of that Our City ; not doubting but that both it & the Bringer should receive such Entertainment there , as might manifest their due regard of Vs , & of Our Affection to them : But to Our great wonder , We finde that after ten dayes Attendance , and suffering ridiculous Pamphlets to be published in Our name , as if We retracted Our former Resolutions , ( which Pamphlet We have caused to be burned by the hand of the Hangman , as We also require you to see don ) instead of that admission We expected to Our Messenger and Message , guards of Armed Men have beene brought to keep Our good Subjects , to whom that Our Answer was directed , from being present at the reading thereof ; and Speeches have been made by Strangers ( who have been admitted to the Citty Councells , contrary to the Freedome and Custome of those meetings , ) to Blast Our said Answer , and to Dishonour and Slander Vs , which if Our good Subjects there shall suffer , We shall be much discouraged in Our desired correspondence with that Ou● City , and so by the cunning and power of those Incendiaries mentioned in Our Answer ( Alderman Pennington ( who to show his great Loyalty to Vs , and his fitnesse to bee the chiefe Magistrate of such a City , being informed that a desperate person there , said , that hee hoped shortly to wash his hands in Our Bloud , refused to send any Warrant , or to give any direction to any Officer for his Apprehension , ) Ven , Fulke , and Manwaring ) who have plunged that Our City into such unspeakable Calamities , in which they would still keepe it to cure their owne desperate condition , Our good Subjects there are not suffered to receive Our gratious Answer to that Petition ; Wee have therefore thought fit to write these Our Letters to you , requiring you the Sheriffes of Our said City ; to take care for the publishing that Our Answer ( which Wee herewith send you ) to Our good Subjects of that Our City ; And Our pleasure is , That you the Masters and Wardens of the severall Companies of our said City forth with summon all the Members of your severall Companies , with all the Freemen and Apprentises ( whose hopes and interests are so much blasted in these generall Distractions ) belonging thereunto , to appeare at your severall Halls , where you shall cause Our said Answer , together with these our Letters , to bee publiquely read , that all Our good Subjects may cleerely understand how farre We have beene from begetting , how farre Wee are from continuing or nourishing these unnaturall civill dissentions , and how much it is in their owne power to remove the present pressures , and to establish the future happinesse and glory of that famous City , and may seriously weigh every part of that Our Answer , as well that which carries caution in it for the future , as pardon for what is past , for assure your selves , for the time to come , Wee shall proceed with all severity against such who shall incurre the penalty of the Law in those points , of which wee have given them so faire a warning in Our said Answer , & whosoever shall not behave himselfe like a good Subject in this Our Kingdome , shall not ( if We can helpe it ) receive the benefit and advantage of being Our Subject in any other , but all Forraigne Princes shall know , that as such Person hath parted with his Loyalty to Us , so he must not hope for any Security by Us , and to that purpose Wee shall hence forward have a very inquisitive Eye upon the Actions of all Our Subjects , that some example may be made , how easie it is for Us to punish their disloyalties abroad , who for a time may avoyd Our Iustice at home . And to the end that none of Our good Subjects of that Our City may thinke themselves bound to obey any of the Orders or Commands of the pretended Lord Major ( whom We have and doe still accuse of high Treason , & conspiring to take Our life from Vs , ) it is well knowne to those Citizens who understand the Charter of that City ( so amply granted by Our Royall Progenitors , and so gratiously confirmed by Us , & of which We presume Our good Subjects there doe still desire to receive the benefit , ) that the said Isaack Pennington was never regularly elected , or lawfully admitted to bee Lord Major of that Our City , that in truth Alderman Cordwell , was by the plurality of voyces chosen , and that this Man was never presented to , or admitted by Us , in such manner as is prescribed by the said Charter , neither had that Iudge , who presumed to sweare him , any more colour of Law or Authority to administer such an Oath to him , then hee hath to doe the same to morrow to any other Alderman of the City : And Wee doe therefore hereby Declare the said Isaack Pennington not to bee Major of that Our City of London , and to have no lawfull Authority to exercise the same , and that Our good Subjects of that Our City , ought not to submit to any Order , directions , or commands which shall issue from him as Lord Major of that Our City , but that the same are void and of none effect . And Wee doe once more require you the Sheriffes of Our said City , and all other the Magistrates of the same , in which all Our good Subjects of that City will assist you , that you cause the said Isaack Pennington , Ven , Fulke , and Manwaring , to bee apprehended and committed to safe Custody , that Wee may proceed against them as guilty of high Treason , and principall Authours of those Calamities which are now so heavy upon Our poore Subjects of that City , and if not suddenly remedied , will in a short time utterly confound a Place , and a People lately of so flourishing an estimation in all the parts of Christendome , And where as We are informed that one Browne a Wood-monger , Titchborne a Linnen-Draper , and one Harvy a Silke-man , have exercised great Insolencies and out rages in that Our City , and when many of Our good Subjects there , have assembled together in a peaceable and modest manner , to consult about the Peace and welfare of that City , the said mutinous and seditious Persons have presumed to lead Multitudes of armed Men against them , and by such force have beaten , wounded , and killed Our good Subjects ; Our Will and Pleasure is , that if the said Browne , Titchborne , and Harvy , or either of them , shall so farre neglect Our gratious offer of Pardon , as still to engage themselves in those unwarrantable and seditious courses , That you Our Sheriffes of London , rayse power to suppresse the said force , and that you and all Our Ministers of Iustice , use your utmost meanes to apprehend the said Persons , and to bring them to condigne punishment . And We doe here by Declare , That it shall be lawfull for any of Our loving Subjects , to resist and oppose the said Persons , if they shall hereafter , in such a Warlike manner , endeavour to molest them as they would doe Rebels and Traytours : And We hope that all Our good Subjects of that Our much injured City of London , doe take notice of Our Grace and Favour towards them in our so freely passing by and pardoning the Offences there committed against Us , as Wee have offered by Our Proclamation and Our late Answer ; and of Our very earnest desire to bee with them , and to reside amongst them for their Comfort , Support , and Protection , if they shall , by first providing for their owne security ( in such manner as We have directed them in Our late Answer ) give Us an instance that We may be safe there too ; And that they doe likewise observe , that being by such violence kept from them , Wee have done Our utmost endeavour to continue and advance the decayed trading of that Our City , by permitting and encouraging all resort and traffique thither , and therefore if by the stopping of Carriages , and seizing Commodities by other men , the commerce and correspondence be broken betweene that place and Our good Subjects of other Counties , they will impute that mischiefe to the true Authours of it , and looke upon Us onely as not able to helpe them . Doe but your Duties , and this Cloud , which threatens a present confusion , will quickly vanish away , and you will enjoy all the Blessings of a happy Nation , to the which no endeavour of Ours shall bee wanting . Given at our Court at OXFORD , this 17. day of IANUARY . 1642. FINISH . 
B02015	----	The Kings Majesties letter, directed to the Committee of Estates of his Kingdome of Scotland. And his Majesties proclamation for disbanding of all forces within this Kingdom raised by his authority, and not allowed by Parliament, Secret Councell, or Committee of Estates. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02015 of text R173695 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2386A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 8 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 2 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02015 Wing C2386A ESTC R173695 52528753 ocm 52528753 178718 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02015) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 178718) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2768:7) The Kings Majesties letter, directed to the Committee of Estates of his Kingdome of Scotland. And his Majesties proclamation for disbanding of all forces within this Kingdom raised by his authority, and not allowed by Parliament, Secret Councell, or Committee of Estates. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) By Evan Tyler, printer to the Kings most excellent Majestie, Printed at Edinburgh : 1646. Caption title. Imprint from colophon. Letter dated 19 May 1646; proclamation dated 20 May 1646. Also includes reply from Committee of Estates dated 23 May 1646. Imperfect: torn and stained with slight loss of text. Reproduction of the original in the National Library of Scotland. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Sources. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Sources. Broadsides -- Scotland -- 17th century. B02015 R173695 (Wing C2386A). civilwar no The Kings Majesties letter, directed to the Committee of Estates of His kingdome of Scotland. And His Majesties proclamation for disbanding England and Wales. Sovereign 1646 1374 2 0 0 0 0 0 15 C The rate of 15 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-07 Olivia Bottum Sampled and proofread 2008-07 Olivia Bottum Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion THE KINGS MAJESTIES LETTER Directed to the COMMITTEE of ESTATES , of His Kingdom And His Majesties PROCLAMATION for Disbanding of all Forces with 〈◊〉 raised by His Authority , and not allowed by Parliament , Secret Councell , or Committee of Est●●● Charles R. RIght trustie and Right welbeloved Cousins and Councellors , Right trustie and Right welbeloved Cousins , Trusted and wel●●●●ved Councellors , and Trustie and welbeloved ; We greet you well . After so long and sad an interruption of the happy understanding betwixt Us and Our good Subjects of Our Kingdom of Scotland ( which hath exceedingly afflicted Us ) and lest the sad effects thereof may have alienated the affections of many of that Kingdom from Us , and preferring nothing to the love of Our Subjects , on which Our Safety and Greatnesse most depends , and without which We propose not to Our selves any Happinesse ; We have thought fit to labour to dispossesse them of all prejudice , rather by shewing them Our present resolutions , then remembring them of Our former differences , having come hither with a full and absolute intention to give all just Satisfaction to the joynt defires of both Our Kingdomes , and with no thought either to continue this unnaturall War any longer , or to make a division bewixt the Kingdoms , but to Comply with Our Parliaments and these intrusted by them in every thing , for settling Truth and Peace . Your Commissioners have offered to Us divers Papers in your name , expressing your loyall intentions towards Us , for which We cannot but returne you hearty thanks , and shall study to apply Our selves totally to the Councells and advices of Our Parliaments : We have alreadie sent a Message to the two Houses of our Parliament of England , and your Commissioners at London , which We hope will give satisfaction ; We have likewise written to all such within Our Kingdom of Scotland as have any Commissions from Us , to lay down Armes , Disband their Forces , and render their Garrisons ; and have written to Our Agents and Ministers abroad for recalling all Commissions issued forth by Our Authority to any at Sea , against any of Our Subjects of either Kingdoms ; and have sent Letters to the Governour of Our Citie of Oxford , to quit that Garrison upon Honourable Conditions , and disband Our Forces there , which being granted to him , We have resolved presently to give the like order to all Our other Garrisons and Forces within this Kingdom . And that the truth of all these Our Reall intentions may be made known to all Our good Subjects in Scotland , We desire the inclosed Proclamation may be Printed and published together with this Letter , at all convenient places ; hoping none will beleeve but that this is our voluntary and cordiall resolution , and proceeds from no other ground , then Our deep sence of the bleeding condition of Our Kingdoms , and that Our reall intentions are ( with the Blessing of God , and his favourable assistance ) to joyne with Our Parliaments in settling Religion here in purity ( after the advice of the Divines of both Kingdoms assembled at Westminster ) and Our Subjects of both Kingdoms in freedom and safety : So expecting your Councells and advices in every thing wherein We shall be concerned , We bid you very heartily farewell . From Newcastle the 19 of May 1646. HIS MAJESTIES PROCLAMATION Charles R CHARLES , By the Grace of God , King of Great Britain , France , and Ireland , Defender of the Faith . To Our Lovits Our Lion King at Arms , and his Brethren Heralds and Pursevants , Our Sheriffs in that part , Greeting . Whereas nothing hath been more grievous to Us then the sad effects have flowed from the unhappie Differences betwixt Us and Our good Subjects ; for the remedy whereof We are resolved to leave no means unassayed , which may bring a happy understanding betwixt Us and them : And for that end , to comply with the desires of Our Parliaments and those intrusted by them , in every thing which may contribute to the speedy settling of Truth and Peace in all Our Dominions ; That with Gods assistance , We may see Our Subjects happinesse under Our Government , equall to the best times of Our Royall Progenitors : And that all Marks and Signes of Differences betwixt Us and them may be removed , and all Acts of Hostility may cease , and none cover or shelter themselves under the pretence of any power or authority from Us ; We have resolved to recall and discharge , Like as hereby we do recall and discharge , all Commissions by Sea or Land , issued forth by Us , to any person or persons , under what pretence soever , within Our Kingdom of Scotland . And therefore Our will is , And We charge you straitly and command , That incontinent thir Our Letters seen , you passe , and by open Proclamation hereof at the Market Crosses of Edinburgh , Stirling , Glasgow , Dundee , Perth , Forfar , Aberdeen , Innernesse , and other places needfull , In Our name and authority , Command and Charge , All persons , of whatsoever quality or degree within Our said Kingdom of Scotland , who are now in Arms by vertue or warrant of any Commission or authority flowing from Us , which is not allowed by Our Parliament , or Committee of Estates , or Secret Councell there , under what pretence soever , That they and every one of them , forthwith after the Publication hereof , lay down Arms , Disband their Forces , and render their Garisons to any whom the Committee of Estates of Our Kingdom of Scotland shall appoint ; With certification , That if any person or persons , of what quality or condition soever , shall refuse , or delay to lay down Arms , Disband their Forces , render their Garisons ; or that shall hereafter , under pretence of Our Service , or of any former Commission from Us , commit any hostile Act or Acts , shall be immediatly pursued and proceeded against by all manner of wayes , without Mercy . Likeas , hereby We disavow and disclaim all Acts of Hostility that shall be done hereafter , by any person or persons whatsoever , under pretence of Our Service , or of any such Commission or Warrant from Us , which is not approven by Our Parliament , Secret Councell , or Committee of Estates of that Kingdom of Scotland . The which to do , We commit to you Our full power by thir our Letters . Given under Our Signe Manuall at Newcastle , the 20. day of May , and of Our Reign the 22. year . 1646 Edinb. 23. May . 1646. THe Committee of Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland , Having read and considered His Majesties Letter and Proclamation above written , Do with all dutie and thankfulnesse acknowledge His Majesties gracious goodnesse , in giving such large expressions of His Resolution to comply with His Parliaments and these intrusted by them , for settling Truth and Peace in all His Dominions . And that the same may be known , to the satisfaction of all His good Subjects , the Committee , according to the Warrant , of His Majesties Letter , Ordains the said Letter and Proclamation to be Printed , and Published at the Market Crosses of all the Royall Burrows of this Kingdom : And that the Burrows and others His Majesties good Subjects witnesse their thankfulnesse therefore by Ringing of Bells , putting on of Bonefires , and others expressions of joy formerly used in cases of the like kinde . Arch. Primerose Printed at Edinburgh by Evan Tyler , Printer to the Kings most Excellent Majestie . 1646. 
B02017	----	His Maiesties message sent to the Parliament April 8, 1642 concerning his resolution to go into Ireland for suppressing the rebels there. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02017 of text R175719 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2448D). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 6 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 6 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02017 Wing C2448D ESTC R175719 53298988 ocm 53298988 179765 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02017) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 179765) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2802:9) His Maiesties message sent to the Parliament April 8, 1642 concerning his resolution to go into Ireland for suppressing the rebels there. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. England and Wales. Parliament. [7] p. Printed for Joseph Smith, London : 1642. Imperfect: print show-through with loss of text. Reproduction of original in: British Library. eng Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Ireland -- History -- Rebellion of 1641 -- Sources. B02017 R175719 (Wing C2448D). civilwar no His Majesties message sent to the Parliament, Aprill, 8. 1642. Concerning his resolution to go into Ireland for suppressing the rebels there England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 937 2 0 0 0 0 0 21 C The rate of 21 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the C category of texts with between 10 and 35 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-01 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-02 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-03 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2008-09 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion HIS MAJESTIES MESSAGE Sent to the PARLIAMENT , Aprill , 8. 1642. Concerning His Resolution to go into Ireland for suppressing the Rebels there . LONDON : Printed for JOSEPH SMITH , 1642. C R royal insignia HIS MAJESTIES Message sent to the Parliament the Eighth of Aprill , 1642. Concerning his Resolution to go into Ireland , for suppressing the Rebels there . HIs Majesty being grieved at the very soul , for the calamities of His good Subjects of Ireland , and being most tenderly sensible of the false and scandalous Reports dispersed amongst the people , concerning the rebellion there , which not onlywounds His Majesty in Honour , but likwise greatly Retards the reducing of that unhappy Kingdom , and multiplies the Distractions at home , by weakning the mutuall confidence betwixt Him and his People : Out of his pious Zeal to the Honour of Almighty God , in establishing the true protestant profession in that Kingdom , and his princely care for the good of all His Dominions , hath firmly resolved with all convenient speed to go into Ireland , to chastise those wicked and detestable Rebels ( odious to God aad all good men ) therby so to settle the Peace of that Kingdom , and the security of this , that the very name of Fears and Jealousies may be no more heard of amongst us . As his Majesty doubts not , but that His Parliament will cheerfully give all possible assistance to this good work ; so He requires them and all His loving Sobjects to beleeve , That he shall upon those Considerations as earnestly pursue this Design ( not declining any hazard of his person , in performing that Duty which he oweth to the defence of Gods true Religion , and his distressed Subjects ) as for these , and only these Ends he undertakes it : to the sincerity of which profession he cals God to witnesse , with this further assurance , That His Majesty will never consent ( upon whatsoever pretence ) to a Toleration of the Popish profession there , or the Abolition of the Laws now in force against popish Recusants in that Kingdome . His Majesty hath further thought fit to advertise his Parliament , That toward this Work He intends to raise forthwith by his Commissions , in the Counties neer Westchester , a Guard for His own person ( when He shall come into Ireland ) consisting of 2000. Foot , and 200. horse , which shall be Armed at Westchester from his Magazine at Hull : At which time all the Officers and Souldiers shall take the Oaths of Supremacy and Allegiance : The charge of raising and paving wherof His Majesty desires His Parliament to adde to their former Undertakings for that war which His Maiestie will not only well accept ; But if their Pay be found too great a Burthen to His good Subjects , His Majesty will be willing ( by the advice of His Parliament ) to sell , or pawn any of His Parks , Lands , or House towards the supplies of the Service of Jreland : with the addition of these Leavies to the former of English and Scots agreed upon in Parliament , He hopes so to appear in this Action , that ( by the assistance of Almighty God ) in a short time that Kingdome may be wholly reduced and restored to peace , and some measure of happinesse . whereby he may cheerefully seturne , to be welcomed home with the Affections and blessings of all his good English people . Toward this good work , as his Majestie hath lately made dispatches into Scotland , to quicken the Leavies there for Vlster , So he heartily wishes that his Parliament here would give all possi expedition to those which they have resolved for Munster and Conaught : and hopes the encouragement which the Adventurers ( of whose interest His Maiestie will be alwayes very carefull ( will hereby receive ( as likewise by the lately signing of ● Commission for the Affairs of Ireland , to such persons for were recommended to him by both houses of Parliament ) will raise full sums of Money for the doing there of . His Majestie hath been likewise pleased ( out of of His earnest desire to remove all occasions , which do unhappily multiply M●s-understandings between Him and His Parliament ) to prepare a Bill ro be offered to them by His Attourney , concerning the Militia , whereby He hopes the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom may be fully secured , to the generall satisfaction of all men , without violation of His Maiesties iust Rights or preiudice to the Liberty of the Subiect . If this shall be thankfully received ; He is glad of it . If retused ; He calls God , and all the world to judge , on whose part the default is : one thing his Majestie requires , ( if this Bill be approved of ) That if any Corporation shall make their lawfull Rights appeare , they may be reserved to them . Before his Majestie shall part from England , he will take all due care to entrust such persons with such authority in his absence , as he shall find to be requisite for the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom , and the happy Progresse of this Parliament . FINIS . HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms 
B02020	----	By the King. A proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of Glocester, and for the apprehending of spies and intelligencers. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02020 of text R173713 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2609A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 2 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02020 Wing C2609A ESTC R173713 51617733 ocm 51617733 175173 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02020) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 175173) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2718:15) By the King. A proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of Glocester, and for the apprehending of spies and intelligencers. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1643 [i.e., 1644] With royal coat of arms at head of document. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford this fourteenth of January, in the nineteenth year of Our Reigne. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. eng Gloucestershire (England) -- History -- 17th century -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- 17th century. B02020 R173713 (Wing C2609A). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the discovery of rebells invading the county of Glocester, and for the apprehending of spies and intelligenc England and Wales. Sovereign 1644 350 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the discovery of Rebells invading the County of Glocester , and for the apprehending of Spies and Intelligencers . WHEREAS the Rebells in Our City of Glocester , Warwick-Castle , and diverse other places , doe frequently make Incursions into our County of Glocester , ( notwithstanding We have sent diverse of Our Forces into that Our County for the security thereof ) We doe therefore hereby Charge and Command all and every Person inhabiting in any Towne or Village in that County , as soone as they or any of them shall have notice of the comming in of such Rebells , to give notice thereof to one or more of Our Commissioners for that County dwelling nearest the said Towne or Village , or to the Governour or Principall Officer of Our next Garrison or Quarter ; which if he or they shall neglect or faile to doe ; We shall esteeme him or them Persons ill-affected to Us , and the peace of the Country , and shall cause their Persons , Goods and Estates to be seised for such misdemeanors . And We doe farther Charge and Command all and every Person whatsoever , not to converse with receive , entertain , or harbour any of the Rebells , Scouts , Spies , or Intelligencers , but to apprehend them , or discover to some one or more of Our Commissioners , or the Principall Officer of the next Garrison or Quarter upon the paine aforesaid . And We doe straitly Command every Minister , Parson , Incumbent , or Curate of every Parish-Church within Our County of Glocester to read and publish the same on the next Sunday after the receipt hereof , in the time of Divine Service . Given at Our Court at Oxford this fourteenth of January , in the Nineteenth yeare of Our Reigne . GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by LEONARD LICHFIELD . Printer to the University , 1643. 
B02021	----	A proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the Kings Majesty, and to contine in his service. / By the King. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02021 of text R173714 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2611A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02021 Wing C2611A ESTC R173714 51784441 ocm 51784441 174860 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02021) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 174860) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2703:19) A proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the Kings Majesty, and to contine in his service. / By the King. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield ..., Printed at Oxford, : [1645] Caption title. Date of publication taken from Wing (2nd ed.) "Given at His Majesties court at Oxford, this 22th day of February, in the Twentieth yeare of His Reigne." Reproduction of original in: Universität Göttingen Bibliothek. eng Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- Oxford -- 17th century B02021 R173714 (Wing C2611A). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation for the incouragement of sea-men and mariners to returne to their obedience to the Kings Majesty, and to continu England and Wales. Sovereign 1645 403 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-09 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-11 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation for the Incouragement of Sea-men and Mariners to returne to their Obedience to the Kings Majesty , and to continue in His Service . HIS MAJESTY understanding , that many Sea-men and Mariners employed by Merchants being in Rebellion against Him , or apparently adhering to the Rebels , have an Inclination to return to their due Obedience , as Duty and Loyalty doth oblige them ; But that the necessity of their Condition is such , as that unlesse they may be assured of satisfaction for their Wages and Entertainment upon their comming to Land , or into the Ports in Obedience to His Majesty , they may be exposed to misery , and so disabled not onely to maintaine themselves and their Families , but also to doe the King that Service which they desire . His Majesty therefore taking the same into His Princely Consideration , and the good Services which these Sea-men and Mariners may performe unto Him ; And being willing to give them all fit Encouragement , doth hereby Declare , and Promise in the Word of a King , That what Sea-men and Mariners soever , shall bring any Ship or Ships , or other Vessell whatsoever into any Port or Harbour within . His Majesties Obedience , they shall not onely have their free Pardons for what is past ; But shall also be rewarded with two Third parts of the whole Value of every such Ship and Vessell , and the Loading thereof , to be immediately divided amongst the Captaines , Masters , Officers , and Mariners of the said Ships and Vessells ; And that they , or as many of them as shall desire it , shall immediately be againe employed , entertained , and set to Sea for His Majesties Service , either in the said Ship or Vessell , that they shall so bring in , or in some other which shall be fitted for that purpose , and have such Entertainment and Wages as hath at any time been allowed unto them heretofore . Given at His MAJESTIESCourt at OXFORD , this 22th day of February , in the Twentieth yeare of His Raigne . GOD SAVE THE KING . Printed at Oxford , by Leonard Lichfield , Printer to the Vniversity . 
B02024	----	By the King. A proclamation offering his Majesties gracious pardon to all officers, gunners, armourers, gunsmiths, carpenters, wheele-wrights, and other artificers belonging to the Office of the Ordinance, and requiring their attendance at Oxford, before the eighteenth day of this instant March. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02024 of text R175731 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2682A). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 3 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02024 Wing C2682A ESTC R175731 51617728 ocm 51617728 175175 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02024) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 175175) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2718:17) By the King. A proclamation offering his Majesties gracious pardon to all officers, gunners, armourers, gunsmiths, carpenters, wheele-wrights, and other artificers belonging to the Office of the Ordinance, and requiring their attendance at Oxford, before the eighteenth day of this instant March. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) by Leonard Lichfield, Printer to the University, Printed at Oxford : 1642 [i.e., 1643] With royal coat of arms at head of text. Dated at end: Given at Our Court at Oxford this seaventh of March, in the eighteenth yeare of Our Reigne. Reproduction of the original in the Bodleian Library. eng Great Britain. -- Board of Ordnance -- Early works to 1800. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Early works to 1800. Broadsides -- England -- 19th century. B02024 R175731 (Wing C2682A). civilwar no By the King. A proclamation offering His Majesties gratious pardon to all officers, gunners, armourers, gunsmiths, carpenter, wheele-wrights England and Wales. Sovereign 1643 471 2 0 0 0 0 0 42 D The rate of 42 defects per 10,000 words puts this text in the D category of texts with between 35 and 100 defects per 10,000 words. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion C R HONI SOIT QVI MAL Y PENSE royal blazon or coat of arms BY THE KING . ¶ A Proclamation offering His Majesties Gratious Pardon to all Officers , Gunners , Armourers , Gunsmiths , Carpenters , Wheele-wrights , and other Artificers belonging to the Office of the Ordinance , and requiring their attendance at Oxford , before the Eighteenth day of this instant March . WHEREAS diverse Officers , Gunners , Armourers , Gunsmiths , Carpenter , Wheele-wrights and other Arti●icers 〈…〉 in Our service , and entertained in severall conditions and imployments in Our Office of the Ordinance , and for the use of Our Train of Artillery , have contrary to their duties , not only absented themselves from Our service , and their severall imployments therein , but many of them contrary to their Allegiance have put themselves under and Entertained themselves with those now in actuall Rebellion against Us , and thereby have fallen into the hainous Crime of high Treason against Us , Our Crowne and Dignity , Notwithstanding which ; out of Our tender Compassion , We desiring by all faire and mercifull waies and meanes to reduce Our Subjects to their duty and obedience , are gratiously pleased , and doe hereby offer Our free and gratious pardon , to all Officers , Gunners , Armourers , Wheele-wrights , Carpenters , and all other Artificers and Ministers of , and belonging to Our Office of the Ordinance , who shall within tenne daies after the publication hereof , leave the service of the Rebells , and returne to their allegiance to Us , and repaire to their service in Our Army , in the said Office of the Ordinance ; And We doe hereby farther publish and declare , That if any officer or officers above mentioned , either in service against Us , or such who absents themselves , and thereby neglect their duties , shall continue therein , and not give their Personall attendance upon Us at Our City of Oxford , in the said office , before the Eighteenth day of this instant March , they shall not only loose all Wages , Fees , and other Allowances due unto them by their offices and places , but be put sorth , and excluded Our service , and other persons setled in the same , and such farther punishments be inflicted on them , so refusing Our Grace , or disobeying Our Commands , as the greatnesse of their Crimes shall deserve , of which We intend to take a speedy , and streight accompt . Given at Our Court at OXFORD , this seaventh of March , in the Eighteenth yeare of Our Raigne . God Save the KING . Printed at Oxford by LEONARD LICHFIELD , Printer to the University . 1642. 
B02037	----	Charles R. To our trustie and welbeloved, the Lord Major, aldermen, and sheriffes of our city of London. Given at our court at York the 14 day of June, in the 11 yeer of our reign. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) This text is an enriched version of the TCP digital transcription B02037 of text R171197 in the English Short Title Catalog (Wing C2833). Textual changes and metadata enrichments aim at making the text more computationally tractable, easier to read, and suitable for network-based collaborative curation by amateur and professional end users from many walks of life. The text has been tokenized and linguistically annotated with MorphAdorner. The annotation includes standard spellings that support the display of a text in a standardized format that preserves archaic forms ('loveth', 'seekest'). Textual changes aim at restoring the text the author or stationer meant to publish. This text has not been fully proofread Approx. 4 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 1 1-bit group-IV TIFF page image. EarlyPrint Project Evanston,IL, Notre Dame, IN, St. Louis, MO 2017 B02037 Wing C2833 ESTC R171197 47012343 ocm 47012343 174308 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. B02037) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 174308) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English Books, 1641-1700 ; 2683:7) Charles R. To our trustie and welbeloved, the Lord Major, aldermen, and sheriffes of our city of London. Given at our court at York the 14 day of June, in the 11 yeer of our reign. 1642. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1 sheet ([1] p.) for T.A., London, : 1642. Reproduction of original in: University of London Library. eng Corporation of London -- Appropriations and expenditures. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649 -- Confiscations and contributions. Broadsides -- England -- England -- 17th century. B02037 R171197 (Wing C2833). civilwar no Charles R. To our trusty and welbeloved, the Lord Major, Aldermen, and Sheriffes of our city of London. England and Wales. Sovereign 1642 635 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 A This text has no known defects that were recorded as gap elements at the time of transcription. 2008-03 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2008-08 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Sampled and proofread 2008-09 Mona Logarbo Text and markup reviewed and edited 2009-02 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion Charles R. ❧ To Our trusty and welbeloved , the Lord Major , Aldermen , and Sheriffes of Our City of London . TRusty and Welbeloved , We greet you well . Whereas We have received severall Informations of great summes of Money endevoured to be borrowed of Our City of London by some direction proceeding from both Our Houses of Parliament , and likewise that great labour is used to perswade Our Subjects to raise Horse , and to furnish Money , upon pretence of providing a Guard for Our Parliament ; These are to let you know , that ( notwithstanding any scandalous Votes which have presumed to Declare Our Intention of leavying War against Our Parliament , and to by other aspersions on Us , so fully disavowed by Us in the presence of Almighty God , by Our severall Answers and Declarations ) all Our desires and purposes are for the publike Peace , and that we have not the least thought of raising or using Force , except We are compelled to it , for the defence of Our Person , and in Protection of the Law : And therefore we expect , that you suffer not your selves to be mis-led by such vain and improbable suggestions , and to declare , that if you shall lend any sums of Money towards the relief of Ireland ( to which We have contributed all the assistance could be desired of Us , which way soever the Money given and raised to that purpose is disposed ) or towards the payment of Our Scots Subjects , We shall take it as an acceptable Service at your hands ; but if upon generall Pretences contrived by a few , Factious persons against the peace of the Kingdom , you shall give or lend any Money , or provide or raise any Horses or Arms toward the raising such a Guard , We shall look upon it as the raising Force against Us , and to be done in malice and contempt of Us and Our Authority . And we do therefore straitly charge and command you to publish this Our Letter to the severall Masters and Wardens of the severall Companies , thay they may be assured , that such Money as they shall lend out of their good affection to the Kingdom , may be onely imployed for Ireland or Scotland , and not toward such Guards , which ( in truth ) are intended by the Contrivers of that Designe ( though We beleeve many honest men seduced by them do not yet see their end ) to be imployed against Us : And if you and they shall herein fail punctually and severally to observe Our commands , We shall not onely proceed against the severall Companies for deceiving the Trust reposed in them ; but against the particular persons , as Contemners and Opposers of Our Authoritie , and of the Law of the Land , in the most exemplary way the known Law of the Land shall prescribe to Us ; And shall be compelled to question the Charter of your City , which We are willing yet to beleeve ( notwithstanding the Barbarous and Insolent demeanour of the meaner and baser sort ) in a good degree to continue Loyall to Us . And of your obedience to these Our Commands We do expect and require a full Account , and of the names of such Persons who shall oppose the same . Hereof faile you not as you will answer the contrary at your perill . Given at Our Court at York the 14 day of June , in the 11 yeer of Our Reign . 1643. Printed at London for T.A. 1642. 
A68707	----	A large declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland, from their first originalls together with a particular deduction of the seditious practices of the prime leaders of the Covenanters: collected out of their owne foule acts and writings: by which it doth plainly appeare, that religion was onely pretended by those leaders, but nothing lesse intended by them. By the King. Balcanquhall, Walter, 1586?-1645. 1639 Approx. 1058 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 223 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2005-03 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A68707 STC 21906 ESTC S116832 99852048 99852048 17348 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A68707) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 17348) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1475-1640 ; 1219:7, 1431:1) A large declaration concerning the late tumults in Scotland, from their first originalls together with a particular deduction of the seditious practices of the prime leaders of the Covenanters: collected out of their owne foule acts and writings: by which it doth plainly appeare, that religion was onely pretended by those leaders, but nothing lesse intended by them. By the King. Balcanquhall, Walter, 1586?-1645. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. [4], 430, [2] p. : port. (metal cut) Printed by Robert Young, His Majesties printer for Scotland, London : anno Dom. M.DC.XXXIX. [1639] Written by Walter Balcanquhall for Charles I. With a final colophon leaf. With a marginal note on p. 41. Variant 1: lacking this note. Variant 2: lacking the comma after "Scotland" in title. Identified as STC 21906a on UMI microfilm reel 1431. Reproductions of the originals in the University of Chicago. Library and Cambridge University Library. Appears at reel 1219 (University of Chicago. Library copy) and at reel 1431 (Cambridge University Library copy). Reel 1219: lacking frontis; beginning - p. 5 of Newberry Library copy spliced at end. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. 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Quality assurance was then carried out by editorial teams in Oxford and Michigan. 5% (or 5 pages, whichever is the greater) of each text was proofread for accuracy and those which did not meet QA standards were returned to the keyers to be redone. After proofreading, the encoding was enhanced and/or corrected and characters marked as illegible were corrected where possible up to a limit of 100 instances per text. Any remaining illegibles were encoded as <gap>s. Understanding these processes should make clear that, while the overall quality of TCP data is very good, some errors will remain and some readable characters will be marked as illegible. Users should bear in mind that in all likelihood such instances will never have been looked at by a TCP editor. The texts were encoded and linked to page images in accordance with level 4 of the TEI in Libraries guidelines. Copies of the texts have been issued variously as SGML (TCP schema; ASCII text with mnemonic sdata character entities); displayable XML (TCP schema; characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or text strings within braces); or lossless XML (TEI P5, characters represented either as UTF-8 Unicode or TEI g elements). Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Covenanters -- Early works to 1800. Scotland -- History -- Charles I, 1625-1649 -- Early works to 1800. 2004-09 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2004-11 SPi Global Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2004-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2004-12 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2005-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion A LARGE DECLARATION CONCERNING THE LATE TUMULTS IN SCOTLAND , FROM Their first originalls : TOGETHER WITH A PARTICULAR DEDUCTION Of the seditious Practices of the prime Leaders of the Covenanters : COLLECTED OUT OF THEIR OWNE foule Acts and Writings : By which it doth plainly appeare , that Religion was onely pretended by those Leaders , but nothing lesse intended by them . By the King. LONDON , Printed by ROBERT YOUNG , His Majesties Printer for Scotland , Anno Dom. M.DC.XXXIX . By the King. THough by Our manie Proclamations and Declarations , some whereof are printed , and others were made by word of mouth ▪ by Our high Commissioner the Lord Marquesse of Hamiltoun , during the time of his late imployment in Scotland ; it doth fully appear to all men , whose mindes are not distasted with Justice and Government , what Our religious care , Princely clemencie , and unparalleled patience have been for the setling of the late troubles in that Our ancient and native Kingdome of Scotland , and for the composing of that State , so much of late discomposed and disjointed by the seditious practices of divers impatient of all lawes and government : Yet for the further and full satisfaction of all our true hearted and loyall subjects in all Our Kingdomes , and for the manifestation of Our Justice and Pietie in Our late proceedings to all abroad , especially to those who with Us adhere to the Religion Reformed : We have thought good by way of an Historicall Deduction to set downe the true passages of all this businesse , that the world may , as it were under one view and aspect , behold Our gracious and clement comportment towards Our subjects of that Kingdome , and the depraved and froward deportment of many of them towards Us their liege Lord and Soveraigne : Not doubting , but that whosoever shall goe along by the threed of this Our unquestionable Narration , will rest fully satisfied in these three points . First , That the first contrivers , and since pursuers of their late wicked Covenant , or pretended holy League ( a name which all good men did abhorre in them of France ) though following the patterne of all other seditions , they did and doe pretend Religion , yet nothing was or is lesse intended by them ; but that they having received from Us full satisfaction to all their desires , expressed in any of their Petitions , Remonstrances , or Declarations , yet their persisting in their tumultuous and rebellious courses , doth demonstrate to the world their wearinesse of being governed by Us and Our Lawes , by Our Councell and other officers put in authoritie by and under Us , and an itching humour of having that Our Kingdome governed by a Table of their owne devising , consisting of persons of their own chusing : A plot of which they are very fond , being an abortion of their owne braine , but which indeed is such a monstrous birth , as the like hath not yet beene born or bred in any Kingdome Jewish , Christian , or Pagan . Secondly , That Our promises expressed in Our severall Proclamations and Declarations to Our people , were not ( as the wicked contrivers of that Covenant have ever gone about to make Our subjects beleeve ) onely verball , but sincere and reall , and such as Wee doe professe to the whole world in the word of a just and true Prince , We doe resolve to make good to all Our subjects of that Our Kingdome : As holding it beneath the greatnesse and goodnesse of a just King , that the unjust actions of his subjects should occasion in their Soveraigne the least suspicion of breach of promises made by him to them , especially when the performance of them shall conduce to the settling of Religion and Peace . Thirdly , That these men who give themselves out to be the onely Reformers of Religion , have taken such a course to undermine and blow up the Religion Reformed , by the scandall of Rebellion and Disobedience , which , so farre as in them lyeth , they have gone about to cast upon it , that if the Conclave of Rome , the severall Colleges or Congregations perpetually sitting at Rome for contriving and effecting the meanes of reducing to the Roman obedience all those Kingdomes and Provinces which have justly departed from them , nay , and if with both these all the Jesuites and others the most specially combined and sworn enemies to our profession , were all assembled in one place , and had all their wits and devices concentrated into one conclusion and resolution ; they could hardly have fallen upon such a way , as these pretended Reformers have fallen upon , for turning all men out of the pathes of the Reformed Religion , or have setled upon such courses , which can bespeake no other event , but the undoubted overthrow of it , at least in that Kingdome , unlesse God himselfe from heaven ( which We hope ) shall have all their Cobweb contextures in derision : For by their particular proceedings , truely set downe in this Our Narration , it will plainely appeare , that their Maximes are the same with the Jesuites , their Preachers Sermons have been delivered in the very phrase and stile of Becanus , Scippius , and Eudaemon Johannes , their poore Arguments , which they have delivered in their seditious Pamphlets printed or written , are taken almost verbatim out of Bellarmine and Suarez , as appeareth to Us by Our Royall Father his Monitorie Preface to all Christian Kings and Princes , and his Apologie for the Oath of Allegeance , and in the Bookes writ by others in defence of them both ; in all which these arguments are fully answered : And that the meanes which they have used to induce a credit of their conclusions with their Proselytes , are purely and meerly Jesuiticall fables , false reports , false prophesies , pretended inspirations and divinations of the weaker sexe ; as if now Herod and Pilate were once againe reconciled for the ruine of Christ , and his true Religion and Worship . Now , if these three particulars by this historicall Relation shall undoubtedly appeare to the unprejudicate Readers , whether Our Subjects or Forreiners , then We shall little doubt to gaine from them their assent to these Our two just desires . First , That these proceedings of some of Our subjects ( whom , though they would be accounted the purest Protestants , yet by their wicked Protestations , you will finde to be the most froward and perverse Protesters that ever did contest with their Soveraigne and his Lawes ) may not induce an undeserved scandall upon that Religion which We professe : For since their conclusions are quite contrary to the Confessions of the severall reformed Churches , in their particular Articles both of the Church and of the civill Magistrate , as appeareth by the Helvetian , French , Belgick , Polonian , Argentine , Palatine , Genevian , Our English and Irish , nay , and their owne Scotish positive Confession , printed amongst the Acts of Parliament of that Our Kingdome ; and besides , the Augustane and all other particular Protestant Confessions of the Lutherans : And all the weapons wherewith they now fight against these Protestant conclusions , are stollen or borrowed , not onely out of the Romane ( for many of the Romanists fight with Us against them ) but out of the most rigid Jesuites Magazins , why should they not in this quarrell be accounted not as Our friends , but as Our foes ; not Protestants , but the most rigid of Papists , Jesuites ? and so being without in this point , not bring any scandal upon Us who are within ; especially considering that though these men have gone about to wound the Reformed Religion through Our sides , and by opposing Us whom God hath honoured with this speciall favour ( for no lesse We accompt it ) of being the chief Prince whom he hath made choice of for the Protector and Defender of it : Though , We say , these men have done what they can to weaken this our Religion , by striking at the authoritie of the principall prop and stay of it upon earth under God ; yet We , by the grace of God , are fully resolved to wipe away that aspersion , and remove that scandall from Our Profession and Religion , by Our constant not onely adherence to it , but maintenance and defence of it , with the uttermost of that power which God hath put in Our hands , notwithstanding all those scandals which these men by their wicked practices and worse positions have laid upon it . Secondly , We hope that all men will do Us so much right , as to beleeve , that whatsoever course We shall hereafter take for the Asserting of the Reformed Religion , and repressing the insolencies of such of Our subjects as doe oppose it and Us in the just and undoubted right of Our Regalitie , while they pretend Religion , shall not be thought to be by way of a warre , but by way of a Prince the Father of his Country his chastising his unruly children , which is never in anger , but in love , and for their good . And if by their stubbornnesse they shall force Us to a severitie unpleasing to Us , and unwelcome to them , We call Him by whom We reigne to witnesse , and heaven and earth and all the world to record , that they with their owne hands doe unsheath Our just sword , which Wee cannot but use as the Minister of God , unlesse We will betray that trust which the King of Kings hath reposed in Us for the maintenance of Religion and Justice amongst all His people whom He hath committed to Our charge : And if God will have it so , that for their resisting Him and Us ▪ His Anointed servant and their Soveraigne , He will have some of their bad bloud shed , We shall ever make accompt that that bloud is let out of Our owne veines ▪ nor shall We draw any drop of it in any other case , then a faithfull Physician will and must doe for the preservation of the whole body . THat Religion is onely pretended and used by them as a cloak to palliate their intended Rebellion , is demonstrative by this , That the seeds of this Sedition were sowen by the plotters of their Covenant , made under the pretence of Religion , long before any of the grievances or pretended innovations in Religion complained of by them , were ever heard of amongst them . For the truth is , that some yeares after Our comming to the Crowne , by the advice both of some of Our principall Councellors and Officers of State there , as also by the advice of Our learnedest Advocates and Counsellers at law , according to the example of many of Our Royall Progenitors of happie memorie , Kings and Queens of that Our Kingdome , We did make a legall revocation of such things as had beene passed away in prejudice of the Crowne , especially by some of Our late Royall Progenitors in their minorities ; a course warranted by the lawes and many yeares practice of that Our Kingdome : With this course , some of the principall contrivers of this their present Covenant found themselves much aggrieved , and much of their estates brought within the compasse and danger of Our lawes , which made them presently begin to grumble and repine , and privately , as much as they durst , and as in them lay , to worke underhand in Our subjects mindes a distaste of Our government : Which Wee made accompt Wee had quickly rectified , by shewing to all Our subjects interessed in that Revocation , Our gracious clemencie in waiving all the advantages which Our lawes gave Us in many of their estates : So that after We had made it apparent to Our subjects , how obnoxious many of them and their estates were unto Us and Our lawes , We likewise did make as apparent unto them , Our singular grace and goodnesse by remitting not onely the rigour , but even the equitie of Our lawes ; insomuch that none of all Our subjects could then , or can now say that they were damnified in their persons or estates by that our Revocation , or any thing which ensued upon it : Yet for all this , the principall present malecontents did then begin to perswade with such as they thought they might be boldest with , a disaffection to Our government : And not seeing how they could easily obtrude upon them , the old and usuall pretence of discontent , viz. Religion , by a strained and farre-fetched inference they did not sticke to lay the envie of the procuring that harmelesse Revocation , by which no man suffered , upon the present Prelates , who in this were as innocent as the thing it selfe was : Onely because they hoped that the very name of Church-men or Religious persons , should in the point of faction have that operation with their followers , which they conceived the Church or Religion it selfe might have had , if they could have seene how to have perswaded them , that by this Revocation either of them had beene endangered . A second symptome of their discontent appeared not long after this , upon this occasion : Wee having daily heard the grievous complaints of many of Our subjects of that Kingdome of all sorts , especially of the Gentrie and their Farmers , who paid their tythes to the Nobilitie , or such others whom they in that Kingdome call Lords of the Erection , or Laicke Patrons , here in England we call Impropriators , how that in the leading or gathering of their tythes , these Lords and Laicke Patrons did use and practise the uttermost of that severitie which the law alloweth them , how they would not gather their tythes when the owners of the corne desired them , but when it pleased themselves ; by which meanes the owners , by the unseasonablenesse of the weather , were manie times damnified to the losse of their whole stocke , or most part of it ( the law of that Kingdome being in that point so strict , as no owner may carrie away his nine parts , or any part of them , untill the proprietarie of the tythes have set out his tenth part : ) As likewise understanding at the same time , the deplorable estate of the Ministers of that Our Kingdome in the point of maintenance , how that they received no tythes in their parishes , but some poore pittance , either by way of a stipendiarie benevolence , or else some mean allowance from these Lords of Erections or Laick Patrons , unworthie of the Ministers of the Gospel , and which exposed them to all manner of contempt and a base dependance upon their Patrons : Wee , at the instance and humble petition not of a few , but of the whole Clergie , and with them , of the whole payers of tythes of that Kingdome , begun to take three things into Our serious consideration . First , the wretched estate of the Clergie for want of maintenance : Next , the hard usage and great oppression of all the Laitie that payed tythes , from the owners of them : Thirdly , a very important point of State , vizt . That it was not fit , that such a considerable part of Our subjects , as all the Ministers who have power over the consciences of the rest , and all the payers of tythes who are the farre greatest part of the Kingdome , should have their dependance upon the Nobilitie or other Laicke Patrons , the one for their livelihood and maintenance , the other not onely for feare of having their cornes lost or endangered for not carrying them in due season , which was by the law in the power of these owners of the tythes , which power they were sure they would exercise upon them if they should at any time displease them , or not adhere to them upon all occasions good or bad ; But likewise because these Lords , owners of the tythes and also of Abbey lands , were likewise for the most part superiours to those who payed them , but were so altogether to those who held the Abbey lands of them by way of vassalidge , and so by their verie tenures were to performe all service and attendance to these Lords , their superiours , whensoever they should require it of them . Which important considerations moved Us , by the advice of the learnedest Lawyers there , to grant out a Commission under Our great Seale for that Kingdome , not to a few , but to divers hundreds , and those of the prime of all estates and degrees , ( out of which number the Lords of the Erections and Laicke Patrons were not omitted ) for relieving , if they should see cause , both the Ministers and owners of Corne , as also for taking into their consideration the point of superioritie and dependance . These Commissioners , after their sitting in great frequencie some yeares , and after full hearing of all parties interessed , and mature deliberation , did set a rate of the value of the tythes , ordered that the owners of the grounds should severally purchase them at so manie yeares purchase , as was then agreed upon by all both buyers and sellers , taking the same course for the rating of superiorities in regard of the Abbey lands , which was likewise accorded unto by all parties ; and ordered that every Ministers means should be augmented , in such a certaine proportion set down and accorded unto , as the Incumbent should not be inforced any more to be a slave to his Patron . With the conclusions and determinations of this Commission , called the Commission of Surrenders of Superiorities and Tythes , the owners of lands and the Ministers were indeed so really satisfied , that the former with all thankfulnesse acknowledged Us for their deliverer from an intolerable bondage , under which they and their Ancestors ever since the reformation of Religion had grievously groaned ; The latter with infinite expressions of joy and gratitude did celebrate Us as the very father and founder of their severall Churches : We gave Our Royall assent to all agreed upon in that Commission ▪ being glad that Our subjects were relieved , the maintenance of Our Clergie improved , and both Our Clergie and Laitie freed from a dangerous dependance upon subjects , and for that freedome obliged to a thankfull , heartie , and loyall dependance upon Us , to whom alone by all lawes of God and men it is due . The Nobilitie and other Lay Patrons seemed herewith likewise fully to rest satisfied ; and so indeed they were in point of profit , for , according to the rates of purchasing in that Our Kingdome , for their tythes they were satisfied to the uttermost farthing : But they fretted privately amongst themselves , for being robbed , as they conceived , of the clientele and dependance of the Clergie and Laitie , and of that power , command , and superioritie over them , which by that tye of tythes they had enjoyed : Yet , not being able to make Religion it selfe a faire pretence for this their discontent ( for who could imagine that everie man his gathering of his owne tythes , or the augmentation of Ministers maintenance , could be an affronting or weakening of Religion ? ) they had recourse to their former fetch , and not without bewraying much heart-burning , gave it out , that this Commission ( which indeed was obtained by the humble importunitie both of Clergie and Laitie ) was procured onely by the Bishops , who meant no good to Religion ; and so from an unnecessarie jealousie of their persons and power , they begun to pretend and suborne a necessarie jealousie of Religion it selfe . A third bewraying of their factious humour , appeared clearely at Our last being in that Our Kingdome , and immediately after Our departure from thence : For some sixe yeeres agoe , having a great desire to visite that Our native Kingdome , and being willing to cheere and comfort Our subjects there with Our presence , and honour them with Our personall Coronation , all which they did most humbly and heartily sollicite Us for by their earnest and affectionate supplications ; We undertooke a journey to them , and according to Our expectation were most joyfully received by them : But immediatly before , and at the sitting down of Our Parliament there , Wee quickly found that the very same persons who since were the contrivers of , and still continue the sticklers for their now pretended Covenant , begun to have secret meetings , and in their private consultations did vent their dislike of Our innocent Revocation , and Our most beneficiall Commission of Surrenders : But knowing that these two could gaine them no partie , then they begun to suggest great feares , that many and dangerous innovations of Religion were to be attempted in this present Parliament : Not that they themselves thought so , but because they knew that either that , or nothing would soyle with suspicious jealousie , or interrupt and relaxe the present joy and contentment which did overflowe in Our subjects hearts , and appeared in their heartie expressions for Our presence amongst them . But We readily confuted all these suspicious surmises ; for , except an Act which gave Us power to appoint such vestures for Churchmen which We should hold to be most decent , nothing concerning Religion was either propounded or passed in that Parliament , but that which everie King doth usually in that , and all other Christian Kingdomes , passe at their first Parliament , viz. An Act of ratification of all other Acts heretofore made , and then standing in force concerning the Religion presently professed and established , and concerning the Church her liberties and priviledges : Which Act being an Act of course , though it passed by most voices , yet was it disassented from , to Our great admiration , by the voices of many of those who are now the principall pillars of their Covenant ; which made all men then begin to suspect , that sure there was some great distemper of heat at the heart , when it boyled so over at their lips , by their unnecessarie and unprofitable denying of assent to the lawes , concerning the Religion and Church , already established ; This first Act passing more for forme and the honour of Religion , then for any use or necessitie of it , all the former Lawes still standing in force and vigour without the need of any new ratification . At this time many of Our subjects of greatest qualitie were suitors to Us for new Titles of Honour , Gentlemen to bee Lords , Lords to bee Earles : Impossible it was for Us to satisfie all suitors in that kinde , without the prostitution of Honour to a just and open contempt ; and therefore being put upon a choice and selection , We held it fitter in the point both of honour and justice , to passe by such as both privately in their secret meetings , and openly in the Parliament house , had shewed their disrepects to Us and Our just proceedings , then those who had carried themselves not only loyally and dutifully , but affectionately and heartily to Us and Our service . Upon this occasion many of those who were then passed by , and are now principall Covenanters , seeing others advanced to degrees of honour above themselves , begun then presently to mutter , but not to mutinie untill We were gone from thence . But scarsly were We well returned into England , when the discontent of these men resolved it selfe into a plaine sedition : For then they had the impudence to give it out , that voyces were bought and packed in the late Parliament ; nay , that the voyces were not truely numbred , but that some Acts were past without pluralitie of suffrages : A calumnie so foule and blacke , as that they themselves did know it to be most false : For had there beene the least suspicion of truth in it , they might have made tryall thereof , by surveying their owne papers , and the papers of many hundreds present , who took notes of the number of voyces which were given , either by assenting to , or disassenting from the severall Acts read and proposed ; by which papers if they had found but the weakest ground for this their strong , but false report , We have no reason to thinke that either their mercie or modestie was such , that they would have forborne the calling of the Clerke of Our Register in question for it ; it being as our Chancellors office to aske the voyces , so Our Clerke of Registers office to take them and record them , and according to his owne and his Clerkes notes who assist him , to pronounce the Act passed or stopt : In which it is impossible he should deale but with sinceritie , for else the notes taken by most of the Auditors , being a present and powerfull conviction of his false dealing , must presently transmit him to highest Censure and punishment . But knowing that in a publike and judiciall way they must needs faile in their proofe of this calumnie , they betook themselves to the secret and seditious way of malecontents : For first they used clancularie surmises , then they sent about from hand to hand a clandestine infamous Libell , and by it they impoysoned the hearts of many of Our good subjects with a suspicion of obliquitie in Our proceedings at the late Parliament : This infamous Libell comming to the knowledge of Our Privie Councell there , first they of themselves , then afterwards , having made Us acquainted with it , by Our commandement entred into an inquirie both of the authors and abetters of that seditious Libell ; Who found that the author upon whom it was shifted and fathered , was one Hagge , then , and still fugitive , but that the abetters , countenancers , and dispersers of it were many , and some of them of greatest qualitie , and now principall Covenanters : Wee , out of our innate and usuall clemencie , were graciously pleased ( that the feare and example might reach to all , but the punishment onely to one of them ) to passe by many , who undoubtedly had beene concluded and involved by Our Lawes in the same sentence , if Wee had proceeded against them , and to single out one of that ranke , who was most obliged to Us and Our Crowne , and therefore both for his ingratitude and crime , had no reason to expect any thing from Us but the justice of Our lawes . This one was the Lord Balmerino , his Father was principall Secretary of State for that Our Kingdome , to Our Father of happy memory , to whom he was beholden both for the honour of his Baronie , and for his whole fortune and estate which he got in his service : But he was since Our Royall Father his comming to the Crowne of England , arraigned for , and attainted of high Treason in Scotland , found guilty of it by his Peeres , and accordingly received sentence to be hanged drawne and quartered , his bloud tainted , his whole estate forfeited to the Crowne : Yet such was the gracious clemencie of Our Royall Father , that He , onely for a little time , continued this condemned and forfeited Lord in prison , afterward confined him , but to a large circuit , and then restored not onely the bloud of himselfe and his children , but also their honour and whole estate : Now this present Lord Balmerino , being so extraordinarily obliged to Our Royall Father and Our Crowne , for the life of his father , his owne honour and whole fortunes , and so being one from whom We , the sonne of that Royall and Gracious Father to him and his whole family , had no reason to expect perfidiousnesse and ingratitude , he could not have the least shew of reason to expect any favour from Us , but the favour of a faire and legall tryall , which We granted him : At that tryall and arraignment , he was by his Peeres found guilty of abetting and dispersing that infamous Libell made against Us , and accordingly was to receive sentence of death for it ; which Our chiefe Justice respited onely untill Our pleasure might bee knowne : Then indeed they who afterwards proved the contrivers of the late Covenant , and their adherents , begun to complaine of the hard measure which was offered to this Lord , and to lay false and wicked aspersions upon his Peeres who found him guilty ; but finding that all the proceedings were usuall and legall , they could not but have acquit the Judge if hee should have condemned him , nor could they have found the least blemish in Our justice , if Wee should have given warrant both for his sentence and execution , whose life was now legally devolved into Our hands ; and therefore this convicted Lord betook himselfe onely to Our mercie , which We shewed to him in that height as Wee are confident it is hardly to be patterned by any president . For notwithstanding the head of this family which was first raised by Our Father , and then being falne , yet raised by Him againe , and now relapsed , was once againe brought under Our axe , as it had beene before brought under the axe of Our Royall Father : We , desirous to shew Our selfe the true heire of none of Our blessed Fathers vertues , more then of his mercie and clemencie , were contented upon his deep protestations of loyaltie for the time to come , to grant him under Our great Seale for that Our Kingdome , not onely a Pardon of that crime of which he stood convicted , but also his full libertie and inlargement : Which gracious Pardon of Ours , when it was delivered to him by Our Councell , who sent for him being then prisoner in the Castle of Edinburgh , he did before that Table receive on his knees , with the highest magnifying of Our mercie , with the humblest acknowledgments of those infinite obligations by which he and his family stood for ever engaged in the service of Us and Our Crowne , with the deepest protestations of all loyall , quiet , and peaceable deportment of himselfe ever hereafter , and of bending all his endeavours to attend upon all Our Royall courses and commandements , so that Our Councell remonstrated unto Us , that Wee had bestowed Our mercie and grace upon a man , of whom there could not be the least suspicion of his aversenesse from Our service at any time hereafter , but of whom they might safely promise all forwardnesse and alacritie in all Our just courses , whensoever it should please Us to use him : And now this same pardoned Lord Balmerino , being one of the chiefe contrivers , and most malicious prosecutors of this wicked Covenant made against Us and Our authoritie , how he can be able to answere it to God , Us , and Our Crowne , his owne conscience , or to the world , even in the point of honour and reputation , it must be left to the world to judge . By this now which hath been said , We suppose it is plain that before either the Service Book , or Book of Canons , so tragically now exclaimed against , were thought on , the seeds of sedition and discontent were sowne by the contrivers of the late Covenant , first upon the occasion of our Revocation , next upon occasion of Our Commission of Surrenders , and lastly upon the occasion of Our denying Honours to some of them at Our last being in that Kingdome , which caused first their traducing of Our proceedings in our last Parliament held there , and then produced that infamous Libell . And now by this time sedition was growne so ripe , and readie to seed , that it wanted nothing to thrust it out , and make it shoot forth into an open Rebellion , but some faire and specious pretence : They could not yet compasse the cloake of Religion , whereby to siele the eyes , and muffle the face of the multitude , for by none of all the three former occasions could they so much as pretend that Religion was endangered or impeached : But so soon as they got but the least hint of any thing , which they thought might admit a misconstruction that way , they lost no time , but took Occasion by the forelock , knowing that either that , or nothing would first facilitate , and then perfect their designes : Now the occasion they tooke of fetching Religion within the reach of their pretences , was this . Our Father of blessed memorie immediately after his comming into England , comparing the decencie and uniformitie of Gods worship here , especially in the Liturgie of the Church , with that diversitie , nay deformitie which was used in Scotland , where no set or publike forme of prayer was used , but Preachers or Readers and ignorant Schoolmasters prayed in the Church , sometimes so ignorantly as it was a shame to all Religion to have the Majestie of God so barbarously spoken unto , sometimes so seditiously that their prayers were plaine Libels , girding at Soveraigntie and Authoritie ; or Lyes , being stuffed with all the false reports in the Kingdome : He did immediately , as became a Religious Prince , bethinke himselfe seriously how His first reformation in that Kingdome might begin at the publike worship of God , which Hee most truely conceived could never be happily effected , untill such time as there should be an unitie and uniformitie in the publike Prayers , Liturgie , and Service of the Church , established throughout the whole Kingdome . Concerning this His Royall and Religious designe , divers consultations , for many yeares , were had with the Bishops and others of the Clergie of most eminent note in that Kingdome . But these deliberations ( as it happeneth manie times in businesse of so pious and ponderous importance ) received some opposition , and manie intermissions , untill the yeare 1616. in a Generall Assemblie ( which is answerable to the Convocation of the Clergie here in England ) held at Aberdene in August , Our Royall Father by His Letters , and the vehement instance of His Commissioners then and there present , easily made apparent to that whole Assembly , not onely the conveniencie , but indeed the necessitie of a publike Liturgie to be settled throughout the whole Land : Which moved that Assemblie to passe an Act , whereby they authorised some of the present Bishops , and divers others , to compile and frame a publike forme of Liturgie , or Booke of Common Prayer , which should first be presented to Our Royall Father , and after His approbation should be universally received throughout the Kingdome . This Booke in pursuance of that Act of Assembly , being by those who were deputed for that purpose framed , was by the Lord Archbishop of Saint Andrewes that now liveth , sent up to Our Royall Father , who not onely carefully and punctually perused everie particular passage of it himselfe , but had it also considerately advised with , and revised by some of that Kingdome here in England , in whose judgement He reposed singular trust and confidence ; and after all His owne and their observations , additions , expunctions , mutations , accommodations , He sent it backe to those from whom He had received it , to be commended to that whole Church , being a Service Booke in substance , frame , and composure , much about one with this verie Service Booke which We of late commended to them , and which undoubtedly then had been received in that Church , if it had not pleased Almightie God , that while these things were in doing , and before they could receive their much wished and desired period and consummation , to the invaluable losse , as of the whole Church of God , so particularly of that Church of Scotland , to translate Our blessed Father from His temporall Kingdomes to that which is eternall . Wee , by the grace of God , succeeding to Our royall Father , were desirous to make it knowne to the world , that Wee did not hold it a greater honour to succeed Him in His Crownes , then to be His Successour in His Princely vertues , and especially in that in which He was most eminent , His singular pietie and religious care of the publique service of God ; which finding here in this Kingdome of England , by His singular wisedome and vigilancie , setled even to the admiration if not envie of all other Churches , We resolved by the grace of God to pursue that His Pious and Princely designe , for setling a publike Liturgie in that Our Kingdome of Scotland , it having beene so happily atchieved , facilitated , and almost perfected by Him : To which purpose We caused the same Service Booke , transmitted by Him to that Church , to be remitted and sent backe to Us , that after Our perusall and alterations , if any should be found , either necessarie , or convenient , it might likewise receive Our Royall authoritie and approbation : We having received that Book , and after many serious consultations had with divers of Our Bishops and Clergie of that Kingdome then here present with Us , and after Our advices by Our Letters and Instructions to the rest at home , and after many humble advertisements and remonstrances made from them to Us of the reasons of some alterations , which they did conceive would remove divers difficulties , which otherwise they feared this Booke would encounter with ; We were contented that the Service Booke should come out as now it is printed , being fully liked by them , and signed with their hands , and perused , approved , and published by Our Royall command and authoritie . In the perusall and approbation whereof , We tooke speciall care , that the small alterations of it in which it differeth from the English Service Booke should be such , as We had reason to thinke would best comply with the mindes and dispositions of Our subjects of that Kingdome : For We supposing that they might have taken some offence , if We should have tendered them the English Service Booke totidem verbis , and that some factious spirits would have endevoured to have misconstrued it as a badge of dependance of that Church upon this of England , which Wee had put upon them to the prejudice of their Lawes and Liberties ; We held it fitter that a new Booke should be composed by their own Bishops , in substance not differing from this of England , that so the Roman party might not upbraid Us with any weightie or materiall differences in Our Liturgies , and yet in some few insensible alterations differing from it , that it might truely and justly be reputed a Book of that Churches owne composing , and established by Our Royall Authority , as King of Scotland : And thus conceiving Wee had discharged the duetie of a religious King towards God , and of a gracious Prince in accommodating this Booke so , that Our subjects of that Kingdome should have no cause to have the least suspicion of any intended dependancie of that Church upon this , Wee sent home the Book to the Lords of Our Privie Councell : After their receipt & consideration of it , We , by their advice , and they , by Our Authoritie , commanded by publike Proclamation that the said Book should be publikely read and received in all the Churches of that Our Kingdome , and should begin to be practised upon Easter next , 1637. Disobedience to this Our Proclamation Wee had little reason to expect , because this Service-book was no new thing unto them : For it not differing from the English Service-book in any materiall point , and We supposing that the English Liturgie neither was nor could bee displeasing to them , did likewise conceive that this Book should be as little disliked by them : Now the reasons inducing Us to a beleefe of their not misliking the English Liturgie , were these . First , many of Our subjects of that Kingdome of all sorts daily resorting to Our Court and the Citie of London , did much frequent our Chappell , many other Churches in or about the Citie , and many Churches , during their stay here at the severall places of our residence , and many other Churches within this Kingdome upon their way , both hither and homeward ; in all which Churches they did behave themselves during the time of divine Service with that reverence as others of Our subjects of this Kingdome did , without any dislike of it , or quarrelling against it . Now these who resorted hither , being for quantitie and number very considerable , and for qualitie ( for the most part ) of the very best , gave Us more then a probable assurance , that at home they would never accompt that absolutely in it selfe unlawfull and Antichristian ( as many of them have since professed , ) unto which they had here of their owne accord by their practise yeelded obedience : For neither municipall Law , nor variation of time or place , nor any other circumstance , can allow Us to practise that which we hold in it selfe to be simply unlawfull , Antichristian , and against the Word of God. Secondly , in Our owne Chappell at Haly-rud-house , ever since the yeere of Our Lord 1617. the English Liturgie hath beene read , and according to it divine Service sung and said , as it is here said and sung in Our Chappels in England , not onely without dislike , but with frequent Assemblies of Our Councel , Nobility , Bishops , & other Clergie of all sorts , Judges , Gentrie , Burgesses , women of all ranks : The Bishops or some of them never gave Orders ( which they did frequently ) but they used the English Service-book , & in some Cathedrall Churches of that kingdom , as also in the new Colledge of the University of S. Andrewes , for some yeeres of late it was publikely read without any distaste , much lesse disturbance ; for divers yeeres it was used in many families , and at Our last being in that Kingdome it was read publikely in all Churches to which Wee resorted , in which great numbers of all sorts of people were present : All which gave Us good reason to conceive , that the commanding of this Book by Our authoritie , could not in any true sense be called or accounted an innovation , all sorts of people , and very many of those of all ranks who now inveigh most bitterly against it , having been so accustomed to it ▪ and acquainted with it , and that without any dislike of it or complaint against it . Thirdly , Wee confesse that one of the chiefest reasons moving Us to beleeve , that that Service-book ( being in substance all one with this of England ) could not be held by them to containe any thing tending to Idolatrie , Poperie , or Superstition ( as since they have pretended ) was this ; We did foresee that all objections bending that way must needs strike at the English Service-book aswell as at that ( and indeed all of them which they have preached or published against that book do so ; ) but We did then and do still take it as granted , that no man , who hath his wits about him , can charge the least suspicion of these things objected , upon the English Service-book : For since it is well knowne to the whole Christian world , that the Composers & Framers of the English Service-book were those very famous Bishops & others , who in Queen Mary her dayes delivered up their living bodies to the fire , or escaping the fire indured banishment , & only because they would not yeeld to Poperie and Superstition : How these men now , whom in their owne judgement they hold to bee ranked amongst the most glorious Martyrs of the Church , for resisting even to bloud , Idolatry , Popery , and Supersti●ion , can with any conscience or honestie be charged by these men with compiling of a Book stuffed full with Idolatrie , Poperie , and Superstition , it requireth more then an ordinarie understanding to apprehend : And besides , it will be made good , that more of the Bishops and learned Clergie of England , both for number and weight , have opposed Superstition and Popery , then can be found in all the reformed Churches besides , who all of them have lived in the practise of the English Liturgie , and defended the same ; which they would never have done if they had supposed it to containe Idolatrie or Superstition . These now were the grounds which inclined Us to conceive that the Service-book , authorized by Us for that Kingdome , was not like to receive any publike or considerable opposition , though We did never expect it should misse to meet with that misfortune which attendeth all other Books of this kind , and which hath waited upon the English Service-book here , viz. to be disliked and defamed by some whose judgements either being weak are not capable of satisfaction , or being distempered with the humours of singularitie , are resolved never to receive , or at least never to seeme to receive any satisfaction . And yet , even those men too , especially they of the first sort , men of weaker judgement , before , and at the time of the publishing of this Book , were not cast without the compasse of Our care and clemencie : For Wee did with that Book send home certaine instructions and directions to our Bishops of that Kingdome signed with Our owne hand , amongst which this was one : That notwithstanding We had now established this Book by Our authoritie , yet they should proceed with all moderation , and dispense with such for the practise of some things contained in the Book , as they should finde either not well perswaded of them , or willing to be informed concerning them , or did hope that time and reason might gaine to a better beleefe of them : Nay yet more , to foresee what probable opposition this Book might be like to receive , Wee caused Our Councell by Proclamation to publish a set day for the reading of it in all Churches , which was the Easter day following , 1637 : All which time , though no symptoms of any considerable opposition did appeare , yet upon good considerations , and for the further trial of mens minds , the first reading of it was delayed untill the xxiii . of July next ensuing , to the end that the Lords of the Session , and others who had any Law-businesse , might see the successe of it before the rising of the Session , which alwayes endeth on the first of August , and that so upon their returne to their severall Countries they might report the receiving of this Book at Edinburgh ; it being ordered , that on that Sunday the Book should be read onely in the Churches of Edinburgh , and those which were next adjacent : And because it should not be read that day neither unexpectedly , warning was first printed , and then published in all these severall Pulpits the Sunday immediatly before , that the next Sunday the new Service-book was to be read : After all which premonitions made only to try how the people stood affected , & no feare of tumult appearing ; Nay , the Service-book , which was to be read , having beene in publike Sermons commended by many Preachers , without any apparent disgust of the Book , or disgrace offered to the Preachers persons ; Nay , having beene commended in Sermons by some of their now principall Covenanting Ministers , who since have beene the greatest railers against it , by none more then one Rollock a Minister of Edinburgh , who , both in a Sermon preached by him at a Synod held at Edinburgh before the Bishop of that Diocesse , and in his Sermon on the Sunday of intimation of the reading of the Service-book the next Sunday , did highly magnifie the said Book : And so the tendring of this Book being thus prepared and sweetned with these gracious considerations of time , & expectation of the discovery of mens affections , which , for any thing appeared to the contrarie , were very calme & composed , who could have imagined that the first reading of it should have been attended with such a barbarous tumult and insurrection , as was raised in the Churches and streets of Edinburgh the Sunday following ? the true relation of which tumult , as it was sent up to Us , doth here follow . On the twentie-third day of July , 1637. being Sunday , according to the publike warning given the Sunday before , the Service Book was begun to bee read in Edinburgh in Saint Gyles Church , commonly called the great Church ; where were present ( as usually they are ) many of Our Councell , both the Arch-bishops and divers other Bishops , the Lords of the Session , the Magistrates of Edinburgh , and a very great auditorie of all sorts of people . Amongst this great multitude there appeared no signe of trouble : But , no sooner was the Book opened by the Deane of Edinburgh , but a number of the meaner sort , who used to keep places for the better sort , most of them women , with clapping of their hands , cursings , and out-cries , raised such a barbarous hubbub in that sacred place , that not any one could either heare or be heard : The Bishop of Edinburgh , who was to preach , stept into the Pulpit , which is immediatly above the place where the Deane was to read , intending to appease the tumult , by putting them in minde that the place , in which they then were , was holy ground , and by intreating them to desist from that fearefull and horrible profanation of it : But hee was entertained with as much irreverence as the Deane , and with more violence ; in so much , that if a stoole , aimed to be throwne at him , had not by the providence of God beene diverted by the hand of one present , the life of that Reverend Bishop , in that holy place , and in the Pulpit , had beene indangered , if not lost : The Arch-bishop of Saint Andrewes Lord Chancellour , and divers others offering to appease the multitude , were entertained with such bitter curses and imprecations , as they not being able to prevaile with the people , the Provost , Bailiffs , and divers others of the Councell of that Citie were forced to come downe from the Gallery in which they do usually sit , and with much adoe , in a very great tumult and confusion , thrust out of the Church these disorderly people , making fast the Church doores : After all which , the Deane devoutly read Service , assisted by Our Councellors , Bishops , and many other persons of qualitie there present : Yet the out cries rapping at the Church doores , throwing of stones at the Church windowes by the tumultuous multitude without , was so great as the Bailiffes of the Citie were once more put to forsake their places , and use their best indeavours for the appeasing the rage and furie of those who were without . Service being ended , the Bishop preached , after which the Congregation was dismissed : The Bishop of Edinburgh retiring himselfe to a lodging distant not many paces from the Church , was so invironed with a multitude of the meaner sort of people , cursing and crouding him , that he was neere being trode to death ; and in all probabilitie had beene so , if hee had not recovered the staires of his lodging , which he no sooner began to go up , but he was so pulled by the sleeve of his gowne by some of that rude rout , that hee had like to have tumbled backward downe the staires , to the indangering of his life , yet with much adoe getting up the staires he found the doore , at which he should have entred , shut against him , and so being put to a stand , he had certainely beene oppressed with the preasse and violence of that rabble , if the Earle of Weems from his next lodging , seeing the Bishops life in danger , had not sent his servants to rescue him , who got the Bishop almost breathlesse into his lodging . The same morning the Service Book was read in the next Church to Saint Gyles Church , not without noise and tumult , yet the furie was not so great as in the other Church : In the Gray Friers Church the Elect Bishop of Argyle ( being Colleague to Master Ramsey who refused to read it ) begun to read the Book , but he was so cursed and exclaimed against , and threatned to be pulled downe , that after the reading of the Confession and Absolution , he was forced to give over . In the Colledge Church , Rollock , one of the Preachers there , who the Sunday before , at the intimation of the reading of it , had so much commended the Book , and had undertaken this day to read it , though hee had the Book ready to be carried to the Church with him , yet , very wisely , resolved to halt a little , untill he might know how it was entertained at Saint Gyles Church , that so his conscience might comply with the carriage of the multitude , whose rudenesse being reported to him , he ( notwithstanding his commendations of the Book , and his faithfull promise to read it , ) thought it the safer course to leave himselfe to the censure of all men for his levitie and breach of promise , then offend the multitude , whose favour is the onely aire in which he taketh delight to breath and live : And thus that morning passed . Betweene the two Sermons , such of Our Councell as were in the Towne , assembled at the Lord Chancellour his lodging , where the Lord Provost and Bailiffs of Edinburgh being called , undertooke to doe their uttermost endevours for the quiet and peaceable reading of the Service Booke in the afternoon ; which accordingly they did , and so the Service Booke in Saint Gyles and some other Churches , that afternoone was read , without any such tumult or insurrection as it encountred with in the morning ; yet the furious multitude , who stayed in the streets , and little regarded the service of God in the Churches , intermitted nothing of their madnesse ▪ For the Lord Privie Seale Earle of Roxborough returning home to his lodging , and having with him in his Coach the Bishop of Edinburgh , was neare suffering the death of the first Martyr St. Stephen , his Coach and Coachman , for having the Bishop in it , being so pelted with stones , and hooted at with execrations , and pressed upon by the eager and mad multitude , that if the Lord Privie Seale his Footmen had not with their swords kept them off , they in the Coach had been brought in danger of their lives , having after long and continuall bickerings much adoe to recover their lodgings . And now We desire all men to consider what blessing and successe from heaven may be expected upon this grand and important reformation of Religion , as they call it , the begetter and beginner whereof was the horrible profanation of the Lords owne day , and that in the Lords owne Houses and Temples , and all this attended with the contempt and treading under foot the sacred Authoritie and Lawes of Us the Lords Anointed , as also with the violation of the persons of the Lords Priests and Prophets , his Bishops and Ministers , and all these practised by a base multitude , disavowed and disclaimed at that time by all Magistrates and persons put in authoritie , and all others of any ranke or qualitie , who branded that multitude with the names of the scum and froth of the people , and offered themselves , to the uttermost of their diligence and assistance , for the finding of them out , and bringing them to highest and condigne punishment , as shall presently appeare by the demeanour of the Magistrates when they were called before Our Councell for that purpose . For the next day , being the 24. of July 1637. Our Councell assembled , and sent forth a Proclamation in detestation of the uproare and tumult the day before , and discharged all concourses of people and tumultuous meetings in Edinburgh under paine of death ; at which time the Magistrates of Edinburgh being then present at Our Councell Table , professed their utter abhorring , and detesting of the last tumult , and apprehended some suspected to be most forward in it , and thereupon were commanded and ordered by an Act of Our Councell of the 26. of July , to assemble the Councell of the Citie the next morning by eight of the clocke , and then and there to resolve what course they thought fittest to be held for the finding out of the movers of , and chiefe actors in the late seditious uproare , and immediately after to report their diligence and resolutions herein : Which report they accordingly made to Our Councell , not onely with a detestation of that tumult , and promises of their best diligence for finding out the authors and abettors of it , but also with large proffers of their best assistance for the quiet and peaceable establishing and reading of the Service Booke in all their Churches . But the Ministers of that Citie being loath to undertake the reading of it , without some securitie given for the safetie of their persons , the Lords of Our Councell by their Act of the 28. of July 1637. ordered the Provost , Bailiffes , and Councell of Edinburgh to advise amongst themselves concerning some obligatorie Act to be made by them , for a reall performance of what they had undertaken , and should further undertake for the peaceable exercise of the Service Book , which they accorded unto , and promised , that since the former Readers in their severall Churches , had refused to read the Booke , if in the meane time the Ministers themselves would read it , they would take order for their safetie , and when new Readers should be provided , they would take order both for their securitie and settled maintenance and allowance : In pursuance whereof , an obligatorie Act was drawne up by Our Advocate , and read before Our Councell to the Magistrates of Edinburgh the sixt of August 1637. to which they humbly consented , and on the tenth of the same moneth , the said Act of indemnitie being exhibited before Our Councell , was allowed by them , and accordingly passed and entred in Our Councell booke as an Act of Councell : And so now this late tumult in all appearance being settled , and not onely fathered upon the scumme and dregges of the people , but cryed downe by all men either of place or qualitie , and by none more then by the Magistrates and Ministers of Edinburgh , Our Councell not fearing any new outrage , proceeded to these two things . First , to the exemplarie punishing of such of the heads of the late tumult as they should discover : And next , to the settling of the practice of the Service Booke , and appointing a new day for renewing the exercise of it ; to which the Bishops , Magistrates and Ministers of Edinburgh agreed : And this their forwardnesse the Magistrates of that Citie were not onely contented to expresse before Our Councell , both by their verball promises and protestations , as also their obligatorie Act remaining upon record , and registred in Our bookes of Councell , but likewise by two particular Letters sent by them into England unto the Lord Archbishop of Canterburie , in which they desired him to recommend unto Us , their care of , and fidelitie to Our service , and to undertake for them to Us their zeale and forwardnesse , for settling the peaceable practice of the Service Booke : Which Letters We here have caused to be inserted , that the Reader may see what names of simplicitie and ignorance they bestow upon that multitude , which made the first opposition , and withall take notice of the names of the Magistrates subscribers to these Letters ; for some of them ( which hardly could be expected from reasonable men ) will be found to be very forward , if not leaders in the next succeeding sedition , and so of the rest which have followed since : The Letters be these . Most Reverend Father in God and our verie good Lord , WEe regrait from our hearts that tumult which did fall out in our Churches that day of the inbringing of the Service Booke , wherein now these of his Majesties Councell , who have laboured the tryall thereof , will give testimonie of our innocencie : Since that time and the rising of his Majesties Councell in this feriall time , we have daily concurred with our Ordinarie , and our Ministerie for settling of that Service Booke , as the right Honourable the Earle of Traquair Lord Treasurer , with the Bishops of Galloway and Dunbleane will beare witnesse ; who have spared neyther paines nor attendance to bring that purpose to a good conclusion : And although the povertie of this Citie be great , being almost exhausted with publicke and common workes , yet we have not beene lacking to offer good meanes , above our power , to such as should undertake that service ; and in all things wherein we have beene required , we have ever beene ready really to approve our selves obedient and loyall subjects to his Majestie , in all his Royall commandements , which we have vowed ever to second to our lives end . And we being infinitely obliged to your Graces favours , we now presumed by these lines to give your Grace that assurance of obedience upon our part , in this purpose and in all other purposes wherein we may contribute to the advancement of his Majesties service , or can be expected of good subjects : VVhereof if his Majestie by your Grace shall be pleased to rest assured , whatsoever any other shall suggest , we will accept it from you as a great accumulation of favour ; for all which your Grace shall ever finde us most thankfull Remembrancers , and most ready really to expresse our thankfulnesse , whenever we shall be made so happy as that your Grace shall have occasion to use our service . Thus from our hearts wishing you all happinesse , we kisse your Graces hands . Edinburgh this 19. of August , 1637. Your Graces most affectionate and humble servants the Bailliffes of Edinburgh . J. Cochrane , Bailly . An. Ainslie , Bailly . J. Smith , Bailly . C. Hammilton , Bailly . THE SECOND LETTER . Most Reverend Father in God and our very good Lord , WEe did receive your Graces kind letter , and from our hearts we do render your Grace most hearty thanks ; and as wee have hitherto found your speciall favour in this matter , concerning the laitly imprinted Service Booke , whereanent we did write to your Grace formerly , shewing our dutifull and obedient resolution , not onely in our selves , but in the greatest and best part of our Inhabitants , of whom from time to time we had most confident assurance ; so now we must againe become new suiters at your Graces hands to receive from us a true information of the difference of the present time , and of that when we did presume to write the occasions thereof , which is , that since our last there hath beene such an innumerable confluence of people from all the corners of this kingdome , both of Clergie and Laitie , and of all degrees by occasion of two Councell dayes , and such things suggested to our poore ignorant people , that they have razed , what we by great and continuall pains had imprinted in their minds , and have diverted them altogether from their former resolutions , so that now when we were urged by our selfes alone , we could not adventure , but were forced to supplicate the Lords of Councell to continue us in the state they had done the rest of the kingdome ; having hitherto forborne either to combine with them , or to countenance them in their supplications , yet we will not forbeare to doe our Masters service to our power , but shall studie to imprint in their minds what hath beene taken away ; in the interim we will humbly beg your Graces favour and intercession with his Majestie , that we may be keeped still in his favour , which we doe esteeme our greatest earthly felicitie , and that what course shall be taken with the rest of this kingdome in that matter , who have presented many supplications , and with whom we have in no wayes combined , that the same and no other may be taken with us , wherein we are confident to prevaile as much as any other within the kingdome , and in all things shall endevour nothing more , then that we may approve our selves most dutifull and obedient subjects . Thus relying upon your Graces favour , as our most assured refuge , we kisse your Graces hands , and rests , Edinburgh this 26. of September , 1637. Your Graces most affectionate and humble servants , the Bailliffes of Edinburgh . J. Cochrane , Bailly . J. Smith , Bailly . C. Hammilton , Bailly . James Rucheid . WEe confesse that these large undertakings of the Magistrates , moved Us to remit much of Our intended rigor against the offenders in the first uproare , hoping that their acknowledgment of Our clemencie , would have produced effects quite contrarie to those which We have found : And now We shall desire the Reader to observe , that this first tumult was owned by none , condemned and cryed down by all , the authors of it , and actors in it called by all sorts , by no better names then Rogues , and the base Multitude : What will you then think , if that within verie few daies you shall see the verie same liberall bestowers of these names entring upon the same Stage , repeating and acting over againe the parts of that madd Multitude ; Onely the Stage you shall see a little better hanged , and the Scenes better set out , and the Play having a more specious name of Pietie and Religion ? For soon after , these base and unruly people , who were so much out in their first act of Rebellion , ( as Actors at the first are not commonly perfect ) were in the Pulpits , even for that their first and foule act so much of late hissed at and decryed , afterwards magnified for the most heroicall Sparkes that ever God inspired and raised up in this last age of the world ; and though they were but Asses , yet they were cryed up for having their mouthes opened immediately by God , as the mouth of Balaams Asse was , to the upbraiding of all the rest of the Land , who held their peace when they should have cryed and brayed as they did : Their happy mouthes and hands , which God was pleased to honour that day with the beginning of their new blessed Reformation , and occasioning their celestiall Covenant ( as they called it ) were so highly extolled by their Preachers , that they assured their Auditors that their memorials should be eternall , whom before they had called the scumme of the people , and the base Multitude , and that all succeeding generations should call them blessed . These high flowne speeches , and many others of the like extravagant straine , both in the Pulpits and out of them , immediately after the first tumult , and ever since , have beene bestowed , and that not sparingly , upon that multitude , which not long before they called base and rascall : But no wonder , for many of the better sort having succeeded that multitude in the same madnesse , they must needs now give them new , high , and Heroicall titles , such as they would have given to themselves now acting their parts ; for now their owne actions come next upon the Stage to bee viewed and judged . All businesses now for a time seemed to be hushed and calmed , by reason of the long vacation , which in that Kingdome beginneth alwayes on Lammas day , and the Harvest , which drew all sorts of people from Edinburgh , except the Citizens ; so that little or nothing was done betweene the last of July and first of October , save that some Ministers petitioned the Lords of Our Councell for suspending the Letters whereby they were charged to receive the Service Book , and that they of Edinburgh begun a little by the instigation of their two silenced Ministers to relent of their former forwardnesse for receiving the said Booke , and to repent themselves of their too eager condemning the raisers of the first insurrection , and presented to Our Councell on the 26. of September a Petition , humbly desiring not to bee pressed with the Service Booke notwithstanding all their former undertakings , but to be continued in the same case with all the rest of the Kingdome , untill Our pleasure were further knowne ; which Petition , as they alledged , they were necessitated to present , by the example and encouragement of all ranks from all parts of the Kingdome . But so soone as Harvest was done , the conflux of all sorts of Our subjects , Nobilitie , Gentrie , Ministers , and Burgesses from all parts of that Kingdome , came to be so great at Edinburgh , and after such a tumultuous maner , as that , a present Insurrection was justly feared ; which forced Our Councell , assembled then at Edinburgh upon the day before appointed by them , viz. the xvij . of October , 1637. to make three Proclamations ; The first , to give notice that on that day nothing should bee treated of at the Councell Table concerning Church businesse , untill the Lords might see the times , and meetings of his Majesties subjects more quiet and peaceable ; and therefore commanded all who were come thither about any such businesse , peaceably to repaire to their owne homes within foure and twentie houres , under the paines expressed in the said Proclamation : A second , for removing the Session ( which is here in England called the Terme ) from Edinburgh to Lithcow , for feare of present danger , if this great concourse of people should not some way be diverted and divided , especially considering that those of Edinburgh were now apparently perverted , and become very evill affected to Our and Our Councels courses of peace and quietnesse : A third , for bringing in and burning a certaine seditious Booke newly dispersed amongst our subjects there , tending to sedition and the disgrace of Our Ecclesiasticall Government here in England : The three Proclamations are here inserted . Apud Edinburgh 17. Octob. 1637. FOrasmuch as it hath pleased the Kings Majestie , upon divers good respects and considerations , to give warrant and direction to the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell , for dissolving the meeting of this Councell day , in so farre as concerneth matters of the Church : And that everie one that hath come to attend this businesse , repaire to their owne dwellings , except such persons as shall make knowne to the said Lords of Councell just cause of stay for their particular affaires ; Therefore the said Lords , according to his Majesties speciall warrant and direction sent unto them , have dissolved , and by the tenour hereof doe dissolve the meeting of this Councell day , in so farre as concernes the businesse above written ; And ordaines a Maissar of Councell to passe to the Mercate Crosse of Edinburgh , and to make publication hereof ; And to command everie one that hath come hither to attend this businesse , to repaire home to their owne dwellings within 24. houres after the publication hereof , except such persons as shall make knowne to the said Lords just cause of their further particular affaires in manner aforesaid , under the paine of Rebellion , and putting them off to the Horne ; with certification to them , that if they faile they shall be denounced Rebels , and put to the Horn , and all their moveable goods escheat to his Majesties use . Apud Edinburgh 17. Octob. 1637. FOrasmuch as it hath pleased the Kings Majestie , upon divers great and good considerations knowne to his Majestie , to remove his Councell and Session from the Citie of Edinburgh to the Burgh of Dundie : And whereas it is inconvenient at this time to remove it so farre , his Majestie is graciously pleased that this next Session shall be holden at the Burgh of Linlithgow , and the next after the ordinarie vacants at the Burgh of Dundie : And there to remaine during his Majesties pleasure : And therefore the said Lords , according to his Majesties speciall direction , ordaines Maissars or Officers of Armes to passe and make publication hereof to all his Majesties good subjects by open Proclamation at all places needfull , whereby they can pretend no ignorance thereof , but may prepare themselves to attend at Linlithgow and Dundie accordingly . Apud Edinburgh Octob. 17. 1637. FOrasmuch as the Kings Majestie is credibly informed , that there is a certaine booke intituled , A Dispute against the English Popish Ceremonies , obtruded upon the Kirke of Scotland , and hath beene sent abroad and dispersed in this Kingdome , purposely to stirre the hearts and affections of the subjects from their due obedience and allegeance : And therefore it hath pleased his Majestie to give order and direction to his Councell , that diligent inquirie and search be made for the said booke ; And for this effect the said Lords ordaines letters to be directed to make intimation and publication to all his Majesties subjects , that such of them as have anie of the said bookes , bring in the same to the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell betwixt the date of this Proclamation and the day of And the said bookes being brought in , that the same be publikely burnt , certifying all his Majesties subjects if any of those bookes shall be found or knowne to have beene with any of them after the time aforesaid , that they shall incurre the like censure and punishment as the Authour may be found to deserve for any thing contained in that booke . ANd whether Wee and Our Councell were not justly necessitated to these Proclamations , and whether it were not high time to require obedience to them , though none was yeelded , let that barbarous insurrection which was raised the next day , sufficiently testifie . On the eighteenth of October 1637. the Bishop of Galloway and Sir VVilliam Elfinston Lord chiefe Justice of that Our Kingdome , being appointed by the Lords of Our Councell to examine witnesses in a cause depending before them , betweene Francis Stuart sonne to the late Earle of Bothwell , and divers others , the Bishop was peaceably passing along the street towards the Councell-house where the examinations were to be taken : But suddenly an inraged multitude surrounded him , and followed him with fearfull cursings and exclamations close to the Councell-house doore , where hee was againe incountred afresh with a new troupe , who watched , and lay in wait for his comming thither , and whose furie exceeded words ; for in all probabilitie the Bishop had beene pulled in peeces by them , if by divine providence he had not beene defended by the said Francis Stuart , who with much adoe got the Bishop within the doores of the Councell-house , where Our Lord chiefe Justice staied for him : But when hee was there , that place of highest Reverence within that Our Kingdome , was no Sanctuarie for him ; for they continued demanding his person , and threatning him with death : The report hereof , and the danger of their Lords life , was brought by some of the Bishops servants presently to the Earle of Traquair Our Lord Treasurer , and the Earle of Wigton , one of the Lords of Our Councell , who were then at a lodging not farre from thence : They came presently with their followers to the reliefe of the Bishop , but verie hardly for the croud of the mutiners could approach the Councell-house where hee was ; at last , when with much adoe they got entrance , they found themselves in no better case then the Bishop was , for the peoples furie meeting with no proportionable resistance , increased the more : The Lords thus beset in Our Councell-house , sent privately to the Lord Provost , Bailiffes , and Councell of Edinburgh , who were then assembled in their owne Councell-house , requiring them to come to their rescue , and to take some present order for their safetie : They , by one Sir Thomas Thompson , who indeed was an eye witnesse of the truth of it , returned this answer ; That they were in the same , if not a worse case themselves , if the Lords without did not presently pacifie the inraged multitude ; that the whole streets were pestred with disorderly people ; that their Councell-house was beset without , and thronged within , with their owne threatning Citizens , who had vowed to kill all within their house , unlesse they did presently subscribe to a paper presented to them , which for feare of their lives they were forced to doe : Which paper contained these three particulars : First , that they should joyne with them in opposition to the Service Book , and in petitioning Us for that purpose : Secondly , that by their authoritie they should presently restore unto their Pulpits and places Master Ramsey and Rollock , their two silenced Ministers : Thirdly , that they should restore unto his place one Henderson a silenced Reader : No doubt three most important grounds for such a fearfull sedition : No better answer being returned , the Lord Treasurer and the Earle of Wigton , with their followers , resolved to go up to the Towne Councell-house , and to use the uttermost of their authoritie , or ( if that found no respect ) their best perswasions for settling the present sedition : When they came thither , they found the Magistrates verie much discomposed , & greatly perplexed , as much doubting whether they should ever escape from the place with their lives ; yet they presently entred into consultation with them about what was fittest to be done in such an exigent ; and finding now that the publike divulging of that paper which the Magistrates and Councell of the Citie had subscribed , and that the open proclamation of it throughout all their turbulent troupes , and at the Crosse , had a little asswaged their furious rage , the Lords begun to advise with the Magistrates what was best to bee done for the safetie of the Bishop of Galloway , whom they had left besieged in the Councell-house : It was thought fit by all , that the Lords should returne to Our Councell-house , and containe themselves therein , till the Magistrates might try what they could do for calming the commotion in the streets : But no sooner had the Lords presented themselves to the streets , but they were received with such violence as they were forced to retire , untill such time as two of the Bailiffes with their Serjeants and Officers , and such others as they got to attend them , accompanying the Lords , and repeating to the multitude what had beene yeelded to in the paper exhibited to them , a little way was made at first ; But presently when they entred upon the great street , the barbarous multitude run most inragedly upon them : Their out-cries were horrible and confused , but were ( as much as in such a confusion could be distinguished , ) God defend all those who will defend Gods cause , and God confound the Service Book , and all the maintainers of it . The Lords being in present and imminent danger , assured the people that they would represent their grievances to Us ; for when they perceived that the people refused to obey any commandement which was laid upon them in Our name , and that they sleighted their requiring of them to retire unto their owne houses , and to behave themselves as quiet and good subjects ; under paine of Our highest displeasure , they were glad then to betake themselves to intreaties and plausible perswasions ; but all in vaine : For the people still increased their furie , and that to such a height , as that the Lord Treasurer was throwne downe , his hat , cloak , and white staffe pulled from him , so that if by the strength of some about him , he had not beene presently pulled up againe upon his feet , he had undoubtedly been trode to death , and in that posture without hat or cloak , like a notorious malefactour , was he carried by the croud to Our Councell-house doore , where the Bishop of Galloway and others of Our Councell were imprisoned , in great feare , and expecting the Lords returne for their reliefe : Not long after the Provost and Bailiffes came thither to them , told them they had used their uttermost power and perswasions with the best , ablest , and of the prime esteeme of all their Citizens for the appeasing of the present tumult , and securing their Lordships persons , but could finde no concurrence nor obedience : Whereupon the Lords resolved to send for some of the Noblemen , and Gentrie , and others who were now frequently assembled for assisting the petition against the Service Book , to try what help they would or could contribute for quieting the inraged people , and what assistance they might expect from them in freeing them from the present danger : They , being sent for , came to the Lords and declared unto them how much they were unsatisfied with the present mutinie , offered their persons and power for securing them from all violence ; which the Lords in Our Councell-house accepting of , with much adoe ( being guarded by them whom the people would not offend ) the Lord Treasurer got to Our Palace at Haly-rud-house , and the Bishop of Galloway to his lodging : But the Lord Provost was againe set upon as he was entring his owne house , and was so pressed upon by the multitude , that they crouded with him into his owne yard , railing upon him and throwing stones at his windowes , untill some of his servants discharging a Peece which had nothing but powder in it , they retired for feare : In this tumult none were more forward and inexorable , then two who were Bailiffes the yeare before , and who had subscribed the two Letters to the Archbishop of Canterburie . This mornings storme being a little blowne over , Our Councell in the afternoone met at Our Palace at Haly-rud-house , and commanded a Proclamation presently to bee made at the Crosse of Edinburgh ; the tenour whereof here followeth . At Haly-rud-house the 18. of Octob. 1637. FOrasmuch as a number of the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell , as likewise the Towne Councell of Edinburgh , being this day conveened in their severall Judicatories for his Majesties speciall affaires and service , they were most rudely interrupted in the course of their proceedings , by a tumultuous gathering of the promiscuous and vulgar multitude , by whom his Majesties Councell and servants in an open way was shamefully environed : VVhich being a matter verie disgracefull to his Majesties Authoritie and lawfull Government , and which in the consequence thereof may produce dangerous effects , if the like bee not prevented in the time to come ; Therefore the Lords of secret Councell , according to the dutie of their place and charge incumbent unto them , Ordaines a Maissar of Councell to passe to the Mercate Crosse of Edinburgh , and there by open Proclamation to discharge all publike gatherings and convocations of his Majesties subjects within the Citie of Edinburgh , and upon the streets thereof ; As likewise all private meetings tending to faction and tumult : And in his Majesties name and authoritie , to command and charge all his Majesties lieges and inhabitants within the said Citie , to containe themselves in peace and quietnesse ; And for that effect to keepe their houses , except when their lawfull businesse doth otherwise call them , Under all highest paine and charge that by rigour of law can be inflicted upon the contraveeners of the premises in manner above expressed . TO this Proclamation so little obedience was yeelded , and they of Edinburgh so farre from conceiving that they had any way misdemeaned themselves by that horrible insurrection , as that the next Councell day they had the impudence to send their Commissioners publikely to Our Councell Table , and there to require that their Ministers and Reader might be restored to them , and that they might have assurance for the performance of what was promised to them by their Magistrates at this last Rebellion , and before the pacification of it . From this Relation joyned to the Narration of the first insurrection in the Churches , it is easie to judge whether this their intended glorious Reformation , which , according to their religious intentions and ardent prayers , they say , God , even to a miracle , hath so graciously prospered in their hands , be like to proceed from God , the first act whereof was begun in the Church , with contempt of God and profanation of the house where his honour dwelleth , and the violation of those persons who serve at his Altar ; and the second Act whereof , was presented on the streets of the capitall Citie of the Kingdome , with the contempt of the highest Authoritie under God , viz. Us and Our lawes , and offering violence to the persons of Our Councellors and chiefe Officers of State , not forbearing the verie houses and places where Our Councell for that Kingdome , and Our Magistrates of that Citie doe usually sit , and were then sitting ; which places have alwayes been accounted sacred , and have duely challenged all respect and reverence . And now it is verie observable by what degrees this Rebellion hath risen , as if it had been before-hand well studied and contrived , everie rank entring upon the Stage in their due turns , in which they served and answered one another : The first tumult was begun by the basest sort of that Citie , whom the Authors of this second insurrection did then , even for that first tumult , condemne by the name of Rascalls and scum of the people : This second uproare , farre more seditious and dangerous then the former , was made by the best sort of Citizens , excepting onely the Magistrates and some few others , yet disavowed and disliked ( at least in shew ) by the Nobilitie , Gentrie , and the Magistrates of the Citie ; but these last Mutiners were not so cryed downe by them as the former , nor did they put such vile names of Rebels and Rascals upon them , nor did they shew any signification of their desire to have them questioned or punished for that tumult , because now the qualitie of these last mutiners persons gave some good countenance to the designes which they themselves had in hand : For these Noblemen , Gentrie , and Magistrates being themselves to performe the third Act of that Tragedie , at the first whereof they had hissed , and seemed to dislike the second , held it not fit to be too severe in condemning of that which it seemes they meant shortly after to act themselves , and in a more dangerous way : For first , their Protestation against Our Proclamation , and then their Covenant against Us and Our Authoritie , were next to come upon the Stage ; which though they were of the same plot and piece with the two other former insurrections , yet because they were to be better acted , and the Actors men of greater eminencie , they hoped their parts should not finde such foule names as the former had found : As if the things being the same , the names of Protestation or Covenant could alter the nature of insurrection and Rebellion ; like those of that bloudie League in France , who hoped that the verie name of the HOLIE LEAGUE would cause in the world a mistake of their meaning , and palliate their most wicked and unnaturall treasons , for rooting out their lawfull Soveraigne and the true Religion . And now this highest and worst part commeth next to be related . After these tumults , there were presented to Our Chancellour and Councell , two Petitions , one a verie weake and childish one , in the name of all the men , women , children , and servants of Edinburgh , onely against the Service Booke ; another in the name of the Noblemen , Gentrie , Ministers , Burgesses , against the Service Booke and Booke of Canons : That to the Lord Chancellour was as followeth . My Lord Chancellour , UNto your Lordship humbly shewes , we , men , women , and children , and servants , Indwellers within the Burgh of Edinburgh : That whereas we being urged with this Book of Service , and having * considered the same , VVe finde many things therein so farre different from that forme of Gods publike worship universally received and professed within this Kingdome : And we Burgesses , being at our entrie and admission deeply sworne for the maintenance thereof , that now makes our hearts to tremble , and our weak consciences will not suffer us to imbrace and practise this urged Service : VVe have this long time past , winked at some former alterations , being put in hope that no further novations should follow . But now we being oppressed , with our just feares to see our selves deprived of that libertie in serving God which ever hath beene approved by Church and Kingdome : In place whereof we are now like to be constrained to imbrace another , which hath neither been agitated nor received either by generall Assemblie or Parliament : In such extremitie we are most humbly to supplicate your Lordship to consider our present estate , and that this businesse is a matter of so great weight and consequence as should not appeare to bee a needlesse noyse of simple women , but it is the absolute desire of all our hearts for preservation of true Religion amongst us , which is dearer to us then either estate or life : And therefore we do humbly crave , that as the rest of the Kingdome , so we may have a time to advise , and that your Lordship may find out some way whereby wee may be delivered from the feare of this and all other innovations of this kinde , and have the happinesse to injoy the true Religion , as it hath beene by the great mercie of God reformed in this land , and authorised by his Majestie , who may long and prosperously Reigne over us : And your Lordships answer . Their Petition to the Councell followes . My Lords of Secret Councell , UNto your Lordships humbly shews ; VVe Noblemen , Barons , Ministers , Burgesses , and Commons ; That whereas we were in humble and quiet manner attending a gracious answer of our former supplications against the Service Book imposed upon us , and readie to shew the great inconveniences which upon the introduction thereof must ensue , we are , without any knowne desert , farre by our expectation , surprised and charged by publike Proclamation to depart out of the town within twentie foure houres thereafter , under paine of Rebellion ; by which peremptorie and unusuall charge , our feares of a more severe and strict course of proceeding are augmented , and course of our supplication interrupted : wherefore we are constrained , out of the deep griefe of our hearts , humbly to remonstrate , that whereas the Arch-bishops and Bishops of this Realme , being intrusted by his Majestie with the government of the affaires of the Church of Scotland , have drawne up and set forth , and caused to be drawne up and set forth , and injoyned upon the subjects two Books ; In the one whereof , called the Book of Common prayer , not onely are sowne the seeds of divers Superstitions , Idolatrie , and false doctrine , contrarie to the true Religion established within this Realme by divers Acts of Parliament ; But also the Service Booke of England is abused , especially in the matter of Communion , by additions , subtractions , interchanging of words and sentences , falsifying of titles , and misplacing of Collects , to the disadvantage of Reformation , as the Romish Masse is , in the more substantiall points , made up therein , as we offer to instruct in time and place convenient , quite contrarie unto and for reversing the gracious intention of the * blessed Reformers of Religion in England . In the other book called Canons and Constitutions for the government of the Church of Scotland , they have ordained , That whosoever shall affirme that the forme of worship inserted in the Booke of Common Prayer and Administration of the Sacraments , whereof heretofore and now we most justly complaine , doth containe any thing repugnant to the Scriptures , or are corrupt , superstitious , or unlawfull in the service and worship of God , shall be excommunicated , and not be restored but by the Bishop of the place , or Archbishop of the Province , after his repentance and publicke revocation of this his wicked errour ; Besides one hundred Canons moe , many of them tending to the reviving and fostering of abolished superstitions and errours , and to the overthrow of our Church Discipline established by Acts of Parliament , opening a doore for what further invention of Religion they please to make , and stopping the way which Law before did allow unto us for suppressing of errour and superstition ; And ordaining , That where in any of the Canons there is no penalty expresly set down , the punishment shall be arbitrary as the Bishop shall think fittest : All which Canons were never seen nor allowed in any Generall Assembly , but are imposed contrary to order of law , appointed in this Realm for establishing Constitutions Ecclesiasticall ; unto which two books , the foresaid Prelates have under trust procured his Majesties Royall hand and Letters Patents , for pressing the same upon his loyall subjects , and are the Contrivers and Devisers of the same , as doth clearly appear by the Frontispice of the Book of Common Prayer , and have begun to urge the acceptance of the same , not onely by injunctions given in Provinciall Assemblies , but also by open Proclamation and charge of Horning , whereby we are driven in such straites as we must either by Processe of Excommunication and Horning suffer the ruine of our estates and fortunes , or else by breach of our Covenant with God , and forsaking the way of true Religion , fall under the wrath of God , which unto us is more grievous then death . VVherefore we being perswaded that these their proceedings are contrary to our gracious Soveraign hispious intention , who out of his zeale and Princely care of the preservation of true Religion established in this his ancient Kingdome , hath ratified the same in his Highnesse Parliament 1633 ▪ And so his Majestie to be highly wronged by the said Prelates , who have so farre abused their credit with so good a King , as thus to insnare his subjects , rend our Church , undermine Religion in Doctrine , Sacraments , and Discipline , move discontent between the King and his subjects , and discord between subject and subject , contrary to severall Acts of Parliament : VVe out of bound duty to God , our King and native Countrey , complain of the foresaid Prelates , humbly craving , that this matter may be put to tryall , and these our parties taken order with according to the lawes of the Realm ; And that they be not suffered to sit any more as Judges , untill the cause be tryed and decided according to Justice . And if this shall seeme to bee to you a matter of higher importance then you will condescend unto , before his Majesty bee acquainted therewith , Then wee humbly supplicate that this our grievance and complaint may be fully represented to his Majestie , That from the influence of his Gracious Soveraigntie and Justice these wrongs may bee redressed , and wee have the happinesse to injoy the Religion , as it hath beene reformed in this Land. IN this Petition it is worthy the observing , that they complaine of the mangling of the English Service Booke , and of the abuses offered unto it , and the wronging of the intentions of the blessed Reformers of Religion here in this Kingdome , whereas in their Sermons and ordinarie discourse , they doe usually inveigh against the Service Booke here , for being stuffed with Superstition and Poperie , and that the first Reformers of this Church never departed fully from Rome : And in this last Petition they begin to make their grievances swell , adding their dislike of the Booke of Canons to their former distaste of the Service Book ; the occasion of Our authorising of which Booke of Canons , was this . As Wee were desirous to settle one uniforme forme of publike Prayer and Divine Service throughout that Our Kingdom , and for that purpose authorized the Service Book , so We conceived that it was not only expedient , but necessary that there should be one uniforme forme of Church government throughout the same , and because there was no booke extant containing any rules of such governement , so that neither the Clergie nor Laity had any certaine rule either of the ones power , or of the others practise and obedience , and considering that the Acts of their generall Assemblies were but written , and not printed , and so large and voluminous , as it is impossible that so many copies of them should be transcribed , as that they may come to the use and knowledge of many , and so Apocryphall , as that few or none of themselves can tell which of them are authenticall , and so unsafely and uncertainely kept , that they do not know whither to addresse themselves for finding of them , Wee could not imagine but that it should have beene acknowledged , and received with all thankfulnesse , that We had reduced their numerous Acts , and those not knowne to them , to such a paucitie of Canons , and those published , that none could be insnared through ignorance , nor complaine that they were over-charged with the multiplicitie of them : For it may be averred with unquestionable certaintie , that not one in that Our Kingdome did either live under the obedience of the Acts of the generall Assemblies , or did know what they were , or where certainely to have them : And yet these men have interpreted Our furthering their knowledge and facilitating and conveniencing their obedience for one of the most grievous burthens was ever laid upon them : But no wonder it is , if when mens minds are once out of taste with government nothing tending to order relisheth well with them . Their petition was sent up to Us by Our Councell : But Wee seeing no signe of repentance for , or disavowing of their late tumults , untill some order might be taken for the finding out and punishment of the authors of them , resolved to delay the answering of their petition , but in the meane time commanded Our Councell to signifie to all Our good subjects Our aversnesse from Poperie , and detestation of Superstition , the contrarie suggestions whereof We found the heads of this Rebellion had used for abusing of Our loyall subjects , and so accordingly Our Councell caused a Proclamation to be made at Lithgow , which was this . Apud Linlithgow septimo Decemb. 1637. FOr as much as the Kings Majestie , having seene the Petition presented to the Lords of his Majesties privie Councell , and by them sent up to his Majestie concerning the Service Book , determined to have taken the same into his Royall consideration , and to have given his gracious answer thereanent with all conveniencie : Like as his Majestie by his letters to his Councell of the date of the ninth of October last , did signifie his gracious resolution to the effect aforesaid . But since that time , his Majestie finding ( farre contrarie to his expectation ) that such disorderly , tumultuous and barbarous insolenceis have beene committed within the Citie of Edinburgh upon the eighteenth of October last , to the great contempt of his Majesties Royall authoritie , by abusing his Majesties Councellors and Officers of State , with others bearing charge and authoritie under his Majestie within the said Citie : His Majestie in a just resentment of that foule indignitie , ( wherein his Majesties Honour did so much suffer ) hath beene mooved to delay the signification of his Majesties gracious intention , in giving to his subjects such satisfactorie answers to their Petitions as in equitie might have been expected from so just and religious a Prince ; But yet his Majestie being unwilling that his Loyall and faithfull subjects should be possessed with groundlesse and uncessarie doubts and feares , His Majestie is pleased out of his goodnesse to declare , like as by these presents hee declareth , That as he abhorreth all Superstition of Poperie , so he will be most carefull that nothing be allowed within his Majesties Dominions , but that which shall tend to the advancement of the true Religion , as it is presently professed within his most ancient Kingdome of Scotland : And that nothing is or was intended to be done therein against the laudable lawes of this his Majesties native Kingdome . And ordaineth publication to bee made hereof in forme as a foresaid . AT this time We sent into Scotland the Earle of Roxburgh Lord privie ▪ Seale , with certaine instructions to Our Councell for ordering these disordered affaires ; according to which they appointed the Councell to sit at Dalkeith , being not above foure miles from Edinburgh , that so they might the more easily know what passed in that place , now become the seat of the Rebellion ; and they removed the Session or Terme from Lithgow to Sterlin , a place of 24. miles distance from Edinburgh , that so the huge disorderly multitudes there assembled , might be dispersed , by the necessitie of the attendance of such as had any Law-businesse : At the same time the Earle of Traquair Lord Treasurer of that Kingdome , whom Wee had sent for hither , was returned back with directions from Us : He , with Our Lord privie Seale & other principall Councellers , repaired to Sterlin , where by Our commandement they caused a Proclamation to be made for the dispersing of the huge and dangerous multitudes there assembled , and the assuring of Our subjects of Our sinceritie towards the Religion established in that Our Kingdom : And there first , the Nobilitie , Gentrie , Ministers , and Burgesses did the same thing which they themselves called the uproare of Rascalls at the first reading of the Service Book in the Churches of Edinburgh , and which they condemned , but in milder tearmes , by the name of an unjustifiable act , in that great sedition at Edinburgh on the eighteenth of October 1637 : For by them , first at Sterlin , then at Lithgow , and last at Edinburgh , was made the first avowed affront to Us , Our authoritie and Lawes : For at Sterlin Our Proclamation being made , the Earle of Hume and the Lord Lindsey , assisted with many others of all ranks , made a Protestation against the same ; which Protestation was afterward repeated at Lithgow , and last at Edinburgh , where , when upon the Crosse , Our Proclamation was made by Our Officers with sound of Trumpets , and assisted with Our Heralds with Our coats of Armes upon their backs , it was received , while it was in reading , with jeering and laughing , and after it was ended with a Protestation against it , made by many Earles , Lords , Ministers , and Burgesses , and the conflux of all other sorts of people , who were all of them so malapert as not to suffer Our Heralds and Officers to come off the Crosse , but forced them to stay and heare their Protestation against Our Proclamation , as if both had been made by the same authoritie : And if this now were not a higher act of Rebellion then either the first tumult raised in the Churches , against which they so much declamed , or the second insurrection at Edinburgh , which they so much disclamed , Wee leave it to the world to judge : The copies both of Our Proclamation and their Protestation We have here inserted , that themselves , as well as others , may see that We wrong not the truth . CHARLES by the grace God , King of great Britaine , France , and Ireland , defender of the faith , &c. To Our Lovits , &c. Our Sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally , specially constituted , greeting . For as much as Wee , out of Our Princely care of maintenance of the true Religion already professed , and for beating downe of all superstition , having ordained a Book of Common prayer to be compiled for the generall use and edification of Our subjects within Our ancient Kingdome of Scotland , the same was accordingly done : In the performing whereof , We took great care and paines ; So as nothing past therein but what was seene and approved by Us , before the same was either divulged or printed , assuring all Our loving subjects , that not onely Our intention is , but even the verie Book will be a readie meanes to maintaine the true Religion alreadie professed , and beat out all Superstition ; Of which We in Our owne time do not doubt but in a faire course to satisfie Our good subjects . But having seene and considered some Petitions and Declarations given in to Our Councell against the said Book and late Canons of the Church , We find Our Royall Authoritie much injured thereby , both in the matter and in the carriage thereof ; whereby We conceive these of Our Nobility , Gentrie , Burroughs , Ministers , and others , who kept and assisted these meetings and Convocations for contriving and forming the said Petitions , or who have subscribed the same , to deserve and bee liable to Our high censure , both in their persons and fortunes , as having conveened themselves without either Our consent or authoritie ; Yet because We beleeve that what they have done herein is out of a preposterous zeale , and not out of any disloyaltie or disaffection to Soveraigntie , We are graciously pleased in so farre as concernes these meetings for consulting or subscribing of these Petitions , or presenting the same to any Judge or Judges in Our said Kingdome , to dispense therewith , and with what may bee their fault or errour therein , to all such as upon signification or declaration of Our pleasure shall retire themselves as becommeth good and dutifull subjects : To which purpose Our will is , and We charge you straightly , and command , that incontinent these Letters seene , you passe , and in Our name and authoritie make intimation hereof , to all Our lieges and subjects , by open Proclamation at all places needfull , wherethrough none pretend ignorance thereof ; And therewith also , That you in Our name and authoritie discharge all such convocations and meetings in time comming , under the paine of treason : And also that you command , and charge , and inhibit all Our lieges and subjects , that none of them presume nor take in hand to resort nor repaire to Our Burgh of Sterling , nor to no other Burgh , where Our Councell and Session sits , till first they declare their cause of comming to our Councell , and procure their warrant to that effect . And further , that you command and charge all and sundrie Provosts , Bailiffes , and Magistrates within Burgh , That they and everie one of them have a speciall care and regard to see this Our Royall will and pleasure really and dutifully obeyed in all points ; And that no violation thereof be suffered within their bounds , under all highest paine , crime , and offence that they may commit against Us in that behalfe : As also that you command and charge all and sundrie Noblemen , Barons , Ministers and Burrowes , who are not actuall indwellers within this Our Burgh , and are not of the number of the Lords of our privie Councell and Session , and members thereof , and are already within this Our Burgh , that they , and everie one of them ▪ remove themselves , and depart and passe forth of Our said Burgh , and returne not againe , without the warrant aforesaid , within six houres after the publication hereof , under the said paine of treason . And as concerning any Petitions that hereafter shall be given unto Us , upon this or any other subject , Wee are likewise pleased to declare , that We will not shut Our eares therefrom ; so that neither the matter nor forme be prejudiciall to Our Regall Authoritie . The which to do We commit to you , conjunctly and severally , Our full power by these Our Letters , delivering the same by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the bearer . Given under Our signet at Sterling the nineteenth day of February , And of Our Reigne the thirteenth yeere , 1638. Per actum Secreti Concilii . Here followeth their Protestation . For God and the King. WE Noblemen , Barons , Ministers , Burrowes , appointed to attend his Majesties answer to our humble Petition and complaint , and to preferre new grievances , and to do what else may lawfully conduce to our humble desires ; That whereupon the 23. of September last , wee presented a Supplication to your Lordships , and another upon the 18. of October last , and also a new Bill relative to the former upon the 19. of December last , and did therein humbly remonstrate our just exceptions against the Service Book , and Book of Canons ; and also against the Arch-bishops and Bishops of this Kingdome , as the contrivers , maintainers , and urgers thereof , and against their sitting as our Judges untill the cause be decided ; earnestly supplicating withall to bee freed and delivered from these and all other innovations of that kinde , introduced against the laudable Lawes of this Kingdome ; as that of the High Commission , and other evils particularly mentioned , and generally contained in our foresaid supplications and complaints , and that this our partie delinquent against our Religion and Lawes may be taken order with , and these pressing grievances may be taken order with and redressed according to the Lawes of this Kingdome , as by our said supplications and complaints more largely doth appeare : With the which on the 19. of December last , we gave in a Declinator against the Arch-bishops and Bishops as our parties , who by consequence could not be our Judges ; wherupon your Lordships declared by your Act at Dalkeith the said 19. of December , that you would present our Petitions to his Majesties Royall consideration , and that without prejudice of the Declinator given in by us the said supplicants ; wherupon we should be heard at place and time convenient , And in the meane time should receive no prejudice , as the said Act in it selfe beareth . And whereas we your Lordships supplicants with a great deale of patience , and hope also , grounded on sundry promises , were expecting an answere to these our humble desires , and having learned that upon some directions of His Majesties anent our supplications and complaint unto your Lordships of the Secret Councell , your Lordships admits to the consulting and judging anent our supplications , and His Majesties answere thereunto , the Archbishops and Bishops our direct parties , contrarie to our Declinator first propounded at Dalkeith , and now renewed at Sterling ; and * contrarie to your Lordships Act aforesaid at Dalkeith , and contrarie to our Religion , and Lawes , and humble supplications . Therefore lest our silence be prejudiciall to this so important a cause , as concernes Gods glorie and worship , our Religion , Salvation , the Lawes and Liberties of this Kingdome , or derogatorie to the former supplications and complaints , or unanswerable to the trust of our Commission ; out of our bound dutie to our God , our King and native Countrey , we are forced to take instruments in Notaries hands , of your Lordships refusall to admit our Declinator , or remove these our Parties , and to protest in manner following : First , That we may have our immediate recourse to our sacred Soveraign , to present our grievances , and in a legall way to prosecute the same before the ordinarie competent Judges , Civill or Ecclesiasticall , without any offence offered by us , or taken by your Lordships . Secondly , VVe protest that the said Archbishops and Bishops , our Parties complained upon , cannot be reputed or esteemed lawfull Judges to fit in any Judicatorie in this Kingdome , Civill or Ecclesiasticall , upon any of the supplicants , untill after lawfull tryall judicially they purge themselves of such crimes as we have already laid to their charge , offering to prove the same whensoever His Sacred Majestie shall please to give us audience . Thirdly , VVe protest that no Act nor Proclamation to follow thereupon , past , or to be past in Councell or out of Councell , in presence of the Archbishops and Bishops , whom we have already declined to be our Judges , shall any wayes be prejudiciall to us the supplicants , our persons , estates , lawfull meetings , proceedings , or pursuits . Fourthly , VVe protest that neither we nor any whose heart the Lord moveth to joine with us in these our supplications against the foresaid Innovations , shall incurre any danger , in life , lands , or any Politicall or Ecclesiasticall paines , for not observing such Acts , Bookes , Canons , Rites , Judicatories , Proclamations , introduced without or against the Acts of Generall Assemblies , or Acts of Parliament , the Statutes of this Kingdome ; But that it shall be lawfull to us or them to use our selves in matters of Religion of the externall worship of God and Policie of the Church , according to the word of God , and laudable Constitutions of this Church and Kingdome , conforme to His Majesties Declaration the ninth of December last . Fifthly , seeing by the legall and submisse way of our former supplications , all who takes these Innovations to heart , have been kept calme and carried themselves in a quiet manner , in hope of redresse ; VVe protest that if any inconvenience shall happen to fall out ( which we pray the Lord to prevent ) upon the pressing of any of the foresaid Innovations or evils , specially or generally contained in our former supplications and complaints , and upon your Lordships refusall to take order thereanent , the same be not imputed to us , who most humbly seeks all things to be reformed by an Order . Sixthly , we protest that these our requests , proceeding from conscience and a due respect to His Majesties honour , doe tend to no other end , but to the preservation of the true reformed Religion , the lawes and liberties of this His Majesties most ancient Kingdome , and satisfaction of our most humble desires contained in our supplication and complaint , according to his Majesties accustomed goodnesse and justice , from which we doe certainely expect that His Sacred Majestie will provide and grant such remedie to our just petitions and complaints , as may be expected from so gracious a King toward most loyall and dutifull subjects , calling for redresse of so pressing grievances , and praying to God that his Majestie may long and prosperously reigne over us . AGainst which Protestation We shall now say nothing , because it is contained & repeated in another larger Protestation of theirs , which shall be inserted hereafter , and there it shall receive a full answer : Onely We desire the Reader to observe these two things in it ; First , the iniquitie and injustice of their demanding some of our Bishops to be removed from our Councell , nay , and ( which We think never was heard before ) their protesting against all Acts to be done and passed in our Councell at which any of them shall be present , alledging , that this their Protestation against them , and Declinator of them , maketh them to be parties , and so they cannot be Judges ; and withall they require them first to be removed , and then promise they will make proofe of such crimes against them as shall declare the justice of their removall ; which is all one as to intreat them first to condemn a man , and then to trie him : And if a Protestation against their sitting in Councell , and a Declinator of Our Councells authoritie ( neither of them admitted by our Councell ) shall make some Councellours to be parties , and invalidate all Acts of Councell so long as these Councellours whom they have fancied to be parties sit there ; how their last pretended generall Assembly , against which there were so many Protestations made both by the Bishops and others , and which by all these Protesters was declined as Judge , because the members of it had all made themselves parties , can be counted a lawfull generall Assembly , or the members of it lawfull Judges , We leave it to themselves to reconcile : And if they should say , that these Protestations and Declinators against the Assembly were repelled by the Assembly , who was the sole Judge of them , let them remember , that their Protestation against the Bishops , and their Declinator against Our Councels authoritie , if they should not eject them , were both of them , likewise repelled and rejected by Our Councell , who was the onely true Judge of them , their last pretended Assembly being no true but onely a pretended Judge of the others , after the Assembly was dissolved by Our authoritie . And secondly , We shall desire the Reader to observe , that their demands in this Protestation are very farre short of those which are made by them in their succeeding Protestations , which swell with farre more bold and insolent demands then this doth , although this be bold and insolent enough : But it is an usuall course with the heads of all Rebellions , to draw in that partie , by whose power they intend to make good their wicked plots , with small things at the first , concealing from them the depth of their intentions , untill they have engaged them so farre , as they can make them beleeve that there is no safety in retreating , when their crimes are past hope of pardon . And now after this their first Protestation , begun the most unnaturall , causlesse , and horrible Rebellion that this or perhaps any other age in the world hath been acquainted with : For now these Protesters begin to invest themselves with the supreme Ensignes and Markes of Majestie and Soveraigntie , by erecting publike Tables of advice and Councell , for ordering the affaires of the Kingdome , without Our authoritie , and in contempt of Us and Our Councell established by Us there , and by entring into a Covenant and most wicked Band and combination against all that shall oppose them , not excepting Our owne Person , directly against the law of God , the law of Nations , and the municipall lawes of that Our Kingdome : So that after this their Protestation , they perfected that which they had before begun confusedly , and as it were in a ruder draught : For then , contrarie to Our expresse commandement and authoritie expressed in Our last Proclamations , and repeated unto them by Our Councell , they did erect a great number of Tables ( as they called them ) in Edinburgh ▪ Foure principall , One of the Nobilitie , another of the Gentrie , a third of the Burroughes , a fourth of Ministers ; and the Gentrie had manie subordinate Tables , according to their severall Shires : These severall Tables did consult of what they thought fit to bee propounded at the generall Table , which consisteth of severall Commissioners chosen from the other foure Tables ; and what they of the generall Table resolved on , was to be put in practice with a blinde and Jesuiticall obedience : A rare and unheard forme of Government in a Kingdome whose Government ever was Monarchicall , and which they themselves still say continueth to be so : Sure these meetings by wise men have been accounted rather Stables of unruly horses , broken loose and pulling downe all they can reach , then Tables for the consultations of wise and rationall men . Now the first dung which from these Stables was throwne upon the face of Authoritie and Government , was that lewd Covenant , and seditious Band annexed unto it , which We here subjoine , because We are confident that by the verie recitall and perusall of it , every religious and wise man may run and read that sentence of condemnation which it carrieth in its owne front . THE CONFESSION OF FAITH OF THE KIRK OF SCOTLAND , SUBSCRIBED By the Kings Majestie and his Houshold in the yeare of God 1580. WITH A Designation of such Acts of Parliament as are expedient for justifying the union after mentioned ; And Subscribed by the Nobles , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , in the yeare of God 1638. JOSH. 24.25 . So Joshua made a Covenant with the people the same day , and gave them an Ordinance and Law in Sichem . 2 KING . 11.17 . And Jehoiada made a Covenant between the Lord and the King , and the people , that they should be the Lords people ; likewise betweene the King and the people . ISAIA 44.5 . One shall say , I am the Lord : another shall be called by the name of Jacob : and another shall subscribe with his hand unto the Lord , &c. The Kings Majesties Charge , to all Commissioners and Ministers within this Realme , in the yeare of God 1580. SEeing that VVe and Our Houshold have Subscribed and given this publike Confession of Our Faith , to the good example of Our subjects , VVe command and charge all Commissioners and Ministers , to crave the same Confession of their Parochianars , and proceed against the refusers , according to Our Lawes and Order of the Kirk , delivering their names and lawfull processe to the Ministers of Our House , with all haste and diligence , under the paine of fourtie pound to be taken from their stipend , that VVe , with the advice of Our Councell , may take order with such proud contemners of God and Our Lawes . Subscribed with Our Hand , at Haly-rud-house , 1580. the 2. day of March , the 14. yeare of Our Reigne . The Confession of Faith of the Kirke of SCOTLAND . The confession of Faith , subscribed at first by the Kings Majesty and His Houshold , in the yeere of God 1580. Thereafter , by Persons of all rankes , in the yeere 1581. by ordinance of the Lords of the Secret Councell , and Acts of the Generall Assembly . Subscribed againe by all sorts of Persons in the yeere 1590. by a new Ordinance of Councell , at the desire of the Generall Assembly : With a generall Band for maintenance of the true Religion and the Kings Person . And now subscribed in the yeere 1638. by us , Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons under subscribing : Together with our resolution and promises , for the causes after specified , To maintaine the said true Religion , and the Kings Majestie , according to the Confession foresaid , and Acts of Parliament . The Tenor whereof here followeth . WEe All , and every one of us underwritten , Protest , That , after long and due examination of our owne Consciences , in matters of true and false Religion , are now throughly resolved of the Truth , by the Word and Spirit of God , and therefore we beleeve with our hearts , confesse with our mouths , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before God and the whole World ; that this only is the true Christian Faith and Religion , pleasing God , and bringing Salvation to man , which now is by the mercy of God revealed to the world , by the preaching of the blessed Evangel . And received , beleeved , and defended , by many and sundry notable Kirks and Realmes , but chiefly by the Kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majestie , and three Estates of this Realm , as Gods eternall Truth , and onely ground of our Salvation : as more particularly is expressed in the Confession of our Faith , stablished , and publikely confirmed by sundry Acts of Parliaments , and now of a long time hath been openly professed by the Kings Majestie , and whole body of this Realme , both in Burgh and Land. To the which Confession and forme of Religion , wee willingly agree in our consciences in all points , as unto Gods undoubted Truth and Verity , grounded onely upon his written Word . And therefore , Wee abhorre and detest all contrarie Religion , and Doctrine : But chiefly , all kinde of Papistrie , in generall and particular heads , even as they are now damned and confuted by the Word of God , and Kirk of Scotland : but in speciall we detest and refuse the usurped authoritie of that Roman Antichrist , upon the Scriptures of God , upon the Kirk , the civill Magistrate , and Consciences of men . All his tyrannous lawes made upon indifferent things against our Christian libertie . His erroneous Doctrine , against the sufficiencie of the written VVord , the perfection of the Law , the office of Christ and his blessed Evangel . His corrupted Doctrine concerning originall sinne , our naturall inabilitie and rebellion to Gods Law , our justification by faith onely , our imperfect sanctification and obedience to the Law , the nature , number , and use of the holy Sacraments . His five bastard Sacraments , with all his Rites , Ceremonies , and false Doctrine , added to the ministration of the true Sacraments without the VVord of God. His cruell judgement against Infants , departing without the Sacrament : his absolute necessitie of Baptisme : his blasphemous opinion of Transubstantiation , or reall presence of Christs body in the Elements , and receiving of the same by the wicked , or bodies of men . His dispensations with solemn oaths , perjuries , and degrees of Marriage forbidden in the VVord : his crueltie against the innocent divorced : his divellish Masse ▪ his blasphemous Priesthood : his profane Sacrifice for the sins of the dead and the quick : his Canonization of men , calling upon Angels or Saints departed , worshipping of Imagerie , Relicks , and Crosses , dedicating of Kirks , Altars , Daies , Vowes to creatures ; his Purgatorie , praiers for the dead , praying or speaking in a strange language , with his Processions and blasphemous Letanie , and multitude of Advocates or Mediators : his manifold Orders , Auricular Confession : his desperate and uncertaine repentance ; his generall and doubtsome faith ; his satisfactions of men for their sins : his justification by works , opus operatum , works of supererogation , Merits , Pardons , Peregrinations , and Stations : his holy VVater , baptising of Bels , conjuring of Spirits , crossing , saning , anointing , conjuring , hallowing of Gods good creatures , with the superstitious opinion joined therewith : his worldly Monarchy , and wicked Hierarchie : his three solemne vowes , with all his shavelings of sundry sorts , his erroneous and bloudie decrees made at Trent , with all the subscribers and approvers of that cruell and bloudie Band , conjured against the Kirk of God : and finally , we detest all his vain Allegories , Rites , Signs , and Traditions , brought in the Kirk , without or against the VVord of God , and Doctrine of this true reformed Kirk ; to the which we joyne our selves willingly , in Doctrine , Faith , Religion , Discipline , and use of the Holy Sacraments , as lively members of the same , in Christ our Head : promising , and swearing by the Great Name of the Lord our GOD , that we shall continue in the obedience of the Doctrine and Discipline of this Kirk , and shall defend the same according to our vocation and power , all the dayes of our lives , under the paines contained in the Law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of Gods fearfull Judgement : and seeing that many are stirred up by Satan and that Romane Antichrist to promise , sweare , subscribe , and for a time use the Holy Sacraments in the Kirk deceitfully , against their owne consciences , minding thereby , first , under the externall cloake of Religion , to corrupt and subvert secretly Gods true Religion within the Kirk , and afterward , when time may serve , to become open enemies and persecuters of the same , under vaine hope of the Popes dispensation , devised against the Word of God , to his greater confusion , and their double condemnation in the day of the LORD JESUS . We therefore , willing to take away all suspition of hypocrisie , and of such double dealing with God and his Kirk , Protest , and call The Searcher of all hearts for witnesse , that our minds and hearts do fully agree with this our Confession , Promise , Oath and Subscription ; so that we are not moved for any worldly respect , but are perswaded only in our Consciences through the knowledge and love of Gods true Religion , printed in our hearts by the holy Spirit , as we shall answer to Him in the day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed . And because we perceive that the quietnesse and stability of our Religion and Kirk doth depend upon the safety and good behaviour of the Kings Majestie , as upon a comfortable instrument of Gods mercy granted to this Countrey for the maintaining of His Kirk , and ministration of Justice amongst us , wee protest and promise with our hearts under the same Oath , Hand-writ , and paines , that wee shall defend His Person and Authority , with our goods , bodies , and lives , in the defence of Christ his Evangel , Liberties of our Countrey , ministration of Justice , and punishment of iniquity , against all enemies within this Realme , or without , as we desire our God to be a strong and mercifull Defender to us in the day of our death , and comming of our Lord Jesus Christ : To whom , with the Father , and the Holy Spirit , be all honour and glorie eternally . LIke as many Acts of Parliament not onely in generall doe abrogate , annull , and rescind all Lawes , Statutes , Acts , Constitutions , Canons civill or Municipall , with all other Ordinances and practicke penalties whatsoever , made in prejudice of the true Religion and Professours thereof : Or , of the true Kirk discipline , jurisdiction and freedome thereof : Or , in favours of Idolatrie and superstition : Or , of the Papisticall Kirk : As , Act. 3. Act. 31. Parl. 1 ▪ Act. 23. Parl. 11. Act. 114. Parl. 12. of King James the sixt , That Papistrie and Superstition may be utterly suppressed , according to the intention of the Acts of Parlament reported in Act. 5. Parl. 20. K. James 6. And to that end they ordaine all Papists and Priests to be punished by manifold Civill and Ecclesiasticall paines , as adversaries to Gods true Religion , preached and by law established within this Realme , Act. 24. Parl. 11. K. James 6. as common enemies to all Christian government , Act. 18. Parl. 16. K. James 6. as rebellers and gainstanders of our Soveraigne Lords authoritie , Act. 47. Parl. 3. K. James 6. and as Idolaters , Act. 104. Parl. 7. K. James 6. but also in particular ( by and attour the Confession of faith ) do abolish and condemne the Popes authoritie and jurisdiction out of this land , and ordaines the maintainers thereof to be punished , Act. 2. Parl. 1. Act. 51. Parl. 3. Act. 106. Parl. 7. Act. 114. Parl. 12. K. James 6. do condemne the Popes erroneous doctrine , or any other erroneous doctrine repugnant to any of the Articles of the true and Christian Religion publikely preached , and by Law established in this Realm : And ordaines the spreaders and makers of Books or Libels , or Letters , or writs of that nature to be punished , Act. 46. Parl. 3. Act. 106. Parl. 7. Act. 24. Parl. 11. K. James 6. doe condemne all Baptisme conform to the Popes kirk and the idolatry of the Masse , and ordaines all sayers , wilfull hearers , and concealers of the Masse , the maintainers and resetters of the Priests , Jesuites , traffiquing Papists , to be punished without any exception or restriction ▪ Act. 5. Parl. 1. Act. 120. Parl. 12. Act. 164. Parl. 13. Act. 193. Parl. 14. Act. 1. Parl. 19. Act. 5. Parl. 20. K. James 6. do condemne all erroneous books and writs containing erroneous doctrine against the Religion presently professed , or containing superstitious Rites and Ceremonies Papisticall , whereby the people are greatly abused , and ordaines the homebringers of them to be punished , Act. 25. Parl. 11. K. James 6. do condemn the monuments and dregs of bygane Idolatrie , as going to Crosses , observing the Festivall dayes of Saincts , and such other superstitious and Papisticall Rites , to the dishonour of God , contempt of true Religion , and fostering of great errour among the people , and ordaines the users of them to be punished for the second fault as Idolaters , Act. 104. Parl. 7. K. James 6. Like as many Acts of Parlament are conceived for maintenance of Gods true and Christian Religion , and the puritie thereof in Doctrine and Sacraments of the true Church of God , the libertie and freedome thereof , in her Nationall , Synodall Assemblies , Presbyteries , Sessions , Policie , Discipline and Jurisdiction thereof , as that puritie of Religion and libertie of the Church was used , professed , exercised , preached , and confessed according to the reformation of Religion in this Realm . As for instance , Act. 99. Parl. 7. Act. 23. Parl. 11. Act. 114. Parl. 12. Act. 160. Parl. 13. K. James 6. ratified by Act. 4. K. Charles . So that Act. 6. Parl. 1. and Act. 68. Parl. 6. of K. James 6. in the yeare of God 1579. declares the Ministers of the blessed Evangel , whom God of his mercie had raised up , or hereafter should raise , agreeing with them that then lived in Doctrine and administration of the Sacraments , and the people that professed Christ , as he was then offered in the Evangel , and doth communicate with the holy Sacraments ( as in the reformed kirkes of this Realme they were presently administrate ) according to the Confession of Faith , to be the true and holy kirk of Christ Jesus within this Realme , and decernes and declares all and sundrie , who either gainsayes the VVord of the Evangel , received and approved as the heads of the Confession of Faith , professed in Parlament in the yeare of God 1560. specified also in the first Parlament of K. James 6. and ratified in this present Parlament , more particularly do specifie ; or that refuses the administration of the holy Sacraments , as they were then ministrated , to be no members of the said kirk within this Realme , and true Religion presently professed , so long as they keepe themselves so divided from the societie of Christs bodie : And the subsequent Act. 69. Parl. 6. K. James 6. declares , That there is no other face of kirke , nor other face of Religion , then was presently at that time , by the favour of God , established within this Realme , which therefore is ever stiled Gods true Religion , Christs true Religion , the true and Christian Religion , and a perfect Religion . Which , by manifold Acts of Parlament , all within this Realme , are bound to professe to subscribe the articles thereof , the Confession of Faith , to recant all doctrine and errours repugnant to any of the said Articles , Act. 4. and 9. Parl. 1. Act. 45.46.47 . Parl. 3. Act. 71. Parl. 6. Act. 106. Parl. 7. Act. 24. Parl. 11. Act. 123. Parl. 12. Act. 194. and 197. Parl. 14. of K. James 6. And all Magistrates , Sheriffes , &c. on the one part , are ordained to search , apprehend , and punish all contraviners : for instance , Act. 5. Parl. 1. Act. 104. Parl. 7. Act. 25. . Parl. 11. K. James 6. And that , notwithstanding of the Kings Majestes licences on the contrary , which are discharged and declared to be of no force , in so farre as they tend in any wayes to the prejudice and hinder of the execution of the Acts of Parlament against Papists , and adversaries of true Religion , Act. 106. Par. 7. K. James 6. on the other part , in the 47. Act. Parl. 3. K. James 6. it is declared and ordained , seeing the cause of Gods true Religion and his Highnesse Authority are so joyned , as the hurt of the one is common to both ; and that none shall be reputed as loyall and faithfull subjects to our Soveraigne Lord , or his Authority , but be punishable as rebellers and gainstanders of the same , who shall not give their Confession , and make their profession of the said true Religion ; and that they who after defection shall give the Confession of their faith of new , they shall promise to continue therein in time comming , to maintaine our Soveraigne Lords Authoritie , and at the uttermost of their power to fortifie , assist , and maintaine the true Preachers and Professours of Christs Religion , against whatsoever enemies and gainstanders of the same : and namely , against all such of whatsoever nation , estate , or degree they be of , that have joyned and bound themselves , or have assisted or assists , to set forward and execute the cruell decrees of Trent , contrary to the Preachers and true Professours of the Word of God , which is repeated word by word in the Articles of Pacification at Pearth the 23 of February 1572. approved by Parlament the last of Aprill 1573. ratified in Parlament 1578. And related , Act. 123. Parl. 12. of K. James 6. with this addition , That they are bound to resist all treasonable uproares and hostilities raised against the true Religion , the Kings Majestie , & the true Professors . Like as all lieges are bound to maintain the K. Majesties Royal Person and authority , the authority of Parlaments , without the which neither any laws or lawful judicatories can be established , Act. 130. Act. 131. Par. 8. K. Ja : 6. & the subjects liberties , who ought only to live and be governed by the Kings lawes , the common lawes of this Realm allanerly , Act. 48. Parl. 3. K. James 1. Act. 79. Parl. 6. K. James 4 : repeated in Act. 131. Parl. 8. K. James 6. VVhich , if they be innovated or prejudged , the Commission anent the union of the two kingdomes of Scotland and England , which is the sole Act of the 17. Parl. of K. James 6. declares , such confusion would ensue , as this Realme could be no more a free Monarchie , because by the fundamentall lawes , ancient priviledges , offices and liberties of this kingdome , not onely the Princely authoritie of his Majesties royall discent hath bin these manie ages maintained , but also the peoples securitie of their lands , livings , rights , offices , liberties & dignities preserved ; and therefore for the preservation of the said true Religion , Lawes , and Liberties of this kingdome , it is statute by Act. 8. Parl. 1. repeated in Act. 99. Parl. 7. ratified in Act. 23. Parl. 11. and 114. Act. of K. James 6. and 4. Act. of K. Charles , That all kings and Princes at their Coronation and reception of their Princely authoritie , shall make their faithfull promise by their solemn oath in the presence of the eternall God , that enduring the whole time of their lives , they shall serve the same eternall God , to the uttermost of their power , according as he hath required in his most holy VVord , contained in the old and new Testaments . And according to the same VVord , shall maintain the true Religion of Christ Jesus , the preaching of his holy VVord , the due and right ministration of the Sacraments , now received and preached within this Realme ( according to the Confession of Faith immediately preceding ) and shall abolish and gainstand all false Religion , contrarie to the same , and shall rule the people committed to their charge , according to the will and command of God revealed in his foresaid VVord , and according to the lowable lawes and constitutions received in this Realm , no waies repugnant to the said will of the eternall God , and shal procure , to the uttermost of their power , to the kirk of God , and whole Christian people , true and perfit peace in all time comming ; and that they shall be carefull to root out of their Empire all Hereticks , and enemies to the true worship of God , who shall be convicted by the true kirk of God of the foresaid crimes ; which was also observed by his Majesty at his Coronation in Edinburgh 1633. as may be seene in the order of the Coronation . In obedience to the commandement of God , conform to the practice of the godly in former times , and according to the laudable example of our worthy and religious Progenitors , and of many yet living amongst us , which was warranted also by Act of Councell , commanding a generall Band to bee made and subscribed by his Majesties subjects of all ranks , for two causes : One was , for defending the true Religion , as it was then reformed , and is expressed in the Confession of Faith above written , and a former large Confession established by sundrie acts of lawfull Generall Assemblies , and of Parlament , unto which it hath relation , set downe in publicke Cathechismes , and which had beene for many yeeres with a blessing from heaven , preached , and professed in this Kirk and Kingdome , as Gods undoubted truth , grounded onely upon his written Word : The other cause was , for maintaining the Kings Majestie his Person and Estate ; the true Worship of God , and the Kings authoritie being so straightly joyned , as that they had the same friends and common enemies , and did stand and fall together . And finally , being convinced in our minds , and confessing with our mouthes , that the present and succeeding generations in this Land , are bound to keep the foresaid nationall Oath and subscription inviolable , We Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons under subscribing , considering divers times before , and especially at this time , the danger of the true reformed Religion , of the Kings honour , and of the publicke peace of the Kingdome , by the manifold innovations and evils generally contained and particularly mentioned in our late supplications , complaints , and protestations , doe hereby professe , and before God , his Angels , and the World solemnely declare , That , with our whole hearts wee agree and resolve all the daies of our life constantly to adhere unto , and to defend the foresaid true Religion , and forbearing the practice of all novations , already introduced in the matters of the worship of God , or approbation of the corruptions of the publick Government of the Kirk , or civill places and power of Kirkmen , till they bee tryed and allowed in free Assemblies , and in Parlaments , to labour by all meanes lawfull to recover the purity and libertie of the Gospel , as it was established and professed before the foresaid novations : And because , after due examination , wee plainly perceive , and undoubtedly beleeve , that the Innovations and evils contained in our Supplications , Complaints , and Protestations have no warrant of the Word of God , are contrary to the Articles of the foresaid Confessions , to the intention and meaning of the blessed Reformers of Religion in this Land , to the above written Acts of Parlament , and doe sensibly tend to the re-establishing of the Popish Religion and tyranny , and to the subversion and ruine of the true Reformed Religion , and of our Liberties , Lawes , and Estates . VVe also declare , that the foresaid Confessions are to bee interpreted and ought to be understood of the foresaid novations and evils , no lesse then if everie one of them had beene expressed in the foresaid Confessions ; and that wee are obliged to detest and abhorre them , amongst other particular heads of Papistrie abjured therein . And therefore from the knowledge and conscience of our dutie to God , to our King and Countrey , without any worldly respect or inducement , so farre as humane infirmitie will suffer , wishing a further measure of the grace of God for this effect , VVe promise and sweare , by the Great Name of the Lord our GOD , to continue in the Profession and Obedience of the foresaid Religion : That we shall defend the same , and resist all these contrarie errours and corruptions , according to our vocation , and to the uttermost of that power that God hath put in our hands , all the dayes of our life : And in like manner , with the same heart , we declare before God and Men , That we have no intention nor desire to attempt any thing that may turne to the dishonour of God , or to the diminution of the Kings Greatnesse and Authoritie : But on the contrarie , we promise and sweare , that wee shall , to the uttermost of our power , with our meanes and lives , stand to the defence of our dread Soveraign , the Kings Majestie , his Person and Authoritie , in the defence and preservation of the foresaid true Religion , Liberties and Lawes of the Kingdome ; As also to the mutuall defence and assistance , everie one of us of another in the same cause of maintaining the true Religion , and his Majesties Authoritie , with our best counsell , our bodies , meanes , and whole power , against all sorts of persons whatsoever . So that , whatsoever shall be done to the least of us for that cause , shall be taken as done to us all in generall , and to everie one of us in particular . And that we shall neither directly nor indirectly suffer our selves to be divided or withdrawn by whatsoever suggestion , combination , allurement , or terrour , from this blessed and loyall Conjunction , nor shall cast in any let , or impediment that may stay or hinder any such resolution , as by common consent shall be found to conduce for so good ends . But on the contrarie , shall by all lawfull meanes labour to further and promove the same : and if any such dangerous and divisive motion be made to us by VVord or VVrit , wee , and everie one of us , shall either suppresse it , or , if need be , shall incontinent make the same known , that it may bee timously obviated ; neither do we feare the foule aspersions of rebellion , combination , or what else our adversaries from their craft and malice would put upon us , seeing what we do is so well warranted , and ariseth from an unfained desire to maintaine the true worship of God , the Majestie of our King , and the peace of the Kingdome , for the common happinesse of our selves , and the posteritie . And because we cannot look for a blessing from God upon our proceedings , except with our Profession and Subscription we joyne such a life and conversation , as beseemeth Christians , who have renewed their Covenant with God ; VVee , therefore faithfully promise , for our selves , our followers , and all others under us , both in publike , in our particular families and personall carriage , to endevour to keep our selves within the bounds of Christian libertie , and to be good examples to others of all Godlinesse , Sobernesse , and Righteousnesse , and of everie dutie we owe to God and Man. And that this our Union and Conjunction may bee observed without violation , VVee call the living God , the Searcher of our Hearts , to witnesse , who knoweth this to be our sincere Desire , and unfained Resolution , as we shall answer to JESUS CHRIST in the great day , and under the paine of Gods everlasting wrath , and of infamie , and of losse of all honour and respect in this World : Most humblie beseeching the LORD , to strengthen us by his holy Spirit for this end , and to blesse our desires and proceedings with a happie successe , that Religion and Righteousnesse may flourish in the Land , to the glorie of God , the honour of our King , and peace and comfort of us all . In witnesse whereof we have subscribed with our hands all the premisses , &c. TO dispute against this Covenant scholastically , or otherwise then by vindicating Our Royall Authoritie , and the Monarchicall government of that Our ancient Kingdome , is farre beneath Us ; and therefore Wee would onely know , how they can possibly answer these foure questions to the world . First , by what authoritie they entered into this Covenant , and how they durst presume to exact an Oath from any of Our subjects to it , or any thing else ; it being an irrefragable proposition , That no publike Oath can bee administred but by a Magistrate , or by one sufficiently deputed by authoritie to administer it : For it is a badge annexed to Magistracie and Authoritie , to have power of giving and taking an oath ; and therefore they cannot satisfie the world by what Authoritie or deputation from Authoritie they did give this oath to , and receive it from Our subjects . They do answer , that though they have no Law for it , yet they have President ; For this Confession of Faith ( say they in the title of their Covenant ) was subscribed by Our Father of happie memorie , and his houshold , in the year 1580. thereafter by persons of all ranks in the yeare 1581. and that by the ordinance of the Lords of the Secret Councel , and Acts of the Generall Assemblie : Subs●ribed againe , by all sorts of persons in the yeare 1590. by a new ordinance of Councell at the desire of the Generall Assemblie , with a generall band for maintenance of true Religion and the Kings person . Now , was this their Confession of Faith , and Covenant annexed , commanded to bee sworne and subscribed by Us , by any order from Our Councell , or by any Act of Generall Assembly ? But they will say , that it being once commanded , that commandement is still in force and vigour . That is indeed a good ground or president for Us and Our Councell , to command this same oath to be renewed when We shall see cause ; but the repetition of it must still be by the same Authoritie by which it was at the first injoyned : Now , the first injunction of this subscription was made by Our Royall Father , in the yeare 1580. the first renewing of it in 1581. was ( as they say themselves ) by an ordinance of the Lords of the Secret Councell ; the second renewing of it 1590. was by a new ordinance of Councell at the desire of the Generall Assemblie . By which it is plaine , that the judgement of the Generall Assemblie , ( which in those daies was at the highest , and was not wont to derogate from their owne power ) was , that this oath could not be renewed , nor any band , but by authoritie from Our Royall Father and His Councell . Againe , have they not printed in the frontispice of this their Covenant Our Royall Father his charge to certain Commissioners , and all Ministers within that Realme , for requiring this oath , with a command to returne to the Ministers of his house , the names and processes of all such as should refuse to take the said oath . Now , did any of all these precede their Covenant ? Was Our authoritie , or the authoritie of Our Councell so much as asked , much lesse obtained ? Were there any Commissioners by Us , or Our Councell appointed to receive this oath in the severall Shires ? Nay , as shall appeare afterward in due place , when We , with the advice of Our Councell , by Proclamation did command the renewing of that oath , and designed Commissioners throughout the severall Shires of the Kingdome for administring of it , did not those , who call themselves of the Table , refuse to sweare it themselves , and command that none of the Kingdome should sweare it by any authoritie from Us ? And is not this pulling down of Our authoritie , and setting themselves in Our place ? So that if the Reader look upon the title and inscription of their Covenant , he shall finde ( as Wee said ) that it carrieth the overthrow of it in its owne front . Secondly , say they had power to command the new taking of this oath , ( as they had not , ) yet what power can be pretended for their interpretation of it ? It being a received Maxime , That no lesse authoritie can interpret a Law or Rescript , then that which made it , or those , whom they who made it have constituted Judges to give judgement and sentence according to the true meaning of it . This oath then being first framed and urged by our Royall Father , with the advice of his Councell , can it be interpreted by any but by Us , and His and Our successours ? And have either We or Our Councell given any such interpretation ? Nay , can any man , though in authoritie , indued with Religion or reason , with any conscience or honestie , give not onely so false , but so ridiculous and absurd an interpretation of that Confession of faith , as those of the Table have given ? For they have declared , That this Confession is to bee interpreted , and ought to be understood of all the pretended Novations , no lesse then if everie one of them had beene expressed in the said Confession . Had they said that they themselves did prohibite these pretended novations , as other points of Poperie in that confession abjured , the words had then carried some sense , as intimating that they themselves did now think that they did tend to Poperie : But that they should force any man to sweare that the framers of that Confession at the first did so , they being all dead , & so never were asked , nor can bee asked the question ; or that they should make men living sweare what was the minde of the dead , concerning the five Articles of Pearth , the Service Book , the Book of Canons , the high Commission , things of which in their lives they never heard , nor perhaps did ever imagine the introduction of them , ( they in that Confession abjuring onely those Romish corruptions , which in their time had infested the Church , ) is such a profane and foolish interpretation , that one would wonder how any one that either hath the knowledge , or maketh conscience of an oath , can either himselfe take , or desire others to take an oath so false and foolish as this : And therefore , with more wit then honestie , where they met with no scrupulous people , they suffered them to swallow down that wicked glosse which corrupteth the verie text of the Confession : But where multitudes , especially of the Ministers , ( who at their admissions had sworn obedience to , and practise of these points which they call innovations , ) quarrelled at this their interpretation , they assured them , that it would breed a great division if they should desire but the least alteration of the words in which their Covenant was conceived , but yet that they might verie well sweare all , with a reservation of not abjuring Episcopacie , the five Articles of Pearth , or any thing established by Acts of Parliament and Generall Assemblie : With which Protestation and reservation , and not otherwise , many , especially of the Ministers , did sweare their Covenant , as they themselves do well know : which was such a notable peece of Jesuiticall equivocation on their parts , who exacted this oath , and contrarie to the verie letter and grammaticall sense of the oath it selfe , especially in that part of it which containeth their interpretation of the Confession , as the like hath scarcely beene heard . Thirdly , where was it ever heard that men , pretending for a ground of their proceedings , the president of a former Confession and band annexed , did dare to adde any thing to the text of that Confession and band upon which they meant to build their actions ? But these men have taken upon them , not onely without authoritie to make an interpretation of that Confession , but flatly against Authoritie , to adde to the verie text of the band of maintenance : For whereas the band annexed to the former Confession was made in defence of Us , Our Authoritie and Person , with their fortunes , bodies and lives , in defence of the Gospel of Christ , and liberties of that Our Kingdome , &c. they have added a mutuall defence of one another ; So that the band , which was at the first made against those subjects who went about to correspond with forreiners for the subversion of Our Religion and Kingdome , is now made against all persons whatsoever , who shall oppose them in their courses . That band which was made in defence of Our person and authoritie , against all treason at home and invasion from abroad , is now principally made against Us , if We shall oppose their courses ; and next , against all such of Our loyall subjects as shall adhere to Us in defence of Our person and authoritie : For these words , against all persons whatsoever , not excepting Us , shewes their bad meaning too well . Now , whether Our Royall Father in the first band , by defence of His person and authoritie , meant maintenance against Us His successor , Our person and authoritie ( for they urge the intention of the first Confession and band as a warrant for this new one of theirs , ) or whether the words of the Emperour , or any Monarch , or any other Law-giver , in any of their Lawes or Rescripts , can bee taken in any tolerable construction against the Crowne and Dignitie of themselves and successors ; Or how these new Covenanters can with the same breath blow both hot and cold , with the same hand both strike and stroake Us , in one sentence swearing to defend Our person and authoritie , and yet in the next swearing to defend one another against all persons whatsoever , not excepting Us , if not principally intending Us , We leave it to the world to consider . Fourthly , what shew of defence can these men make , to save themselves from being punished with all rigour , as movers of sedition , and disturbers of the publike peace and quietnesse of the Kingdom , since the Act of the tenth Parliament of James the sixt , Act. 12. and the 75. Act of the ninth Parliament of Queene Marie , to which the Act last mentioned relateth , have declared all leagues of subjects amongst themselves , without the privitie and approbation of the King , to be seditious , and the Authors and Abetters of them to be punished as movers of sedition ? The tenth Parliament of James the sixth , Act. 12. FOrasmuch as there was an Act made in the Regiment of Mary , late Queen dowager , and Regent of this Realme , Our Soveraigne Lords grandmother of worthy memory , concerning leagues and bands , as being thought , against all law and obedience of subjects towards their Princes ; The not observation of which Act since the making , hath given occasion of many troubles which have occurred since : VVherefore Our Soveraigne Lord , with the advice of His three Estates , conveened in this present Parliament , ratifieth , approveth , and for His successours perpetually confirmeth the said Act of Parliament , and ordaineth the same to have full effect and ●xecution in all time to come : And also of new , with the advice of His said three Estates , dischargeth and annulleth all leagues and bands made between his lieges and subjects at any time by-past preceding the date hereof : And statuteth and ordaineth , that in time to come no leagues nor bands be made amongst His subjects , of any degree , upon whatsoever colour or pretence , without His Highnesse or His successours privitie and consent had and obtained thereunto , under the paine of being held and executed as movers of sedition and unquietnesse , to the breach and trouble of the publick peace of the Realme , and to be cited and pursued therefore with all rigour to the example of others . The ninth Parliament of Queen Mary , Act. 75. IT is statuted and ordained by the Queenes Majestie , and three Estates in Parliament , That no manner of person or persons , of whatsoever qualitie , estate , condition , or degree , lieges of this Realme , attempt to doe or raise any bands of men of warre , on horse or foot , with Culverings , Pistols , Pikes , Spears , Jacks , Splents , Steel-bonnets , white harnis , or other warre-like munition whatsoever , for daily , weekly , or monethly wages in any time to come , without speciall licence in writing had and obtained of Our Soveraigne Lady and her successours , under the paine of death , to be executed upon the raisers of the said bands , as also upon them that doe conveen and rise in bands . Now Our consent to their Covenant was not onely never granted , but never so much as once asked . When they have satisfied these important questions and considerations , which are obvious to all men who are acquainted with Lawes and Government , then let them bethinke themselves how they will answer , not onely to all Divines abroad who are not Jesuited , but even to their own Universities at home in that Our Kingdome , in the case of conscience , how any Oath , much lesse such an unlawfull Oath as this , can be administred to any Prince his subjects , without his consent or authoritie . There are but two Universities in Scotland which conferre all Degrees , S. Andrewes and Aberdene ; both these , upon the first comming abroad of this their Covenant and Oath , did oppose it , and severally set forth , sent abroad and dispersed in writing , those excellent and unanswerable Reasons against it , which Wee have seene and have , but which the Covenanters did never answer . Besides , the Divines of Aberdene set out in print their Queries to the three Ministers , sent thither from their Table to perswade their Covenant , which how poorely and pitifully they answered , and so againe , how they answered the same mens Duplies , as miserably as their former Queries , We leave to the judgement of Schollers , to whom these three Ministers weakenesse in their answers hath made them sufficiently ridiculous . There is likewise an Universitie in Glascow , which because it hath but one Colledge , and hath not of late conferred any Degree above that of Master of Arts , is called the Colledge of Glascow . They of that Colledge were verie backward to come into their Covenant , untill they were extremely threatned ; and when they came in , they premitted such interpretations and limitations , as were destructive of the verie foundation of it ; some of the Regents never came in at all . In the Colledge of Edinburgh , where there are but foure Regents , how two of them , for not subscribing their Covenant , were expelled from their places , is notoriously knowne . Now one would thinke , that in any Kingdome the judgement of the learned Professors in Universities and Colledges , in a point of conscience , should weigh downe the groundlesse opinions of their Tables , consisting of Noblemen , Gentlemen , Ministers and Tradesmen . But leaving the many unanswerable reasons which may be brought against this their Covenant , Wee shall desire the Reader to observe three things , which appeared at the verie first comming out of it : First , how in it they swelled farre above all that ever was complained of , either in their tumults or petitions : In their tumults they complained onely of the Service Booke ; in their petition exhibited to Our Councell and sent up to Us , they complained of the Service Booke and Booke of Canons ; more of their grievances then , Wee knew not : Now in this their Covenant , besides these two , they complaine of , and doe abjure , as they make their adherents beleeve , the five Articles of Pearth , which were established by Acts , first of the generall Assembly , and then of Parliament ; Then they complaine of the high Commission , which ever since the yeare 1609. hath beene quietly established and in practise amongst them ; Then they complaine of Prelats sitting in civill Judicatories ; a thing which Wee cannot chuse but wonder at , not only in regard of Our Selfe , whom by this meanes they would robbe of the benefit of the abilities of any of Our subjects in Our counsels and affaires of State , as if holy Orders did superinduce a dissabilitie for civill Wisedome and Prudence ; but especially in regard of themselves , because by this strange conceit they contradict , more then they are aware of , their owne false and prodigious opinions : for what incongruitie can they finde in it , for a Bishop to sit at Our Councell Table , where many causes are heard , in which Religion is concerned ; or in Our Session , where many Church-men have trialls for their maintenance ? when they themselves hold it not onely convenient , but necessarie , and that even jure divino , that Noblemen , Gentlemen , Merchants , Taylors , Sadlers , Shoomakers , and others of most mechanicall Trades , shall sit and give sentence in Parochiall Sessions and in Presbyteries , in Causes Ecclesiasticall , and those of the highest nature , even the last and supremest censures of the Church , Excommunication , and depriving of Ministers ; nay , that they shall give sentence in the generall Assembly ( a Judicatorie which now they hold to be above Our Session , Councell , or Parliament ; for they maintaine that the Acts of that Assembly may , in many cases , disannull and derogate from the Acts of the other three ) where they doe assume to themselves to determine all questions de Fide , Cultu & Disciplina , of Faith , Worship or Discipline , and in which of late they did assume to themselves power to determine , and , according to their weake and poore power , did determine controversies concerning Predestination , universall Grace , irresistibilitie of Grace , concurrence of Free-will with Grace , totall or finall falling from Grace , and other such like intricate points , as some men would be loath to live so long untill they could make them understand them . Secondly , Wee desire the Reader to observe with what affections this their Covenant was received abroad , both by Protestants and Papists , at the very first publishing of it : By Papists it was received with infinite joy , as hoping that now the time was come in which both Wee and Our Successors might be brought to abhorre and detest that Religion , whose professed Zelots had beene the authours of such an unsufferable Covenant , which could not consist with Monarchie ; which appeared to Us most evidently by the advertisements which then were sent up to Us from some of Our Councell of that Kingdome , that the sudden and frequent arrivall of Priests and Jesuites from Doway and other Seminaries beyond the Seas , was so great , in hope of their welcome to Us because of this seditious Covenant , that unlesse some speedie order were taken for their present discouragement and sending backe , the evill might quickly passe remedie ; which moved Us , notwithstanding these present broiles , to take present order for such proceedings against them , as they were forced to retire . With Protestants abroad , it was received with most offensive scandall and infinite griefe ; which appeared unto Us by advertisements from some of Our publique Ministers abroad , who certified Us , that both the Ministers and others of their Consistorie at Charenton , and of other Reformed Churches in France , as also the Professors , Ministers , and Consistorie of Geneva , and of other neighbouring Reformed Churches in those parts , were so scandalized with this prodigious Covenant , as that they were afraid of nothing more then this , that it would bring an indeleble scandall upon the Reformed Churches , and alienate the mindes of all the Princes of Christendome from ever entertaining a good thought of their Religion . Of what condition then and fearfull consequence that Covenant is , which bringeth griefe and offence to Our friends , joy and triumph to Our enemies , is evident to all eyes that are opened . Thirdly , We desire the Reader to consider with what furie and madnesse this Covenant , after it was conceived , was obtruded to all sorts of people : with what threatnings , with what beating , tearing of the clothes , drawing of the bloud , and exposing to thousands of injuries and reproaches , at Edinburgh , Saint Andrews , Glascow , Lanarick , and many places more , of those Ministers , who out of religious conscience towards God , and loyall carriage towards Us , did either disswade their Parishioners from entring into it , or could not by their intreaties or threatnings be perswaded to enter into it themselves . No doubt it cannot be a Covenant approved by God , the first bitter and accursed fruits whereof were the many drops of bloud drawne from many of Gods Ministers , which now no doubt doe call for Gods vengeance upon the whole land . Now , the fire of this seditious Covenant flaming thoroughout all the corners of the Kingdome , and that to such an unexpected height and violence , as it was past both the skill and power of Our Councell to quench it , Our Councell resolved to send up unto Us Sir John Hammilton Our Justice Clerke , one of Our Privie Councell , and one of the Lords of Our Session , that he might fully acquaint Us with the passages of this Rebellion , and the consequences of it . After Our hearing of him many times , and many consultations had with such of Our Councell of Scotland as were then here present , and such of Our Councell here in England as We thought fit to communicate this businesse unto , We resolved to send unto that Our Kingdome the Marquesse of Hamiltoun with the full power of an High Commissioner , as in other cases Our Royall Father and We had many times done in important businesse concerning that Kingdome ; and in the meane time , we dispatched home the said Sir John Hamilton to give notice thereof , both that they might carrie themselves quietly untill Our Commissioner his comming , from whom they were to expect Our pleasure , with all favour which might consist with Royall authoritie , as also that they might before Our Commissioners going from hence , have time to make Us fully acquainted with the uttermost of their grievances , that so accordingly Our Commissioner might receive Instructions from Us for giving unto them all just satisfaction . And so We , having here taken into Our serious consideration all their Petitions , which We might have justly rejected , because of the insolencie of their demeanour , and their tumultuous way of presenting them to Our Councell , yet resolved to take the mildest course We could for calming of these commotions , and therefore We settled upon a way usually practised by Our Royall Father in that Kingdome since his comming to the Crowne of England , viz. to establish an High Commissioner , with full power and authoritie to conclude and determine all such things as should be found for the good , quietnesse , and peace of that Kingdome , with as full and ample power as other Commissioners had exercised in any time of Our Royall Father , and especially at Parliaments . And considering that none , in the consultations which We held for this businesse , had ever shewed himselfe more forward and inclinable to advices and counsels of peace , nor a more zealous Patriot towards his native countrey , then Our right trustie and well-beloved Cousin and Councellour of both Kingdomes , James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , &c. Gentleman of Our Bedchamber , and Master of Our Horse ; We made choice of him for Our High Commissioner , to that purpose , being perswaded both of his loyaltie and fidelitie towards Us , as also of the great acceptation of his person with Our subjects there , in regard of his birth and place , but especially of his singular care of , and love to his countrey , which they themselves did know he had so piously and affectionately expressed in all his consultations and counsels here with Us : Him therefore We dispatched from hence with full Instructions , according to which he was to receive his Commission under Our great Seale of that Kingdome at his comming thither , which he received and presented to the Lords of Our Councell , frequently assembled at Dalkeith , the sixt of June following ; the true tenour of which Commission here followeth . CAROLUS Dei gratiâ Magnae Britanniae , Franciae , & Hiberniae , Rex , fideique Defensor : Omnibus probis hominibus suis ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint , Salutem . Sciatis nos considerantes magnos in hoc regno nostro Scotiae non ita pridem exortos tumultus , ad quos quidem componendos , multiplices regiae nostrae voluntatis declarationes promulgavimus , quae tamen minorem spe nostrâ effectum hactenus sortitae sunt : Et nunc statuentes , ex pio erga dictum antiquum regnum nostrum affectum , ut omnia gratiosè stabiliantur & instaurentur , quod ( per absentiam nostram ) non aliâ ratione commodius effici potest , quàm fideli aliquo Delegato constituto , cui potestatem credere possumus tumultus ejusmodi consopiendi , aliaque officia praestandi , quae in bonum & commodum dicti antiqui regni nostri eidem Delegato nostro imperare nobis videbitur : Cumque satis compertum habeamus obsequium , diligentiam , & fidem praedilecti nostri consanguinei & consiliarii Jacobi Marchionis Hamiltonii , Comitis Arraniae & Cantabrigiae , Domini Aven & Innerdail , &c. eundemque ad imperata nostra exequenda sufficientèr instructum esse : Idcircò fecisse & constituisse , tenoreque praesentium facere & constituere praefatum praedilectum nostrum consanguineum & consiliarium Jacobum Marchionem de Hamiltoun , &c. nostrum Commissionarium ad effectum subscriptum : Cum potestate dicto Jacobo Marchioni de Hamiltoun , &c. dictum regnum nostrum adeundi , ibidemque praefatos tumultus in dicto regno componendi , aliaque officia à nobis eidem committenda in dicti regni nostri bonum & commodum ibi praestandi : Eoque Concilium nostrum quibus locis & temporibus ei visum fuerit convocandi , ac rationem & ordinem in praemissis exequendis servandum declarandi & praescribendi : Et quaecunque alia ad commissionis hujus capita pro commissa ipsi fide exequenda , eandemque ad absolutum finem perducendam & prosequendam conferre possunt tam in Concilio quàm extra Concilium nostro nomine efficiendi & praestandi : Idque similiter & adeò liberè acsi Nos in sacrosancta nostra persona ibidem adessemus . Et hac praesenti nostrâ commissione durante nostro beneplacito duratura ac semper & donec eadem per nos expressè inhibeatur . In cujus rei testimonium praesentibus magnum sigillum nostrum apponi praecepimus . Apud castrum nostrum de VVindsore vigesimo die mensis Maii anno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo trigesimo octavo , Et anno regni nostri decimo quarto . Per signaturam manu S. D. N. Regis suprascriptam . On which day the whole body of Our Councell , with all respectfull and dutifull expressions of joy and thankfulnesse of Our fatherly care of that Our Kingdome in these difficult times , acknowledged and received Our said Commission and Commissioner : And Our said Cousen and Councellor , the Lord Marquesse of Hamiltoun , did with all submissive reverence then and there accept the said Commission , promising the uttermost of his endevours for settling the peace of that Kingdome , so farre as might consist with Our royall Crowne and Dignity , and the Lawes and Liberties of that Our ancient and native Kingdome , as by the Act of Councell dated at Dalkeith the sixt of June 1638. doth more fully appeare : After which acceptation of our Commission , the said Lord Marquesse had by Our Councell , and all others , whensoever he went abroad , all respects , honour and reverence due to Our Commissioner , performed unto him , Our Chancellor carrying Our great Seale before him , and some other Noblemen of great place and qualitie carrying Our High Commission before him likewise . We having now taken this course which We conceived most agreeable both to the customes of that Kingdom , and most acceptable to them , in regard of the choyce of Our Commissioner , had then assured hopes , that the dangerous distractions of that Kingdome might be happily composed : But these hopes were quickly blasted ; for no sooner had the heads of the Covenant notice of these peaceable courses intended by Us , but they flew out , even before our Commissioners arriving there , into farre greater violence then heretofore , increased the frequent meetings of their Tables , subdivided them into severall Committees , increased their provision of Armes , made their Pulpits ring with most seditious Sermons , putting the people in feare , that now there was more danger to be expected from the Lord Marquesse his comming home , and all peaceable treaties , then ever ; and at their Tables concluded upon a paper , consisting of ten Propositions or Articles , which they caused immediately before our Commissioners arrivall , with wonderfull expedition , to bee dispersed throughout all the Shires of that Kingdome : which ten Articles , according to the true copie , We have caused to be here inserted . FIrst , for observing union , it is thought fit , that no answer be made to any of the Statesmen or others , having Commission from the King , concerning the publike businesse , but with common consent and advice according to the Articles of our Covenant against divisive motions ; and if any propound motions tending to the breach of our union ; it would be told them plainely , wee will repute them as unfriends both to us and our cause . Secondly , for the better method in preparing and holding of matters to be treated of , it is thought fit that there be a Committee chosen , and that some of the Gentrie , Burrowes , and Ministers be present at the meetings with the Noblemen . Thirdly , It is thought fit , that all who are interessed may attend punctually to Dyets and meetings , with the rest of the number appointed for the good of the publike businesse ; and , lest our adversaries should ( upon the frequent attending of the prime Noblemen and Statesmen ) take occasion to affirme , that they have power to dispose of their friends in this cause , their attendance would be the more shunned , to shew we will depend upon no man who is of an averse judgement , or who are about a contrarie imployment in the matter of our Covenant and conscience . Fourthly , if there bee any new Proclamation , it is thought fit that it may be obviat and reincountred with a new Protestation , which would be condiscended upon , and would conteine our eight last Articles ; And that our Protestation may bee backed with good information and reasons , and sent with diligence to the Commissioners to the severall parts of the Kingdome , that they be not deceived nor surprised with Proclamations or suggestions , and that the copie of the Protestation may be given to the Commissioners of Shires and Burghes , to meet the Proclamation in all points needfull . Fifthly , if the discharge of the Book of Service , and Canons , and limitation of the High Commission be granted ; and that upon the Statesmen and Commissioners offer , the King will grant all we can crave which is not repugnant to Law , and alleadge that Episcopall power and Articles of Pearths Assemblie are established by Law ; It is answered that the abuses of Episcopall government are contrarie to Law , and censurable by Law , and the Articles of Pearth should bee rightly interpreted , and our desires for the free and yearely exercise of Generall Assemblies , free admission of Ministers without unlawfull Oaths , and rectifying of the Articles of Pearths Assemblie , and that the Prelates boundlesse usurped power , limited according to the caveats of their admission , are all agreeable to Law for the reasons conteined in the Articles : And if the Bishops , Statesmen , and others be of a different judgement from the most part of the Church and Kingdome , the Generall Assemblie and Parliament ( who were the Law-makers , ) are onely competent Judges for interpreting their owne Acts , whose direction we crave : And although the Law were interpreted as they alleadge , which is altogether untrue , and contrarie to the grounds and meaning of the Law , yet the bodie of the Kingdome , for whose good the Law was made , may crave the lawfull redresse of the grievances sustained by that Law , and our complaints , supplications , and protestations against the Bishops , depending in processe for clearing the subjects loyaltie , and repairing the wrong complained of , cannot bee otherwise lawfully decided , cannot remedie the present evils , nor prevent the like or worse evils in time comming . Sixthly , it is thought fit , that all who have subscribed the Covenant , be made sensible that they are obliged by their Oath , not to rest satisfied with lesse then the desire of our Articles , which are agreeable to law , conscience , and reason , and without which we will be frustrated of our ends , our adversaries in time will obtaine the establishment of the evils we complaine of . Seventhly , it is thought fit , that the number of the Commissioners be doubled , against the Statesmen and Marquesse down comming , and that all be warned to be readie upon advertisement . Eighthly , that the report of the subscriptions of the Covenant may bee sent to Edinburgh from all severall parts of the Kingdome . Ninthly , that things recommended to our former Committee be adverted to , with the best diligence that can be . Tenthly , it is thought expedient that all the time of the generall meeting there be a Fast. OUr Commissioner upon his way to that Kingdom , did meet with advertisements of these strange fears , which the ringleaders of the Covenant ( who were affraid of nothing more then that our subjects should receive satisfactiō from Us by Our Commissioner ) had possessed Our people with , & the bad entertainment he was like to receive at his comming thither , acquainted Us therewith , but went forward on his journy until he came to Barwick , from whence he sent to his especiall friends and kindred , and to all such Gentlemen of his owne name , and others , as were his Vassals and Tenants , and hold their lands from him by service and attendance on him when he shall require it , hee received answer that all these Obligations were quite discharged by the Covenanters Table at Edinburgh , who had absolutely commanded that none , who had subscribed their Covenant , should go to meet , or give any personall attendance upon Our Commissioner , untill such time as they should have leave from their Table so to do ; and so Our Commissioner went from Barwick unattended by these Noblemen , or by any other of his owne kindred or vassals , unlesse such as had not subscribed their Covenant , ( except some few , whose affection exceeded the command of the Tables ) ; an affront before that time never offered to any person of his qualitie in that Kingdome : Yet hee was verie nobly and honourably received , and conducted to Dalkeith by all Our Councell , most of the Lords of the Session , who are the Judges of the Law , great troups of the Nobilitie and Gentrie , who had not subscribed their Covenant . Now , the reasons why their Table had laid this strict charge , of not conducting Our Commissioner , upon all their adherents , were these two , as appeared plainely by the speeches uttered by many of the Covenanters themselves : First , that they might not seeme to shew the least respect to any , especially to those of greater rank , who were disaffected to their Covenant , as was ordered in the third Article of their ten last mentioned : Secondly , that they might make triall of their power with their owne partie , the heads of the Covenant being perswaded , that if they could prevaile with their associates for breaking through the bonds of nature , bloud , consanguinitie , civilitie , vassalledge and dependance , in pursuance of their Orders , they should not much need to feare that any other obligations could be able to divert them from obedience to their dictats . Our Commissioner , immediately upon his comming to Dalkeith , ( where the Councell assembled for safetie , because the combustions at Edinburgh increased daily ) met with many discouragements and difficulties . First , We had sent some small proportion of Armes , and powder to be put into Our Castle of Edinburgh , justly doubting the surprisall of it by the Covenanters , who were there assembled in great multitudes , and had of late made great provision of Armes there . No sooner had the ship ( in which these Armes with other goods were ) cast Anchor in Leith rode , but the Covenanters sent for the Merchant owner of the goods , commanding him to bring the ship into the Harbour , and discharging him from unloading any thing in the ship , especially Armes , untill hee had leave from them , as hee would answer the contrarie at his perill ; of which Our Lord Treasurer being advertised , provided that night a Boat which landed the Armes and powder , and Carts which presently carried them to Our Palace at Dalkeith , some foure miles distant : How for this the Merchant was used by them , and how they did threaten to come by force and carrie away that provision out of Our own house of Dalkeith , is notoriously known . Much about this time Our Commissioner came to Dalkeith , where he was received for his first welcome with the certaine newes of the increase of the peoples rage in Edinburgh , of the Covenanters resolution first to take the Castle , but ( upon better advice ) of their deserting that purpose , yet falling upon that which was bad enough ; for they had begirt the Castle with strong guards , so that no person nor provision could passe to or from it , but by their permission : Besides , they had entred into consultation , whether they should by force take out of Our Palace of Dalkeith that small provision of Armes and powder which was lately carried thither : which counsell they were perswaded by some not to follow , because of the residence of Our Commissioner there at that time ; but one thing they resolved upon , that during the abode of Our Commissioner and Councell there , though but foure miles distant from Edinburgh , they would take no notice of them , send no Petition to them : and howsoever they allowed some of Our Commissioners particular kinsmen and acquaintance to go thither and visit him , yet they would not depute any to speak with him of the businesse for which hee was sent , or of their complaints and grievances , but resolved not to leave Edinburgh , where they were well enough , so that if hee had any thing to deliver to them , hee might come thither , for to him and Our Councell they would not come : And that they might have some colourable pretence with the people for this their insolent behaviour and resolution , it was cast out and rumoured abroad , that if they went to Dalkeith , there was an intention to blow them up with Gun-powder ; not that the Authors of that foule and divelish aspersion entertained the least thought of any such feare , but that they might both have a colour for their unmannerly not addressing themselves thither , as also beget in the minds of their ignorant followers a higher indignation against , and jealousie of Our Commissioner and Councell for such a wicked and treacherous plot . Now , at this verie time when they made all this stirre about that small provision of Armes for Our Castle , which exceeded not two hundred Muskets , and so many Pikes , with some small quantitie of Powder , the Covenanters had two good Ships come home loaded with Armes and Amunition , which they landed openly and avowedly . All these difficulties and new troubles , augmented daily of purpose since their notice of Our Commissioners journey , put him and Our Councell to such a stand , as they knew not well what resolution to take . The Covenanters force and rage increased , which they had not power in any proportion to discharge ; they could not discover in them the least inclination to peace ; they found they would not so much as addresse themselves towards them , and they did not hold it agreeable with Our honour , or the dignitie of those places which they held under Us , nor yet for their safetie , to go to them ; At last this meanes was thought on , no doubt by the advice of those of their Table , who scorned to seeme to yeeld or petition for any such thing themselves . The Citizens of Edinburgh sent certain Commissioners to Our High Commissioner with a supplicatiō ▪ that he would bee pleased to repaire to Our Palace at Haly-rud-house , where they might more conveniently give demonstration of their affection to his Majesties service , in attending his Graces directions . Our Commissioner after he had acquainted and advised Our Councell with this their supplication , by their advice , as willing to take any occasion to enter into the businesse for which Wee sent him , returned this answer to the Commissioners of Edinburgh , That if they would undertake to be Masters and Governours of their owne citie , that their citizens would behave themselves as good and dutifull subjects , and take order that the multitudes , now present in their citie , who called themselves Covenanters , should do so too , and that the Guards about Our castle of Edinburgh should be dismissed and discharged , he would within a day or two repaire to Our Palace at Haly-rud-house , otherwise not : For that hee did hold it not agreeable to Our honour , that he Our Commissioner and Councell should reside at Our said palace , which is scituated at the one end of the citie , when Our castle seated at the other end of the same should be blocked up with guards : All which , these Commissioners undertooke to performe , and by their words desired to approve themselves most loyall subjects , hoping to cleare themselves from many aspersions laid upon them , when his Grace would be pleased to heare and examine their proceedings . Hereupon Our High Commissioner , according to his promise , did remove himselfe from Dalkeith to Our palace at Haly-rud-house , attended by all Our Councell , such of Our Nobilitie , Gentrie , and others , as were affected to Our service , which consisted of a great number : Some two or three miles from Edinburgh he was met with the whole bodie of the Nobilitie and Gentrie of Covenanters , then resident at Edinburgh , who were all mounted on horse-back , and consisted of divers thousands ; and besides , in a nearer distance from Edinburgh , by the Ministers then resident there , who were all on foot , and consisted of manie hundreds ; and so all the way to Our palace was filled with swarmes of people of all sorts and sexes , many of whose exclamations and outcries were very sharpe and bitter , stuffed with cursings of Poperie and Bishops ; by which it was apparent that the multitude had been made beleeve that these two were one and the same thing . Our Commissioner when he first met on the way the Lords who call themselves Covenanters , was entreated by them to heare a speech delivered , as he should passe along , by a Minister in the name of the rest : But he , remembring the advertisements which he had received of their most seditious Sermons , and knowing by the same advertisements that he who was to deliver this speech was a deprived Minister , and one of the most seditious in the whole packe , returned answer to the Lords that he would not heare it , justly doubting that it might be stuffed as full of passages against Our authoritie as their Sermons used to be ; and so that speech was omitted : Now , whether these great troups of Covenanters , both of horse and foot , in a great bodie by themselves , which did not joine at the first with that companie which attended Our Commissioner from Dalkeith , but stayed for him on the way in a farre grosser bodie by themselves , was assembled to doe honour to Our Commissioner , or for shewing their owne power and strength , by way of comparison with the companie whom they met , which they farre exceeded , Wee will not determine . But thus Our Commissioner was conducted to Our Palace of Holy-rood-house , where he was received by the Lord Provost , Bailiffes , Magistrates and citizens of Edinburgh with outward demonstrations of being welcome . And this was all the entertainment which at any time he had from the body of the Covenanters , during the time of his abode in that Kingdome ; which whether it were hearty and sincere , or but onely in show , and to shew their owne power , Wee leave it to be judged by the entertainment and respect which afterward he received from them ; which will be found to bee just none at all : For during the time of his continuance amongst them , though he found that they gave civill respects to him as Marquesse of Hamiltoun , yet his being cloathed with Our authoritie and commission did much diminish them , as shall appeare now in the next place , by those perpetuall affronts which they ceased not to offer daily to him and Our Councell , in all their proceedings concerning the businesse for which he was sent . Our Commissioner now being settled at Our palace , with the assistance of Our Councell , hee fell presently upon the maine businesse with the Covenanters , whom hee desired to dismisse their great multitudes ; which they did , being indeed necessitated thereunto for the ease of their great charge . The two maine Propositions which hee offered to their consideration , were these : First , what they should expect from him in Our name for satisfaction to their complaints , and accommodating their grievances : Next , what might be expected from them for returning to their former obedience , especially in renouncing and delivering up their late Covenant . Both which propositions they did receive with so much sleighting and contempt , as that they avowed , no satisfaction from Us should be accepted which contained any particulars ; but that they expected , first , a Generall Assembly of the Church , and then a Parliament , that in these two Judicatories they would represent and discusse their grievances : And no wonder , for in both these they knew that themselves were to be both Judges and parties . For the second , they answered , that they could not returne to their former obedience , from which they would never acknowledge that they had departed in the least degree , having done no act but that which became good and dutifull subjects : And for their Covenant , that they would rather renounce their Baptisme then renounce it , or abate one word or syllable of the literall rigour of it ; it being more availeable and usefull unto them , then all the Lawes and Acts of Parliament which had beene enacted in that Kingdome since the time of Fergus the first King thereof : And that it was a proposition which though they had now heard , they were resolved never to heare a second time : And accordingly , after Our propositions thus made and rejected , they presently filled the people with such misreports of the intentions and ends of Our Commissioners comming , as they wrought them to a greater height of furie then before , as if now their Religion and Lawes were brought to the stake : For now new Guards were clapt upon Our castle of Edinburgh , the Guards and Watches of the citie multiplied , the Preachers Prayers and Sermons grew to be so many Libells , and admonitions that they should take heed of craftie compositions , or yeelding in the least point of their intended reformation ; for if they should abate in any one thing , it would be thought that they might be mistaken in all . They presently printed their weake Reasons against their rendring up of their Covenant , nay , they grew to that rage , that on the Saturday having knowledge that Our Commissioner ( attended with Our Councell ) was to heare divine Service and Sermon in Our owne chappell at Our owne palace the day following being Sunday , they sent him word that whosoever should read the English Service in Our chappell should never read more , and that there were a thousand men provided for the disturbance of it ; which forced Our Commissioner that night to repaire to Dalkeith , being unwilling to heare Sermon but in Our owne chappell , or there , without hearing the English Divine Service , it having beene continually read there by the space of twentie yeares , in the audience of Our Councell , manie of the Nobilitie , Judges , and persons of all qualitie , without any interruption or dislike : Nay more , they grew to that boldnesse as to write letters to everie one of Our Councell , requiring them to subscribe their Covenant ; which Letter sent to everie one of them severally , but in the same words , here followeth . May it please your Lordship , WEe the Ministers of the Gospel , conveened at this so necessarie a time , doe finde our selves bound to represent , as unto all , so in speciall unto your Lordship , what comfortable experience we have of the wonderfull favour of God , upon the renewing of the Confession of faith and Covenant , what peace and comfort hath filled the hearts of all Gods people , what resolutions and beginnings of reformation of manners are sensibly perceived in all parts of the kingdome , above any measure that ever we did finde or could have expected , how great glorie the Lord hath received thereby , and what confidence we have ( if this sunshine be not eclipsed by some sinfull division or defection ) that God shall make this a blessed kingdome , to the contentment of the Kings Majestie , and joy of all his good subjects , according as God hath promised in his good Word , and performed to his people in former times ; And therefore we are forced from our hearts both to wish and entreat your Lordship to be partaker and promover of this joy and happinesse by your subscription , when your Lordship shall thinke it convenient : And in the meane while , that your Lordship would not be sparing to give a free testimonie to the truth , as a timely and necessarie expression of your tender affection to the cause of Christ now calling for helpe at your hands ▪ your Lordships profession of the true Religion as it was reformed in this land , the nationall oath of this kingdome sundry times sworne and subscribed , ablishing us who live at this time , the dutie of a good Patriot , the office and trust of a Privie Councellour , the present employment to have place amongst those that are first acquainted with his Majesties pleasure , the consideration that there is the time of tryall of your Lordships affection to Religion , the respect which your Lordship hath unto your fame both now and hereafter , when things shall be recorded to posteritie , and the remembrance , that not onely the eyes of men and Angels are upon your Lordships carriage , but also that the Lord Jesus is a secret witnesse now to observe , and shall be an open Judge hereafter to reward and confesse everie man before his Father , that confesseth him before men : All of these and each of them , besides your Lordships personall and particular obligations to God , doe call for no lesse at your Lordships hands , in the cause of so great and singular necessitie ; and we also doe expect so much at this time , according as your Lordship at the houre of death would be free of the terrour of God , and be refreshed with the comfortable remembrance of a word spoken in season for Christ Jesus , King of Kings and Lord of Lords . OUr Commissioner in the meane time resolved to publish Our gracious Declaration , for relieving of their grievances , and satisfying Our people in Our forwardnesse for the maintenance of the Religion professed in that Kingdome , and Our aversnesse from Poperie , which they of the Covenanters Table having notice of , being above all things afraid that Our people should receive any satisfaction from Us , or rest contented with the grace of Our reasonable proffers of favour , did mightily repine at , came to Our Commissioner , and wished him for Our honour , his owne safetie , and peace of the publike , not to make any such Declaration , which undoubtedly would be encountred with a Protestation , and that in such manner as would be displeasing to him , and make the publishing of that Declaration be found disserviceable unto Us. Our Commissioner being perplexed with these unexpected and dangerous difficulties , resolved by faire proceedings to gaine so much time , untill he might make Us acquainted with them , and receive Our answer and instructions concerning them : In his Letters of advice he acquainted Us with the danger threatned if he should publish Our Declaration , which though he knew to be full of grace , yet the heads of the Covenant would never suffer the multitude of their members to understand it so : Two things he desired of Us ; One , that in case Wee continued in Our resolution of publishing Our Declaration , Wee would be pleased to sweeten it with this further favour , as to restore to the citie of Edinburgh the sitting of Our Councell , Our Session , and all other Courts of Justice , which he conceived would be very acceptable to Our Councellors , Judges , to all Advocates , and all dependents upon the Law , to all Our subjects which had businesse depending in any of these Courts , but most of all to the citie of Edinburgh , which complained much of their being impoverished by absence of these Courts , and that this was like to prove a most probable perswasion for reclaiming them to their former obedience : Next , that We would be pleased to give him leave to take a journy unto Us , though he should returne presently , that he might acquaint Us with the new emergencies of businesses , and such other things as could not be conveniently expressed in Letters , and so accordingly receive instructions from Us for his carriage . To which Letters of advice Wee did returne by a speedie dispatch this answer ; That We would have Our Declaration no longer delayed , but commanded him presently to publish it , because Wee would not ( whatsoever the event should be ) have Our people barred the knowledge of Our Gracious intentions and favours towards them , which We did see the leaders of them studied nothing more then to suppresse ; And that at his intreatie , Wee were contented that all the Courts of Justice should presently begin to sit againe at Edinburgh for the reasons contained in his Letters , and in hope of reclaiming of that Citie , which otherwise by their misdemeanour had no reason to expect any such favour from Us ; And withall , after the dispatch of these two , that Wee were contented hee should repaire to Us , as hee desired , whensoever hee should finde it convenient , taking first order with Our Councell for keeping all things in order untill his returne . This answer of Ours so soone as Our Commissioner received , he assembled Our Councell , and made them acquainted with it , who were so well satisfied with the bringing back of Our Courts of Justice to Edinburgh , that presently they sent unto Us a Letter of thanks of this tenour . Most Sacred Soveraigne , THe Marquesse of Hamiltoun , your Majesties Commissioner , having imparted unto us your Majesties gracious pleasure and allowance that the Judicatories of the Councell , of Session , and others , should be returned to the Citie of Edinburgh ; Thereupon , the Lord Commissioner being present , order was given for publication at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh with all solemnities requisite ; and that the like publication should be made throughout the whole Kingdome at all publike places : This hath given so great contentment to all your Majesties subjects , that we cannot expresse with what dutifull respect and heartie prayers for your Majestie they have embraced this great and undeserved favour : In consideration whereof wee conceive our selves bound in dutie to acquaint your Majestie herewith ; and withall to render to your Majestie most humble and heartie thanks for this so great grace and goodnesse , which wee hope shall contribute to the good of your Majesties service , and to establishing the peace of the Countrie , for the which we all ▪ your Majesties good subjects shall ever bee most thankfull , and all in dutie bound to pray for your Majesties long and happie Reigne . Holy-rood-house July 2. 1638. Subscribitur Traquaire Roxbrugh Mar Morton Winton Lithgow Wigtonne Kingorne Hadinton Lauderdaile Kinoul Southesk Lorne Naper Dalyell Ihay Ja : Carmithaell Thomas Hop John Hammilton ANd accordingly Our Commissioner caused Proclamation to be made at the Crosse of Edinburgh , for the first sitting downe of the Session there , the Tuesday following , being the third of July 1638. which was received with such joy by the Judges , Advocates , and all others having relation to the Colledge of Justice , but above all by the Magistrates and Citizens of Edinburgh , that Our Commissioner and Councell did then well hope all mens minds had beene well prepared to receive the Declaration of Our Grace and favour which was to bee published in the next Proclamation , with an humble and thankfull acknowledgment ; which undoubtedly they had done , if they had not beene not onely diverted , but perverted by those men who interpreted every satisfaction of Our subjects received from Us , to be a dividing and pulling them away from themselves : And therefore they quickly cast about to finde out some meanes , how this Our speciall favour might not be resented by them , which was this : They assured their followers that there were two of the Lords of Our Session , viz. Sir Robert Spotswood President of the same , and Sir John Hay Our Clerk of Register ( answerable to the Master of the Rolles here in England ) sworne enemies to their Covenant , well affected to Episcopall government , procurers and abettors of the pretended Innovations , that unlesse these two were presently removed from Our Session , there could be no good intended to them by the bringing of it back to Edinburgh , and therefore advised them to send some of their number to Our Commissioner to desire that these two Our Judges might presently bee removed from that Court ; Not that they who put this in their heads , thought that Our Commissioner could yeeld to a request of so high injustice , but because they knew , that hee neither could nor would yeeld unto it , and that therefore by his deniall they should have meanes to irritate Our people , even to a disgust of that Our Gracious favour , which the day before they had so well relished . But yet according to their resolution , some of the principall Covenanters of all sorts sent from their Table , had the boldnesse to repaire to Our Commissioner , and to demand of him that which they were sure no just nor honest man could grant , viz. That they could clearely prove briberie and corruptions frequently to have beene used by these Our two Judges , and therefore intreated him to remove them presently from their places of Judicatorie , after which they would intend processe , and so legally proceed in the probation of these crimes objected against them : To which their demand Our Commissioner returned this just and modest answer , That sure they could not expect that he either could or should condescend to this their desire , which yeelded unto , did overthrow the verie foundation and maine rule of Justice , viz. That any man should be punished for any crime before he were legally convicted of it , and therefore he advised them to follow the constant course of justice , which was this ; If they thought these Judges clearely convincible of these horrible crimes , they should intend first processe against them , and then probation of the crimes ; of which if they were found guiltie , then they needed not doubt but they should be removed from their places , and receive such further condigne punishment as the Lawes of the Kingdome had provided for such notorious criminals ; assuring them , that We his Master would bee so farre from hindring the course of Justice against any such offenders , as that Wee would hold it a speciall service done to Us , to bring the iniquitie of Our Judges to publike triall and censure , and that he would make Us acquainted with their demands : with which just answer they were resolved to be so unsatisfied , that they replied unto him , that this his deniall would be attended with a great inconvenience to all Our subjects , for they would in that case of deniall make and publish a Protestation , that whatsoever Act , Decree , or Order , the Lords of Our Session should make in any cause at which these two Judges , or either of them , were present and gave voice , should be null and void in Law ; and that none of Our subjects either should bee bound or would yeeld obedience to them : ( Was not this a strange usurpation upon Regall power ? ) To this Our Commissioner only added , That everie such Protestation must be made before the Lords of the Session , who had the power of admitting or repelling it , and therefore for that point hee remitted them to these Lords as the competent Judges of it ; which answer of Our Commissioner they presently laboured to have misconstrued by their partie , telling them that there was no hope of any Justice to be had against any man who was an enemie to them and their Covenant . At the day appointed by the Proclamation , the Session sate down , and Our Commissioner in his owne person went to the place , and opened it , with a short speech to the Judges , to this purpose . THat hee was warranted from Us to recall the Session againe to Edinburgh ; That the chiefe thing that had moved Us thereunto , was the sense of the many incommodities which Our subjects in generall , and the Judges in particular did sustaine by the removing of it ; That We had required him to desire and command the Judges to grant all reasonable dispatch to Our subjects in the administration of Justice , that so some time which was lost might be regained ; That in Our name he required them to be very carefull and circumspect , that in these troublesome times no Order nor Decree might passe from them , which might be prejudiciall to Our Crown or service . Our Judges hereupon returned to Our Commissioner their humble and heartie expressions of all thankfull acknowledgment , for this Our singular favour and grace to themselves and all Our subjects , and with great submission intreated him to returne unto Us their humble and heartie acknowledgment . And here now We desire the Reader to observe , that the Covenanters neither made any such Protestation against the sitting of the two Judges , as they talked of , nor did ever intend any processe or probation against them for the crimes objected , though Our Commissioner immediately after his returne from Us , assured them , that We not onely had given them leave , but would thanke them for so doing ; which We are confident they would have done if they had conceived these Judges guiltie , and giveth to Us good assurance that this calumnie against these Judges , was onely cast in by some of their ring-leaders , to marre and interrupt that resentment of Our grace and favour , which they perceived wrought verie much upon many of Our subjects of their partie , for bringing backe again Our Courts of Justice to Our citie of Edinburgh . The Session thus setled , Our Commissioner resolved to publish by Proclamation the Declaration of Our grace and favour : The principall Covenanters , when they could not disswade him from it , presently went about , and both by themselves and their seditious Preachers , filled their followers mindes with such fearefull expectations of it , that some dayes before it was published ▪ they filled the streets with multitudes of people , especially neare the Crosse where it was to be proclaimed , and those in hostile equipage divided into rankes , pulling their swords out of their belts , and with pistolls , being armes prohibited by Our lawes of that Kingdome , giving out , that if this Our Declaration were hearkened unto , it would bring undoubted ruine to their Religion , lawes and liberties , though the people knew nothing of what was to be delivered in Our Declaration : Some daies they continued in this posture , which made Our Commissioner delay the publishing of it , untill he might heare of more quietnesse and peace in the streets ; of which being advertised , he caused the Proclamation of Our grace and favour solemnely to be made at the Crosse of Edinburgh : No sooner were the trumpets sounded , but there came to the Crosse a mightie confluxe of people , the Covenanters had presently a scaffold erected , on which they mounted with a Protestation readie written in their hands , before Our Proclamation was pronounced : Our Proclamation was thus . CHARLES by the grace of God , King of Scotland , England , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith. To our Lovits Heraulds Messengers , our Sheriffes in that part , conjunctly and severally specially constitute greeting . Forsameikle as We are not ignorant of the great disorders , which have happened of late within this Our ancient Kingdome of Scotland , occasioned , as is pretended , upon the introduction of the Service Book , Book of Canons , and High Commission , thereby fearing innovation of Religion and Laws . For satisfaction of which fears , We well hoped , that the two Proclamations of the eleventh of December , and nineteenth of February , had been abundantly sufficient : Neverthelesse , finding that disorders have daily so increased , that a powerfull rather then perswasive way , might have been justly expected from Us ; Yet We out of Our innative indulgence to Our people , grieving to see them run themselves so headlong into ruine , are graciously pleased to try , if by a faire way We can reclaime them from their faults , rather then to let them perish in the same . And therefore once for all We have thought fit to declare , and hereby to assure all Our good people , that We neither were , are , nor by the Grace of God ever shall bee stained with Popish superstition : But by the contrary , are resolved to maintain the true Protestant Christian Religion already profest within this Our ancient Kingdome . And for farther clearing of scruples , We do hereby assure all men , that We will neither now nor hereafter presse the practice of the foresaid Canons and Service Book , nor any thing of that nature , but in such a faire and legall way , as shall satisfie all Our loving subjects , that We neither intend innovation in Religion or Lawes . And to this effect have given order to discharge all Acts of Councel made thereanent . And for the high Commission , We shall so rectifie it with the help of advice of Our privie Councel , that it shall never impugne the Lawes , nor bee a just grievance to Our loyall subjects . And what is farder fitting to be agitate in generall Assemblies and Parliament , for the good and peace of the Kirk , and peaceable government of the same , in establishing of the Religion presently profest , shall likewise be taken into Our Royall consideration , in a free Assembly and Parliament , which shall be indicted and called with Our best conveniencie . And We hereby take God to witnesse , that Our true meaning and intention is , not to admit of any innovations either in Religion or Laws , but carefully to maintain the purity of Religion already profest and established , and no wayes to suffer Our Lawes to be infringed . And although We cannot be ignorant , that there may be some dis-affected persons who will strive to possesse the hearts of Our good subjects , that this Our gracious declaration is not to be regarded ; Yet We do expect that the behaviour of all Our good and loyall subjects will be such , as may give testimonie of their obedience , and how sensible they are of Our grace and favour , that thus passeth over their misdemeanours , and by their future carriage make appeare , that it was only feare of innovation , that hath caused the disorders which have happened of late within this Our ancient Kingdome . And are confident , that they will not suffer themselves to be seduced and mis-led , to misconstrue Us or Our actions , but rest heartily satisfied with Our pious and reall intentions , for maintenance of the true Religion and Lawes of this Kingdome . Wherefore We require and heartily wish all Our good people carefully to advert to these dangerous suggestions , and not to permit themselves , blindely under pretext of Religion , to be led in disobedience , and draw on infinitely , to Our grief , their own ruine , which We have , and still shall strive to save them from , so long as We see not royall Authoritie shaken off . And most unwillingly shall make use of that power which God hath endued Us with , for reclaiming of disobedient people . OUR WILL is herefore , and Wee charge you straightly and command , that incontinent these Our Letters seene , you passe to the market crosse of Our Burgh of Edinburgh , and all other places needfull , and there by open Proclamation make publication hereof to all and sundry Our good subjects , where through none pretend ignorance of the same . The which to do , We commit to you conjunctly and severally Our full power , by these Our Letters , delivering the same by you duely execute and indorsed againe to the Bearer . Given at Our Court of Greenwich the twenty eight day of June , and of Our Reigne the thirteenth yeer . 1638. Per Regem . NO sooner was it ended , but this their ensuing Protestation against it begun , and was publickly read ; which here , according to their printed Copie , We have caused to be reprinted . The Protestation of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burrows , Ministers and Commons , &c. WEe Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , That whereas wee the Kings Majesties true and loyall Subjects , who have ever esteemed it our greatest happinesse to live under a religious and righteous King , and our greatest glory to testifie our best affections to our gracious Soveraign , have beene in His Majesties absence from this His native Kingdome heavily pressed for a long time past , And especially of late , with diverse innovations , which both in themselves , and in the way wherein they have beene urged , doe manifestly tend to the prejudice of the Kings honour , and of our Religion , Laws and Liberties , And by which we were brought to such extremitie , that there was no way left betwixt the rock of excommunication , and the high paine of rebellion on the one part , and the desperate danger of forsaking the way of true Religion and the breach of our Covenant with God on the other , but to represent our case , and present our supplications to the Lords of secret Councell , that being equally pondered by them , they might either be answered by themselves , or by their recommendation might ascend to his Majesties owne consideration : And therefore in all humble manner we did to this effect supplicate their Lordsh : we were most willing ( for the modest following of our supplications ) to obey their direction in choosing Commissioners for the great number of supplicants , who flocked together from all quarters of the Kingdome ; were carefull to order our selves in all Christian and quiet carriage , and against the tediousnesse of many and long delaies did wait for a long time with very great patience , till at last they were pleased to receive our supplications , complaints and bills : And conceiving them to containe weightier matters then could by themselves bee determined , they did promise and undertake to represent and recommend the same , according to their more then ordinary importance , unto his Majesties Royall consideration , and to report his Majesties answer . While his Majesties good Subjects of all ranks , throughout the whole Kingdome , had their minds wakened , and their hearts filled with the expectation of a gracious and satisfactorie answer , worthy of his Majesties pious and equitable disposition , in the Month of February last , incontinent a rumour flyeth through the Countrie , and filleth all eares , That the Lords of his Majesties secret Councell were commanded to make such a Proclamation concerning the Service booke , booke of Canons , and the peaceable meetings of his Majesties good Subjects in time comming , as we were perswaded to have beene procured by the secret working , and malignant mis-information of our adversaries , Seeking for their owne private ends , without respect to his Majesties honour , and welfare of this Kirk and Kingdome , to stop the course of our legall proceedings , and to escape their owne due censure : And therefore intending to make known to the Lords of secret Councell what was noised concerning the Proclamation ; how far the whole Kingdome had been by some sinistrous mis-information frustrate of their hopes , and their constant desire to have some course taken by their Lordsh : advice ; how his Majestie being further informed , might deliver his good subjects from so great grievances and feares , and establish a sure peace in this Countrie for time to come ; we found our selves tyed by order of Law to decline those against whom we had made our complaint , unlesse we would admit our parties to be our Judges : And in case our Declinator should not be accepted , we behoved to protest , that we might have immediate recourse to the King himselfe , &c. Thereafter in the Moneth of March , finding that by the foresaid Proclamation the innovations supplicated against were approven , our lawfull proceedings condemned , our most necessary meetings prohibited , there being no other way left unto us , wee were necessitate to renew the nationall Covenant of this Kirk and Kingdome , thereby to reconcile us to God , provoked to wrath against us , by the breach of his Covenant within this Land , to cleare our Soveraigns mind from all jealousies and suspicions , arising from our adversaries mis-information of our intentions and carriage ; and so to make way for his acceptance of our humble supplications , and grant of their lawfull remedies , to guard this Land in defence of Religion , authoritie and liberty against inward divisions , and externall violences . And that our actions might be answerable to our holy profession , we afterward drew up an humble supplication , containing our grievances , and desires of the ordinary remedies thereof , to have beene delivered to the King himselfe : In the meane time wee were directed by those , who were intrusted by his Majesty , to attend his Declaration here in Scotland , which would free us of all feares of innovations of Religion , and prove satisfactorie : And lest for want of true information of our just grievances and desires it should fall out otherwise , wee expressed to them , with the greatest modestie wee could , our desires in some few Articles , and with great patience have attended his Majesties pleasure thereanent : And all this Moneth by-gone being frequently conveened to heare the same delivered by his Majesties Commissioner the right Noble and potent Lord James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , &c. we presented a new petition to his Grace as his Majesties Commissioner , craving most humbly the indiction of a free Assembly and Parliament , as the onely remedies thereof : Like as finding a mis-information , or mistake of our Covenant with God , as if it had beene an unlawfull combination to bee the maine hinderance of obtaining our desires , in a new supplication ; wee have fully removed that impediment , renewed our desires of those supreme judicatories , to bee indicted with diligence , for settling of the Kirke and Kingdome : But being answered only with delayes after these nine Moneths attendance , and with this Proclamation that conteined his Majesties gracious declaration of his pious intentions , not to admit of any innovations in Religion or Law , nor any staine of Popish superstition , But on the contrary to be resolved to maintaine the true Christian Religion professed in this Kingdome ; which we were ever so far from calling in question , as in our supplicatications , complaints , and bills we used the same as one cause of our desires , one ground of our confidence of a gracious answer , and argument of our adversaries malignant mis-information of so religious a King ▪ And now most humbly ( with bended knees and bowed hearts ) thanke our gracious Soveraigne for the same , Wishing and praying the Lord of heaven , truly and fully to informe his Majestie how far these bookes , judicatories , and all our other evils and grievances are full of idolatrous superstitions , and Popish errours , How destructive of the reformation of Religion in this Land , and of the Lawes and Liberties of this Church and Kingdome , and so directly contrary to this his Majesties pious intention and Declaration . Yet seeing that no Proclamation could sufficiently remove the present evils , nor settle our feares , nor secure us from the re-entrie of any evill or Innovation , which it seemed to discharge or prevent the like in time comming , nor satisfie our humble supplications , craving the present indiction of a free Assembly and Parliament , as the only remedies of our evils , and meanes to prevent the like : And seeing this Proclamation doth not so much as make mention , or acknowledge any of our supplications , complaints and grievances , or any just cause thereof , except under the name of great increase of disorders , faults , and mis-demeanours , but only our feares of some future Innovation of Religion or Lawes , occasioned onely ( as is pretended ) by the introduction of the Service booke , booke of Canons , and High Commission ; which feares his Majestie hoped to have beene abundantly and sufficiently satisfied by his two former Proclamations of the ninth of December , and ninteenth of February . And by this his present Declaration , except his subjects bee blindly ( under pretext of Religion ) led unto disobedience , Doth mis-ken , passe over , and so in effect denie all our supplications , bills , articles , and desires , especially our complaints against the Prelats our parties . And , that once for all , in a faire and perswasive way , even after the resaite of our last supplication , clearing us from the calumnie of unlawfull combination ; Doth not disallow nor discharge any of the innovations , and evils complained upon , but only assureth that his Majestie will not presse their practice , but in such a faire and legall way , as shall satisfie his subjects of his intention ; which ( joyned with the other clause , allowing and confirming the Proclamation the nineteenth of February ) evidenceth the liberty left to any Prelate or persons to practise the same , and by all other faire waies to perswade others thereunto ; and his Majesties resolution to presse their practice in a faire and legall way : And also confirmeth the former Declaration , that the Service Booke is a ready meane to maintaine the true Religion already professed , and to beat out all Superstition , and no waies to be contrary to the Lawes of this Kingdome , but to be compiled and approved for the universall use and edification of all his Majesties subjects ; Doth not abolish , but promiseth to rectifie the High Commission , with advice of his privie Councell , implying the Kings power , with consent of the Councell , to establish this or any judicatory within this Kingdome , without consent of the three Estates conveened in Parliament , contrary to the fundamentall and expresse Lawes thereof ; and by consequent with the like reason , to establish Lawes and Service bookes , without consent of the Assembly and Parliament ; Which is contrary to the maine ground of all our supplications , against the manner of their introduction ; Doth only promise to take into his consideration in an Assembly and Parliament , which shall bee called at his best convenience , while as the evident and urgent necessity , for settling the combustions , threatning the totall dissolution and desolation of this Church and State , excuseth our uncessant and importune calling for these present remedies ; Doth insinuate the continuance and execution of any pretended Lawes for these innovations of worship , and corruptions of Church government , and civill places of Church-men , which by our Covenant , wee have obliged our selves to forbeare , and the re-establishment of these evils in an Assembly and Parliament , which hee will call in his best convenience , to wit , for that and this other end of satisfying his subjects judgements anent the Service Booke and Book of Canons ; Doth condemne all our former proceedings , even our supplicating , complaining , protesting , subscribing of our Covenant together , and our continuall meetings , as great disorders , increase of disorders , deserving justly a powerfull rather then a perswasive way , a running headlong into ruine , a perishing in our faults , a blind disobedience under pretext of Religion , and doth threaten & denounce , Now once for all , If we be not heartily satisfied , and give testimony of our obedience after this Declaration , but continue , as by our former proceedings , to draw on our owne ruine , that , albeit unwillingly , he must make use of that power which God hath indued him with , for reclaiming of so disobedient people . THerefore we , in our own name , and in name of all who will adhere to the Confession of Faith , and reformation of Religion within this Land , are forced and compelled , out of our bound duty to God , our King , native Country , our selves and our posterity . ( lest our silence should be prejudiciall to so important a cause , as concernes Gods glory and worship , our Religion and salvation , the Lawes and Liberties of this Church and Kingdome , or derogatory to our former supplications , complaints , protestations , Articles and proceedings , or unanswerable to the solemne oath of our nation covenant with God ) To declare before God and man , and to protest , Primo , That we doe , and will constantly adhere , according to our vocation and power , to the said Reformation , in doctrine , use of Sacraments , and discipline ; And that notwithstanding of any innovations introduced therein , either of old or of late . Secundo , we potest , That we adhere to the grievances , supplications , and protestations given in at Assemblies and Parliaments , and to our late supplications , complaints , protestations , and other lawfull proceedings against the same , and particularly against the Service book , and booke of Canons , as maine innovations of Religion and Lawes , and full of Popish superstition , and so directly contrary to the Kings Declaration , And against the High Commission , as a judicatory established contrary to the Lawes and Liberties of this Church and Kingdome , and destructive of other lawfull judicatories , which both in respect of the nature of it , and manner of introduction , without consent of the three Estates of Parliament , cannot be any wayes rectified , but absolutely discharged : Tertio , we protest , That we adhere with our hearts to our Oath and subscription of the Confession of Faith , the solemne Covenant betweene God , this Church and Kingdome , and the clauses particularly therein expressed and generally contained , and to our last Articles for the peace of this Kirke and Kingdome , drawne out of it , and to all the matters therein contained , and manner of remedy therein desired . Quarto , We protest , that this Proclamation or act of Councell , or any other act , or Proclamation , or Declaration , or ratification thereof , By subscription , or act , or letter , or any other manner of way whatsoever , or any precondemnation of our cause or carriage , before the same be lawfully heard and tryed in the supreme judicatories of this Kirk and Kingdome , the onely proper judges to nationall causes and proceedings , or any certification or threatning therein denounced , shall no waies be prejudiciall to the Confession of Faith , lawes , and liberties of this Kingdome , nor to our supplications , complaints , protestations , articles , lawfull meetings , proceedings , pursuits , mutuall defences , nor to our persons and Estates , and shall no wayes be disgracefull either in reality or opinion , at home or abroad , to us or any of us : But on the contrary , that any act , or letter , or subscription of the Councell , carrying the approbation of the declaration , and condemnation of our proceedings , indicta causa , is and ought to be repute & esteemed unjust , illegall & null , as here before God and man we offer to clear , & to verifie both the justice of our cause and carriage , and the injustice of such acts against us , in the face of the first generall Assembly of the Church & Parliament of the Estates , unto whom with all solemnities requisite , we do publikly appeal . Quinto , We protest , that seeing our former supplications , last Articles , & our last desire and petition to his Majesties Commissioner , which petitioned for the present indiction of a free general Assembly & Parliament , according to the law and custome of all nations , & of this nation in the like case , to hear the desires , ease the grievances , & settle the fears of the body of the Church & Kingdome , are thus delayed , & in effect refused , to wit , Once for all , till his Majesties conveniency for the end contained in this Proclamation , that We continue by thir presents to supplicate his Majesty again and again , for the granting of the same : And whatsoever trouble or inconvenience fall out in this land in the mean time , for want of these ordinary remedies , and by the practice of any of these innovations & evils , contrary to our supplications , articles , & confession , it be not imputed unto us , who most humbly beg these lawfull remedies , but also that it is , & shall be lawfull unto us , to defend and maintain the Religion , lawes and liberties of this Kingdome , the Kings Authority in defence thereof , & every one of us one another in that cause , of maintaining the Religion , and the Kings foresaid Authority , according to our power , vocation and Covenant , with our best counsel , bodies , lives , means , & whole strength , against all persons whatsoever , & against all externall or internall invasions menaced in this Proclamation . Like as that in the great exigencie of the Church , necessitating the use of this ordinary and lawfull remedies , for settling the commotions thereof , it is and shall be leasome unto us to appoint , hold and use the ordinary means , our lawfull meetings and Assemblies of the Church agreeble to the Law of God , and practice of the primitive Church , the Acts of the generall Assemblies , and Parliaments , and the example of our Worthy Reformers in the like case . Sexto , We protest , that our former Supplications , Complaints , Protestations , Confessions , meetings , proceedings and mutuall defences of every one another in this cause , as they are , and were in themselves most necessary , and orderly meanes agreeable to the lawes & practice of this Church and Kingdome , to be commended as reall duties of faithfull Christians , loyall Subjects , and sensible members of the body of the Church and Kingdome , and no wise to be stiled nor accounted great disorders , misdemeanors , blind disobedience under pretext of Religion , and running headlong into ruine , &c. So they proceeded only from conscience of our duty to God , our King , native Country , and our posterity , and doth tend to no other end , but to the preservation of the true reformed Religion , the confession of Faith , Lawes , and Liberties of this His Majesties most ancient Kingdome , and of His Majesties authority in defence thereof , and satisfaction of our humble desires , contained in our Supplications , complaints and articles , unto the which we adhere againe and again , as we would eschew the curse of the Almighty God , following the breach of his Covenant : And yet we doe certainly expect , according to the Kings Majesty his accustomed goodnesse and justice , that His sacred Majesty after a true information of the justice of our cause and carriage , will presently indict these ordinary remedies of a free Assembly and Parliament , to our just Supplications , complaints , and articles , which may be expected , and useth to be granted from so just and gracious a King , towards most loyall and dutifull Subjects , calling for redresse of so pressing grievances , and praying heartily that His Majesty may long and prosperously reigne over us . WHereupon a Noble Earle , John Earle of Cassles , &c. in name of the Noblemen , M. Alexander Gibson younger of Dury in name of the Barons , James Fletcher Provost of Dundy in name of the Borrowes , M. John Ker Minister at Salt-Prestoun in name of the Ministers , and Master Archbald Johnston , Reader hereof , in name of all who adheres to the Confession of Faith and Covenant lately renewed within this Kingdome , tooke Instruments in the hands of three Notars present , at the said mercat Crosse of Edinburgh , being invironed with great numbers of the foresaid Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Borrows , Ministers and Commons , before many hundred witnesses , and craved the extract thereof : And in token of their dutifull respect to his Majesty , confidence of the equity of their cause , and innocencie of their carriage , and hope of his Majesties gracious acceptance , they offered in all humilitie , with submisse reverence , a Copy thereof to the Herauld . NOw We must appeale to the judgement of the world , whether there was any thing in this Our Proclamation which deserved such an undutifull and rebellious Protestation , or the seditious clamours , which both at their private and publicke meetings , especially in their Pulpits , were made against it . This Protestation needeth no answere ; for after the first part of it , which is nothing but a repetition of that which they have so often said , there is nothing but a number of falsities heaped up together , as the Reader may easily perceive : For whereas they alledge , That they have removed the impediment which caused their Covenant to be mistaken , as if it had beene an unlawfull combination ; We suppose that thereby they meane that which they tendered to Our Commissioner , and called it by the name of an explication of their Covenant ; which explication was so farre from giving unto Us any satisfaction , that both to Us and all reasonable men it must needs appeare to be a stronger confirmation of their unlawfull combination : For whereas they refused to except Us out of the number of those persons against whom their band of mutuall maintenance is intended , it plainely demonstrateth , that in their intentions We are the person chiefly aimed at . In some few lines after this , they professe that they never so much as called in question Our resolution to maintaine the Religion professed in that kingdome , and Our care for not admitting any Innovations in Religion , or any staine of Popish superstition : Now We doe appeale even to their owne consciences , whether in their private meetings , nay even in their publike assemblies and Sermons , they have not endevoured to settle in Our good subjects mindes opinions , feares , and jealousies , quite contrarie to these their printed asseverations . In the last part they ground their Protestation upon no grounds but such as these : That they will continue together , because they have obliged themselves by oath so to doe , and because they will and are resolved to adhere constantly to what they have done , and because they offer to cleare themselves before a generall Assembly and Parliament , where they themselves make accompt to be Judges . Now these and such like false and weake grounds it is very unnecessarie to confute , the rehearsall of them being upon the first view , their sufficient conviction . After all these , they end their Protestation with two very unsavourie conclusions : The first is , that if We will not allow of their proceedings , they themselves will call a Generall Assembly , which shall be sure to allow of them . A notable piece of hypocrisie and disloyaltie together , to be suiters to Us for that which they ( as they say ) both may doe and are resolved to doe without Our leave : The second is , they protest , that , notwithstanding any thing which We doe or shall say to the contrarie , all their proceedings are in themselves most necessarie , and orderly meanes , agreeable to the Laws and practise of that Church and Kingdome , to be commended as reall duties of faithfull Christians , loyall subjects , and sensible members of the body of that Church and Kingdome , and no way to be styled or accounted great disorders , misdemeanours , blinde disobedience , under pretext of Religion , and running headlong into ruine : All which words are multiplied , onely to make up a verie unmannerly contradiction to the verie words of Our Proclamation . Our Commissioner seeing , not that he was not able to give , but that they were resolute not to receive any satisfaction by what was offered , and that the most that they could be brought to , was that which they called an explication of their Covenant , but indeed was none ; for they would never yeeld that these words , whereby in their Covenant they bound themselves in a mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever , should admit this interpretation ( Except the King : ) He told them plainly , that since his Instructions were out , he could proceed no further with them without new conference with , and Instructions from Us ; and therefore he resolved a speedie journey to Us , to informe Us of what had passed , and make Us acquainted with that explication of their Covenant which they had given him , though as it had given no satisfaction to himselfe , so he was sure it would give none to Us : In the meane time , he entreated them to behave themselves more quietly and peaceably then they had done , untill Our pleasure were further knowne . That pretended explication of their Covenant was conceived by way of Petition , and was this . To His Majesties Commissioner : The supplication of the Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , Ministers and Commons here attending His Majesties gracious answer of our former petitions , complaints , and desires , Humbly shewing , THat whereas we expecting from your Grace , as His Majesties Commissioner , a gracious answer of our former supplications , complaints and just desires , have presented to your Grace a petition , humbly craving a free generall Assembly and Parliament , as the ordinarie remedy of our grievances , and the onely meane to put this Kirk and Kingdome to quietnesse , It pleased your Grace to shew , that His Majestie , from His princely care of this Kirk and Kingdome , would be most willing to indict a free generall Assembly , and call a Parliament for those good ends , but that your Grace , as His Majesties Commissioner , hath conceived the Confession of faith , and Covenant latelie renewed by us His Majesties subjects , to be an unlawfull combination against Authority ; thereby to cast off our dutifull obedience , and not a Covenant for maintaining of true Religion , of His Majesties Person and Authority , and of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdome . And we being most willing to remove that , as the maine hinderance of the obtaining of our desires ; Therefore , and for clearing of our loyaltie , and vindicating our selves from so great an imputation , Wee do now in all humility remonstrate to your Grace , as His Majesties Commissioner , and declare before God and men , that we are heartily grieved and sorrie , that any good man , but most of all that our dread Soveraigne should so conceive of our doing : And that we were , and still are so fa●re from any thought of withdrawing our selves from our dutifull subjection , and obedience to His Majesties government , which by the descent , and under the raigne of 107 Kings , is most chearfully acknowledged by us and our predecessours , that we never had , nor have any intention or desire to attempt any thing that may turne to the dishonour of God , or diminution of the Kings greatnesse and authority . But on the contrary , we acknowledging our quietnesse , stability and happinesse to depend upon the safety of the Kings Majestie , as upon Gods Vicegerent set over us for maintenance of Religion , and ministration of Justice , have solemnly sworne , not onely our mutuall concurrence and assistance for the cause of Religion , but also to the uttermost of our power , with our meanes and lives , to stand to the defence of our dread Soveraigne the Kings Majestie , His Person and Authority , in the preservation and defence of the true Religion , Liberties and Lawes of the Kingdome . And therefore , we His Majesties loyall subjects , free from that and all other imputations of that kinde , most humbly beseech your Grace to esteeme that our Confession of Faith and Covenant , to have been intended , and to be the largest testimony of our fidelity to God , and loyaltie to our King : And that hinderance being removed , must still supplicate that your Grace would be pleased to indict a free generall Assembly and Parliament , which will undoubtedly redresse all our evils , settle the peace of the Kirk and Kingdome , and procure that chearfulnesse of obedience which ought to be rendred to His Majesty , carrying with it the offer of our fortunes , and best endeavours for His Majesties honour and happinesse , as a reall testimony of our thankfulnesse , and our hearty prayers to God that His Majestie may long and prosperously raigne over us . NOw , doth this Petition deserve the name of an explication of their Covenant ? much lesse of such an explication as should give either Us or Our Commissioner any satisfaction ? No , for it containeth neither more nor lesse then this , that they doe not meane to shake off their obedience , if We will give way to all their courses , which by this Petition they justifie ; so that their meaning is , that they will continue obedient subjects , if We will part from Our Soveraigntie ; which is in effect , that they will obey if Wee will suffer them to command . But where it was expected that to these words of their Covenant , whereby they binde themselves to mutuall maintenance , against all persons whatsoever , should have beene added , except the King and his successors , that was refused , though even that could have given no satisfaction , unlesse We should give way to that which divers Acts of Parliament have made sedition , and punishable with death . Upon notice given by Our Commissioner of his intended departure , the debatements at their Table grew very hot and fierie upon this point , Whether they should presently indict a Generall Assembly , and fall upon the violent courses intended by them , or that they should grant some short time for his journey , his stay with Us , his returne to them againe , with Our finall answer and last resolution ; and in the meane time promise that they would behave themselves quietly and peaceably , and continue all things in statu quo untill his returne . This last was agreed unto , though not without much contrarietie of voices , and so some of the principall Covenanters came and acquainted him with this their resolution , which was , That they would expect Our answer , and his returne upon the fifth of August next at the furthest ; untill which time they would breake up their great meeting , containe themselves and the people in quietnesse and peace ; but if by that day he did either not return , or not bring with him from Us such an answere as they expected , then they would hold themselves free , and goe on to prosecute the courses which they had resolved upon . And so Our Commissioner begun his journey towards Us. After Our Commissioner had at Greenwich made Us fully acquainted with all their insolencies , We speedily dispatched him with new Instructions , and commanded him to returne , so that he might be backe in Scotland by the fifth of August , and gave him order for the indicting both of a Generall Assembly and a Parliament , but so , that he should first be fully satisfied , by all informations which he could conveniently receive , of the constitution of a Generall Assembly , with which perhaps many were not acquainted , none having beene kept for divers yeares : And therefore it did require good deliberation , to agree both upon the members of the Assembly ( not for their persons but for their qualitie ) and of what things were usually treated and handled there . No sooner was he returned into Scotland , but he found all things in much worse case , and in a farre greater combustion then he left them : For he found that the heads of the faction ( being affraid that he might bring backe with him some satisfactory accommodation , which Our subjects might like well , but they themselves resolved to reject ) had in the time of his absence assured their followers , that they might compasse their ends by such means and upon such conditions as themselves desired : Nay , they proceeded so far , as to make the people beleeve what they knew to be most untrue , viz. That Our Commissioner was well satisfied with all their proceedings , and especially with their Covenant , in regard of the late explication they had made of it ; and were so impudent as to use that inducement for an argument , whereby they perswaded many of all sorts , especially of the Ministers , who had formerly stood out against their Covenant , to enter into it , in this short time of his absence from them ; And the three Ministers in their answers to the Queries of the Divines of Aberdene , had the boldnesse to print , that Our Commissioner rested satisfied with their Covenant , according to their explication of it : With which their notorious calumnie he found himselfe so highly injured , in a point which so much concerned his loyaltie to Us , and the trust reposed in him by Us , they he was enforced to call the Lords of Our Councell , divers others of Our Nobilitie , and some of the Lords Covenanters themselves , to give testimonie of his frequent asseverations in their hearing , that as he himselfe was no way satisfied with that explication , so he was assured that We neither would nor could receive any satisfaction by it , only that he would present it to Us at their entreatie : And besides the attestation of so many witnesses , he was necessitated , both for clearing of himselfe to Us , and preventing the further encrease of Covenanters , upon that false and groundlesse surmise , to print a Manifest and Declaration of his own clearnesse and their calumnie . It is true that they printed a weake answer to that Manifest , in which they confesse , that they never heard him say that he was satisfied with that Declaration , but that by some probable reasons ( which are there expressed , and indeed are most improbable ones ) they were induced to beleeve that he was satisfied with it , although that both to their new Proselytes , and in the Ministers printed answers , they had positively averred , that after he had received that explication he was fully satisfied with their Covenant : Which dealing of theirs gave occasion for many to thinke , that this false aspersion was put upon him , by those who ever laboured to strangle all hopes of reconciliation , onely to raise in Us a distrustfull jealousie of his service , that so he might be called backe , and the people made beleeve that no relieving of their grievances was intended by Us. About the same time a great stirre was raised in that Kingdome upon a very slender ground , which was this : There had been printed at Antwerpe in severall pieces ▪ the pictures of the severall stories of the Gospels , and Acts of the Apostles , after the manner as they are usually printed in the Romish Church ; some Papists , and it may be others , had caused these severall pieces to be bound in their Bibles , at the severall chapters of those stories to which they did relate ; they found such a Bible printed at Edinburgh , which being printed ( as all Bibles are ) by Our priviledge , upon a sudden there were made most tragicall complaints , that pictures and images were brought into their Bibles by Our authoritie , aggravated by the heads of that faction , especially the Ministers , with the imminent dangers of the present introduction of Poperie , Superstition , & Idolatrie , still to make the people averse from all hope of satisfaction ; so that some did conceive , that these pictures might bee bound in that Bible by some of themselves , meerly to irritate the people , and continue them in their distance from returning to Our obedience : but so far with this particular we cannot charge them . Now , notwithstanding these new and daily emergent combustions , and their perpetuall working of the people , both in their Pulpits and at their other meetings , to new insolencies and greater heights of rage and furie , Our Commissioner resolved ( as well as he could ) to passe them over , and to enter into treatie with them for the preparative overtures of a Generall Assemblie , because he did see that all these impediments and blocks were laid purposely in his way , that either hee might stumble at them , or bee so scared as to go back ; for it was plainely perceived , that whensoever he made any proposition of peace , likely to take or please , they presently cast about how to dash it with some new violence and accident which should make it impossible , as did most evidently appeare in this particular . Our Commissioner sent some of Our Councell to conferre with some of the principall Covenanters , concerning some necessarie propositions fit to be resolved upon before the indicting of the Assemblie ▪ both concerning the members of which it was to bee constituted , and concerning the matters to be treated of in it , ( two consultations usually previous to that meeting , for the omission whereof in one Assemblie of later times , they had so grievously complained , that in a Petition exhibited by the Ministers of their side , it was alleadged for a nullitie of that Assemblie : ) This message was received with so much choler and contempt , that they presently blazed it abroad amongst their followers , for a proposition tending utterly to the ruine of the Lawes and liberties both of Church and Kingdome , that the hearkning to any such overtures was an absolute prelimitation of that Assemblie , which they intended should be free and generall , that neither of the members of their Assemblie , nor of the matters to bee handled in it , they would speak so much as one word untill they came upon the place , and were in the Assemblie ; that then and there the Assemblie it selfe was to be the sole judge both of the competencie of the members elected , of the regularitie of their election , and of all matters treated of there , whether they were of their cognisance and jurisdiction or not , and likewise gave out , that they did not much care whether Our Commissioner would indict an Assemblie or not : they would indeed like it better if it were indicted by Our authoritie , but if We , requested by them so to do , should refuse it , they both could and would do it of themselves : Then did their Pulpits againe begin to ring with this monstrous proposition , as they called it , of the utter subversion of the liberties of their Church , by the prelimitation of their Assemblie , as if this conference propounded by Our Commissioner concerning the orderly proceedings in that meeting , had beene such a blow to their Church , as they could not feare a greater from Rome it selfe . And to make Our Commissioner beleeve that they were in good earnest , they had a little before caused the Presbyterie of Peebles to begin with the election for their Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie , being a place not above twentie miles distant from Edinburgh , so that they were sure it must speedily come to his knowledge : To this election all the Gentlemen within the compasse of that Presbyterie resorted , intruded themselves by violence , and in despite of the Ministers would give their voices to the chusing both of the Ministers and one lay-man to be Commissioners for that Presbyterie at the next Assemblie , whensoever , and wheresoever it should bee kept , when as yet no Assemblie was indicted . Our Commissioner weighing well these two things ; First , that the principall Covenanters , Noblemen , Gentlemen , and Ministers , as hee had occasion to speak with them severally , and upon severall occasions , had protested unto him , that their meaning never was quite to abolish Episcopall government , but onely to have it limited and restricted , according to the Lawes of that Church and Kingdome , and that they might bee accomptable to , and censurable by the Generall Assemblie , if they should transgresse these limits ; adding , that they had farre rather live under that government , then under the tyrannie of the Presbyeries , which they had heard their fathers so much complaine of , and had given them charge to beware of ; the like Protestations they having likewise made to divers of Our Councell , and others : And secondly , considering that he now found that they begun to speak more sparingly and reservedly in that point , and would not so much as treat of it before the Assemblie , and that some of them had given out , that they had resolved upon a way to throw off that grievous burthen of the Presbyteries , with the weight whereof their fathers were so much grieved , viz. by joyning so many Laick Elders to every Presbyterie as there should be Ministers in it , by which meanes the Laitie should bee able to keep the Presbyterie under , without the help of Bishops . Our Commissioner was now once againe at a stand , not knowing how to proceed , as not being sufficiently warranted by Our instructions to indict a Generall Assemblie or Parliament , unlesse hee should first bee satisfied by advice of them who understood the formes of Assemblies , what course was to bee held , both for the members of that Assemblie , and the manner of their election , and for a previous consultation of the principall things to be treated there ; all which consultations the Covenanters did utterly reject : He therefore resolved once againe to make a journey to Us , and acquaint Us with these new occurrences , since hee found them daily increasing in their obstinacie , & so changed , as he was not able to make any judgment , either of their resolutions , or desires , or of what would give them satisfaction . And therefore Our Commissioner told them plainely , that he had no authoritie from Us to indict an Assemblie , unlesse some particulars were agreed upon , both concerning the constitution of the Assemblie , the present settling the peace of the Kingdom , and the righting and restoring to their places such Ministers as had beene displaced without order of Law , who might againe be displaced , if at the Assemblie they were found to deserve it : The summe of Our demands he delivered to the chiefe Lords Covenanters in these ten Articles , which will be found by the reading of them to be verie just and reasonable . THat all Ministers deposed or suspended by the Presbyteries since the first of Februarie last , without warrant of the Ordinarie , shall be restored to their owne places , till such time as they shall be legally convicted . That all Moderators of Presbyteries , deposed since the foresaid day by the Presbyteries , without warrant of the Ordinarie , be restored , and all Moderators appointed by the said Presbyteries without warrant foresaid , to desist from executing the office of Moderator . That all Ministers admitted by the Presbyteries since the foresaid day , without warrant from the Ordinarie , shall desist from exercising the function of their ministerie in that place to which they have beene so presented and admitted . That all Parishioners shall frequent their owne Churches , and heare their owne Minister , and that the Elders assist the Minister in the Session , and other exercises of the discipline of the Church , as formerly they were used to do . That all Bishops and Ministers , have their rents and stipends duely and thankfully paied them . That all Ministers bee appointed presently to repaire to their owne Churches , that none of them come to the Assemblie , or to the place where the same shall bee held , but such as shall bee chosen Commissioners from the Presbyteries . That according to the Act of Assemblie 1606. Moderators of Presbyteries being found necessarie members of the Assemblie , everie one of the said Moderators bee appointed to bee Commissioner from that Presbyterie where he is Moderator . That Bishops and other Ministers who shall attend the Assemblie , may be secured in their persons from all trouble and molestation . That the Commissioners from Presbyteries , be chosen by the Ministers of that Presbyterie onely : And that no lay-person whatsoever , meddle in the choice , nor no Minister without his owne Presbyterie . That all Convocations and meetings be dissolved , and that everie man repaire to his owne house , and that the Countrey not onely be made peaceable , but also that all such Acts be forborne , as may make it appeare to be otherwayes . And since his Majestie is still displeased with the Covenant , wisdome and our dutifull obedience to our Soveraigne require , that some such course should be taken , whereby his Majestie may receive satisfaction therein ; and in the mean time , that there be no pressing , threatning , or perswading of men to subscribe the Covenant , nor no mention be made thereof any more in Pulpits . To these ( according to their usuall manner ) they would no way condescend , but returned to Our Commissioner these most unjust and unreasonable answers . Answers to the particulars propounded by his Majesties Commissioner . HAving seriously considered with our selves , that nothing in this world is so precious , and ought to be so deare unto us as our Religion , that the diseases of the Church after long toleration did threaten no lesse then her utter ruine , and the expiring of the truth of Religion at last , and that a free Generall Assemblie was the ordinarie remedie appointed by divine Authoritie , and blessed by divine providence in other Churches , and after a speciall manner in the Church of Scotland ; wee have often , and earnestly supplicated for the same , and have laboured to remove what was objected , or what wee could conceive to be any hinderance to the obtaining of our desire , like as we have now for the same good end resolved to returne this answer to the particulars propounded , to bee performed by us before any Assemblie be indicted . The particulars propounded , are either concerning matters Ecclesiasticall , or Civill : Ecclesiasticall , or Church matters are , The first , concerning Ministers deposed or suspended by the Presbyteries , since the first of Februarie last , without warrant of the Ordinarie , that they bee restored to their owne places . The second , concerning Moderators of Presbyteries deposed since the foresaid day , to bee restored , and all Moderators appointed by the said Presbyteries without warrant aforesaid , to desist from executing the office of Moderator . The third , concerning Ministers admitted since the foresaid day , that they desist from exercising the function of the Ministerie in that place , to which they have beene admitted . These three particulars do concerne the power , dutie , and particular facts , or faults of Presbyteries , wherein we have no power to judge or determine , whether they have proceeded lawfully or not , farre lesse can we urge or command them to recall what they have determined or done , in the suspending , deposing , or admitting of Ministers , or Moderators ; they being properly subject to the superior Assemblies of the Church ; and in this case and condition of the Church , to the Generall Assemblie , where , if they shall not after tryall justifie their proceedings , from the good warrants of Scripture , reason , and the acts and praclices of the Church , they ought to sustaine their owne deserved censure . And since on the one side , there be many complaints against the Prelats for their usurpation over Presbyteries in the like particulars ; and on the other side , there be such complaints of the doings and disorders of the Presbyteries , to the offence of the Prelats ; we trust that his Majesties Commissioner will not esteeme this to be any hinderance of the indiction of a Generall Assemblie , but rather a powerfull and principall motive with speed to conveene the same , as the proper Judicatorie wherein to determine such dangerous and universall differences of the Church . Neither do wee heare that any Ministers are deposed , but onely suspended , during this Interim till a Generall Assemblie , for their erroneous doctrine and flagitious life ; So that it were most * offensive to God , disgracefull to Religion , and scandalous to the people , to restore them to their places till they be tried , and censured . And concerning Moderators , none of them ( as we understand ) are deposed , but some onely changed , which is verie ordinarie in this Church . The fourth , concerning the repairing of Parishioners to their owne Church , and that Elders assist the Ministers in the discipline of the Church , ought to be cognosced and judged by the particular Presbyteries , to which the Parishioners and Elders are subject , since the cause may bee in the Ministers no lesse then in the Parishioners and Elders . And in case they finde no redresse there , to assent till they come to a Generall Assemblie , the want whereof maketh disorders to bee multiplied , both in Presbyteries and particular Parishes . To the sixth , That ministers wait upon their owne Churches , and that none of them come to the Assemblie , or place where the same is kept , but such as shall bee chosen Commissioners from Presbyteries , we answer , That none are to come to the place of the Assemblie , * but such as are either allowed by Commission to have voice , or otherwise have such interesse as they can justifie to his Majesties Commissioner , and the Assemblie conveened . To the seventh , Concerning the appointing of Moderators of Presbyteries to bee Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie , onely constant Moderators , who have ceased long since , were found in the Assemblie 1606. ( which yet was never reputed by the Church to be a lawfull nationall Assemblie ) to be necessarie members of the Generall Assemblie . And if both the Moderators , who if they be necessarie members need not to bee chosen , and the chosen Commissioners repaire to the Assemblie , the Assemblie it selfe can judge best of the members whereof it ought to consist . To the ninth , That no lay-person whatsoever meddle with the choosing of Commissioners from the Presbyteries , and no Minister without his owne Presbyterie , we say , That according to the order of our Church discipline , none but Ministers , and Elders of Churches ought to have voice in choosing Commissioners from Presbyteries , and that no Minister , or Elder should have voice in Election , but in his owne Presbyterie . The rest of the particulars are concerning civill matters : As the fifth concerning the paying of Rents and Stipends to Ministers and Bishops , concerning which we can say no further , but that the lawes are patent for them , as for his Majesties other subjects , and that the General Assemblie ought not to be delaied upon any complaint in that kinde . The eighth , requiring that Bishops , and Ministers be secured in their persons , we think so reasonable , that wee will promise everie one of us for our own parts , they shall suffer no violence from us , and that we shall hinder others so farre as wee may ; And if any trouble them otherwise , or make them any kinde of molestation in that attendance but by order of Law , the parties are justly punishable according to the degree of their fault as other subjects are . To the tenth , concerning the dissolving of all Convocations and meetings , and the peaceablenesse of the Countrie ; These meetings being kept for no other end , but for consulting about lawfull remedies against such pressing grievances as threaten the desolation of this Church and State , cannot be dissolved till the evils be removed . And * we trust , that nothing in these our meetings hath escaped us , which carrieth in it the smallest appearance of undutifulnesse , or which may seeme to tend to the breach of the common peace : But although our adversaries have herein calumniated us , yet we have alwayes so behaved our selves , as beseemed his Majesties most humble and loyall subjects , petitioning his Majestie for a legall redresse of our just grievances . To the last , concerning the Covenant ; the Commissioner his Grace having many times and most instantly pressed us with that point , we did first by * invincible arguments make manifest , that wee could not , without sinning against God , and our owne consciences , and without doing wrong to this Nationall Church , and all posteritie , rescind or alter the same : And thereafter did at large cleare the same of all unlawfull combination against Authoritie , by our last Supplication and Declaration , which his Majesties Commissioner * accepted , as the most readie and powerfull of all other meanes , which could come within the compasse of our thought to give his Majestie satisfaction , The subscription of this our confession of Faith , and Covenant being an act so evidently tending to the * glorie of God , the Kings honour , and happinesse of the Kingdome : And having alreadie proved so comfortable to us in the inward of our hearts , It is our ardent and constant desire , and readie wish , that both his Majestie and all his good subjects may be partakers of the same comfort , Like as we finde our selves bound by conscience , and by the Covenant it selfe , to perswade all his Majesties good subjects to joyne with us for the good of Religion , his Majestes honour , and the quietnesse of the Kingdome : which being modestly used by us without pressing , or threatning of the meanest , we hope shall never give his Majestie the least cause of discontent . Seeing therefore , according to our power and interesse , wee are most willing to remove all hinderances , that things may bee carried in a peaceable manner , worthy our Profession , and Covenant , doe aime at nothing but the good of the Kingdome , and preservation of the Church , which by consumption , or combustion , is like to be desperately diseased , except remedy some way bee speedily provided ; And wee delight to use no other meanes , but such as are legall , and have beene ordinarie in this Church , since the Reformation : Wee are confident that without further delay , for preventing of greater evils and miseries then wee can expresse , our just desires shall be granted . So shall we be encouraged in the peace of our souls , still to pray for his Majestie , all encrease of true honour , and happinesse . UPon their refusall , he sent for some of the chiefe Lords Covenanters , and told them of his resolution for a new journey ; that he found their wayes such as he could not goe along with them ; that he had power to grant them a free Generall Assembly , but that he could not conceive that to be a free one , in which they should bring in everie man to have a voice whom they had a minde to : If they would let him know what manner of persons should sit there , and what they intended to doe there , he would give his best concurrence , if he found their intentions to be agreeable to the lawes and customes of that Church and Kingdome ; if they rejected these motions , he knew nothing left for him , but to return back againe to Us , yet he desired them before his journey they would let him know what it was they would have , and that they would expresse what was the uttermost of that which they desired from Us , without which they would not rest satisfied ; that with their desires he would make Us acquainted , and that within a few dayes he would either returne to them himselfe with Our answer , or otherwise it should be speedily sent unto them . Their answer to Our Commissioner was , that they would make their Tables acquainted with his proposition , and he should shortly receive their answer : At their Tables it was much debated , whether he should have any further time allowed him for a new journey , and a speedie returne , or if they should leave him to his owne choice and counsels , and they in the meane time to indict a Generall Assembly , and goe on with the prosecution of their intended resolutions : At last , not without contrarietie of suffrages in this also , it was by most voices concluded , that to give the people satisfaction , they would yet forbeare the indicting of the Assembly untill the 21. day of September , before which time , if he or some other did not returne with such answer as should content them , then they would hold themselves free to goe on with their designes : And for expressing their desires , or what satisfaction they expected from Us , they would not descend to particulars , onely they looked for a free Generall Assembly , and a Parliament , in which two great Courts their desires should be made knowne ; And this being all the answer Our Commissioner could obtaine from them , he told them that he would report it to Us , and intended presently to begin his journey . No sooner were they parted from him , but they betooke themselves to their old courses , both of incensing the people , and dashing in Our Commissioner all hope of doing any good in this service : The first they did by scattering a report amongst their followers , that Our Commissioner neither had power from Us , nor any intention in himselfe to give them any satisfaction , but that he onely delayed time , untill all things might be in a ripenesse and readinesse for their ruine , an evident argument whereof was , that now he had taken two journies thither , & yet had never offered any thing , nor were they in better case then before he was sent unto them : A thing which they knew to be most untrue , both because in Our last Declaration We had granted them verie many things concerning their pretended grievances , which We had not granted before , being the same things which at first they onely desired ; as likewise because Our Commissioner had now lately tendered them in writing ten propositions , upon the yeelding to which he would presently indict an Assembly : But that was all one with them , for so they could perswade the people that nothing yet had been offered at all to content them , they cared not by what reports ( true or false ) that perswasion were wrought in them : Our Commissioner , to assure the people that he intended really , and endevoured their content , if possibly it might be effected upon any reasonable termes , contracted his former propositions into these two ( which We here insert ) and caused many copies of them to be dispersed through the Citie , that so the people might not bee kept from the knowledge of Our favour towards them . IF the Lords and the rest will undertake for themselves and the rest , that no Laicks shall have voyces in choosing the Ministers to bee sent from the severall Presbyteries to the Generall Assembly , nor none else but the Ministers of the same Presbyterie : If they will undertake that at the Assemblie they shall not goe about to determine of things established by Acts of Parliament , otherwise then by remonstrance or petition to the Parliament , leaving the determining of things Ecclesiasticall to the generall Assembly , and things settled by Act of Parliament , to the Parliament : Then I will presently indict a Generall Assembly , and promise , upon my Honour , immediately after the Assembly to indict a Parliament , which shall cognosce of all their complaints . THis did so irritate their Leaders , that they presently entred upon a course that should put Our Commissioner out of hope of ever doing any good in this service ; for they presently gave order , even before the beginning of his journy , for the election of the Commissioners to the General Assembly throughout the whole Kingdome , to be made before his returne , or the indicting of an Assembly ; which caused him presently to send for the chiefe of the Covenanters , and absolutely to tell them , That if they did proceed to the election of any Commissioners for the Assembly before his returne , he would not goe his journey at all ; he would not move Us for a Generall Assembly , nor for any thing else ; he would leave them to their owne wayes ; as a private man he would stay in the Kingdome and expect the issue of their counsels : Which resolution of his , because it should not be concealed from the people , he caused likewise by many copies of it in writing to be divulged amongst them : This his determination these Lords Covenanters to whom he delivered it , communicated to their Tables , who were very stiffe in their former conclusion for the present election of Commissioners ; yet because they could not well perceive how to satisfie the people , if they should breake off all treatie upon such a nice point , it was at the last agreed unto , and talked of as a singular favour done to Our Commissioner , that the election of the Commissioners to the Assembly should be delayed untill his returne , which We pray the Reader to observe , because it shal be knowne at his returne , with what a horrible equivocation they did elude this their promise . Before Our Commissioner begun his journey towards Us , he entred into a serious consultation with Our chiefe officers of State and principall Councellors there , what further advice they had to recommend by him unto Us , for the setling of the peace of that Kingdome , since they clearely perceived that all Our royall and gracious intentions to that people were frustrated , by the rebellious and obstinate courses of some few who misse-led the rest ; and since he could not possibly draw from the Covenanters their designes , nay , nor their desires , whereby he might learne what they expected for their satisfaction , he desired of them their best counsell , and that he with them might conceive in writing what they supposed would reduce the Kingdome to peace and quietnesse , and without which they thought it could not be effected , but by force and armes , which he was sure We would never use , but in an unavoidable extremitie , and for the preservation of Our Crowne and dignitie . This Our Commissioner did not adventure to communicate with the whole Councell , because he did know that some of Our Councellours were Covenanters in their hearts , though for dangerous ends , they had forborne the subscribing of the Covenant with their hands , and that they would acquaint the Covenanters with it , with whom they kept private meetings . This proposition being much debated amongst these Councellours , they fell upon that way which they conceived would fully satisfie , or else none could ; which was this : Since the Covenanters would not expresse their owne desires in particulars , they thought best to take an exact view of all their petitions , remonstrances , grievances , declarations , protestations either written or printed , which they had since the first beginning of these troubles exhibited to Our selves , Our Commissioner , Our Councell ; and to extract out of them the particulars of all their grievances and desires , and to represent them unto Us. And besides all these , We being assured by Our Commissioner , that the principall motive which the heads of the Covenanters had used to Our people for alienating their minds from Us , was that false opinion of Our aversnesse from the Religion Reformed , and of Our inclination to Popery : We resolved , above all that was desired , to take a course which should give Our subjects full and unquestionable satisfaction in that point ; and therefore propounding unto Our selfe , the example of Our Royall Father , We concluded to command and urge the renewing of that Confession of Faith , which was first framed and afterward renewed in His name , by which meanes Wee made account that We should both benefit Our Subjects and right Our selfe : For perceiving that they had grounded and fathered their spurious Covenant upon that Confession and Covenant urged by Our Father ; Wee resolved , by this Act of Our authoritie to legitimate it , that it being commanded by Us , might save Our people who were to sweare it , from incurring the danger of Our Lawes , which have made it very criminall to enter into any Covenant without Our authority : As also , to vindicate Our selfe from that false and wicked aspersion , which the heads of their Covenant had most seditiously laid upon Us , viz. that Wee had a resolution either to bring in Poperie , or at least to tolerate it in Our Kingdomes , which though they themselves did not beleeve , yet they beleeved that this was the most powerfull meanes of alienating the minds of Our people from Us ( which they only intended ) if they could possibly worke them to that beliefe . And so both Wee and Our Commissioner , who had lately come from them , were perswaded that not onely Our people , but all people in the World , to whose notice it should come , must rest satisfied ; that Wee could not possibly be that way inclined , if Wee should command , and by Our authority effect a new subscription and swearing of that confession of Faith , which is more directly opposite to Poperie then any Confession besides extant in the World. This being added to the former advice of Our Councell , which was to ease them of all those things which they pretended to bee their principall grievances , Wee well hoped should have settled the peace of that Church and Kingdome . For by granting the removing of those former grievances , without this last superaddition of Our favour , Our Councellours were perswaded that Our subjects for the most part would be satisfied , desert their Leaders , and adhere to Us with their lives and fortunes , as they themselves would doe who signed this their Councell with their hands , and sent it up to Us by Our Commissioner . No sooner was he come to Us at Oatlands , but We were astonished with his relation of their proceedings ; and when he presented unto Us , not only the improbability , but also the impossibility that ever the Ring-leaders of that Rebellion would desist , untill they had obtained their wicked ends , and that the onely hope of peace was placed in dividing the people from them , by proffering unto the people such gracious favours , as in all likelyhood they neither could nor would reject ; and well weighing the advice given unto Us by Our principall Councellours and Officers of State there , After mature deliberation with such as We were pleased to call unto Us , and especially at the humble and earnest importunity of Our Commissioner , so zealously affected to the peace of Our and his native Countrey , We did resolve to pursue that advice of his and Our other Councellours , and did againe make a very exact survey of whatsoever they had petitioned for , from the very first , either of Us , Our Commissioner , or Councell , and resolved to grant them all , and besides all these , to renew the former Confession of Faith and the Band annexed , which We made account would have given them satisfaction above all things , especially in that wherein they had been most wickedly abused , that is , in their opinion of Our inclination to Poperie . The particulars of Our gracious grants unto them you shall finde in Our next Proclamation made after Our Commissioners returne to that Kingdome ; whom , within eight dayes after his comming to Us , We dispatched back againe , overjoyed with Our gracious grants , as making full accompt , that he should be received this last time as an Angell of God , bringing in his mouth the branch both of piety and peace : But how farre both We and he and Our Councellours , and all Our good , religious , loyall , and peaceable subjects of that Kingdom were deceived herein , the next ensuing narration ( which is almost above credit ) will sufficiently declare . For Our Commissioner , returning before the day agreed upon , he found all things in the time of his absence so perplexed and imbroyled by the heads of the Covenanters , who were afraid of nothing so much , as that he should returne with an answer satisfactorie to Our people , that he begun most clearely to perceive , that these men were resolved that nothing should satisfie them ; which appeared by their whole proceedings in the time of his absence , and especially in these two particulars : First , whereas they had promised that no election of Commissioners for the Assembly should be made before the 21. day of September , the day agreed upon for his returne , they gave order that the election should be made the 22. day of September , being the next day after that , which they knew was to be passed before he could possibly returne Our answer to them : According to which resolution of theirs , Commissioners for the Assembly were elected in many Presbyteries upon that day , before any of the Covenanters did , or could come to know Our answer from Our Commissioner , or before the Assembly was indicted , which was not untill some dayes after these elections were past : Now , We desire to know whether ever there were heard a more grosse , absurd , and palpable equivocation then this , and that from men , who would be accounted the greatest opposites in the world to Popish tenets , and to none more then that of equivocation . They promise that no election shall be made untill Our Commissioners returne , and before such a day ; and that promise grounded upon Our Commissioners resolution before his departure from them , that unlesse they would give him that assurance , hee would not undertake his journey , nor move Us any more in this business ; but if they would expect his returne and Our answer by that time , he would doe both . These holy men resolve to expect that time before any election shall be actually made , but give order that it shall be made the next day after , before it could be knowne in most parts of the kingdome whether he were returned , or in any part of the kingdome , or by any person of the kingdome , what answer he had returned from Us : The insinceritie of which proceedings ( condemned by many Covenanting Ministers at their meeting at Edinburgh for a most desperate equivocation ) We are confident every man will detest , especially in those men who boast themselves to be the onely sincere Professours of these times . Besides , Our Commissioner found that these men ( who would not so much as hear him speak of any precedent conference of any thing concerning the Assembly , nor of any directions to be agreed upon for the more orderly proceeding in it , but cried out against them as unsufferable prelimitations and prejudgings of the liberties of Christ and his Church ) had in the time of his absence at their Tables agreeed upon certaine directions comprehended in eight Articles , which they had dispersed through the whole kingdome , and commanded to be observed by the severall Presbyteries thereof in their elections ; the true copie whereof here followeth . A direction for Presbyteries . THat every Presbyterie have a copie of the Act made at Dundie the seventh of March 1597. concerning the number of Commissioners ; the tenour whereof followeth . Because there hath beene no order hitherto anent the number of Commissioners to be directed from everie Presbyterie to the Generall Assemblie , therefore it is statuted and ordained , that in all time comming three of the wisest and gravest of the Brethren shall be directed from everie Presbyterie at the most , as Commissioners to everie Assemblie , and that none presume to come without Commission : And likewise , that one bee directed from everie Presbyterie in name of the Barons , and one out of everie Burgh , except Edinburgh , which shall have power to direct two Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie . That everie Presbyterie have a copie of the Commission to be given to the Commissioners ; the tenour thereof followes . T.T. the day of The which day after calling upon the name of God , We the members of the Presbyterie of having diligently considered the manifold corruptions , innovations , and disorders , disturbing our peace , and tending to the overthrow of our Religion , and Liberties of the reformed Church within this Realme ; which hath come to passe , especially through the want of the necessarie remedie of Generall Assemblies , as well ordinarie as pro re nata , injoyed by this Church for many yeares , and ratified by Act of Parliament , And now expecting shortly by the mercie of God the benefit of a free Generall Assemblie , do by these presents nominate and appoint Minister of as also in name of the Burrowes , conjunctly and severally our lawfull Commissioners , giving and granting unto them our full power , Commission , and expresse charge , to repaire to the said Assemblie at the day and place , when and where it shall happen to sit , in any safe and commodious place within this Kingdome , and there with the rest who shall be authorised with lawfull Commission , in our name to propone , treat , reason , vote , and conclude , according to the word of God , and confession of faith approved by sundrie Generall Assemblies , and received throughout the whole Kingdome in all Ecclesiasticall matters , competent to a free Generall Assemblie , and tending to the advancement of the Kingdome of Christ , and the good of Religion , as they will answer to God , and his Church thereupon , and to report to us their diligence therein . In testification of this our Commission and charge , we have subscribed these presents with our hands , and which they have accepted with the lifting up of their hands . That everie Church Session send one of the most qualified Elders unto the Presbyterie the day of chusing Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie : That by common consent of the Ministers and those Elders present in the Presbyterie , there may bee chosen both the Commissioners for the Ministers , and also some well affected and qualified Nobleman , or speciall Gentleman , being an Elder of some particular Church Session within that Presbyterie , in name of the Barons : For this is the constitution of the Presbyteries , ( otherwise called Elderships ) appointed by the Church in the books of discipline , Acts of the Generall Assemblie , practised for many yeares after the reformation , and ratified in the Parliament , the twelfth of King James the 6. and never since altered nor rescinded ; neither can be with reason altered , seeing that same is the constitution of the supreme and Generall Assemblies , and of the inferiour and Church Sessions , as is at more length cleared by some reasons . That such as are erroneous in doctrine , or scandalous in life , be presently processed , that they be not chosen Commissioners ; and if they shall happen to be chosen by the greater part , that all the best affected , both Ministers and Elders , protest and come to the Assemblie to testifie the same . To send to everie Presbyterie a copie of the printed reasons for an Assemblie . That Moderators by vertue of their office bee not Commissioners to the Assemblie , except they be chosen . That the Presbyteries in one of the ordinarie meetings , appoint to conveene solemnely after the twentieth of September , either upon the 21.22.23.24 . or 25. for chusing of their Commissioners to the Assemblie , and for to send them hither to Edinburgh before the first of October , or so soone as they can , that with common consent , they may receive the Kings last answer , and advise upon the next lawfull remedies , in their extreme necessities of Church and State. That in the Fast to bee observed on the sixteenth day of September , the second day preceding their election , they may crave Gods direction therein . TO these eight Articles they joyned ( by way of information ) a verie impertinent , long and tedious discourse of Ruling Elders , too long and too simple to be here inserted , which was added no doubt onely to perswade the Ministers to admit Lay-men to have voyces in their Presbyteries at the election of the Ministers who were to be Commissioners for the Assemblie ; or in case of their refusall , to perswade the Lay-men to put themselves in possession , and give their voyces in these elections whether the Ministers would or no , as shall appeare afterwards , both by that intrusion which these Lay Elders used in many Presbyteries , where the Ministers refused to admit them , and by some of the Tables more private instructions , by which they were ordered so to do . Now , We desire the Reader to consider , whether the conference which Our Commissioner desired for debating of what members the Assemblie was to be constituted , and the matters which were principally to be discussed there ( with so much bitternes exclaimed against by them ) could in any construction or sense be taken for such a prelimitation of the Assemblie , either in the members , matter , or manner of it , as these eight Articles composed and commanded by their Tables . In the second Article , they set downe to everie Presbyterie , a set forme of a Commission to be made to their Commissioners , which was never done before ; and at the Assemblie , when the severall Commissions were read , it was observed that all the Commissions were the same verbatim , except a verie few from some Presbyteries who would not be ruled by the Table ; and gave power to their Commissioners to continue no longer in the Assemblie , then Wee or Our Commissioner in Our name should continue it : In the same Article , they will have the Presbyteries in their Commissions to take it pro confesso , that the pretended and complained of Innovations are , corruptions and disorders disturbing the peace , and tending to the overthrow of their Religion and Liberties within the reformed Church of that Realme : If this bee not to prejudge , and take that for granted , which was to be tried by the Assemblie , whether it was so or not , viz. whether these things complained of were Innovations and corruptions introduced in Religion , We must leave it to the Reader to judge . In the third Article they appoint Lay-men to sit in Presbyteries , which had not beene done for above fortie yeares before ; Nay , and these Lay-men to be equall in number with the Ministers , which is contrarie to their owne book of Discipline alledged by them , which did then order that the Ministers should alwayes exceed the number of the Lay Elders ; so that before this time they never were equall in number : Nay , that these Lay-men should have voices , not onely in the chusing of their own Lay Elder , but , which is insufferable , should have suffrage in the Election of the three Ministers Commissioners for the Assemblie , which they themselves do know was never heard nor practised in that Church before , in the verie first and strictest times of reformation , nor ever since . In the fourth Article they order a notable trick and device of their owne to bee put in practice , whereby they were ascertained , that no Minister should bee chosen Commissioner in any Presbyterie where they had any power , but such as did undoubtedly concurre with them in their rebellious courses : for they appointed ( and accordingly it was practised ) that everie man suspected to bee of a different judgement from them , should presently bee processe and brought under the scandall of erroneous life or doctrine , and so made uncapable of being chosen Commissioner ; according to which Article there were verie few Ministers in the Kingdome , who had not subscribed their Covenant , but they were presently suspended by their Presbyterie , where they had voices to do it , or at the least put under processe by some one or other ▪ which could not be prevented ; for no man can bee denied an originall processe against any man whom he will implead : But yet this Article left no evasion , if it should happen that such a one should be chosen Commissioner , for in this case they ordered , that the rest who gave not voices should protest against the election , and complaine of it to the Generall Assemblie , where they were sure enough to processe him there , and lay him aside untill his processe should bee discussed ; which they did put in practise upon some Ministers , who did not concurre in judgement with them at the first sitting downe of the Assemblie . The sixth Article is directly against the Constitutions of their Church then in force , and till then practised ; the Moderator of the Presbyterie being constantly one , as being most able to give an accompt to the Assemblie of all Presbyteriall actions . The seventh Article gives order for practising the above mentioned equivocation , and enjoyneth them to make their elections before they received Our answer , and that they repaire to Edinburgh immediately after their election , that all the Commissioners elected may consult before hand upon what was to be said or done at the Assemblie ; which is in effect neither more nor lesse , then to receive directions from their Tables how to carrie themselves at the Assemblie , and indeed to preconveene and hold the Assemblie at Edinburgh before their meeting at Glasgow . These were their publike instructions which they were not ashamed to avowe and send abroad from their Tables , as it were by publike authoritie , to the severall Presbyteries of that Kingdome ; And whether they do not containe prelimitations of the Assemblie , we shall leave it to the Reader to judge : But whether , if We , Our Commissioner , or Councell , had sent any such directions and instructions to the severall Presbyteries , they would not have exclaimed against them as unsufferable prelimitations of that Assemblie , and prejudgings of the liberties of the Church of Christ in that Realme , Wee do appeale even to their owne consciences . And yet these publike instructions are nothing to the private ones , which they durst not communicate to all their partie , but onely to some one Laick , and one Minister , their speciall confidents in every Presbyterie , of which you shall heare more afterwards in their due place . Notwithstanding all these discouragements , arising from the disorderly proceedings of the Covenanters in the time of his absence , Our Commissioner the day after the time prefixed for his returne , viz. the 22. day of September 1638. assembled Our Councell at Our Palace of Holy-rood-house , and there first delivered unto them this letter from Us , as followeth . Apud Holy-rood-house Septemb. 22. 1638. The which day James Marquesse of Hamiltoun His Majesties Commissioner , produced and exhibited before the Lords of Privie Councell , the two Missives underwritten , signed by the Kings Majestie , and directed to the said Lords , which being read , heard , and considered by the said Lords , They have ordained , and ordaines the same to bee inserted and registred in the bookes of Secret Councell , therein to remaine ad futuram rei memoriam , whereof the tenour followeth . CHARLES R. RIght trusty &c. being certainly informed that the distractions which have happened of late , ( both in Church and Common-wealth ) in this Our ancient Kingdome of Scotland , have much troubled the minds of many of Our good and loyall subjects ; and that these distractions have beene occasioned upon jealousies and feares of innovation of Religion and Lawes , as tending to the introduction of Poperie , and not without some suspicion , as if Wee Our selfe were inclined that way ; Upon occasion whereof , many of Our subjects have of late subscribed a band or Covenant for preserving the true Religion and Lawes already established , and for defending the Kings person , and each others , in defence thereof : But the same not being warranted by Royall authority ( as that which was in Our deare Fathers time ) must needs of it selfe be ineffectuall ▪ and much prejudiciall to the ancient Forme and Custome of government kept within that Our Kingdome of Scotland : Wherefore Wee , out of Our inborne love to Our said native Countrie , and for obviating these conceived feares , and satisfying of you , and all Our loving people , have thought good to ordaine the Confession of Faith , and band subjoyned thereto , of the date at Edinburgh , Januarie 28. 1580. and signed by Our Royall Father to bee renewed : And to that effect have given Order to Our Commissioner , with advice of Our Councell , to set downe and settle some solid course , whereby the same may be subscribed by Our Councell , Judges , Magistrates of Burroughes , and all other Our people of that Kingdome . And for further clearing of Our selfe , Wee declare , That as We are and ever have beene satisfied in Our judgement and conscience for the reformed Religion now established , and against the Roman : so Wee purpose , by Gods grace , both to live and die in the practice thereof , and to preserve and maintaine the same in full strength and integritie , according to the Lawes of that Our ancient Kingdome . What We have thought further fitting to be done at this time , concerning the particulars contayned in Our subjects petitions ; you shall receive Our full pleasure therein from Our Commissioner . And that this Our Declaration concerning Our selfe , and Our pious intention , for settling the Reformed Religion within that Our Kingdome may appeare to posteritie . Our pleasure is , that these presents be registred in the Books of Councell . Oatlands Septem . 9. 1638. THis Our Letter being received by Our Councel with all submissive , joyfull , and thankfull acknowledgment , Our Commissioner made them further acquainted with the particulars of Our grace and favour , for the appeasing of the troubles of that Our kingdome , who ( upon hearing of the same ) were filled with excessive joy , as making full account that now malice it selfe could not finde the least pretence of keeping Our people from being satisfied , all things which ever yet since the beginning of these troubles they had desired , being granted unto them . But so soone as some of Our Councellours , who were not onely Covenanters in their heart , but the very heart of their Covenant , had made some of the chiefe covenanting Lords acquainted with the unexpected excesse of Our favours towards Our people , these Lords , making full accompt that their reigne was upon the point of expiration if the people should understand Our grace and favour , bestirred themselves with might and main to disperse rumours amongst them , That the newes brought home by Our Commissioner , importing Our answer , did tend to the utter subversion of their Religion and liberties ; That there was a new Covenant to be set on foot by Us , to destroy theirs , and that if they now did not resist , all they had done was quite undone and lost : After which , the principall of them came downe , first , to Our Commissioner , and then to Our Councell , requesting them , or indeed rather requiring them , that they would not subscribe the Confession of faith , nor require it to be subscribed by others , by any authoritie from Us , threatning in a manner , that if they did , they would repent it , and that a present rupture would follow : Our Commissioner and Councell heard them twice fully , but found not the least ground of reason for the delay of the declaration of Our grace and favour towards Our people , as seeing it proceeded onely from an earnest desire in these Lords to have it concealed from them ; and therefore resolved , and imparted unto the Lords covenanters their resolution , that they would publish it that day , being Saturday . The Lords covenanters did then seeme to abate something of their requests , or rather demands , and desired Our Commissioner and Councell to delay the publishing of Our Declaration onely untill the Munday following , before which time , if they could not shew good reasons for the stopping of it , they would be content with the publication thereof : Which motion of theirs wanted not seconding from some of Our Councell there present , who were indeed the first and chiefest of them : But Our Commissioner and Councellours well and wisely foreseeing that this delay was desired , first , that these Lords Covenanters might have time to pen and prepare a Protestation against this Our gracious Declaration , with the contents whereof some of Our Councellors ( heartie Covenanters ) had made them acquainted ; which Protestation could not be provided nor penned in the space of so few houres : secondly , that the Lords covenanters made no question , but that the next day being Sunday , their Ministers in all the Pulpits of Edinburgh , by their subornation , should so conjure up the spirits of Our people against Our gracious Declaration , as they should not be easily and readily laid againe : Thirdly , that they might have time to dispatch messengers & Poasts abroad with copies of their Protestation , in all Burroughs where Our Declaration was to be published , before , or as soone as Our Declaration could be sent to those places : for these important considerations , Our Commissioner and Councell did declare unto these Lords , after full hearing of them , that considering the invaliditie of their reasons to the contrarie ▪ Our gracious Declaration should be published that day at the Crosse of Edinburgh : And so accordingly Our Declaration that day was proclaimed , as here it followeth . CHarles , by the grace of God , King of Scotland , England , France , and Ireland , defender of the faith . To Our Lovits , Messengers , Our Sheriffes , in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . Forsomuch as the cause and occasion of all the distractions which have happened of late both in Church and Common-weale of this Our Kingdome , have proceeded from the conceived feares of innovation of Religion and Lawes : To free all Our good subjects of the least suspition of any intention in Us to innovate any thing , either in Religion or Lawes ; and to satisfie not onely their desires , but even their doubts , We have discharged , and by these presents do discharge the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and High Commission , and the practice of them , or any of them : and by these presents annulls and rescinds all acts of Councell , Proclamations , and other acts and deeds whatsoever , that have been made or published , for establishing them , or any of them , and declares the same to be null , and to have no force nor effect in time comming . And being informed , that the urging of the practice of the five articles of Perth Assembly , hath bred great distraction and division in the Church and State , We have beene graciously pleased to take the same into Our consideration ; and for the quiet and peace of Church and State , doe not onely dispense with the practice of the saids Articles , but also discharge , like as by these presents We discharge all and whatsoever persons from urging the practice thereof , upon either Laicke or Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever . And We do hereby free all Our subjects from all censure and paine , whether ecclesiasticall or secular , for not urging , practising , or obeying the same , notwithstanding of any thing contained in the acts of Parliament , or generall Assembly to the contrary . And because it hath beene , to the disgrace of government , disperst and surmized throughout this Our kingdome , that some of Our subjects have exercised such illimited and unwarranted power , and have held themselves eximed from censure and punishment , to which others Our subjects are lyable , We doe by these presents declare , that if any of Our subjects , whether ecclesiasticall or civill , of whatsoever qualitie , title , or degree , have , or shall at any time presume to doe any such act , or assume to themselves any such exemption or power , That they shall , like as by these presents We make and ordaine them to be lyable to the triall and censure of Parliament , generall Assembly , or any other Judicatories competent , according to the nature and qualitie of the offence . And for the free entry of Ministers , that no other oath be administrate unto them then that which is contained in the act of Parliament , And to give Our subjects full assurance , that We never intend to admit of any change or alteration in the true Religion alreadie established and professed in this Our kingdome , And that all Our good people may be fully and clearly satisfied of the realitie of Our intentions towards the maintenance of the truth and integritie of the said Religion , We have thought fit and expedient to injoine and authorize , like as We by these presents doe require and command all the Lords of Our privie Councell , Senatours of the Colledge of Justice , Judges , and Magistrates to burgh and land , and all Our o●her subjects whatsoever , to subscribe and renew the Confession of Faith , subscribed at first by Our deare Father and His houshold , in the yeare of God 1580. Thereafter by persons of all rankes , in the yeare 1581. by ordinance of the Lords of secret Councell , and acts of the generall Assembly . Subscribed againe by all sorts of persons in the yeare 1590. by a new ordinance of Councell at the desire of the generall Assembly , with their generall band of maintenance of the true Religion , and the Kings person . And for that effect We doe require the Lords of Councell to take such course anent the foresaid confession and generall band , that it may be subscribed and renewed throughout the whole kingdome with all possible diligence . And because We will not leave in Our subjects minds the least scruple or doubt of Our royall intentions and reall resolutions , Wee have given warrant to Our Commissioner to indict a free generall Assembly , to be holden at Glasgow the twenty first day of November , in this present yeare 1638. And thereafter a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh the fifteenth day of May Anno 1639. for settling a perfect peace in the Church and Common-weale of this kingdome . And because it is likely that the disorders and distractions which have happened of late , have beene occasioned through the conceived feares of innovation of Religion and Lawes , and not out of any disloyaltie or disaffection to soveraigntie , We are graciously pleased absolutely to forget what is past , and freely to forgive all by-gones to all such as shall acquiesce to this Our gracious pleasure , and carry themselves peaceably as loyall and dutifull subjects , and shall ratifie and approve the same in Our next ensuing Parliament . And that this Assembly may have the better successe , and more happy conclusion , Our will is , that there be a solemne Fast proclaimed and kept by all Our good subjects of this kingdome , a foureteene dayes before the beginning of the said Assembly : the causes thereof to be a begging a blessing from God upon that Assembly , and a peaceable end to the distractions of this Church and kingdome , with the aversion of Gods heavie judgement from both . And Our pleasure is , that this Fast be kept in the most solemne manner as hath beene in this Church at any time heretofore upon the most extraordinary occasion . OUR WILL is herefore , and We charge you straightly and command , that incontinent these Our Letters seen , ye passe , and make publication hereof by open proclamation at the market crosses of the head burrowes of this kingdome , where-through none pretend ignorance of the same . Given at Our Court of Oatlands , the ninth day of September 1638. Per Regem . AFter this Declaration was proclaimed , the Confession of Faith , as it was at the first commanded by Our Royall Father , as also the band annexed for defence of the Religion now established , and of Our Person and authoritie , with the subscriptions of Our Commissioner and Councell to them both , doe here follow . The Confession of Faith of the Kirke of SCOTLAND : Subscribed at the first by the Kings Majesties umwhile dearest Father , of blessed memory , and his Houshold , in the yeer of God 1580. Thereafter by persons of all ranks , in the yeere of God 1581. by ordinance of the Lords of Secret Councel , and Acts of the Generall Assembly . Subscribed againe by all sorts of Persons in the yeer 1590. by a new Ordinance of Councel , at the desire of the general Assembly : With the general Band for maintenance of the true Religion . And now renewed and subscribed again by his Majesties speciall command , by the right noble Marquesse , James , Marquesse of Hamiltoun , Earle of Arran and Cambridge , Lord Even and Evendail , his Majesties high Commissioner , and Lords of secret Councell undersubscribing . And that of and according to the date and tenor of the said Confession of Faith , dated in March 1580. and of the Band , dated in Anno 1589. WEe All , and every one of us underwritten , protest , That , after long and due examination of our owne Consciences , in matters of true and false Religion , are now throughly resolved in the Truth , by the Word and Spirit of God , and therefore we beleeve with our hearts , confesse with our mouths , subscribe with our hands , and constantly affirme before God and the whole World , that this only is the true Christian Faith and Religion , pleasing God , and bringing salvation to man , which is now by the mercy of God , revealed to the world by the preaching of the blessed Evangel . And received , beleeved , and defended by many and sundry notable Kirks and Realmes , but chiefly by the Kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majestie , and three Estates of this Realme , as Gods eternall truth and onely ground of our salvation ; as more particularly is expressed in the Confession of our Faith , stablished , and publikely confirmed by sundry Acts of Parliaments , and now of a long time hath been openly professed by the Kings Majestie , and whole body of this Realme , both in Burgh and Land. To the which Confession and forme of Religion , wee willingly agree in our consciences in all points , as unto Gods undoubted Truth and Verity , grounded onely upon his written Word : And therefore Wee abhorre and detest all contrarie Religion and Doctrine , But chiefly all kinde of Papistrie in generall and particular heads , even as they are now damned and confuted by the Word of God and Kirke of Scotland : but in speciall , we detest and refuse the usurped authoritie of that Roman Antichrist upon the Scriptures of God , upon the Kirk , the civill Magistrate , and conscience of men : All his tyrannous lawes made upon indifferent things against our Christian liberty ; His erroneous doctrine against the sufficiency of the written word , the perfection of the Law , the office of Christ , and his blessed evangel . His corrupted doctrine concerning originall sin , our naturall inability , and rebellion to Gods law , our justification by faith onely , our imperfect sanctification and obedience to the law , the nature , number , and use of the holy Sacraments . His five bastard Sacraments , with all his rites , ceremonies , and false doctrine , added to the ministration of the true Sacraments without the word of God. His cruell iudgment against infants departing without the Sacrament . His absolute necessitie of Baptisme . His blasphemous opinion of Transubstantiation , or reall presence of Christs bodie in the elements , and receiving of the same by the wicked , or bodies of men . His dispensations with solemne oathes , perjuries , and degrees of marriage forbidden in the word . His crueltie against the innocent divorced . His divellish Masse . His blasphemous Priesthood . His profane sacrifice for the sinnes of the dead and the quicke . His canonization of men , calling upon Angels or Saints departed , worshipping of imagerie , reliques , and crosses , dedicating of Kirks , altars , dayes , vowes to creatures . His purgatory , praiers for the dead , praying or speaking in a strange language , with his processions and blasphemous letanie , and multitude of advocates or mediatours , His manifold orders , auricular confession . His desperate & uncertaine repentance . His generall and doubt some faith . His satisfactions of men for their sins . His justification by works , Opus operatum , works of supererogation , merits , pardons , peregrinations , and stations . His holy water , baptising of bells , conjuring of spirits , crossing , sauing , anointing , conjuring , hallowing of Gods good creatures , with the superstitious opinion joyned therewith . His worldly Mornarchy , and wicked Hierarchy . His three solemne vowes , with all his shavellings of sundry sorts . His erroneous and bloudy decrees made at Trent , with all the subscribers and approvers of that cruell and bloudy band , conjured against the Kirke of God. And finally , we detest all his vaine allegories , rites , signes , and traditions brought in the Kirk , without , or against the word of God , and doctrine of this true reformed Kirk . To the which wee joyn our selves willingly , in doctrine , faith , Religion , discipline , and use of the holy sacraments , as lively members of the same , in Christ our head : promising and swearing , by the great Name of the Lord our God , that we shall continue in the obedience of the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk , and shall defend the same , according to our vocation and power , all the dayes of our lives , under the paines contained in the law , and danger both of body and soule in the day of Gods fearfull judgement . And seeing that many are stirred up by Satan and that Roman Antichrist , to promise , sweare , subscribe , and for a time use the holy Sacraments in the Kirk deceitfully , against their owne consciences , minding hereby , first , under the externall cloak of Religion , to corrupt and subvert secretly Gods true Religion within the Kirk , and afterward , when time may serve , to become open enemies and persecuters of the same , under vaine hope of the Popes dispensation divised against the word of God , to his greater confusion , and their double condemnation in the day of the Lord Jesus : We therefore , willing to take away all suspition of hypocrisie , and of such double dealing with God and his Kirk , protest , and call the Searcher of all hearts to witnesse , that our minds and hearts do fully agree with this our confession , promise , oath , and subscription : So that we are not moved for any worldly respect , but are perswaded only in our consciences , through the knowledge and love of Gods true Religion , printed in our hearts by the holy Spirit , as we shall answer to him in the day when the secrets of all hearts shall be disclosed . And because wee perceive , that the quietnesse and stability of our Religion and Kirk doth depend upon the safety and good behaviour of the Kings Majestie , as upon a comfortable instrument of Gods mercie granted to this countrey , for the maintenance of his Kirk , and ministration of justice amongst us , we protest and promise with our hearts under the same oath , hand-writ , and paines , that we shall defend his person and authority , with our geare , bodies , and lives , in the defence of Christ his Evangel , liberties of our Countrey , ministration of justice , and punishment of iniquity , against all enemies within this Realme , or without , as we desire our God to be a strong and mercifull defender to us in the day of our death , and comming of our Lord Jesus Christ : to whom , with the Father , and the holy Spirit , be all honour and glory eternally . Amen . WEe under-subscribing , and considering the strait linke and conjunction betwixt the true and Christian religion presently profest within this realme , and Soveraigne Lords estate and standing , having both the selfe same friends and common enemies , and subject to the like event of standing and decay , and weighing therewithall the imminent danger threatned to the said religion , the preservation whereof being dearer to us then whatsoever we have dearest to us in this life ; And finding in his Majestie a most honourable and Christian resolution , to manifest himselfe to the world that zealous and religious Prince which he hath hitherto professed ; and to imploy the meanes and power that God hath put into his hands , as well to the withstanding of whatsoever forraigne force shall meane within this land , for alteration of the said religion , or endangering of the present state , as to the repressing of the inward enemies thereto amongst our selves , linked with them in the said Antichristian league and confederacie ; Have therefore in the presence of Almightie God , and with his Majesties authorising and allowance , faithfully promised , and solemnely sworne , like as hereby we faithfully and solemnly sweare , and promise , to take a true , effauld , and plaine part with his Majestie amongst our selves , for diverting of the appearing danger threatned to the said Religion , and his Majesties state and standing , depending thereupon , by whatsoever forraigne or intestine plots or preparations . And to that effect , faithfully , and that upon our truth and honours , binde and oblige us to others , to conveene and assemble our selves publikely , with our friends in arms , or in quiet manner , at such times and places as we shall be required by his Proclamations , or by writ or message direct to us from his Majesty , or any having power from him , And being conveened and assembled , to join and concurre with the whole forces of our friends and favourers , against whatsoever forraigne or intestine powers or Papists , and their partakers , shall arrive or rise within this Iland , or any part thereof , ready to defend or pursue , as we shall be authorised and conducted by his Majesty , or any others having his power and commission , to join and hold hand to the execution of whatsoever mean or order shall be thought meet by his Majesty , and his Councell , for suppressing of the Papists , promotion of the true Religion , and setling of his Highnesse estate , and obedience in all the countries and corners of this Realme , to expound and hazzard our lives , lands , and goods , and whatsoever meanes God hath lent us , in the defence of the said true and Christian Religion , and his Majesties person and estate , against whatsoever Jesuites and Seminarie or Masse-priests , condemned enemies to God and his Majestie , to their utter wracke and exterminion , according to the power granted to us by his Majesties proclamation , and acts of Parliament : To try , search , and seeke out all excommunicates , practisers , and others Papists whatsoever , within our bounds and shire where we keepe residence , and dilate them to his Highnesse and his privie Councell , and conforme us to such directions , as from time to time we shall receive from his Majestie and his Councell in their behalfes . And specially so many of us as presently are , or hereafter shall be appointed Commissioners in every shire , shall follow , pursue , and travaile by all meanes possible , to take and apprehend all such Papists , Apostates , and excommunicates , as we shall receive in writ from his Majesty . And we , the remanent within that shire , shall concurre and assist with the saids Commissioners with our whole friends and forces , to that effect , without respect of any person whatsoever . And generally to assist in the meane time , and defend every one of us another , in all and whatsoever quarrels , actions , debates , moved , or to be moved against us , or any of us upon action of the present Band , or other causes depending thereupon . And effauldly joine in defence and pursuit against whatsoever shall offer or intend any injury , or revenge against any one of them for the premises , making his cause and part that is pursued , all our parts ; Notwithstanding , whatsoever privie grudge , or displeasure standing betwixt any of us , which shall be no impediment or hinder to our said effauld joyning in the said common cause ; but to lye over , and be misknown , till they be orderly removed , and taken away by the order under-specified . To the which time , we for the better furtherance of the said cause and service , have assured , and by the tenour hereof , every one of us taking the burden upon us for our selves , and all that we may let , assure each other to be unhurt , unharmed , or any wayes to be invaded by us , or any our foresaids for old feid or new , otherwise then by ordinary course of law and justice : neither shall we , nor any of our foresaids make any provocation , or tumult , trouble or displeasure to others in any sort , as we shall answer to God , and upon our Honours , and fidelitie to his Majestie . And for our further and more heartie union in this service , we are content and consent , that all whatsoever our feids and variances fallen , or that may fall out betwixt us , be within fortie dayes after the date hereof amicably referred and submitted to seven or five indifferent friends , chosen by his Majestie of our whole number , and by their moderation and arbitrement componed and taken away . And finally , that we shall neither directly , nor indirectly separate nor with-draw us from the union and fellowship of the remanent , by whatsoever suggestion or private advice , or by whatsoever incident regard , or stay such resolution as by common deliberation shall be taken in the premises , as we shall answer to God upon our consciences , and to the world upon our truth and honours , under the pain to be esteemed traitours to God and his Majestie , and to have lost all honour , credit , and estimation in time comming . In witnesse whereof , by his Majesties speciall command , allowance , and protection promised to us therein , We have subscribed these presents with our hands . At 1589. We JAMES Marquesse of Hamiltoun , Earle of Arran and Cambridge , Lord Even and Evendail , his Majesties High Commissioner , and Lords of his Majesties Privie Councel undersubscribing , by vertue , and conform to a warrant and command , signed by his sacred Majesty , of the date of Sept. 9. 1638. and registrate in the bookes of Councell upon the 22. day of the said month , Swear , and with our hearts and humble and true affections to Gods truth , and to his sacred Majesty , subscribe the Confession of faith , of & according to the date and tenour above specified : and also renew , swear , and subscribe the foresaid general Band of the tenor abovewritten , for preservation of the true Religion , and maintenance of his sacred Majesties authoritie , according to the tenor thereof , and siclike , as amply as the same was conceived in favours of his Majesties umwhile blessed Father of eternall memorie , by the said Band. In witnesse wherof , we have subscribed these presents with our hands , At Holy-rood-house Septemb. 22. 1638. Sic subscribitur , HAMILTOUN , Traquair , Roxburgh , Mairsheall , Mar , Murray , Linlithgow , Perth , Wigtoun , Kingorne , Tullibardin , Hadingtoun , Annandaill , Lauderdaill , Kinnoull , Dumfreis , Southesk , Belheaven , Angus , Lorn , Elphinstoun , Naper , Dalyell , Amont , J. Hay , S. Thomas Hope , S.W. Elphinstoun , Ja. Carmichael , J. Hamiltoun , Blackhall . AT the same time was a proclamation made for the indiction of the generall Assembly , which was this . At Holy-rood-house the 22. day of September 1638. FOrsomuch as it hath pleased the Kings Majestie , out of his pious and religious disposition to the true Religion , and out of his fatherly care , for removing of all feares , doubts , and scruples , which may arise in the mindes of his subjects , for preservation of the puritie thereof , and upon divers great and weightie considerations , importing the glory of God , the peace of the Kirke and Common-weale of this kingdome , to appoint and give order , that a free generall Assembly be indicted , kept , and holden at the Citie of Glasgow the 21. of November next : Therefore the Lords of secret Councell ordaines letters to be direct , charging Maissars , and Officers of Armes , to passe and make publication hereof by open Proclamation at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh , and the head Burrowes of this Kingdome , and other places needfull . And to warne all and sundry Archbishops , Bishops , Commissioners of Kirkes , and others having place and vote in the Assembly , to repaire and addresse to the said Citie of Glasgow the said one and twentieth day of November next to come , and to attend the said Assembly induring the time thereof , and aye and while the same be dissolved , and to doe and performe all which to their charges in such cases appertaineth , as they will answer to the contrarie at their highest perill . IMmediately after that , this Proclamation was made for the indiction of the Parliament . At Holy-rood-house the 22. day of September 1638. FOrsomuch as it hath pleased his Majestie , out of his pious and religious disposition to the true Religion , and out of his fatherly care for removing of all feares , doubts , and scruples which may arise in the mindes of his subjects , for preservation of the puritie thereof , and upon divers other great and weighty causes , importing the glory of God , the peace of the Kirk and Common-weale of this Kingdome , to appoint and give order , that the Soveraigne and High Court of Parliament shall be holden at the Citie of Edinburgh upon the 15. day of May next to come , with continuation of dayes : Therefore the Lords of secret Councell ordain letters to be direct to Maissars and officers of Arms charging them to passe to the market Crosse of Edinburgh , and other places needfull , and there by open Proclamation to make publication of the holding of the said Parliament , and to warne all and sundry Noblemen , Prelates , and Commissioners for the Barons , and Burrowes , and all others having voice and place in the said Parliament , that they and every one of them , in their most decent and comely manner , make their addresse to the said Parliament , attend and await thereat during the time thereof , and to discharge that duty which is incumbent to them and each one of them , as they will answer on the contrary at their perill . ANd last of all was published and proclaimed first the Act of the Lords of Our Councel for requiring all Our subjects to subscribe the said Confession of Faith and Band annexed , which here followeth . At Holy-rood-house the 24. day of September Anno 1638. THe which day a Noble Earle , JAMES Marquesse of Hamiltoun , Earle of Arran and Cambridge , his Majesties Commissioner , having produced and exhibit before the Lords of secret Councell , upon the twenty second day of this instant , a warrant signed by his Majestie , of the date the ninth of September instant ; wherein among others of his Majesties gracious and royall expressions for preservation of the purity of Religion , and due obedience to his Majesties authoritie in the maintenance thereof , his Majestie did will and ordaine that the Lords themselves should sweare the Confession and generall Band mentioned in his Majesties said warrant , and also should take such order , as all his Majesties lieges may subscribe the same . And the said Lords of secret Councell , acknowledging his Majesties pious and gracious disposition and affection to the purity of Gods truth , did upon the 22. day of September instant , unanimously and with all humble , hearty , and sincere affection , sweare and subscribe the confession of Faith , dated the second of March 1580. according as it was then profest within this Kingdome : Together with the foresaid generall Band dated in Anno 1589. And now to the effect that all his Majesties lieges may give the like obedience to his Majesties so pious desire , therefore the said Lords have ordained and ordaines all his Majesties lieges , of whatsoever estate , degree or qualitie , Ecclesiasticall or Civill , to sweare and subscribe the said Confession , dated the second of March 1580. and that according to the said date and tenour thereof , and as it was then profest within this Kingdome : Together with the said generall Band , dated in Anno 1589. as they will answer at the contrarie upon their obedience . And ordaines officers of Armes to passe to the market crosse of Edinburgh , and make publication hereof , and at all other places needfull , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . ANd next after that was proclaimed the Commission of the Lords of Our Councell , whereby they appointed and designed severall Commissioners for requiring and taking the subscriptions of Our subjects to the said Confession and Band annexed , throughout the severall Shires within the Kingdome , which here followeth . At Holy-rood-house the 24. day of September Anno 1638. FOrsomuch as a noble Marquesse , James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , Earle of Arran and Cambridge , his Majesties Commissioner , and the Lords of Secret Councell , by an act of the date of the twenty second of this instant , have by speciall warrant of his sacred Majestie , sworne and subscribed , with all humble and heartie affection and unanimously , the Confession of Faith , dated the second of March 1580. and at length insert in the Bookes of Privie Councell , of and according to the said date and tenour thereof , and according as it was then profest within this kingdome : Together with the generall Band insert therewith in the said bookes of Privie Councell , dated in Anno 1589. Like as also the said Lords of Councell , by their Act of the date of these presents , acknowledging his Majesties pious and gracious disposition and affection to the puritie of Gods truth , and as thereby they conceive themselves bound in conscience and humble dutie to use and follow forth all possible diligence , for procuring the subscriptions of all his Majesties Lieges thereto . And to this effect , have thought fit that the care and diligence in procuring thereof , be committed to some of his Majesties Councell , and others of the Nobilitie and Gentrie within the severall Sheriffedomes and Provinces of the Kingdome , in manner after specified : Therefore the said Lord Commissioner , and Lords of secret Councell , give power , warrant , and commission to such of their number , and others after-following , within the bounds after specified , viz. For the sheriffedome of Edinburgh principall , William Earle of Lothiane , Archibald Lord Naper , S. John Dalmahoy of that ilke , S. George Towers of Innerleith . For the Burgh of Edinburgh , the Provost and Baillies of Edinburgh , that are , or shall be for the time . For East-lothiane Robert Earle of Roxburgh , Lord privie Seale , Thomas Earle of Hadintoun , John Earle of Lauderdaill , Harrie Lord Ker , S. Patrick Murrey of Elibanke , S. Patrick Hepburne of Wauchtoun , and James Maxwel of Innerweik . For the Stewartie of Dalkeith , John Earle of Traquair , Lord Treasurer , William Earle of Dalhoussie , and S. James Macgill of Cranstonriddell . For the sheriffedome of Peebles , and Ettrick forrest , the said Lord Treasurer , and John Lord Yester . For the sheriffedome of Selkirke , the said Lord Treasurer , the Earle of Hadintoun , S. William Scot of Harden , and Generall Ruthven . For the sheriffedome of Roxburgh , the Lord Privie-seale , the Earle of Lauderdaill , the Lord Ker , S. Andro Ker of Greenhead , S. William Dowglas Sheriffe of Tiviotdaill , and S. Thomas Ker of Cavers . For the Sheriffedome of Bervick , the said Lord Privie-Seale , James Earle of Home , the Earles of Hadintoun and Lauderdaill , and Laird of Blacader . For the sheriffedome of Fyffe , John Earle of Rothes , Charles Earle of Dumfermeline , John Earle of Annandaill , John Earle of Wemes , Lord Fentoun , John Lord Lindsey , David Lord Balcarres , S. Thomas Hope of Craighall Knight Baronet , His Majesties Advocate , S. Alexander Gibson of Durie , Sir James Learmonth of Balcolmie , and S. Andrew Murrey of Balvaird . For the sheriffedome of Linlithgow , Alexander Earle of Linlithgow , James Lord Amont , S. John Hammiltoun of Orbeston Justice clerk , Dundas of that ilk , and M. George Dundas of Manner . For the sheriffedome of Lanerk , John Earle of Wigtoune , Archibald Lord Angus , Lord Fleeming , Robert Lord Dalyell , S. William Elphinstoun chiefe Justice , Sir James Carmichaell of that ilk Treasurer Depute , the said Justice-clerke , S. James Lokhart younger of Lee , Francis Douglas of Sandelands , Gawin Hamiltoun of Raploche , S. James Hamiltoun of Broom-hill , Robert Hamiltoun of Torrence , and Alexander Hamiltoun of Hags sheriffe . For the sheriffedome of Striveling , John Earle of Mar , William Earle of Airth , John Earle of Montrose , Alexander Earle of Linlithgow , John Earle of Wigtoun , John Lord Flemming , Alexander Lord Elphinstoun , James Lord Amont , and S. William Murray of Polmais . For the sheriffedome of Dumfreis , William Earle of Queinsberrie , Master of Dalyell , the Laird of Lag , William Maxwell of Kirkhouse , and John Dalyell of Newtoun . For the sheriffdome of Clackmannan , the said Earle of Mar , S. Robert Bruce of Clackmannan , S. Thomas Hope younger of Cars sheriffe . For the sheriffedome of Wigtoun , John Earle of Cassils , Alexander Earle of Galloway , Sir John Hamiltoun elder and younger of Barganie , S. Patrick Mackie of Larg , John Murrey of Broughton . For the sheriffedome of Air , Alexander Earle of Eglintoun , Alexander Earle of Glencarne , John Earle of Cassils , William Earle of Dumfreis , William Lord Crichton , John Lord Lowdoun , the Lairds of Barganie elder and younger , the Lairds of Gastoun and Cragiewallace . For the sheriffedome of Renfrew , Alexander Earle of Glencarne , Robert Vicount of Belheaven , S. Archibald Stewart of Black-hall , the Laird of Howston and Bryce Sempill of Cathcart , S. Robert Dowglas of Blaikester , and S. John Maxwell of Pooke . For the sheriffedome of Dumbartan , Argile , and Carbet , the said Earles of Montrose and Wigtoun , the Lords Lorn & Flemming , S. George Stirline of Keir , and S. William Stewart Captaine of the Castle of Dumbartane . For the sheriffedome of Perth , stewartries of Monteith and Strathern , the Earls of Airth , Montrois , Atholl , Perth , Tullibardin , and Kinnoul , Mungo Vicount of Stormont , the Lairds of Keir and Lawers elder and younger , the Lairds of Duncrub elder and younger , and Blair of Baltheiock . For the sheriffedome of Forfar , the Earls of Montrois , Kingorn , and Southesk , the Lords Carnaegie and Ogilvie , the Master of Spynie , Patrick Maule of Panmure , the Constable of Dundie , S. Andro Fletcher of Innerpeffer , the Lairds of Din , Ethie , Balnamoune , Aldbar , Bonnyton , Lethintie , and Innerquharratie . For the sheriffdome of the Mernes , the Earles of Mairshall and Southesk , the Lord Carnegie , S. Thomas Burnet of Leyes , the Lairds of Glenbervie , Arbuthnet , Morphie , Balmoyne , and Halkerton elder . For the sheriffedome of Aberdene , the Marquesse of Huntly , the Earles of Mairshall and Kingorne , the Earle of Kingorne for himselfe , and as Tutor to the Earle of Erroll , the Lords Forbes and Fraser , and Laird of Drum. For the sheriffedome of Banff , the Marquesse of Huntly , the Earls of Mairshall and Finlatter . For Elgine and Forres , the Earle of Murray , the Laird of Innes , Brodie of that ilk , and Dumbar , sheriffe of Murrey . For the sheriffedome of Innernesse , the Marquesse of Huntly , the Earle of Seafort , the Lord Lovatt , the Lairds of Grant and Makintosh . For the sheriffedomes of Caithnes and Sutherland , the Earles of Sutherland , Caithnes , and Seafort , the Master of Berridail , and S. Robert Gordoun . For Orkney and Zetland , the Earle of Cariet , S. John Buchannan of Scotiscraig , and Will. Stewart of Maynes . For the sheriffdom of Bute , the Lord Lorn and sheriff of Bute . For the Iles , the Lord Lorn . With power to them conjunctly and severally to passe to the severall bounds above-written , at such times & places as they shall think fit , and there to exhibit the said Confession of faith and generall Band above-specified , marked and subscribed by the Clerk of Councell , and to require all his Majesties lieges , of whatsoever rank and qualitie , to subscribe the said Confession of Faith , dated March 2. 1580. according to the said date and tenour thereof , and as it was then profest within this kindgdome together with the generall Band dated in Anno 1589. as they will be answerable to his Majesty and the said Lords , upon their dutie and obedience : and to make report of their said diligence betwixt and the thirteenth day of November next . ANd because many did conceive , though falsly that these pretended Innovations had made some alteration in the Religion which was sworne at the first in the said Confession , Our Commissioner and Councell knowing well that suggestion to be made by those who were enemies to all peace , and onely to that end that Our subjects might be kept from returning to their obedience , did declare most truly and justly that Our intention ; and so accordingly the oath which they had now taken was to defend the true Religion and Confession of faith as it was professed in that Kingdome , and sworne unto in the yeare of our Lord 1580. by which they did assuredly conceive that all Our good people would rest fully satisfied . The Act of Councell containing that short explication here followeth . Apud Holy-rood-house 22. Septembris Anno 1638. THe which day a Noble Marquesse , JAMES Marquesse of Hammiltoun , Earle of Arran and Cambridge , his Majesties Commissioner , and Lords of secret Councell , in all humble and heartie affection unanimously swore , and subscribed the Confession of Faith above-written , dated 2. March 1580. according as it was then profest within this Kingdome : Together with the generall Band above specified , dated in Anno 1589. Whereupon S. Thomas Hope of Craighall , his Majesties Advocate , in his Majesties name asked instruments . WIth all these Our gracious proceedings the Lords of Our Councel were so fully satisfied themselves , that they did verily beleeve that there would remaine no more scruples in the minds of Our good subjects , and that nothing now could keep them from a cheerfull and thankfull returning to their former obedience . Their own resentment and satisfaction they testified both by an act of Councell , and a particular Letter directed to Us for that purpose , which here do follow . The Act of Councell . THe Lords of secret Councell having read and maturely considered his Majesties letters , and particular declaration of his pleasure anent the annulling of the Service Book , Book of Canons , and high Commission , discharging the pressing of the practice of the five Articles , making all persons , Ecclesiastick and Civill , of what title or degree soever , lyable to the tryall and censure of Parliament , generall Assembly , and other Judicatories competent , anent the not administrating to Ministers at their entry any other oath then that which is contained in the Act of Parliament anent the subscribing and renewing the Confession of Faith , subscribed by his Majesties Father of blessed memory , and his houshold , in Anno 1580. and Band following thereupon , anent the indiction of a generall Assembly , to be holden at Glasgow the 21. day . of November , 1638. and Parliament at Edinburgh the 15. of May , 1639. and anent his gracious goodnesse in forgetting and forgiving all by-gones , and indiction of a Fast for craving of Gods blessing to this Assembly ; find themselves so fully satisfied therewith , and the same to be so satisfactory for removing all the feares of the subjects anent innovation of Religion or Lawes , that we hold our selves bound in duty , not only to acquiesce therewith , as the best meane to secure both Religion and Lawes , but also to use our best endevours that all his Majesties good subjects may likewise rest satisfied therewith : And that they with us , and we with them , may testifie our thankfulnesse for so great a grace and goodnesse with all the heartie expressions of dutifulnesse and loyalty ; And that our true sense hereof may the more clearly appeare to our sacred Soveraigne , Wee doe by these humbly and heartily make offer of our lives and fortunes in the defending and assisting of his Majesties sacred person and authority , in the maintenance of the foresaid Religion and Confession , and repressing of all such as shall hereafter presse to disturbe the peace of this Kirk and Kingdome . In witnesse whereof we have heartily and freely subscribed these presents with our hands . At Holy-rood-house the 22. day of September , 1638. Sic Subscribitur . HAMMILTOUN . Traquaire , Roxburgh , Mairsheall , Mar , Murray , Linlithgow , Perth , Wigtoun , Kingorne , Tullibardin , Hadington , Annandail , Lauderdail , Kinnoul , Dumfreis , Southesk , Belheaven , Angus , Lorne , Elphinstoun , Naper , Dalyell , Amont , J. Hay , S. Thomas Hope , S.W. Elphinstoun , Ja. Carmichael , J. Hammiltoun , Blackhall . The Letter of Our Councel . Most Sacred Soveraigne , IF ever faithfull and loyall subjects had reason to acknowledge extraordinarie favours , shown to a Nation , and in a most submissive and heartie manner give reall demonstrations of the grace vouchsafed ; then doe we of your Majesties Councell , of this your ancient Kingdome , unanimously professe , that such acts of clemency vouchsafed us , cannot proceed from any Prince , saving him who is the lively image on earth of the great God Authour of all goodnesse . For return of so transcendent grace , fortified with the reall expression of unparallel'd Pietie , royall inclination to Peace , and universall love , not onely to those of our number , but likewise to all your Majesties loyall Subjects , wee doe all in one voyce , with all resentment can bee imagined , in all humility render our most bounden thankes , and offer , in testimonie of our full satisfaction and acquiescence herewith , to sacrifice our lives and fortunes in seconding your Sacred Majesties commandements , and repressing all such as shall hereafter preasse to disturbe the Peace of the Kirk and Kingdome . And for some small signification of our alacritie and diligence in your Sacred Majesties service , we have all , without the least shadow of any scruple , subscribed the Confession of Faith and Band appointed to be received by all your Majesties loyall Subjects , sent the act passed in Councell , with our other proceedings , which wee doe most humbly represent to your Royall view . And wee beseech your Majestie to be pleased , to be perswaded of the unviolable devotion of all here subscribers , who doe all in all humilitie pray for your Majesties most happie and flourishing reigne . Sic subscribitur . HAMMILTOUN , Traquair , Roxburgh , Mairsheall , Mar , Murray , Linlithgow , Perth , Wigtoun , Kingorne , Tullibardin , Hadintoun , Annandaill , Lauderdaill , Kinnoull , Dumfreis , Southesk , Belheaven , Angus , Lorn , Elphinstoun , Naper , Dalyell , Amont , J. Hay , S. Thomas Hope , S.W. Elphinstoun , Ja. Carmichael , J. Hammiltoun , Blackhall . IT is not for men to judge of other mens hearts , and of their secret desires , but We doe challenge the most rigid Covenanters to name any one particular ever desired by them , in any of their supplications , remonstrances , protestations , declarations , written or printed , exhibited to Us , Our Commissioner , or Councell , which is not in this Our gracious Declaration granted to Our people : For not onely all and every one of their particular grievances any way petitioned against by them , are hereby discharged and removed , but even the two generall things , which they made the people beleeve was the summe of all their desires and expectations , viz. a free Generall Assembly and a Parliament are indicted , and in that order upon which they stood so earnestly , first the Assembly , and then the Parliament : And besides all these , their owne Confession of faith , the ground as they pretend , of their Covenant renewed and established . Who would not now have expected a happie period to all the distractions of that Kingdome , upon this Our gracious assenting to all their owne desires ? But the divellish obstinacie and malice of those factious spirits , who did see that all their designes were utterly defeated , and that their hopes for compassing of them were now a bleeding and drawing their last breath , if they could not finde some meanes to blindfold Our peoples eyes , and so keepe them from discerning and acknowledging Our grace and goodnesse towards them : They presently before the houre that this Our Declaration was to be proclaimed , filled Our peoples minds and eares with fearfull expectations of most terrible things to be delivered in this Our Proclamation , and so destructive of the lawes and liberties of that Church and Kingdome , especially of their late sworne Covenant , that presently they wrought the people to a detestation of Our Declaration , before they knew what it was : They presently erected a large scaffold under the Crosse where Our Proclamation was to be made , upon which were mounted , not one or two from every Table , to protest in the name of the rest , as heretofore they had done , but a great number of Earles , Lords , Gentlemen , and others , with their swords in their hands , and hats on their heads ▪ not without jeering and laughing during all the time of Our Proclamation ; which no sooner was ended , but with a most insolent and rebellious behaviour they assisted one Johnston in reading of a most wicked , treasonable , and ignorant Protestation , which within few dayes after they printed and We doe here insert , as being confident that all subjects in the world who shall come to read it , will abhorre and detest it , if ever they did feele in their owne hearts the least touch or taste of a Princes favour and clemencie , or carry any affection to loyaltie , justice , and government : The very reading of it will bring every good subject and religious honest man so farre out of love with it , as it needeth no further confutation then the very perusall of it : For who can endure to heare Scripture so grossely abused , the holy name of God so solemnely invocated as a witnesse to such notorious falshoods ; to their rebellious courses and Covenant those attributes of infallibilitie given , which are onely proper to the sacred Scripture ; and royall authoritie affronted with such peremptorie asseverations , ignorant and senslesse reasons , the falshood and inconsequence whereof must needs appeare upon first view to any one who shall cast his eye upon them ? The Protestation followes , thus . The Protestation of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burrows , Ministers , and Commons , &c. WEe Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , his Majesties true and loyall subjects , That whereas our continuall supplications , complaints , articles , and informations , presented , first , to the Lords of his Majesties Privie Councell ; next , to his sacred Majestie , and last , from time to time to his Majesties Commissioner , our long attendance and great patience this twelve-month bygone , in waiting for satisfaction of our most just desires , our zeale to remove all rubs out of the way , which were either mentioned unto us , or could be conceived by us , as hinderances of our pious intentions , aiming at nothing but the good of the Kingdome , and preservation of the Kirk , which by consumption or combustion is likely to expire ; delighting to use no other meanes but such as are legall , and have beene ordinarie in this Kirk since the reformation , and labouring according to our power and interesse , that all things might be carried in a peaceable manner , worthy of our Profession and Covenant , our Protestation containing a hearty thanksgiving for what his Majesty in his Proclamation from his justice had granted of our just desires ; and our Protests and hopes for so much as was not as yet granted . All these made us confidently to expect from his Majestes Royall and compassioned disposition towards this his native Kingdome , that a free Generall Assembly and Parliament should have beene indicted , as the ordinary and most proper remedies of our grievances , and did constraine us to renew our petition , earnestly intreating , that his Majesties Commissioner would be pleased to represent unto his Majesty the condition of this Kirk and Kingdome , crying in an extreme exigencie for present helpe , with the lawfulnesse of the remedies prescribed by his Majesties Lawes , required by us , and presented to him in some particular Articles , which his Grace promised to recommend to his Majestie , and to doe his best endeavours for obtaining the same ; especially the first Article , that there might be indicted a full and free Generall Assembly , without prelimitation , either in the constitution and members thereof , in the order and manner of proceeding , or in the matters to be treated : And if there should be any question or doubt about one of these , or such like particulars , that the determination thereof might be remitted to the Assembly it selfe , as the only proper and competent judge . And now , after so many supplications , complaints , articles , and informations ; after our necessary protestation , expressing the humble thankfulnesse and continued desires of our hearts ; after so long expectation and so much dealing , having with open eares , and attentive minds heard his Majesties Proclamation , it is our desire , purpose , and endevour so to proceed , that we may upon the one part still be thankfull to God and the King , for the least blinke of his Majesties countenance , and the smallest crums of comfort that fall unto us from his Majesties Royall hands ; beseeching the Lord yet further to enlarge his Majesties heart , for our full satisfaction and rejoycing , to the honour of God , the good of this Kirk and Kingdome , and his Majesties never dying fame and glory ; that his wise government and zeale to the service of God , may be a measure and pattern of desires to all generations hereafter , when they shall be wishing for a religious and righteous King : And on the other part , that Christ our Lord , the King of Kings , through our neglect or luke-warmnesse may want no part of his Soveraignty and Dominion , and that in our Religion , which is more dear unto us then our lives , we deceive not our selves , with that which cannot satisfie and make up the breach of this Kirke and Kingdome , or remove our feares , doubts , and suspicions , of the innovations of Religion : This hath made us to observe , and perceive , that his Majesties Proclamation doth ascribe all the late distractions of this Kirke and Common-wealth , to our conceived feares of the innovation of Religion and Law , as the cause and occasion thereof , and not to the innovations themselves , with which we have beene for a long time , and especially of late , heavily pressed and grieved ; as if the cause were rather in apprehension and fancie , then in reality and substance . That the Service book and booke of Canons are not so far discharged by this Proclamation , as they have beene urged by preceding Proclamations ; for this Proclamation onely dischargeth the practice of them , and rescinds the Acts made for establishing their practice , but doth not rescind the former Proclamations ; namely , that of the 19. of February at Stirling , and that of the fourth of July at Edinburgh , which give an high approbation to these Books , as fit meanes to maintaine Religion , and to beat down all superstition ; and withall declares his Majesties purpose , to bring them into this Kirk in a faire and legall way : And thus both our feares that they may be introduced hereafter , must still remaine ; and the libertie of the Generall Assembly , by such a Declaration of his Majesties judgement , is not a little prejudged in the minds of so many as wisely consider and compare the preceding Proclamations with this which we now heare , although others who looking upon one step and not upon the whole progresse , run on rashly , and , neither considering what they are doing , nor with whom they are dealing , may be easily deceived , Qui pauca videt , citò judicat , a short sight maketh a sudden judgement . That it is declared in this Proclamation , That his Majesty neither intendeth to innovate any thing in Religion or Lawes , or to admit of any change or alteration in the true Religion already established and professed in this Kingdome : and withall , this is interposed , That the articles of Pearth are established by the acts of Parliament and generall Assembly , and dispensation of the practice only granted , and discharge given , that no person be urged with the practice thereof ; and consequently , his Majesties intention for the standing of the Acts of the Assembly and Parliament , appointing the Articles of Pearth , is manifest ; which is no small prejudice to the freedome of the Generall Assembly , That while the Proclamation ordaineth all his Majesties subjects to be liable to the triall and censure of the judicatories competent , and that none of them shall use any unlimited and unwarranted power ; likewise that no other oath be administred to Ministers at their entrie , then that which is contained in the Act of Parliament ; in both these Articles the Bishops are meaned , who are only thereby for the present curbed , against their exorbitancie and enormities in exercing their office : but the office of Bishops is thereby not only presupposed as unquestionable , but also so strongly established , that his Majestie declareth , for the present , his intention , to admit no innovation therein : which is more evident by the indiction of the Parliament , warning all Prelats to be present , as having voice and place in Parliament ; and by the indiction of the Assembly , warning all Archbishops and Bishops ( for so are their divers degrees and offices Ecclesiasticall here designed and supposed ) to be present , as having place and voyce in the Assembly , contrary to the caveats , acts of the Kirk , and our declinator : And thus a third and great limitation is put upon the Generall Assembly . The Proclamation , by reason of these many reall limitations , and prejudices of the liberty of the Assembly in the very points which have wrought so much woe and disturbance in this Kirk and Kingdome , and wherein the liberty of the Assembly is most usefull and necessary at this time , can neither satifie our grievances and complants , nor remove our feares and doubts , nor cannot ( without protestation ) be admitted by us his Majesties subjects , who earnestly desire that Truth and Peace may be established ; and that for the reasons following . 1. TO keepe silence in any thing that may serve for the good of the Kirk , whether it be in preaching , prayer , or in proposing and voyceing in a lwfull Assembly of the Kirke , is against the word of God. Esai . 62.6 . Yee that are the Lords remembrancers , keepe not silence , and give him no rest till he establish , and till he make Jerusalem a praise in the earth . 1. King. 18.21 . Like the halting of the people betweene two opinions , and their not answering a word , when the Lord called them to give a testimony . Act. 20.20 . I have keeped backe nothing that was profitable unto you : and againe , 1 Cor. 12.7 . Mat. 15.18 . Rom. 1.18 . Revel . 2.14.20 . and 3.15 : and therefore to keepe silence , or not to meddle with corruptions , whether in doctrine , sacraments , worship or discipline , in a generall Assembly of the Kirk , conveened for that end , were the ready way to move the Lord to deny his Spirit unto us , and to provoke him to wrath against our proceedings , and might be imputed unto us for prejudice , for collusion , and for betraying our selves and the posterity . 2. This predetermination is against our supplications and protestations , wherein we have showne our selves so earnest for a free generall Assembly , contrary to every limitation of this kind , so far prejudging the liberty thereof , is against the Confession of Faith registrated in the Parliament 1567. declaring that one cause of the Councels of the Kirk is for good policie and order to be observed in the Kirk , and for to change such things as men have devised when they rather foster superstition then edifie the Kirke , using the same ; and is against our late Confession , wherein we have promised to forbeare all novations till they be tryed , which obligeth us to forbeare now , and to try them in an Assembly , and by all lawfull meanes ▪ to labour to recover the former purity and liberty of the Gospel , to which this limitation is directly repugnant , our liberty in a Generall Assembly being the principall of all lawfull meanes serving to that end . 3. This were directly contrary to the nature and ends of a generall assembly , which having authority from God , being conveened according to the lawes of the Kingdome , and receiving power from the whole collective body of the Kirke , for the good of Religion , and safety of the Kirke ; Whatsoever may conduce for these good ends in wisedome and modestie should be proponed , examined , and determined without Prelimitation , either of the matters to be treated , or of the libertie of the members thereof . It being manifest , that as farre as the assembly is limited in the matters to bee treated , and in the members to be used , the necessary ends of the Assembly , and the supreme Law , which is the safety of the Kirke , are as far hindered , and pre-judged . This limitation is against the Discipline of the Kirke , which Booke 2. chap. 7. declareth this to be one of her liberties , That the Assembly hath power to abrogate and abolish all Statutes and ordinances concerning Ecclesiasticall matters that are found noysome and unprofitable , and agree not with the time , or are abused by the people , and against the acts of the generall assembly . Like as the pretended Assembly 1610. declareth for the common affaires of the Kirk ( without exception or limitation ) it is necessary that there be yearly generall Assemblies , And what order can be hoped for hereafter , if this assembly indicted after so long intermission , and so many grosse corruptions be limited , and that more than ever any lawfull Assembly of the Kirk was , when it was yearly observed . 5. It is ordained in Parl. 11. act . 40. K. James 6. anent the necessarie and lawfull forme of all Parliaments that nothing shall be done , or commanded to be done , which may directly or indirectly prejudge the libertie of free voycing or reasoning of the Estates , or any of them in time comming . It is also appointed in Parl. 6. act . 92. K. James 6. that the Lords of Counsell and Session proceed in all civill causes intended or depending before them , or to be intended , to cause execute their decrees notwithstanding any private writing , charge , or command in the contrarie , and generally by the acts of Parliament appointing every matter for its owne judicatorie , and to all judicatories their owne freedome . And therefore much more doth this liberty belong to the supreme judicatorie ecclesiastick in matters so important as concerneth Gods honour and worship immediatly , the salvation of the peoples Soules , and right constitution of the Kirk whose liberties and priviledges are confirmed Parl. 12. K. James 6. Parl. 1. K. Charles , for if it be carefully provided by diverse Acts of Parliament , especially Parl. 12. act 148. K. James 6. That there be no forstalling or regrating of things pertaining to this naturall life : What shall be thought of this spirituall for stalling and regrating which tendeth to the famishing or poysoning of the soules of the people both now and in the generations afterward . 6. It were contrary to our Protestations , proceedings and complaints against the late innovations . And it might be accounted an innovation and usurpation as grosse & dangerous to us , and the posterity , and as prejudiciall to Religion as any complained upon by us , to admit limitations , and secret or open determinations , which belongeth to no person or judicatorie , but to an Assembly , Or to consent to , and approve by our silence the same predeterminations , It were to be guilty of that our selves , which we condemne in others . We may easily judge how the Apostles before the Councell of Jerusalem , the Fathers before the Nicene Councell , and our Predecessors before the assembly holden at the Reformation , and afterwards , would have taken such dealing . That this Proclamation commandeth all his Majesties Subjects for maintenance of the Religion already established to subscribe and renew the Confession of Faith subscribed before in the yeere 1580 , and afterward . And requireth the Lords of privie Councell to take such course anent the same , and the generall Band of Maintenance of the true Religion , and the Kings person , that it may be subscribed , and renewed throughout the whole Kingdome with all possible diligence , which cannot now be performed by us . For although of late we would have been glad that our selves and other his Majesties Subjects had been commanded by authority to sweare , and subscribe the generall Confession of Faith against Popish errours , and superstitions and now would be glad that all others should joyne with us in our late Covenant & Confession , descending more specially to the novations and errors of the time , and obliging us to the defence of Religion ; and of the Kings Majesties person , and authority , and for these ends to the mutuall defence every one of us of another , Yet can we not now after so necessarie , and so solemne a specification returne to the generall for the reasons following . 1. No means have been left unassayed against our late Confession of Faith and Covenant so solemnly sworn and subscribed . For first we were prest with the rendring and rescinding of our Covenant . Next an alteration in some substantiall points was urged . 3. A Declaration was motioned , which tended to the enervation thereof , and now we find in the same straine , that we are put to a new tryall , and the last mean is used more subtile than the former : That by this new subscription our late Covenant , and Confession may be quite absorbed and buried in oblivion , that where it was intended & sworn to be an everlasting Covenant never to be forgotten , it shall be never more remembred , the one shall be cryed up , and the other drowned in the noise thereof , And thus the new subscription now urged ( although in a different way ) shall prove equivalent to the rendring of the Covenant , or what of that kind hath before been assayed . Like as the reasons against the rendring of the Covenant , doe militate directly against this new motion . 2. If we should now enter upon this new Subscription , we would think our selves guilty of mocking God , & taking his Name in vain , for the tears that began to be poured forth at the solemnizing of the Covenant are not yet dryed up & wiped away , and the joyfull noise which then began to sound hath not yet ceased ▪ and there can be no new necessity from us , and upon our part pretended for a ground of of urging this new subscription , at first intended to be an abjuration of Popery upon us who are known to hate poperie with an unfained hatred , and have all this yeere bygone given large testimonie of our zeale against it . As we are not to multiply miracles on Gods part , so ought we not to multiply solemne oathes and Covenants upon our part , and thus to play with oathes , as children doe with their toyes , without necessitie . 3. Neither would we in giving way to this new subscription think our selves free of perjurie : for as we were driven by an undeclinable necessitie to enter into a mutuall Covenant , so are we bound , not onely by the law of God and nature , but by our solemn oath and subscription , against all divisive motions to promove and observe the same without violation : and it is most manifest , that having already refused to render , alter , or destroy our Covenant , nothing can be more contrarie and adverse to our pious intentions and sincere resolutions , than to consent to such a subscription and oath , as both in the intention of the urgers , and in the nature and condition of the matter urged , is the ready way to extinguish , and to drowne in oblivion the Band of our union and conjunction that they be no more remembred . In this case we are called to lay seriously to our hearts , 1 , That we have sworne that we shall neither directly , nor indirectly suffer our selves to be divided and withdrawne from this blessed and loyall conjunction , which consisteth not only in the generall Confession , but also in our explanation , & application thereof , but on the contrary , shal by all lawfull means , labour to further and promove the same . 2. That our union and conjunction may be observed without violation , ( and so without mutilation of our application ) we call the living LORD to witnesse , as we shall answer to Christ in the great Day , &c. 4. This new subscription , in stead of performing our vows , would be a reall testimonie and confession before the World , That we have been transgressours in making rash vows , that we repent our selves of former zeal and forwardnesse against the particulars exprest first in our Supplications , Complaints , and Protestations , and next abjured in our Covenant , that we in our judgement prefer the generall Confession unto this , which necessarily was now made more speciall ; and that we are now under the faire pretext and honest cover of a new oath , recanting and undoing that , which upon so mature deliberation we have been doing before , This beside all other evils , were to make way and open a door to the re-entry of the particulars abjured , and to repent our selves of our chiefest consolations , and to lie both against God and our owne soules . 5. It hath been often objected , that our Confession of Faith , & Covenant was unlawfull , because it wanted the warrants of publick authority , and it hath been answered by us , that we were not destitute of the warrant civill and ecclesiasticall which authorized the former Covenant . And although we could have wished that his Maty had added both his subscription & authority unto it , yet the lesse cōstraint from authority and the more libertie , the lesse hypocrisie , and more sincerity hath appeared : But by this new subscription urged by authority we both condemn our former subscription as unlawfull , because alleadged to be done without authority , and precondemn also the like laudable course in the like necessity to be taken by the posterity . 6. What is the use of merch-stones upon borders of Lands , the like use hath Confessions of Faith in the Kirk , to disterminate and divide betwixt Truth and errour : and the renewing and applying of Confessions of Faith to the present errors and corruptions , are not unlike ryding of merches . And therefore to content our selves with the generall , and to return to it , from the particular application of the Confession necessarily made upon the invasion or creeping in of errors within the borders of the Kirk , if it be not a removing of the merch stone from the own place , it is at least the hiding of the merch in the ground that it be not seen , which at this time were very unseasonable for two causes . One is , because Poperie is so pregnant , and powerful in this land , as we have learned of late . The other , because the Papists who upon the urging of the Service book & Canons , have presumed of our return to Rome , will upon this our subscription arise frō their dispareing of us , unto their wonted presumption . None of us will deny , but the large Confession of Faith registrated in the Acts of Parliament , doth by consequence contain this short confession and abjuration : Yet were it not sufficient against Poperie to subscribe the one without the other : how then shall we think that the more general Confession & abjuration at this time , when the urging of such Popish books hath extorted frō us so necessary an application , and doth still call for a testimony , to be compleat enough without it . 7. The Papists shall hereby be occasioned to renew their old objection against us , Annuas & menstruas fides de Deo decernūt , That our Faith changeth with the Moon , or once in the yeere . Other reformed Kirks might justly wonder at our inconstancie in changing our Confession without any reall necessity , and that in one and the same yeer it cometh forth larger , & more particular , then shorter , & more general : and our Adversaries will not fail to traduce us as troublers of the peace of the Kirk & kingdom without any necessar cause . 8. It will likewise prove a confirmation of their errour , who think they may both subscribe the Confession of Faith , and receive the Service book , and Canons , which is not only a direct scandaling of them , but also a ready way to put a weapon in their hands against our selves , who maintain and professe that these and such other evils are abjured in the Confession of Faith. 9. If we should now sweare this Confession , we should be obliged by our oath to maintain Perth articles , which are the innovations already introduced in the worship of God , and to maintain Episcopacie , with the civill places , and power of Kirkmen . Because we are bound to swear this Confession by vertue of & comform unto the Kings command signed by his sacred Majestie of the date September 9. 1638. ( These are the very words subjoyned to the Confession and Band , and prefixed to the Subscriptions ) and it cannot be denyed , but any oath ministred unto us , must either be refused , or else taken according to the known mind , professed intention , and expresse command of Authority urging the same : And it is most manifest , that His Majesties mind , intention , and Commandement , is no other , but that the Confession be sworn , for the maintenance of religion , as it is already or presently professed , ( these two being coincident , altogether one and the same , not only in our common form of speaking , but in all His Majesties proclamations ) and thus as it includeth , and conteineth within the compasse thereof , the foresaid novations and Episcopacie , which under that name were also ratified , in the first Parliament holden by his Majestie . And where it may be obiected , that the Counsellours have subscribed the Confession of Faith , as it was professed 1580. and will not urge the Subscription in another sense upon the Subiects . We answer , First , the Act of Counsell containing that declaration , is not as yet published by Proclamation . Secondly , if it were so published , it behooved of necessity either be repugnant to His Maiesties declared Iudgement and Command , which is more nor to sweare without warrand from Authority ( a fault although uniustly , often obiected unto us ) or else we must affirme the Religion in the yeare 1580. and at this time to be altogether one and the same ; and thus must acknowledge , that there is no novation of Religion , which were a formall contradiction to that we have sworne . 3. By approving the Proclamation anent the Oath to be administred to Ministers , according to the Act of Parliament , which is to swear simple obedience to the Diocesan Bishop , and by warning all Archbishops and Bishops to be present ; as having voice and place in the Assemblie : They seem to determine , that in their Iudgment the Confession of Faith , as it was professed 1580. doth consist with Episcopacie , whereas We by our oath have referred the tryall of this or any other question of that kind to the generall Assembly & Parliament . 10. This subscription & oath in the mind & intention of authority , & consequently in our swearing thereof , may consist with the corruptions of the Service book & Canons , which we have abjured as other heads of Poperie : For both this present proclamation , and his Majesties former proclamations at Linlithgow , Striveling , Edinburgh ; The Lords of privie Counsell in their approbation of the same ; and the prelates and doctors who stand for the Service book & Canons , Doe all speak plainly , or import so much , That these books are not repugnant to the Confession of Faith ; and that the introducing of them is no novation of religion or law : And therefore we must either refuse to subscribe now , or we must confesse contrary to our late Oath , and to a cleare Truth , That the Service book and Canons are no innovations in Religion . And , though the present books be discharged by proclamation , yet if we shall by any deed of our owne testifie , that they may consist with our Confession of Faith , within a very short time , either the same books , or some other like unto them , with some small change , may be obtruded upon us , who by Our abjuration ( if we adhere unto it ) have freed both our selves , and the posteritie of all such corruptions , and have laid a faire foundation for the pure worship of God in all time coming . 11. Although there be indeed no substantiall difference between that which We have subscribed , & the Confession subscribed 1580. more then there is betweene that which is hid , and that which is revealed ; A march stone hid in the ground , and uncovered , betwixt the hand closed and open , betwixt a sword scheathed and drawn , or betwixt the large Confession , registrat in the Acts of Parliament , and the short Confession , or ( if we may with reverence ascend yet higher ) between the Old Testament & the New , yet as to scheath our sword when it should be drawn , were imprudencie ; or at the commandement of Princes , professedly popish in their dominions , after the Subjects had subscribed both Confessions , to subscribe the first without the second , or at the will of a Iewish Magistrate , openly denying the New Testament , to subscribe the Old alone , after that they have subscribed both , were horrible impiety against God , and Treacherie against the Truth : Right so , for Vs to subscribe the former a-part , as it is now urged and framed , without the explanation and application thereof at this time , when ours is rejected ; and the subscribers of the former refuse to subscribe ours , as containing something substantially different , and urge the former upon us , as different from ours , and not expressing the speciall abjuration of the evils , supplicated against by us , were nothing else , but to deny and part from our former subscription , if not formally , yet interpretatively . Old Eleazar , who would not seeme to eate forbidden meat , and the Confessors and Martyrs of old , who would not seeme by delivering some of their papers , to render the Bible , or to deny the Truth , may teach us our dutie in this case , although our lives were in hazard for refusing this Subscription : And who knoweth , but the LORD may be calling His people now , who have proceeded so farre in professing His Truth at this time , to such Trials and Confessions , as His faithfull Witnesses have given of old ; that in this point also our doing may be a document both to the succeeding ages , and to other Kirks to whom for the present we are made a spectacle . 12. If any be so forgetfull of his oath ( which God forbid ) as to subscribe this Confession , as it is now urged , he doth according to the proclamation acquiesce in this declaration of his Majesties will , and doth accept of such a pardon as hath need to be ratified in parliament , And thus doth turne our glory unto shame , by confessing our guiltinesse , where God from Heaven hath made us guiltlesse , and by the fire of His Spirit from Heaven hath accepted of our service , And doth depart from the commandement of God , the practise of the Godly in former times , and the worthy and laudable example of our worthy & religious progenitours , in obedience whereof , and conform to which We made profession to subscribe : for there is no particular Act required of us , to whom the pardon is presented in this proclamation , but this new subscription allanerlie . 13. The generall band now urged to be subscribed , as it containeth many clauses not so fitting the present time as that wherein it was subscribed , so is it deficient in a point , at this time most necessary , Of the reformation of our lives , that we shall answerablie to our profession , be examples to others , of all Godlinesse , sobernesse and righteousnesse and of every duty wee owe to GOD and main ; without which we cannot now subscribe this Confession , least we loose the bands to wickednesse , seeme to repent of our former resolutions and promises , and choose to have our portion with hypocrites , professing and swearing that wee know GOD , but in our workes denying him , being abominable , disobedient , and unto every good worke reprobate . 14. Since the narrative of the general band is now changed , & some lines , expressing at length the Papists , and their adherents to be the partie from whom the danger to Religion , and the Kings Majestie was threatned , are left out , and no designation made of the partie from whom the danger is now threatned , We are made either to think , that our subscription at this time is unnecessarie , or to suspect that we who have supplicated and entred in Covenant , are understood to be the partie ; especially since the Lords of Councell have in the Act September 22. ratifying the Proclamation , found themselves bound to use their best endeavours , that all his Majesties good Subjects may rest satisfied with his Majesties Declaration ; since also we have beene ( although undeservedly ) challenged of disorders , distractions , and dangers to Religion , and his Majesties authoritie ; and since in the foresaid Act and in the missive directed to his Majestie , the Lords of Councell offer their lives and fortunes to his Majestie , in repressing all such , as shall hereafter prease to disturbe the peace of this Kirk and Kingdome ; which being expressed in a generalitie is by many applied to us , and interpreted of our adhering to our Covenant ; We should therefore , by our subscription of the Covenant , as it is now conceived , both do directly against our owne minds , in condemning our selves , wherein we are innocent , and should consent to our owne hurt , to the suppressing of the cause which wee maintaine , and to the repressing mutually one of us of another , directly contrarie to our former solemne Oath and subscription . 15. The subscribing of this Confession by the Lords of his Majesties privie Councell , who by their place and high employment are publike Peace-makers , and by others who have not subscribed the late Confession will make the breach wider , and the lamentable division of this Kirk more desperate then ever before ; some having sworne to labour by all lawfull meanes to recover the former Libertie , and puritie of Religion ; and others , maintaining that for puritie , which is alreadie established ; some beleeving and professing that the evils supplicated against , are abjured in that Confession of Faith ; and others maintaining the Confession of Faith , and these corruptions ( although for the present discharged by authoritie ) not to be inconsistent : and beside this , many divisions and subdivisions will ensue to the dulefull renting of the Kirk and Kingdome , making way for the wrath and many judgements of God often threatned by his faithfull servants , which all the godly ought to labour by all meanes to prevent . 16. Wee represent also to the honourable Lords of privie Councell to be considered , That the Doctrine , Discipline , and Use of Sacraments are sworne , and the contrarie abjured , according to the Word of God , and the meaning of the Kirk of Scotland in the books of Discipline , and Acts of Assemblies ; And that in the Oath there is no place left to the generalitie of any mans conception of the true Faith and Religion , nor to any private interpretation , or mentall reservation . For these and the like considerations , in our owne name , and in name of all who will adhere to the late Covenant , subscribed by us , and sealed from Heaven , We ( from our dutie to God , our King , our native Countrey , our selves , and the posteritie , lest our silence import a satisfaction of our desires , and a stopping of our mouths from necessarie supplication for things yet to bee obtained from his Majesties just and gracious disposition ) are constrained to declare and protest ; First , that the cause and occasion of the distractions of the Kirk and Common-wealth , are no wayes to bee imputed unto us , or our needlesse feares , but to the innovations and corruptions of Religion , which against the Acts and order of this Kirk , and the Lawes of the Kingdome , have beene pressed upon us the people of God , and his Majesties loyall subjects ; who , although under great thraldom , were living in peace and quietnesse , labouring in all godlinesse and honestie to do our dutie to God and man. Secondly , We protest , that all questions and doubts that arise , concerning the freedome of the Assemblie , whether in the constitution and members thereof , or in the matters to be treated , or in the manner and order of proceeding , be remitted to the determination of the Assemblie it selfe , as the onely proper and competent judge ; And that it shall be lawfull for us , being authorized with lawfull Commissions , as at other times when the urgent necessitie of the Kirk shall require , so in this exigence to assemble our selves at the Diet appointed , notwithstanding any impediment or prorogation to the contrary : And being assembled , against all qualifications and predeterminations , or presupposals to propone , treat , reason , vote , and conclude , according to the Word of God , confession of Faith , and Acts of lawfull Assemblies , in all Ecclesiasticall matters , pertaining to the Assemblie , and tending to the advancement of the Kingdome of Christ , and good of Religion . Thirdly , since Archbishops and Bishops have no warrand for their office in this Kirk , since it is contrarie both to reason and to the Acts of the Kirk , that any have place and voice in the Assemblie , who are not authorized with lawfull Commissions ; and seeing both in common equitie , and by the tenour of this Proclamation , they are made lyable to the triall and censure of the Assemblie , Wee protest , that they bee not present , as having place or voice in the Assemblie , but as rei to compeere , for underlying triall and censure upon the generall complaints alreadie made , and the particular accusations to be given in against them ; And that the warning given by his Majesties Proclamation , and this our Protestation , be a sufficient citation to them , to compeer before the Assemblie , for their triall and censure , in life , office , and benefice . Fourthly , Wee solemnly protest , that We do constantly adhere to our Oath and subscription of the Confession of Faith and Covenant , lately renewed and approven with rare and undeniable evidences from heaven , of the wonderfull workings of his Spirit in the hearts both of Pastors and people , through all the parts of the Kingdome ; And that we stand to all parts and clauses thereof , and particularly to the explanation and application , containing both our abjuration of , and our union against the particular evils and corruptions of the time ; a dutie which the Lord at this time especially craveth at our hands . Fifthly , We also protest , that none of us who have subscribed , and do adhere to our subscription of the late Covenant , be charged , or urged , either to procure the subscriptions of others , or to subscribe our selves unto any other Confession or Covenant , containing any derogation thereunto , especially that mentioned in the Proclamation , without the necessarie explanation and the application therof , alreadie sworn by us , for the Reasons above expressed : And because , as we did in our former Protestation appeale from the Lords of his Majesties Councell , so do we now by these renew our solemne appeale , with all solemnities requisite , unto the next free Generall Assemblie and Parliament , as the onely supreme nationall Judicatories competent , to judge of nationall causes and proceedings . Sixthly , We protest , That no subscription , whether by the Lords of Councell or others , of the Confession mentioned in the Proclamation , and enjoyned for the maintenance of Religion , as it is now already , or at this present time established and professed within this Kingdome , without any innovation of Religion or Law , be any manner of way prejudiciall to our Covenant , wherein we have sworne to forbeare the practice of Novations alreadie introduced , &c. till they be tried in a free Assemblie , And to labour by all lawfull meanes , to recover the puritie and libertie of the Gospel as it was established and professed before the foresaid Innovations : And in like manner , that no subscription foresaid be any derogation to the true and sound meaning of our worthie predecessours , at the time of their subscription in the year 1581. and afterward . Withall , warning and exhorting all men who lay to heart the cause of Religion , against the corruptions of the time & the present estate of things , both to subscribe the Covenant as it hath bin explained , and necessarily applied ; and as they love the puritie and libertie of the Gospel , to hold back their hands from all other Covenants , till the Assembly now indicted be conveened , and determine the present differences and divisions , and preserve this country from contrarie oathes . Seventhly , As his Majesties royall clemencie appeareth in forgiving and forgetting what his Majestie conceiveth to be a disorder or done amisse in the proceeding of any ; so are we very confident of his Majesties approbation , to the integrity of our hearts and peaceablenesse of our wayes and actions all this time past : And therfore We protest that we still adhere to our former complaints , protestations , lawfull meetings , proceedings , mutuall defences , &c. All which , as they have been in themselves lawfull , so were they to us , pressed with so many grievances in his Majesties absence from this native kingdome , most necessary , and ought to be regarded as good offices , and pertinent duties of faithfull Christians , loyall subjects , and sensible members of this Kirk and Commonwealth , as we trust at all occasions to make manifest to all good men , especially to his sacred Majestie , for whose long and prosperous government , that we may live a peaceable and quiet life in all godlinesse and honestie , We earnestly pray . WHereupon a noble Earle , James Earle of Montrose , &c. in name of the Noblemen ; M. Alexander Gibson younger of Durie , in name of the Barons ; George Porterfield Merchant Burgesse of Glasgow , in name of the Burrowes ; M. Harie Rollock Minister at Edinburgh , in name of the Ministers ; and M. Archbald Johnston Reader hereof , in name of all who adhere to the Confession of Faith and Covenant , lately renewed within this Kingdome , tooke instruments in the hands of three Notars present , at the said Mercate Crosse of Edinburgh , being invironed with great numbers of the foresaid Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burrows , Ministers , and Commons , before many hundred witnesses , and craved the extract thereof : And in token of their dutifull respect to his Majestie , confidence of the equitie of their cause , and innocencie of their carriage , and hope of his Majesties gracious acceptance , they offered in all humilitie with submisse reverence a copie thereof to the Herauld . ANd now for triall of what Wee have said , the Reader may reflect upon these particulars : Not farre from the beginning , they averre that they did confidently expect from Us a free Generall Assemblie and Parliament to be indicted , and that Our Commissioner promised to recommend unto Us this their suit for a free Generall Assemblie , without prelimitation either in the constitution and members thereof , in the order and manner of proceeding , or in the matters to bee treated of ; and do insinuate as if Wee had not given order for any such Assemblie in Our Declaration ; which everie Reader ( looking upon Our Declaration ) may see to be most untrue : for in it We give warrant to Our Commissioner to indict a free Generall Assemblie ; nor is there there either mention or meaning of any prelimitation , though they themselves did use verie many , some whereof you have heard alreadie , and shall heare of more hereafter . Afterwards they quarrell with Our Declaration for ascribing all the late distractions of this Church and Common-wealth to their conceived feares of the Innovation of Religion and Lawes , and not to the Innovations themselves : No doubt a great crime , that We will not acknowledge that the Service Book , which was penned at first by those who laid downe their lives in opposition to Poperie , is an introduction to Poperie ; and We do professe that We did discharge that Book onely to remove their feares and doubts , and ease their pretended grievances : nor can Wee condemne that Book , without condemning the Service Book of England , for the Covenanters arguments strike alike at both . Then immediatly after , They take it ill that though We have discharged the practice of these pretended Innovations , and voided all Acts made for the establishing of them , yet We have not rescinded Our former Proclamations at Sterling and Edinburgh ; As if nothing could content them , unlesse Wee should disgrace Our owne Proclamations , which did not any way establish or authorize the things complained of : nay more , unlesse We will call back Our own words , which cannot be interpreted to any such sense as they would force upon them , they would make Our people beleeve , that the libertie of the generall Assemblie is prejudged , & , in a suspicious , undutifull and dangerous phrase , tell them , That they do not consider with whom they are dealing ; as if no trust were to be given to Us : Next , they quarrell with Our discharging of the practice of the Articles of Perth , but not the Articles themselves which are established by acts both of Parliament and Generall Assemblie ; and yet Wee dare say , that they would hold it for a strange position , if We should use Our Prerogative to the disanulling of any thing established by these two Judicatories ; nay , if We and the Parliament joyntly should ( as the world goeth now ) offer to disanull any act of their Generall Assemblie : so glad they are to quarrell with Our Declaration , that in their eagernesse they destroy their owne grounds . Their next cavill , if it were possible , is as senslesse as the former , whereby they averre , that Our naming of Bishops in Our Proclamation for the indiction of the Assemblie is a prelimitation of it , because thereby We take it as granted , that the office of a Bishop is unquestionably an office in that Church and Kingdome ▪ and this they call a great prelimitation put upon the Assemblie ; but with what shew of consequence We cannot possibly conceive : for who would not take that undoubtedly for an office in any Church or Kingdome , which is established by the Lawes and acts of both ? and such is the office of a Bishop in that Kingdome : After these fancied prelimitations , they adde sixe reasons why they should not be admitted ; which are so ignorant and simple , as it is not possible to draw them into any forme of reasoning or concluding : and though they could bee so drawne , yet they were verie needlesse ; for to what end should reasons bee brought against the admitting of these prelimitations , when there were no prelimitations offered , and these that are alledged are no prelimitations at all ? And therefore these six Reasons , at least so called by them , are to bee passed over with contempt , as having not one word in them worthie the answering . Next , they muster up sixteen Reasons against the subscription to the confession of Faith urged by Our authoritie in that Declaration , of the verie same piece with the former six Reasons , everie way as full of non-sense as they ; The first is , that it will make their Covenant bee forgotten : a matter of great consequence indeed , that their unlawfull Acts should be drowned by any Act of lawfull authoritie . For this We think they should thank Us : The second reason is , that if they should subscribe this confession now , they would think themselves guiltie of mocking God : a notable whimsey , that Acts of authoritie must want obedience if they crosse some peoples foolish thoughts and idle fancies ; but in the meane time what a fearfull mocking of God , and taking of his name in vaine is it for them to say so , and use that great name for so groundlesse a suspicion ? The third reason is , that they are afraid that this subscription will introduce a division amongst themselves , it being against their Oath , in their late Covenant , to admit of any divisive motions . And truely whatsoever they pretend in all their other reasons , this is the maine , if not the onely reason of the principall Covenanters furious proceedings in all their wayes , and especially in this their Protestation , because they did plainely perceive that if Our people should once see and acknowledge Our Grace and clemencie , or be brought to subscribe to the same thing by Our authoritie , to which they had subscribed before by their perswasion , then they would begin againe to rellish government , and so fall off , and divide themselves from those who have resolved never to indure it : In the meane time , the Reader shall do well to observe the wonderfull strength of this reason ; We must not subscribe , because it will occasion some division amongst us ; by the same reason , all hope of peace must be banished out of that Kingdome for ever : For certainely if they themselves should set downe in writing the utmost of their desires , and Wee should assent unto them , yet undoubtedly some would dislike and not admit of those propositions of peace , which the rest had agreed upon : Are they therefore sworne by their Oath to reject all proffers of peace , because some will dislike them , upon which a division must follow more or lesse ? The fourth reason is plaine Poperie , and the maine ground of most of the errours established at the Councell of Trent ; If they subscribe now , it will bee thought that they have erred in their former proceedings ; but where the reason of this Reason lies , is past ordinarie finding : The fifth reason hath in it a reach beyond the Moone ; This subscription is urged by authoritie , but our former subscription proceeded from our owne heads , and therefore is to be preferred , as carrying with it more libertie , more sinceritie , and lesse hypocrisie ; A reason fit to bee answered by none but such as have lost their Reason : The sixth reason is in the same case ; for truely Wee understand it not : The seventh reason supposeth that there is a Papist in the world so foolish and simple as to think , that the same confession of Faith , consisting of the same words and syllables , injoyned to bee sworne without authoritie , if it shall bee commanded to bee sworne by authoritie , becommeth a new and different confession of Faith ; or if that We everie yeare of Our Reigne should renew and command a subscription to the same confession , that then everie yeare Wee should establish a new Faith ; Sure they need not trouble Our peoples heads with such foolish feares , for undoubtedly there will bee no such foolish fellowes found amongst the Papists : The eighth reason , hath not a shew of any reason : For their ninth reason , We are confident , that if they had knowne as much as now they do , and have expressed in their answer to Our Commissioners last Declaration , they would have left this quite out : for the truth is , that no man can subscribe this confession of faith commanded by Us , and with a safe conscience hold that Episcopacie is abjured by it , for many reasons , amongst which this alledged by them is but one , yet a very true one , viz. That an oath must either be refused or taken according to the knowne intention of him that ministred it ; and it being well knowne , that We , according to the Lawes of all Our Kingdomes , are resolved to maintaine Episcopall government , no man can sweare any oath administred by Us or Our authoritie , which may not consist with that government : And it is as true , that there is nothing in that confession of faith , which being sworne unto , abjureth Episcopacie , by whomsoever the oath shall be administred ; and therefore it is a very unjust and unnecessarie feare , which seemes to make them sweat at the end of this ninth Reason , viz. That this subscription commanded by Us , seemeth to determine , that the confession of faith as it was professed 1580. doth consist with Episcopacie : That this subscription determineth it , is undoubtedly a very simple conceit , but that the confession it selfe made in 1580. may and doth consist with Episcopacie , is unquestionably true ; and it is so determined by the Covenanters themselves , who assured many who made that scruple , and would not have come into their Covenant unlesse the Covenanters had first resolved them of it , that they might sweare the same confession , and yet not abjure Episcopall government , which likewise the three Ministers in their first answer to the Divines of Aberdene , have positively affirmed , averring , that Episcopacie was not abjured by that confession , nor their Covenant , but onely referred to the tryall of an Assembly and Parliament : Now it is most certaine , that when We commanded this subscription to that confession , no Assembly ( true or pretended ) had determined that it was abjured , nor hath any Parliament done so yet ; and therefore the Covenanters themselves have determined , that when Wee required this subscription , a man might safely subscribe without abjuration of Episcopacie : But to let the weaknesse of this ninth reason passe , it is a wonder to observe how these men in their answer to the fourth reason ( contained in Our Commissioners last Declaration ) are constrained by maine force of argument to denie their own most true proposition , expressed at the beginning of this ninth reason : For there they affirm it plainly , that a man may swear secundùm rem juratam , though he know that that which hee sweares to , is against the meaning and sense of him that gives the oath ; Which is such a notable piece of equivocation , and , indeed , of such dishonestie , as is not to be expressed by Us in its proper name ; for no patron of equivocation hath yet out-gone it . The tenth reason propoundeth an undoubted truth , viz. that by swearing that confession , none of these pretended innovations is abjured . What then ? Is it not sufficient , that by Our authoritie they are discharged , and referred to the tryall of a generall Assembly and Parliament ? The 11. reason repeateth againe the dark parable of the March-stone which was in the sixth reason ; it would breake any mans teeth to cracke it , and it is not to be hoped , that ever any man will find the pith and kernell of it ; and therefore let it be as unintelligible as the sixth . The 12. reason is such a one as certainly no rationall man could ever have dreamed of : If we subscribe the confession by the Kings authoritie , then it will be thought that we acquiesce in His Majesties Declaration , and that wee are contented to be pardoned by Him , and that is such a thing as it turnes all our glorie into shame , by confessing our guiltinesse . A strange fancie , that men should account that a shame , which the Scripture calleth giving glorie unto God. But truly it is not farre from blasphemy , when they affirme , that God by the fire of his Spirit from heaven hath accepted their service : If they meane their Covenant , what more can be said of the holy Scriptures ? For sure to be indited by the Spirit , and to be approved by the fire of the Spirit from heaven , is much about one ; if there be any difference , the odds will seeme to lye upon the acceptation of it from heaven by the fire of the Spirit ; for the Spirit descending upon the Apostles in fierie tongues , was that which both sealed their calling unto them , and enabled them for it , and for inditing those holy Scriptures which they wrote : And thus , before they are aware , they make themselves patrons of a notable point of Poperie , viz. That their Covenant , which sure was penned by men , and so but a humane writing , is of equall authoritie with the sacred Scriptures : for if it bee approved from heaven by the fire of the Spirit , it must bee so . But Wee hope that every man will pitie this frenzie , and give no credit to it , untill they make it appeare unto Us , when and where God from heaven by the fire of his Spirit did seale and approve this Covenant . The 13. reason is a mad one indeed , for it doth condemne the confession of faith which was first subscribed in 1580. upon which confession they doe solely ground their owne Covenant ; for that confession hath no such oath for reformation of life annexed unto it : The truth is , some thing they would have said against Our Declaration , but they did not well know what : their wits were runne very low , when in an extraordinarie Vow and Covenant with God , they would put in Reformation of life , unto which every man is tied by the ordinary morall precepts , both of Law and Gospel , and by the doctrine of repentance contained in both : For the reason which is in their 14.15 . and 16. Reasons , We leave it for them to find that can , We are perswaded they will lose their labour who seek it . After their Reasons , they conclude with 7. Protestations , which truly need not to be taken notice of ; for being grounded upon so weake and inconsiderable considerations , the Reader is unreasonable , like them , if he should expect a conclusion stronger then the premises . In the preamble to them , take notice onely of their dangerous and fearfull approach unto blasphemy , while they affirm , That the Covenant made by them was sealed from heaven . Their first Protestation is utterly invalid , being Protestatio contra factum ; for it is plaine to the whole World , that the rebellious distractions of that Kingdome proceed from them alone . Their second Protestation is void most evidently upon the same ground ; for they themselves , both by their publique instructions , of which you have heard , and in their private instructions , of which you shall heare , have used many prelimitations in all the particulars against which they protest , but neither We nor any by Our authoritie have used any . The third Protestation begins with a supposition , which they themselves do know to be most false ; for both Archbishops and Bishops had , at the time of this their Protestation , both by the Acts of the Church , and by the Acts of Parliament , a settled office in the Church , and have so still by Parliament , nay and by Assembly too , unlesse they do pitifully begge that which will never be granted them , That their last Assembly at Glasgow was a lawfull Assembly , after Our Authoritie had dissolved it . And as it beginneth with a false supposition , so it endeth with as false and foolish a position and petition ; For it maintaineth , That all these who are to undergoe any tryall at the Assembly , either upon any generall complaint already made , or upon any particular accusation to be given in against them , are to compeere at that Assembly , not to have voice , but as rei : upon which ground , none of themselves could have voice there ; for they were all liable to tryall and censure upon any particular accusation that was to be given in against them : And then their petition is , That the warning given to the Bishops by this Our Proclamation , and this their Protestation , should be a sufficient Citation to them to appeare as rei : That their Protestation should be so ; Wee protest it is so foolish a request , as We are confident no man ever heard of the like before ; nor could they expect that any man , indued with reason , would yeeld unto it : And that our warning of the Bishops by Proclamation to appeare at the Assembly , as We did all the rest of the members of it , should make them appeare as rei , is such a conceit , as We wonder any man could light upon it , unlesse they doe hold , that every one of themselves was to appeare as reus too , for all of them were warned by Our Proclamation to appeare at the Assembly as well as the Bishops . In their fourth Protestation We onely admire their rare and undeniable impudence , who dare affirme , that their Covenant is approved from heaven , with rare and undeniable evidences , when all the Christians in the world ( except themselves and their faction ) who have heard of it , doe acknowledge that no such Covenant or Combination can come from Heaven , but from Hell , from whence cometh all faction and schisme . In their fifth Protestation they doe runne into an act of high treason ; for they appeale from Us and Our Councell , which by an Act of Parliament is made high treason , and which they know themselves was adjudged to be so in the case of the Ministers , who held an Assembly at Aberdene , after it was prorogued by Our royall Father , who being cited to compeere before the Lords of the Councell to answer that high contempt , and compeering , declined the authoritie of Our royall Father and his Councell , and appealed to a Generall Assembly , and were therefore arraigned of high treason upon that Statute before the Lord chiefe Justice of that Kingdome , and after pleading to it by their Advocates , were found by a Jurie or Assize guilty of high treason ; and had received sentence accordingly , if Our royall Father , out of his singular clemencie and gracious respect to their calling , had not reprived them before sentence , and only inflicted upon them perpetuall banishment , which they did undergoe : The Act of Parliament upon which they were arraigned was this . The eighth Parliament current holden at Edinburgh the 22. of May , in the yeere of God 1584. by the right Excellent , right High and Mightie Prince James the Sixt , by the grace of God , King of Scots , and three Estates of this Realme . An Act confirming the Kings Majesties royall power over all Estates and subjects within this Realme . FOrasmuch as some persons being lately called before the Kings Majestie and his secret Councell , to answer upon certaine points to have beene inquired of them , concerning some treasonable , seditious , and contumelious speeches uttered by them in Pulpits , Schooles and otherwaies , to the disdaine and reproach of his Highnesse , his Progenitors , and present Councell ; contemptuously declined the judgement of his Highnesse and his said Councell in that behalfe , to the evill example of others to doe the like if timely remedy be not provided : Therefore our Soveraign Lord , and his three Estates assembled in this present Parliament , ratifieth and approveth , and perpetually confirmeth , the Royall power and authority over all Estates , aswell spirituall as temporall , within this Realme , in the person of the Kings Majestie our Soveraign Lord , his Heires and Successors : And also , statuteth and ordaineth that his Highnesse , his Heires and Successors , by themselves and their Councells , are and in time to come shall be judges competent to all persons his Highnesse subjects , of what estate , degree , function , or condition soever they be of , Spirituall or Temporall , in all matters wherein they or any of them shall be apprehended , summoned , or charged to answer to such things as shall bee inquired of them by our said Soveraigne Lord and his Councell . And that none of them which shall happen to be apprehended , called or summoned to the effect aforesaid , presume to take in hand to decline the judgement of his Highnesse , his Heires and Successors , or their Councell in the premises , under the paine of treason . Their sixth Protestation is nothing but a repetition of that which they have said so oft , even unto tediousnesse : In their seventh and last , they bewray an unexempled boldnesse , in avowing their confidence of Our approbation to the integritie of their hearts , and peaceablenesse of their waies and actions all this time past , when in their owne consciences they doe know , that We doe hold and detest their waies and actions , as most unpeaceable and seditious . And now having taken a short survey of this their Protestation , We doe appeale to any man , who shall compare it with Our Declaration , whether Our gracious Proclamation , against which they protested , did not rather deserve an humble and hearty acknowledgement of Our many graces and favours towards them , with a joyfull and submissive acceptation of them , then first to be traduced to the people before it was made , for a Proclamation tending to the utter ruine and subversion of the Religion and Lawes of that Church and Kingdome ; and then afterward to bee encountred in publique with such an impudent , insolent , seditious , and senslesse Protestation : And lastly , after all this , to be railed at in their Pulpits , and Our people made to beleeve , that that part of it which required subscription to their owne confession of faith , but lately sworne and subscribed unto by themselves , was a device of the Devill , and hatched in Hell , as shall appeare by that which followed . For the next day , being Sunday , all the Pulpits of Edinburgh , nay and many places where there were no Pulpits ( for they heard Sermons in many Halls , and other profane and common places ) did ring with bitter invectives and declamations against this Our gracious Declaration , especially against that part of it which they conceived would be most satisfactorie to Our people , and prove a speciall Antidote for expelling that poyson which they had made them swallow , concerning Our declining from the Reformed Religion , and inclining to Poperie , viz. the subscription to their own confession of faith now commanded by Us : For , they branded it so with most hideous and horrible names of the very depth and policie of Sathan , that the common people , who were well perswaded of the pietie of their Preachers , could not chuse but imagine that there was some wickednesse in it , which their Preachers could and did dive into though they did not . One Preacher in his Sermon prayed God to scatter them in Israel , and to divide them in Jacob who were the authors of this scattering and divisive counsell . Another Preacher in his Pulpit told his people , that the urging of this subscription , was an Italian and a devillish device , first to make them renounce God , and perjure themselves , and then afterward there was an intention to destroy their bodies ; and so that this subscription imported no lesse then the destruction both of their bodies and soules . These and many more such false feares suggested , first from two of the Preachers of Edinburgh , and from them transmitted to their fellows throughout the Kingdome , did worke so strongly with Our good but simple and seduced people , as that they were wrought unto a perswasion , that this subscription to their owne confession of faith , commanded by Us , for removing that false opinion which their Leaders had put into their heads of Our inclination to Poperie , was of a farre deeper reach , and of more dangerous consequence , then if We had been inclined to Poperie indeed ; still adding , That if they did subscribe it now by Our authoritie , it could receive no acceptation at Gods hands , God rejecting any service done to him by constraint ( it being very familiar with them at these times to terme obedience to authoritie constraint ) but when they subscribed it voluntarily , or by the perswasion of their Leaders , then it was acceptable to God ; and , if they durst have used such a Popish word , no question they would have added , Meritorious : And thus you see , with what undutifulnesse Our gracious Declaration was entertained . Yet it was not so received by all : For first , all the Lords of Our Councell ( amongst whom were some , who never seemed to be satisfied before ) were so fully satisfied , and so much overjoyed with this Our gracious Declaration , that they did condemne and utterly detest this odious Protestation of the Covenanters ; whereupon Our Councels Letter of thankes and proffer of service was sent Us , as was before declared . Next , the greatest part of the Ministers of that Our Kingdome did rest satisfied with it ; as shall be made evident if it come to tryall : But this is most certaine , that the Ministers assembled at Edinburgh that morning at the Gray-Friers Church by the name of the fourth Table , or Table of the Ministers ordinarily resident at Edinburgh all this time , for attendance upon the businesse of the Covenant , being sent unto by the other Tables , and desired by them to send some of their number up to the great Committee of all the Tables , to joyne with them in a Protestation which was to be made that afternoone against Our Declaration , which then they expected would be proclaimed ; the Ministers returned this answer by their whole voices ( not above two or three at the most dissenting ) That they would not agree to any Protestation which should be made against Our gracious Declaration , unlesse it should be sent downe unto them , that it might be throughly advised upon ; especially considering that they had heard so much of the contents of that Our Declaration , importing the removing of their grievances which occasioned their Covenant , that they could not conceive the necessitie of any Protestation . Which answer being returned to the other Tables , did so trouble them , that they sent a second message to them , intreating them presently to come up to Saint Gyles Church , and to sit there , that so being in a place of a neere distance from their great Committee , they might the more easily consult with them . Thither they came , and stayed a great while , but heard nothing from the Committee , who it seemes were much distracted and puzzled about the penning of their Protestation , and had certaine Ministers with them ( especially Rollock ) at that consultation , who were not deputed by the Table of Ministers to be present at it ; and having stayed in that Church untill neere one of the clocke in the afternoone , dissolved themselves , took their leaves one of another , and resolved not to meet untill the next weeke , many of them going home presently towards their owne countrey Churches , where they were to preach the next day , being Sunday ; and at their parting they deputed none to joine with the Committee from the other Tables , either to consult about , or to assist at any Protestation which should be made against this Our gracious Declaration : And all this was averred by divers Ministers then present , before divers of the Lords of Our Councell , and other persons of speciall ranke and qualitie , who likewise would have averred it before the last pretended Generall Assembly , if they durst have done it without running the hazzard of their fortunes , if not their lives : And yet in that afternoone about three of the clocke , Rollock , in the name of the Ministers , did upon a Scaffold joine with the deputies from the three other Tables , in that wicked Protestation , without deputation ( as is presumed ) from the Table of Ministers , unlesse perhaps he called some few stragling Ministers about the town , of whom it may be he asked the question . Besides , many thousands of Our subjects Covenanters were fully satisfied with Our Declaration , though they durst not , as many of them have professed , subscribe this confession of faith urged by Us , for feare of being troubled by the major part . And it is knowne , that wheresoever Our Declaration was published , before that the Covenanters from their Tables sent their emissaries to disswade the acknowledgment of it , and copies of their Protestations against it , it was received with all expressions of joy and thankfull acknowledgment ; insomuch that when it was proclaimed at the market Crosse at Glasgow , it was assisted with all these expressions , both by the Magistrates and all the inhabitants , by the Principall , the Regents and Professors , by all the Ministers of that Citie , though Covenanters , who out of the great sense of the many obligations and favours , which We had laid upon that whole Kingdome , by this Our gracious Declaration , directed their severall letters of thankes and acknowledgement to Our Commissioner , which are here exhibited . The Letter of the Provost , Bailiffes , and the Councell of Glasgow . Most Honourable and our very good Lord , HAving received a letter directed from your Grace to us with this bearer your Graces Cousin , and having read the same , and heard and weighed his Majesties gracious Proclamation , which was this day proclaimed within this Citie , to the great joy of all the hearers ; Wee cannot but praise God , who hath endued his sacred Majestie our dread Soveraigne , with such wisedome , pietie , clemencie , and fatherly care of this Church and Kingdome ; and pray God for a long and happie Raigne to his sacred Majestie , and his Highnesse posterity over us and succeeding generations ; And shall ever indevour to approve our selves his Majesties most loyall subjects ; And wish from our hearts all happinesse to your Grace , and your Graces most noble family , for the wel-wishing to this Citie ; and especially for the great paines taken by your Grace in this so weighty an imploiment , hoping & praying to God that the same may obtain the wished for accomplishment , and shall ever remaine , Glasgow this 24. of Septemb. 1638. Yours Graces most humble and obedient servants , James Stewart Provost . John Anderson Bailiffe . Colme Campbell Bailiffe . Ninian Anderson Bailiffe . Gabriel Cuningham . William Stewart . Patrick Bell. Matthew Hammilton . Colme Campbell . John Barnes . Richard Allane . Walter Stirling . Gavine Nesbit . John Anderson . Robert Horner . The Letter of the Ministers . Most honourable and our very good Lord , HAving received the Letter directed from your Grace , and having heard and considered his Majesties most gracious Proclamation published this day in this Citie , with joyfull acclamations universally of the hearers , as we of the Ministery and University of Glasgow , who were present , with great contentment and joy of heart applauded thereto ; and doe praise God who hath inspired our dread Soveraigne with such wisedome , pietie , clemencie , and fatherly care of the Church and Common-wealth of this Kingdome , as is abundantly manifested in the said Proclamation ; So we would gladly testifie , by what meanes we can , our thankfulnesse to his Majestie , our Crowne of rejoycing , and the breath of our nostrils ; not omitting our bound duty to your Grace , whom God and his Majestie hath appointed so fit and happy an instrument in this great errand , for your singular prudence , rare pietie , and zeale to God , your Prince , and Countrie , and incredible paines in this honourable and weighty employment , which we pray God may still prosper in your hands , untill it be brought to a full and blessed conclusion , being willing for our part to contribute what lyeth in our poore power by our earnest prayers and best endevours . Glasgow Sept. 24. 1638. Your Graces humble and most observant servants , M. Ro. Wilkie . J. Maxwell . M. Bell younger . M. Ga. Forsythe . M. Blair . John Strang. John. Will. Wilkie . Pa. Maxwell . NOw , besides these , in many places of the Kingdome whither they sent their Protestation to be read , it was refused by divers , who had subscribed their owne Covenant . The Assembly being indicted , the Covenanters did now goe about to effect all which they had plotted and designed concerning the election of the Commissioners to it , That all , and none but they , might be chosen whom they had resolved upon , and were of the most rigid ranke , whom they were sure would receive no satisfaction , and keep all others ( so farre as in them lay ) from accepting of any : Their device was this ; They perceived that most of the Ministers throughout the Kingdome would gladly embrace peace , if they might see their consciences satisfied in these feares and doubts , upon which they entred into the late Covenant . The Leaders resolved not to trust any such moderate men , considering that all their scruples were removed by Our last Declaration , and the indiction of a free generall Assembly ; and therefore they took order by their secret instructions , that none of them should be chosen , though they were Covenanters : For Ministers non-Covenanters , they took order , that if in any place by pluralitie of voices such a one should bee chosen , then hee should be processed and protested against , ( which no man could avoid ) and so he should be sure to be set by at the Assembly , and cast from having any voice there . And whereas they might feare , that the rigid Ministers , designed by them for this Assembly , might want a sufficient number of their fellow-Ministers for their elections in their severall Presbyteries , they tooke an order , That not onely for this time , but for all times to come , there should bee no Minister chosen Commissioner from any Presbyterie to any Assembly , but such as the Laitie should make choice of : For they presently gave order from their Tables , That every particular Parish should send to the Presbyterie in their bounds one Lay-man , whom they called a Ruling Elder , who by their appointment should have voice in the Presbytery as wel as the Minister of the Parish ; so that when the whole Presbyterie was assembled together , the number of the Lay-men was at the least equall to the number of the Ministers ; By which new device , the Laitie gained of the Ministers undoubtedly these foure things : First , That never any Minister should bee chosen Commissioner to the Assembly , but whom they would ; for they being equall in number in voices with the Ministers , and sixe of the Ministers being to be put in the List , and to stand in election , out of which sixe three must be chosen , and all these sixe must be removed in the time of the election , and have no voices themselves in it , it is clear , that the number of the Lay voices in these elections must needs exceed the number of the Ministers voices at least by sixe : Or , if in some Presbyteries ( as We heare was done in some few ) these sixe Ministers before their removing gave voices to whom they pleased , yet ( no man being able to give a voice to himselfe ) of necessitie the number of the Lay voices must exceed the number of the Ministers by one . Secondly , the Laitie gained this , That in all other Presbyteriall meetings , which are weekly , the Ministers should never have a casting voice , to determine any thing but what they liked ; the Lay-men being alwaies at the least equal to them in number . Thirdly , this they gained , That whatsoever should be concluded in a generall Assembly , should ever be concluded likewise in a Parliament , if Our negative voice did not stop it : ( and Wee heare that they have not spared to give out , that they will take from Us and Our Successors , that which all Our Predecessours have enjoyed , that is , a negative voice in Parliament , as they have done in Assemblies , for as much as lies in them : ) For by their instructions they ordered , That where any Nobleman lived in any Presbyterie , hee should bee chosen lay-Elder there for the Assembly ; and all Noblemen are hereditarie members of the Parliament : and where there wanted a Nobleman , they should chuse some speciall Gentleman , who in all probabilitie standeth faire for being chosen one of the Commissioners of the Shire for the Parliament ; which made the Covenanters stand so importunately for that point , viz. to have the Assembly held before the Parliament , as making just accompt , that all the lay voices in the Assembly were engaged to give their voices to the same conclusions , when they should sit in Parliament ; and so , that the Parliament , for it Acts , should depend upon the generall Assembly , and the generall Assembly ( for the Acts passed there ) should depend upon them ; but neither the one nor the other depend upon Us. Fourthly , the Laitie gained this , That they exempted themselves for ever hereafter from all fears of the power of the Clergie : for they being resolved ( so farre as in them lay ) to overthrow Episcopall government , and yet fearing by so doing to be brought againe under the tyrannie of Presbyteriall government , of which they had heard their fathers so grievously complaine , they pitched upon this way of equall number of lay-Elders in every Presbyterie , being assured thereby to curb their Ministers , most of whom had their stipends and rents paid by these lay-Patrons ; and so now the Laitie made accompt , that if in their elections to this Assembly they could compasse these conclusions and resolutions , they had brought the Church and Churchmen under for ever . These conclusions , though effected by the Laitie with violence , yet received great resistance by many Ministers in most Presbyteries , and in some by all : For when these Lay Elders came to sit with them , they either refused to admit them , or desired time to deliberate , how they ( who being Covenanters , and had complained of Innovations ) could admit of such innovations as those which seemed to threaten the ruine of the Libertie of the Church , for these Reasons : First , because , that above these fortie yeares no Lay Elder had sat in their Presbyteries , and therefore it was a great Innovation : Secondly , because at the beginning of the Reformation , when there was a kinde of necessitie to require the assistance of Lay-men for the government of the Church , ( Ministers being then so few and scant , ) yet it was provided that they should ever be fewer in number then the Ministers , and that therefore this obtruding of themselves in equall number , was not onely an Innovation , but directly against the book of discipline , upon which they did so much ground their proceedings : Thirdly , that it was a thing never ●eard nor practised before in that Church , that Lay-men had voices in the chusing of the Ministers Commissioners for the Assemblie , and therefore if they would chuse , they desired them to chuse their own Lay Commissioner , but for the Ministers Commissoners to leave it to themselves , who were better able to discerne of their Ministers abilities since they were weekly conversant with them , then they whom they had never seene in their Presbyterie before . But all this opposition and arguing was fruitlesse : For the Lay Elders , according to their secret instructions from the Covenanters Tables , which afterward shall be related , would not remove , but put themselves in possession of suffrage , and so these Ministers , and none but they , were chosen in each Presbyterie whom the Tables at Edinburgh had designed : A thing so odious and distastfull to the Ministers , that in some Presbyteries , the Ministers ( chosen Commissioners ) had but eight Ministers voices , and the voices of two and twentie Lay-men , in others not above two Ministers voices , in some but one ; but in all Presbyteries the Ministers Commissioners were elected by the pluralitie of Layvoices . Some of these Ministers , though Covenanters , seeing the libertie of the Church by this meanes utterly lost and betraied , did repaire to the two Covenanting Ministers of Edinburgh , to whom they bemoaned themselves , wondring that they would give way to the utter defacing of the Church by these Laick intrusions ; to whom they gave this answer , That they grieved for it as much as themselves , but that the necessitie of the times was such , that they must wink at it , else the Nobilitie , Gentrie , and Burrowes did threaten them with a desertion , upon which a division must follow , which by their Oath and Covenant they were bound by all meanes to prevent . But the aggrieved Ministers were not satisfied with such cold , comfortlesse , and unconscionable answers , but resolved in many Presbyteries to draw up their Protestations against the Lay Elders to the Assemblie ; yet they were so threatned by the Laitie , that most of them fell back and durst not adventure upon it , though others both Covenanters & Non-covenanters had the courage to do it , but with what successe shall be declared when We come to speak of the Assemblie it selfe . Yet this We will confidently averre , That when Our Commissioner came last from that Our Kingdome , three parts of foure of all the Covenanting Ministers did detest the elections made by lay Elders , and would have declared the nullitie of all such elections if they durst have done it ; and that these Ministers , ( unlesse they have changed their minds since ) had rather live under Episcopall government , then under the tyrannie of the Laitie and a few Ministers , from whom they have suffered more in a few moneths , then ever they did under all the Bishops in the Kingdome , since Our comming to the Crowne : all which verie many of them have affirmed , both for themselves and others , to Our Commissioner , divers of Our Councell , and others of good credit and qualitie , whom We dare and do trust . But the elections being now past according as they had plotted them , or in good forwardnesse so to bee where they were not yet past , the Covenanters next care was , how to hinder the subscription of the confession of Faith commanded by Us , they conceiving it their master-piece to stop any thing ( though never so well liked by themselves ) if it were commanded by Our authoritie ; as fearing , that if We had obedience given to Us in any one thing , Our people might recover the taste of government : And hearing that Our Commissioner was to repaire to the Colledge of Justice , there to tender to the Lords of Our Session , who are the supreme Judges of Our Lawes in that Kingdome , the confession of Faith and band annexed , to be sworne by Our authoritie , that very morning they set up Rollock to preach , ( though it was not his ordinarie course ) where many of Our Judges were present before they went to sit : There hee with many false and foolish impertinences did so labour to perswade them , that the swearing of that confession was unlawfull and plaine perjurie , that hee shewed himselfe a ridiculous and most dishonest man to most that were present , & a weak man to all ; and so little he prevailed , that immediately after Sermon , the Judges repairing to their usuall place of sitting , whither Our Commissioner came presently and tendered them the said confession , all of them , except foure who were knowne to be of the false stamp , did sweare to it and subscribe it , the number of the Judges in all being twenty . And here We desire the Reader to observe , whether these men shall not be accounted a faction , and not a bodie of a Kingdome , when they shall separate themselves from Us ; who are their Soveraigne , from the bodie of Our Councell , who have the supreme government of the Kingdome under Us , and from the bodie of Our Judges , who are the Interpreters of Our Lawes , and under Us the supreme Judges of all their estates and fortunes , these two Judicatories , together with Our Judges in criminall causes , being under Us , by the Lawes , constituted the onely Judges of all their actions : For if these Covenanters shall ascribe unto themselves the government , because they are more in number then those who disassent from them , then certainly in all Kingdomes and Republiques , the established government must goe downe ; for in them all , they who are ruled and governed are farre more then the Rulers and Governours . They then seeing that their fierce endeavours were fruitlesse with the Lords of the Session , with all speed dispatched some of their Tables throughout all parts of the Kingdome , to stop the subscription to the confession of faith commanded by Us , with copies of their Protestation to be read in all places , where Our Commissioners should either proclaime Our Declaration , or require subscription to that confession : In many places they prevailed , in many not ; Where they prevailed , they used such indirect and violent courses , as they gained an assent from many mens mouths , whose minds were very farre from it . In Glasgow , after that the Lord Lowdan , with divers others , Noblemen , Gentlemen , and Ministers , sent ( as they pretended ) from the Tables at Edinburgh , had caused to bee read that infamous Libell ( of which you shall heare afterwards ) against the Archbishop of Glasgow in his owne Cathedrall Church , without the knowledge of the Magistrates of that Citie ; the Lord Lowdan desired the Provost of Glasgow to convocate their Towne Councell , that hee might impart some things unto them ; which the Provost refused : But that Lord and his Associates , understanding that their ordinarie Church Session sate that afternoone , at which the Magistrates and Ministers were to be present , came suddenly into the place where they did sit , beyond their expectation , where the Lord Lowdan made a speech of great length , concerning the iniquitie and danger of Our Covenant , adjuring them both by perswasions and threatnings , that they would not subscribe the confession of faith required by Us ; and therefore his demand was , That he might have the assured promises of the Magistrates and Ministers , that they would not subscribe it , that so he might report their answer to the Tables from whence he was sent : To which the Provost presently answered , That his Lordship knew well that Our Commissioner had required from them a subscription to Our Covenant , that they had humbly intreated of his Grace some short time to returne their answer ; and therefore hee wondred that any man should thinke it was fit to answer any who was sent from the Tables , before they had made their answer to Our Commissioner ; and so refusing to give any answer to these Emissaries from the Tables , they went away unsatisfied . The Covenanters , finding that Our commanding of the subscription of the confession of faith ; in many places had given satisfaction , and had indeed confuted that lying scandall of Our inclination to Poperie , and that many of the Covenanters had remitted much of their former rigour , being much taken with Our last gracious Proclamation , the Heads and swayers of the foure Tables , ( as if all their designes were come to the last cast ) cast about once againe , and laboured hard to worke Our people into the beliefe of this one point , That none of these things promised in Our last gracious Proclamation , no not the Assembly it selfe , were ever intended to bee performed by Us ; That Wee onely studied to gaine time , untill Wee were ready for their ruine ; and therefore they gave out , that Our Commissioners late comming from Hammilton to Edinburgh was onely to prorogue the Assembly . They spent daies and nights in penning a Protestation against it , and writing multitudes of copies to be readie in all places of the Kingdome , before the Proclamations of the prorogation should arrive . They sent for all their partie to flocke to Edinburgh , as if now there were greater danger then ever : All which was carried with notable hypocrisie ; for the authors of this report did disperse it , not that they did beleeve it to be true , but because it was conduceable to their ends to have the people beleeve it . But knowing that they who do act long parts , must needs sometimes be out , and that the time of the Assembly beginning to approach , and Our Commissioners provisions and preparations for his journey to Glasgow , were farre stronger proofes to Our people of Our holding the Assembly , then all which they had surmised to the contrarie , they then betooke themselves to their last shift , which was a miserable and wicked one , and it was this : Since they were perswaded that the Assembly indicted by Us would now hold if they could not divert it , they resolved to take such courses , as they conceived Our Commissioner neither could nor would endure ; with which they did conceive they should so irritate him , that he could not chuse but either discharge or prorogue the Assembly . For two things now they feared : First , that they had committed a great errour in petitioning Us for an Assembly , which they conceived was fully in their owne power to indict ; and therefore did begin to thinke , that by that act they had weakned their owne power and claime , and supposed , that it had been more agreeable to their designes , if they had indicted one themselves , being the title which they meant to stand to , as appeareth by their owne indiction of a new Assembly , since the dissolution of this . Secondly , they were affraid of nothing more then this , that Our Commissioners propounding and passing into acts of Assembly , all the particulars of Our grace and favour contained in Our last Proclamation , would abundantly satisfie the greatest part of their owne partie , when they should see the grounds of their feares of innovations in Religion removed , which occasioned them to enter into the late Covenant : But now , if Our Commissioner could be forced any way , either to prorogue or discharge this Assembly indicted by Us , that then they would presently indict one themselves , which they were sure We would not countenance with any Commissioner from Us ; by which meanes they were both secured from having their partie weakned by Our propounding in Assembly Our gracious offers expressed in Our last Declaration , and were certainly perswaded , that they should easily induce Our people to beleeve , that these things promised in that Declaration were never intended by Us. To compasse therefore their desires of Our Commissioners either proroguing or discharging the Assembly , they resolved to increase their disorders to such a height , as they hoped hee would never endure them ; and to multiply so many affronts upon him , and in him upon Us and Our authoritie , as they imagined should be past all sufferance : As first , by their letters directed from their Tables at Edinburgh , they quarrelled with Our Commissioner , that Our Confession and Covenant was commanded to bee subscribed in many parts of the Kingdome by the authoritie of Us and Our Councell , with an unbeseeming violence : The copie of their Letter to Our Commissioner , being then at Hammilton , here followeth . Please your Grace , WEe were glad of the indiction of an Assembly , as the meane to bring our complaints to an end : And as we promised for our part to doe our endevour , that all matters might be carried in a peaceable way , and no man troubled in any sort till that time , so did we certainly expect that no violence or molestation should have beene used against any of those who had subscribed the late Covenant : and yet , far contrarie to our expectation , are brought hither almost every houre grievous complaints from many of the people , in divers parts of the Kingdome , That they are by the threatnings and open violence of some States-men , Councellours , and Barons , constrained to subscribe a Confession of Faith , and Band ; some with blind and doubting minds , and others against their consciences , to the great trouble of their soules , and great disturbance of the peace of the Country , contrarie to such peaceble preparations as should have preceded a perfit pacification at a Generall Assemblie . If we had heard but some complaints of this kind , we would have spared both your Graces paines and our owne , but complaints being multiplied more and more , we could not of duty but make some representation thereof to your Grace , that some course may be taken for present suppressing this so irreligious and unjust manner of doing ; and for preventing the hard consequences that may ensue from people who are thus pressed to subscribe against their minds , and from others who are joyned in Covenant with them ; which , as it is humbly petitioned , so it is confidently expected by Edinb . 3. Oct. 1638. Your Graces humble servants , Cassills . Lothean . Lindsay . Lowdoune . Balmerino . Johnstoun . Burgly . THe complaint contained in this Letter did afterward prove to bee most unjust ; and yet it was dispersed through the Kingdome with horrible and most false aggravations , viz. That some of Our Councell with charged Pistolls and drawne Daggers held to the breasts of Our subjects , had forced them to subscribe Our Covenant : To this their Letter Our Commissioner returned an answer , though not to their Table , because hee would not acknowledge it , yet to that Nobleman , whose hand was first at it : The copie of which answer is this . My very good Lord , I Have received from your Lordsh : and other Noblemen a Letter , containing a complaint against the violence offered to divers of his Majesties subjects , by States-men , Councellours , and others ; and that complaint aggravated by your promising and undertaking , for your selfe and all your adherents , that no man should be troubled till the Generall Assembly ; and your just expectation that the same course should have beene held on the other side by us . For the former , I know not what States-men , Noblemen or Barons , your Lordsh : meanes ▪ for naming none , I know not to whom I shall take my selfe ; nor doe I know what violence and threatnings you mean : If you meane his Majesties Commissioners appointed by the King , they requiring his subjects to subscribe the old Confession and Covenant , by his authoritie now renewed , and remonstrating unto them the danger they incurre by law in not obeying his Majesties commandement , I hope that cannot bee called violence but duty , the omission whereof , must needs bee a violation of , and violence offered to his Majesties sacred authority : If other violences and threatnings they have used , as your Lordsh : seemeth to intimate ( for their obedience to his Majesties just authority , I am sure , your Lordsh : will not call violence ) they must answer for it , and shall whensoever your Lordsh : shall make known the delinquents . But alas my Lords , Tell me now in good earnest whether you have heard they have used such violence in perswading this Covenant , as hath beene used by your adherents in inforcing of yours ? hath the bloud of Gods servants , his holy Ministers , been shed , which bloud I am affraid keepeth the vengeance of God still hanging over this Land ? have men beene beaten , turned out of their livings and maintenance , reviled and excommunicated in the Pulpits , and a thousand more outrages acted upon them , for not subscribing this Covenant ? have none who have subscribed your Covenant , done it with blind and doubting minds ? If they have , I beseech your Lordsh : not to call his Majesties Councellours legall proceedings , irreligious and unjust , untill you have proved the piety and justice of the proceedings of your owne adherents . For the other , of your undertaking and promising for your parts , that no man should be troubled till the Assembly , and expecting the like from us , truly I am glad I have it under your Lordsh : hands ; for I think there are few houres of any one day , since the indicting of the Assemblie , that from all parts of this Kingdome , I am not vexed with complaints of new processing of Ministers , new with-holding of Ministers stipends unprocessed , heavie complaints of Ministers of your owne Covenant , that they are threatned , and that sharply and bitterly , for their declaring of their griefe , in being barred of their freedome in the election of their owne Commissioners to the Generall Assembly , and being borne down by the multitude of Lay voyces , and menaced because of their protesting against the same . The complaints of Ministers Non-Covenanters and Lay-Elders Non-Covenanters , chosen by their Sessions to assist at the election of the Commissioners from the Presbyteries , but turned backe , for not having subscribed your Covenant , and reviled with bitter words , for being so pert as to come thither ; is this the performance of promising , that no man shall bee troubled till the Assembly ? These are , indeed , preparations verie unfit to precede this Assembly , they being so unpeaceable and like to take up much time , in discussing at that great Meeting the illegality of these elections . My Lord , the truth is , I shall be as carefull to see any wrong offered by his Majesties Commissioners ( in urging his Majesties authority ) punished , when I shall know the offences and the offenders , as I am heartily grieved at the proceedings of your Associats : Here I am sure , his Majesties Commissioners have been rather backward then forward , but so have not your Lordsh : adherents been ; for they have in verie many places proclaimed your Protestation , where his Majesties Declaration hath not been proclaimed . I hope your Lordsh : will pardon my unusuall prolixitie ; for I confesse I am much troubled to see his Majesties good subjects led into such misconstructions of his pious and religious intentions towards them . This my Letter , I pray your Lordsh : to communicate to the other Noble Lords , who subscribed that to me . To your selfe and them , I pray your Lordsh : commend the true respects of Your Lordsh. For the Earle of Cassills . THis Letter it seemes gave them no satisfaction , for they still continued their reports : Besides , they had the boldnesse by another Letter from the same Table , sent likewise to Our Commissioner , being then at Hammilton , to expostulate with him , that one of Our Ships at sea had searched a Scottish Merchants Ship for Ammunition , when as they themselves before had searched a Merchants Ship for some Ammunition , which We had sent for Scotland , and would have seized upon it , if they had not been prevented ; and immediately after , a little English Vessell carrying Beere to some part of that Kingdome , was likewise stayed and searched by them . In the same Letter they quarrell with Our Commissioner , for hindering the bringing of Horses from England thither , which is unlawfull for any one to doe , without a speciall licence from the Master of Our Horse : The copie of their Letter , filled with their ordinarie pretences of Religion , and Our Commissioners Answer unto it , be these . Please your Grace , AFter your parting from us , we had knowledge from John Wilson Skipper , and sundry of his Passengers newly arrived , That being at Sea on his way from Holland hither , one of his Majesties small ships of eight Peeces , came aboard and searched him for Armes and Ammunition , declaring they did the same by his Majesties Warrant . We doe not so much value the hazzard of any prejudice , as we are heartily grieved to find any such note of his Majesties displeasure , differencing us from his other subjects , when our own hearts and the Lord that searcheth them doth heare witnesse of our loyaltie and affection to his Majestie , especially to have found it now when we are made so secure , both by the hopes of obteyning from his Majesties favour , by your mediation , these ordinary and publike remedies that can fully settle this Church and State , and by assurance from your Grace we should finde no such hard dealing , during the time of your imployment amongst the subjects here , who trust in your care to prevent speedily the inconvenience of this , as you did in that other late particular anent the arrest of our horses in England . We thinke this advertisment sufficient to your Grace , who is wounded through our sides if wee suffer any thing in this time , being so farre interessed to vindicate us from such prejudice , who doe acknowledge our selves to be Edinb . the 28. Septemb. 1638. Your Graces humble servants , Rothees , Montrose , Home , Weymse , Lindesay , Boyd , Londone , Balmerino , Dalhousie , Forrester , Elcho , Craustoune , Baltarres , Burghly , Lothiane . My Lord , I Have received a Letter this day signed by your Lordsh : and sundry other Noblemen , making mention , that one John Wilson Skipper , being on his way from Holland hither , was searched by one of his Majesties small ships . This is no new nor unaccustomed thing ; for commonly the Captains of his Majesties ships during the time of being at sea , doe take notice what the loadings of all such ships are , as they meet with , who trade in the Channell ; it being a prerogative that belongs to his Imperall Crown ▪ I am perswaded that your Lordsh : and the rest of my Lords cannot thinke , but if his Majestie had been desirous to have made stop of importation of Ammunition into this Kingdome this time past , but it would have been an easie matter for him to have effected ; but so little hath he regarded this , as he hath not so much as taken notice of it : And yet it were no strange thing , if his Majestie should give direction to cause examine for what end so great store of Ammunition is imported into this Kingdome , and a little more narrowly to looke into our actions ; when , by I know not whom , there hath been so much notice taken of such Ammunition , as his Majestie hath thought fit to send hither . For notwithstanding that your Lordsh : sayes we are made secure by the hopes of obtaining from his Majestie these remedies that can fully settle this Church and State , yet I may say courses are taken to put feares in his Majesties good subjects minds , by perswading of them that no such thing is intended : This does too too manifestly appeare by the watching and guarding his Majesties Castle , and many other courses ; but of this I will write nothing , my intention being only to returne answer of what is writ to me : And therefore for your Lordsh : satisfaction I shall acquaint his Majestie with the contents of your letters , who will no doubt give such directions therein , as his good subjects will have no just cause of complaint : Whereas you have been pleased to say , that you have been assured by me , that you should receive no such hard dealing , during the time of my imployment ; let mee desire you to consider this aright , and you will find it none ; for neither was that ship stayed from proceeding in their intended voyage , nor any thing taken from them : nor needs your Lordsh : to doubt that his Majestie will doe any thing ( except our owne indiscretion provoke him ) that may make appear to the world that he makes a difference betwixt us of this Nation and his other subjects . Bee confident , my Lord , that my endevours have , and doe tend to no other end , but to the glory of God , the honour of his sacred Majestie , and the preserving from ruine this poore distracted Kingdome ; and that I have and shall labour to prevent all such accidents as may breed the least stop or hinderance of this wished event , which I hope and am confident that your Lordsh. and all those noble Lords who have signed this Letter to me , will take the same to heart ; and then certainly you will not be so easily moved with such light and sleight reports : Nor will your Lordsh : thinke that either you or I can bee wounded by the order and command of so pious , mercifull , and so clement a Prince as is our dread Soveraigne , who hath showne himselfe to be so full of goodnesse , as we must of all men living prove the worst , if we be not thankfull to God , and him for it . This my letter your Lordsh : will be pleased to communicate to the rest who have writ to me , and esteeme of me as Hammilt . 24. Sept. 1638. For the Earle of Rothees . Your Lordships humble servant , Hammiltoun . WIth his answer they were so far from being satisfied , that to answer this affront ( as they did interpret it ) for searching a Ship of that Kingdome at sea , they resolved to put a greater affront upon Us , by increasing their Guards about Our Castle of Edinburgh : In Fyfe , they gave order for a Communion throughout their Churches , at which they made every one to sweare that they should not subscribe Our Confession and Covenant , nor any other but their owne , which they swore againe de novo ; especially to stand to that part of it which concerneth mutuall defence against all persons whomsoever . They gave generall order for the Fast to bee kept on the fourth of November , being Sunday , neglecting the day designed in Our Proclamation , which was the Wednesday following , and the seventh of that Moneth . Our Commissioner seeing these contempts daily to increase , and hearing that they had appointed the Communion to bee celebrated at Edinburgh , sent for the Provost and Magistrates , and inquired of them these particulars : First , whether at their Communion ( which was to be celebrated the two next Sundaies following ) it was intended , that the like oath should bee taken with them , as had been taken in Fyfe : Secondly , whether they intended to keep the Fast-day designed by Us in Our Proclamation , and according as they had lately since been required to doe , by an order sent from Our Councell to them for that purpose : Thirdly , what order they had taken with those , who had the day before reviled and abused Doctor Eliot while he was preaching in the Pulpit . That he had sent for them , because he had found those few Ministers , by whom they were ruled , to bee unreasonable men , and despisers of Authoritie . To the last , they promised that they would make a discoverie of the offenders , and see them punished ; which they never did : For the first , they thought it most unreasonable that any oath should be ministred as it was in Fyfe : For the second , they thought it most reasonable that Our Fast-day should be kept but before they could give a full answer , they must first conferre with their Ministers ; at their meeting with whom , they found that the Ministers had intended that barbarous oath at the Communion , and not to keep Our Fast-day more then other Churches in the countrie had done : yet the Magistrates did with much perswasions over-rule them in both . Our Commissioner did resolve with great solemnitie , attended with all Our Councell and Judges , to keep that Fast in the great Church of Edinburgh , on the day appointed by Us , and gave notice thereof to the Magistrates ; who returned him thanks , and assurance of welcome ; But understanding that they were resolved to discharge the ordinarie Ministers of that Church , from preaching there that day , onely because they were Non-covenanters , and had appointed their places to be supplied with the two onely Covenanting Ministers of their Towne , he sent for the Magistrates againe , telling them , That he could not come to their Church , and countenance so great a disorder as the displacing of the two Preachers of that Church , onely because they were faithfull subjects to Us ; nor durst heare these two Preachers designed by them , who in their Pulpits did ordinarily inveigh against Us and Our authoritie : Unlesse therefore hee might either nominate the Preachers , or heare the ordinarie Preachers of that Church , he must not come thither . The Magistrates did what they could to perswade with their Ministers ; the one of them was contented with Our Commissioners desire , but the other was so obstinate , as he would no way hearken to it ; and him ( being so powerfull with the people ) the Magistrates durst not offend : and so Our Commissioner , with Our Councell and Judges , were necessitated to keep Our Fast at another Church hard by Our Palace . Now Wee desire the Reader to observe , how the Heads of the Covenanters were affraid that any shew of obedience should bee yeelded unto Us by Our people in the least point , they having ordered , that in most places of the Kingdome , the day designed by Us for the Fast should not be observed ; certainly , onely because it was commanded by Us , as being unwilling that Wee , ( whom they had given out to Our people for an Innovator in Religion , and an Introducer of Poperie ) should be thought by them to have any care of so religious an exercise as a solemne Fast ; And how that in Edinburgh , though the Magistrates by their earnest intreatie had procured the observation of it , yet they could not obtaine it without putting a speciall affront upon authoritie , by displacing of those Ministers who had continued in loyaltie and obedience to Us. But these were nothing to their other violences , whereby they would have Our Commissioner take notice that it was impossible their proceedings at the Assemblie should bee pleasing unto Us : For not onely in many of their Pulpits did they preach , That whosoever subscribed Our Covenant , were perjured and villaines , but when some affirmed the contrarie , and reproved the Preachers for such furious speeches after their Sermon was ended , they were cited before their Presbyteries for so doing , and threatned with excommunication : Nay , more then so , there were few Ministers of the Kingdome , not subscribers of their Covenant , whom they did not presently processe and cite before their severall Presbyteries ; and notwithstanding their Appeales to the Generall Assemblie then approaching , yet they would not shew so much patience , but proceeded to present most illegall , and unwarrantable suspending of them , and other censures , as best pleased them ; which being complained of to Our Commissioner and Councell , could finde no redresse , although they sent many times to the Covenanters , requiring them to forbeare all such unjust proceedings , and to referre the triall of these oppressed Ministers causes to the Generall Assemblie , which was now at hand . None were so insolent as the Presbyterie of Edinburgh ; for they presently put verie many of their Ministers under processe : They begun with one Master David Michell Minister of Edinburgh ; Our Commissioner wrote earnestly to that Presbyterie , to forbeare proceeding against him untill the Assemblie , to the which hee had appealed , and where his cause might have a full and faire triall ; which they not only most unjustly rejected , but were so unmannerly , as they did not vouchsafe to answer his Letter , either by message or otherwise : The next Presbyterie day he wrote to them againe to the same purpose , but with the like successe ; for they proceeded without taking notice of his Letter , or returning any answer to it , although in that second Letter he had desired them , either to delay their proceedings that day , or else to send one or more of their number to him , ( being then hard by at Our Palace at Holy-rood-house ) who might shew him some reason why they could not stay so long as untill the Assemblie , which was now so neere approaching . Our Commissioner wondring at this contempt , by the advice of some of the principall Lords of Our Councell , sent for an Officer of Our Councell , and directed him to them with an ordinarie warrant drawne up in an ordinarie forme by the Clerk of Our Councell , requiring them in Our name , under paine of Our high displeasure , and as they would answer the contrarie at their utmost perill , to desist from any further proceeding in that cause untill the Generall Assemblie ; to which the Defendant had appealed , and which was to begin within foureteene dayes : This warrant was delivered unto them by the Officer of Our Councell , in whose audience it was read , and when hee required an answer to it , hee received none , but in highest contempt of Our Crowne , Dignitie , and Royall commandement , and against all rules of Justice ( the Appellants appeale to the superiour Court of a Generall Assemblie , legally depending ) for doctrines preached by him foure yeare since at least , and the witnesses being all Lay-men , who ( besides their no extraordinarie memorie for such a time as was laid ) were men of such meane and ordinary understanding , as that it was improbable , if not impossible , that they should understand the doctrines wherewith he was charged ; and some of them being uncontroverted , and such as are generally received by all Protestant Churches in the world ; they presently suspended him , and discharged him from the place of his Ministerie ; and afterward , to make their contempt the greater , sent downe three of their number to tell Our Commissioner that they had done so , who offered to shew him reasons for their so doing : But Our Commissioner told them , That since they were not pleased to shew him their reasons before their sentence as he required , hee would not heare their reasons after their sentence as they desired . But to let passe this and many more their such unjust proceedings , against those Ministers which continued in Our obedience , in all places of the Kingdome , even when the Assemblie was readie to begin , notwithstanding these Ministers legall appeales thereunto , We shall desire the Reader to observe their proceedings in one processe , which We are confident was framed and pursued with such malice , injustice , falshood , and scandall , not onely to the reformed Religion in particular , but to the Christian Religion in generall , as it cannot be paralleled by any president of injustice in precedent ages , nor ( We hope ) shall ever be followed in future , and which if it were known amongst Turks , Pagans , or Infidels , would make them abhorre the Christian Religion , if they did think it would either countenance or could consist with such abominable impietie and injustice . It is their processe against all and everie one of the Archbishops and Bishops of that Kingdome : The Covenanters did indeed first desire Our Commissioner , in his owne name and as hee was Our Commissioner , to grant out processe against the Archbishops and Bishops , and thereby to cyte them to appeare as rei , or guiltie persons : To whom he returned this faire answer , That he did not hold it fit to cyte them as guiltie , of whose guiltinesse hee had no presumptions ; and besides that he would be loath to do an act which should void , according to their grounds , both the Prelats places and voices in the Assemblie , they having laid it downe for a rule ( though it were a false one ) that parties cyted can have no suffrage there ; yet if either by the Law or practice of that Kingdome , the Kings Commissioner or Commissioners did use to grant out any such processe , hee would not refuse it , being resolved to concurre with them in any course of Justice : but he hoped that they would not make Us his master , or himselfe do any act prejudiciall to the Bishops , their place and government , before they were heard , and that in the meane time for their satisfaction he would advise with some of Our Judges and Our Advocate , whether any such processe was awardable , or had usually beene awarded by Our Royall Fathers Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie , and according to their advice hee would doe that which should bee agreeable to Justice . From this answer of Our Commissioner , they expected no satisfaction to their desire ; for they themselves did know as well as any Judge or Advocate in the Kingdome , that no Commissioner either could award or ever had awarded any such processe as they required : And therefore they moved Our Commissioner once againe , that he would require Our Judges or Lords of Our Session , to grant out such processe ; with which request , when Our Commissioner made Our Judges acquainted , they returned him that answer which the Covenanters knew verie well they could not chuse but make , viz. That they could grant out no processe for the compeerance of any persons before them , but those who were impleaded , and whose causes were triable before them . The truth is , Our Commissioner found by inquirie , and the Covenanters knew it perfectly well , that the ordinarie way of processe or cytation to a Generall Assemblie was to passe it under the hand of the Clerk of the Assemblie , whose office is during life , if he be not legally removed , & usually too under the hand of him who was Moderator at the last Generall Assemblie ; both which were then living and are so still : the name of the Clerk of the Assemblie being Master James Sandelands , an Advocate and Commissarie of Aberdene , and the Moderator of the last Assemblie , being the now Archbishop of Saint Andrewes : But they who had all this while gone on in disorderly , illegall , and unjustifiable wayes , belike thought it an incongruitie to keep the beaten path and tract of justice in any thing , and therefore they fell and resolved upon a way so unlike Justice , so repugnant to Religion and common honestie , as one would wonder how they hit upon it , having neither Law nor practise for it , which was this , They caused to be drawn up a most false , odious , and scandalous Libell against the Archbishops and Bishops , with a Petition annexed , to the Presbyterie of Edinburgh , wherein they desired the Libell to bee admitted by them ; the copie whereof , as it was exhibited by them to the said Presbyterie , and afterward publikely read in all the Pulpits thereof , here followeth ; which out of Our love to the Christian Religion We wish might never come to the notice of any Pagan , and out of Our love to the Religion reformed , We wish might never come to the notice of any Papist : But it cannot be concealed . The Bill , or the complaint , of the Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , Covenanters , ( which were not Commissionaries to the Assembly ) against the pretended Archbishops and Bishops within this kingdome , as it was presented to the Presbyterie of Edinburgh ; with an Act of reference of the Bill , from the Presbyterie to the next Generall Assembly , as it was fully read on the Lords day before noone in all the Churches within the Presbyterie of Edinburgh , according to the Act. Noblemen . Unto your wisedomes humbly shewes and complaines , We John Earle of Sutherland , John Earle of Athol , William Earle of Dalhousie , Mungo Vicount of Stormouth , Hugh Lord Montgomerie , David Lord Elcho , George Lord Forrester , Arthur Lord Forbesse , John Master of Berridale , Robert Lord Boyd , David Lord Balcarras , John Lord Melvill . Barons and Gentlemen . Craggemillar , Lugtoun , Buchanan , Young , Dury , Balgonny , Balbirny , Master William Hammilton , Thomas Cragge of Ricarton , John Cowper of Gogar , John Hammilton of Boghall , David Inglis of Ingliston , John Dundas of Newliston , Sir William Cockburne of Langton , Patrick Cockburne of Clerkinton , John Leslie of Newton , Colonel Alexander Leslie , David Barclay of Onwerme , Sir Michael Arnot of Arnot , Sir Michael Balfoure of Deanemill , John Aiton of Aiton , David Beaton of Balfoure , John Lundie of Lundie , Walter Murray of Liviston , Sir John Preston of Ardrie , Walter Cornwall of Bonhard , William Scot of Ardrosse , Robert Forbosse of Ricesse , Sir Andrew Murray of Balvarde , George Dundasse of Dudistone , Sir William Murray of Blebo , Master Robert Preston , William Dicksone . Ministers . Master William Scot Minister at Cowper , Master George Hammiltoun at Nuburne , Master Walter Grog at Balmerino , Master Iohn Machgil Parson of Fliske , Master Andrew Blackhat at Aberlady . Burgesses and Commons . George Bruce of Carnock , George Potterfield a Burgesse of Glasgow , John Smith , John Mill , Lawrence Henryson , Richard Maxwell , Burgesses of Edinburgh . WE , for our selves , and in name and behalfe of the rest of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons within this Realme of Scotland , subscribers of the Covenant , who are not chosen Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie , but ) who will assist and insist in this complaint with us , as faithfull Christians , as loyall subjects , and sensible members of this Church and Common-weale , having interest to pursue this popular action , in a speciall manner and an eminent degree , by which pursuit God may bee glorified , Christs Kingdome advanced , that the Church may bee restored to her priviledges and liberties , and freed from manifold scandals , from the corrupters of Doctrine with Poperie and Arminianisme , of the Sacraments with Superstition and Wil-worship , and of the Discipline with tyrannie , and from the overthrowers of the peace of this Church and Kingdome by their usurpations and lies , their violent humours , and falshood for their owne worldly ends , may be tried and censured accordingly , and so this Church and State made free from the present divisions and combustions , and restored to peace and unitie , both with God and amongst themselves , and that his Majesties religious disposition and honour may be cleared to all the world , by the triall and censure of those men who have fraudulently abused his Majesties name and authoritie by their trust and credit with his Majestie : Wee most earnestly make request , That whereas by the Lawes of this Church and Kingdome , and by his Majesties last Proclamation , all his Majesties subjects , whether Ecclesiasticall or Civill , of whatsoever title or degree , if they have exercised an unlimited or unwarrantable power , They are declared and ordained to be liable to the triall and censure of the Generall Assemblie and Parliament , or to any other Judicatorie , according to the nature and qualitie of the offence . And whereas Master David Lyndsey pretended Bishop of Edinburgh , Master Thomas Sydserfe pretended Bishop of Galloway , Master Walter Whitefoord pretended Bishop of Brichen , Master James Wedderburne pretended Bishop of Dumblane , Master James Fairley pretended Bishop of Argyle , Master John Spotswood pretended Archbishop of Saint Andrewes , ( having their residences or dwelling places within the bounds of this Presbyterie of Edinburgh , ) Master Patrick Lyndsey pretended Archbishop of Glasgow , Master Alexander Lyndsey pretended Bishop of Dunkell , Master Adam Bannatine pretended Bishop of Aberdene , Master John Gutherie pretended Bishop of Murray , Master John Maxwel pretended Bishop of Rosse , Master George Greme pretended Bishop of Orkney , Master Iohn Abernethie pretended Bishop of Caithnesse , Master Neil Campbel pretended Bishop of the Isles , should be tried and censured for their unlimited and unwarranted power . For whereas it was provided in the Cautions agreed upon in the Generall Assemblie holden at Mountrose , Anno 1600. for bounding of the Ministers votes in Parliament , and concluded to bee inserted in the bodie of the act of Parliament , for confirmation of this vote as a most necessarie and substantiall point of the same , which was never yet repealed by a lawfull Assemblie , That the Minister should sweare , upon his admission to the office of Commissionarie , to subscribe and fulfill the Cautions agreed upon under the penalties expressed therein , otherwise hee was not to bee admitted ; yet the said Master David Lyndsey sometimes Minister of Brichen now pretended Bishop of this Diocesse of Edinburgh , and pretended Moderator of this Presbyterie , with his foresaid Colleagues , the pretended Bishops and Archbishops of this Church respectivè , have taken upon them ( without craving or obtaining Commission from the Church as it is set downe in that Assemblie at Mountrose ) the office and power to vote in Parliament , without swearing at his or their entrances to subscribe and fulfill those Cautions which are set down under penalties . In the first Caution it was provided , that he presume not to propound in Parliament , in councell or convention , any thing in the name of the Church without an expresse warrant or direction from the Church , under the paine of deposition from his office ; and that hee should neither give consent unto , nor keep silence from any thing ( amidst these meetings ) that might bee prejudiciall to the libertie of the Church , under the said paine . But the forenamed Master David Lyndsey pretended Bishop of Edinburgh , with the rest of his Colleagues respectivè above named , have presumed ( having no warrant nor direction from the Church ) to propound in Parliament , and to consent to severall acts which have past in Parliament , to the prejudice of the Church , as namely , To the act concerning the Restitution of the State of Bishops , Anno 1606. the act concerning the chapiter of Saint Andrewes , Anno 1607. To the act of Commissariots and jurisdictions given to Archbishops and Bishops , Anno 1609. To the ratification of the act agreed upon in the Assemblie of Glasgow Anno 1610. with an explanation , contrarie to the meaning and tenour of the said conclusions , Anno 1612. To the acts concerning the Elections of Archbishops and Bishops , and to the acts concerning the Restitution of chapiters , Anno 1617. To the ratification of the five Articles of Perth , Anno 1621. To the act concerning the apparell of Churchmen , and to the ratification of the acts concerning Religion , in which all the former Acts are included , Ann. 1633. and to many other severall Acts of this kinde . In like manner he propounded and gave consent to severall Acts of the Privie Councell , for the establishing of it , and of the power of the High Commission , which are against the lawes and liberties of this kingdome ; and for ratification of severall acts and sentences given out by them and their Colleagues in that unwarrantable Judicatorie : for in the same manner did he propound and consent unto the Acts made in the Privie Councell for pressing and bringing in of the Service Booke , which would have trod under the frame of Gods publicke worship in this Kingdome , if the Lord had not prevented it . And further , in the last convention of the States holden in the yeares 1625. and 1629. he did not onely keepe silence , but propound and give consent to some things which were prejudiciall to the liberties of this Church , and he did oppose himselfe to the just desires and grievances which were presented in name of the Church for some of her liberties and priviledges : whereas it was provided that he shall be bound upon each generall Assemblie to give an account of the discharge of his Commission since the Assembly going before , and shall submit himselfe to the censure of the Assembly , and stand to the determinations of it without further Appeale , and shall sue for and obtaine ratification of his carriage from the Assembly , under the paine of infamie and excommunication ; but the said Master David Lindsey , and his Colleagues respectivè abovenamed , have never given an account of the discharge of his or their Commissions , nor sought nor have obtained ratification of his or their doings from the Assembly . Whereas it was provided in the third caution , that he should content himselfe with that portion of the Benefice which should be assigned to him from his Majestie for his livelihood , not hurting or prejudging the rest of the Ministers , or any Minister whatsoever , planted or to be planted within his Benefice , and that this clause was to bee inserted in his provision : besides , when Bishops were charged in the Assembly holden in Octob. Ann. 1578. to quit the corruptions of that State , there was numbred amongst the corruptions , That they received for the maintaining of their ambition and riot , the emoluments of the Church , which might sustaine many Pastors , the Schooles and the Poor ; but the said Master David Lindsey with his Colleagues respectivè , have tooke provision for their Benefices , and the foresaid clause was not inserted , and he and they have prejudged Ministers , Schooles , and the Poor , by taking and enjoying pluralitie of Benefices . Whereas it was provided in the fourth caution that he should not dilapidate nor make a disposition of his Benefice without the consent of his Majestie and the generall Assembly ; and for the greater warrant of this , That he should interdict himselfe to the generall Assembly not to dilapidate , nor to give consent to the dilapidation of his Benefice made by others , and that he should be contented that an Inhibition should be raised upon him to that purpose ; but the said Master David Lindsey , with his Colleagues respectivè , have set , and take setled patronages . Whereas in the fifth caution it is provided that he should be bound to attend his particular Congregation faithfully in all the points of a Pastour ; and that he shall be subject to the triall and censure of his owne Presbyterie and provinciall Assembly , as another Minister that bears no Commission : In like manner by divers Acts and constitutions of the generall Assemblies and Presbyteries , non residents are punishable by deprivation ; Yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have been non-resident from his and their charges for many yeares ; nor have they performed the duties of Pastours by preaching , administration of the Sacraments , visiting the sick , &c. but they have deserted their charges by the space now of many yeares ; neither have they in this subjected themselves to the triall of the Presbyteries and provinciall Assemblies . That whereas in the sixth caution it was provided , That in the administration of Discipline , collation of benefices , visitation , and all other points of Ecclesiasticall government , he shall neither usurp nor acclaim to himselfe a power or jurisdiction further over the rest of his brethren , under the paine of deprivation : and in case he did usurpe upon the Ecclesiasticall government , if the Synodall Presbyteries , or generall Assemblies did oppose , or make impediment unto him ; whatsoever he did in that case should be ipso facto null , without a declaratour ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his Colleagues respectivè , have usurped a jurisdiction in the administration of Discipline , collation of benefices , visitation , and other points of Ecclesiasticall government , without a lawfull warrant from the Church , in exercising power to suspend , deprive , command , and inhibite excommunication at their pleasure , to fine , confine , imprison , banish Ministers , and other professours without the warrant of the lawes of the Countrey ; appointing their Moderators over Presbyteries and Synods , prorogating their Diets , staying their proceedings against Papists , Sorcerers , Adulterers , and other grosse offenders , by exacting of contributions to such Commissioners as hee pleased to send to Court for his owne and his Colleagues affaires ; by depriving , and ordaining of Ministers , not onely without the consent of the Presbyteries and Synods , but by ordaining of scandalous and unqualified Ministers , and depriving of learned and religious Pastours ; by ordaining Ministers after a forme not allowed of in this Church ; by silencing Ministers for not reading the Service Book , and Book of Canons ; by interdicting after a Popish manner , the exercises of Morning and Evening prayer in their Churches ; by releasing of excommunicated Papists ; by contradicting and crossing the votes of the Presbyteries at their pleasure ; by their pretended negative vote directly contrary to this caution ; by enacting decrees of Synods without demanding their votes ; by changing and falsifying their Acts , when most votes had carried the contrary ; by many wayes have they failed in this caution , which are so notorious to the whole Church and to your Wisedomes , that wee shall condescend upon the same when we are required . Whereas in the seventh caution it was provided , That in Presbyteries , and in Provinciall and generall Assemblies , he shall behave himself in all things , as one of the brethren of the Presbyterie , and be subject to their censure ; yet the foresaid Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , hath not behaved himselfe as a brother at these meetings ; he disdaines to sit in Presbyteries , or to bee subject to their censures ; he sitteth and over-ruleth in Provinciall Assemblies rather as a Lord then a Moderatour ; and in stead of behaving himself as a brother in the generall Assemblie , hath , by threatning and silencing , prejudged the liberties of the lawfull Commissioners ; when they propounded , reasoned , or concluded matters conducing to the libertie of the Church , he forced them to conclude things contrarie . That whereas it was concluded at Mount Rose , That none of them who should have vote in Parliament should come Commissioners to the generall Assembly , or have vote in it in time to come , unlesse they had authority or Commission from their owne Presbyteries for that purpose ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , though they had no authoritie by commission from any Presbyteries , have usurped to give votes in the last pretended Assemblies . Whereas in the seventh chapter of the book of Policie , registrated in the register of the Acts of the Assembly , it was concluded , That in all Assemblies a Moderatour should be chosen by common consent of the whole brethren assembled together , and it hath beene so practised since the beginning of the Reformation , till he and his fellowes began to break the Cautions ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have usurped the place of moderation in the last pretended Assemblies , and rather domineered then moderated , to bring in novations ; yea further , have directed Mandats from themselves as from the representative Church of Scotland , which name and power is only competent to generall Assemblies ; he hath brought in the practice of many Innovations in the Royall Chappell , in the Abbey Church , and his pretended Cathedrall ; he hath laboured not onely to hinder the ordinary meetings of generall Assemblies of this Church , by obtaining letters and charge from Authoritie to that purpose , but also hath laboured , what in him lay , to take away from the Church the priviledge of holding general Assemblies yeerly , belonging to Her by the Word of God , Acts of this Church , and lawes of this kingdome . Whereas it is provided by another caution , That Crimen ambitus shall be a sufficient cause of deprivation of him that shall have vote in Parliament ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with is foresaid Colleagues respectivè , are guilty of the said crime , in seeking of the said offices , and promising and giving good deeds for them . Whereas it was provided by the book of Discipline , and acts of the Assemblie Feb. An. 1569. and December 1565. & 1567. that marriage should not be solemnized without asking of banes three severall Sabbath daies before ; yet the said Master David Lindsey and his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have given licence to sundry Ministers to solemnize marriage without asking three severall Sabbaths before ; upon which have followed divers inconveniences ; a man hath been married to a woman her husband being alive , and they not divorced ; some have been married to persons with whom they have committed adultery before , and some have been married without the consent or knowledge of their parents . Whereas by the book of Fasting , authorized by the generall Assemblie , and prefixed before the Psalmes , no set or yeerly Fasts are allowed , but disallowed , as contrary to the libertie of the Church , and to the nature of the exercise ( a Fast ; ) yet the said Master David Lindsey and his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have appointed yeerly Fasts , and troubled some godly Professors for not observing the same . Whereas the office of a Deacon is set forth in the book of Discipline , and book of common order before the Psalmes , according to the Word of God , to have no medling with the preaching of the Word , or the ministration of the Sacraments , and by the first Confession of faith ratified in the Acts of Parliament , chapter 23. Ministers called unto particular flocks have only power of the Ministration of the Sacraments ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have given a power to certain Divines whom they make Deacons ( men not admitted to the calling of the ministerie ) to administer the Sacrament of Baptisme , under the names and titles of preaching Deacons , and they refuse to admit diverse men to the calling of the Ministerie before they be admitted to that Order . Whereas it is ordained by the booke of Policie ▪ and Acts of the Assemblie , that no man should receive ordination to the Ministerie without a present admission to a particular flock ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have separated the Act of Ordination from the act of Admission . Whereas according to the established order of the Church , and the Acts of the Assemblie , the ordination and admission of Ministers should be publick , in the presence and with the consent of the Congregation ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have given ordination to some men in other places , not in their own Congregation ; & violently have thrust upon them scandalous Ministers . Whereas Ministers who teach erroneous and corrupt doctrine should be censured by the book of Discipline , and by the Acts of the Assemblie ; yet the said Master David Lindsey and his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have taught erroneous and corrupt doctrine themselves , and by their pretended power have preferred to the Ministerie men who have taught erroneous doctrine against the Confession of Faith , and Acts of Parliament quoted in our Covenant ; and they cherish and maintaine them who teach Arminianisme and Popery , as conditionall Election ; Free will ; resistibilitie of effectuall Grace ; The universality of Christs death ; The merit of it in Heaven and in hell ; a finall apostacie of the Saints ; The locall descent of Christ into hell ; That Christ came into the world clauso Virginis utero ; auricular Confession ▪ and Papall absolution ; That the Pope is not Antichrist ; That the Church of Rome is a true Church ; That reconciliation with Rome is a thing easie ; That the Church of Rome erres not in fundamentals ; and that she differs not in fundamentals from the reformed Churches ; They call in question the imputation of Christs righteousnesse , and they affirme the formall cause of justifying faith , to consist in our inherent righteousnesse ; They affirme that there is a locall and circumscriptive presence of Christ in the Sacrament , and they change the Sacrament into a Sacrifice , and the Table into an Altar , the Ministers into Priests . There are other damnable and hereticall points of Doctrine which they maintaine ; of which we shall give particular information in our particular accusation of each one of them respectivè , with the proofes thereof , when we shall be required . Whereas by the Acts of the Church , no oaths or subscriptions should be required from those who enter into the Ministerie , but to the Confession of faith , and to the book of Policy ; yet the said Master David Lindsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , without a warrant from the Church or Parliament , doe exact diverse oathes and subscriptions from them who enter into the Ministerie ; namely , That they should both in publick and private prayers commend the Prelats to Gods mercifull protection ; That they should be subject to the orders which were now in the Church , or by the consent of the Church , that is , by their consent ( as they affirme ) should be established ; as to the Service Book , and to the Book of Canons . The heavinesse of this grievance made the most part of his Majesties subjects to complaine in these Articles , that worthy men which have testimonies of their learning from Universities , and are tryed by Presbyteries to be fit for the worke of the Ministerie , and for their gifts and lives were much desired by the people ; yet these men are kept out because they could not be perswaded to subscribe and swear unto such unlawfull oaths , which have no warrant from the Acts of the Church , nor the laws of the Kingdome ; and they were Articles and oaths conceived according to their pleasure ▪ and men of little worth , and ready to sweare , were for by-respects thrust upon the people , and admitted to the most eminent places of the Church , and of the Schools in Divinity , which breeds continuall complaints , and moves the people to run from their owne parish Churches , refusing to receive the Sacrament from the hands of Ministers set over them against their hearts , which makes them not to render unto them that honour which is due from the people to their Pastours ; and it is a mighty hinderance to the Gospel , to the soules of the people , and to the peace of this Church and Kingdome . Whereas in the Assembly holden at Edinburgh , in March , ann . 1578. it was declared that it was neither agreeable to the word of God , nor to the practice of the Primitive Church , that the Administration of the Word and Sacraments , and the ministration of civill and criminall justice should be confounded , that one person could supply both the charges , but that a Minister should not be both a Minister and a Senator in the Colledge of justice . And in the Assembly holden in October An. 1578. it was reckoned amongst the corruptions of the State of Bishops , which they were charged to forgoe , that they should usurp a criminall jurisdiction , that they should not claime unto themselves the titles of Lords , that they should onely be called by their owne names , or brethren ; yet the said Master David Lindsey , with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , have assumed to themselves the titles and honours of Lords , they did sit as Senators in the Colledge of justice , as Councellors in the Privie Councell , as Auditors in the Exchequer , and have enjoyed prime Offices of State. The pretended Bishops have usurped the place and precedencie before all Temporall Lords , the pretended Archbishops before all the Noble Earles of the land , and the pretended Primate before the prime Officers of State in the land . Whereas by the Word of God and Acts of the Assembly , namely , Anno 1576. 1577. and 1578. no man should be suffered to be a Minister , unlesse hee be tied to a particular flocke and congregation ; and not to be tied to a particular flocke it is condemned as a corruption of the state of Bishops which they were charged to forgoe ; yet the said Master David Lindsey , with his Colleagues respectivè foresaid , are Ministers , and will not be tied to particular flockes . Whereas the office of a Bishop ( as it is now used within this Realm ) was condemned by the booke of policie , and by the Act of the Assembly holden at Dundee , Anno 1580. whereof these are the words ; Forasmuch as the office of a Bishop ( as it is now used and commonly taken within this Realme ) hath no sure warrant from authoritie , nor good ground out of the Scriptures , but it is brought in by the folly and corruptions of the inventions of men , to the great hurt of the Church , The whole Assembly of this Church with one voice , after liberty given to all men to reason in the said matter ( no man opposing himself to maintain the said pretended office ) doe find and declare the said pretended office , used and termed as is abovesaid , unlawfull in it selfe , as having neither ground nor warrant within the Word of God ; and we doe ordaine that all such persons which doe , or shall hereafter , enjoy the said office , shall be charged simply to dismisse , quit , and leave the same , as an office unto which they were not called by God ; and that they shall leave off all preaching , ministration of the Sacraments , or other offices of Pastors , untill such time as they receive admission de novo from the generall Assembly , under the paine of excommunication to be used against them ; and if they be found disobedient to contradict this Act in the least point , after due admonition , the sentence of excommunication shall be executed against them . And for the better execution of the said Act , it is ordained that a Synodall Assemblie shall be holden in everie Province ( in which usurping Bishops are ) 18. August next to come , in which they shall be cyted and summoned by the Visitors of the said Countries to compeere before their Synodall Assemblies ; as namely , The Archbishop of S. Andrewes to compeere at Saint Andrewes , The Bishop of Aberdene in Aberdene , The Archbishop of Glasgow in Glasgow , the Bishop of Murray in Elgin , to give obedience to the said act , which if they refused to do , that the Synodall Assemblies shall appoint certaine brethren of their Presbyteries to give them publike admonitions out of their Pulpits , and to warne them , if they disobey , to compeere before the next Generall Assemblie to be holden at Edinburgh 20. Octob. to heare the sentence of excommunication pronounced against them for their disobedience : and to this act the Bishop of Dumblane that then was , agreed , submitting himself to be ruled by it : it was also condemned by the act of Glasgow Anno 1581. which doth ratifie the former act of Dundee , and ordaines the book of policie , which was approved by severall Generall Assemblies to be registrated in the books of the Assemblie , and enjoyned the generall confession of faith to be subscribed by all his Majesties Lieges , Yet hath the said Master David Lyndsey with his foresaid Colleagues respectivè , not onely incroached upon the liberties of Presbyteries and Synods , but hath also took Consecration to the office of a Diocesan Bishop , without the knowledge or consent of the Church , and against the acts of it , claiming the power of ordination and jurisdiction , as due to him by that unwarrantable office . Besides , the said Master David Lyndsey with his foresaid colleagues respectivè , have , against the Lawes of the Church and Kingdome , brought in the Service book , the book of Canons , and the High Commission Court , and would have changed and overthrowne the whole frame of doctrine of Gods word , the use of the Sacraments , the Discipline , Liberties and Priviledges of this Church and State , if the Lord had not prevented them ; The particulars wee shall present to your wisdomes , though it bee knowne to all men , how hee and they have abused his Majesties authoritie against his Royall intentions and Declarations , they having moved discontents betwixt the King and his subjects , by scandalous lies betwixt subject and subject , for which things complaints have been given in to the Councell , which we hold heare to be repeated as a part of our complaint , and to be tried by your wisdomes , and referred to the Assemblie . Besides all these faults , the said Master David Lyndsey with his Colleagues respectivè , in his life and conversation is slandered constantly as guiltie of excessive drinking , whoring , playing at Cards and Dice , swearing , profane speaking , excessive gaming , profaning of the Sabbath , contempt of the publike ordinances and private familie-exercises , mocking of the power of preaching , prayer , and spirituall conference , and sincere professors ; besides , with briberie , simonie , selling of Commissariots places , lies , perjuries , dishonest dealing in civill bargaines , abusing of thir vassals , and of Adulterie , and incest , with many other offences , of which we shall give the particulars in our particular accusations . Whereas the Presbyterie is the ordinarie judicatorie of this Church for trying of these offences , and hath the Ecclesiasticall power for cytation of the parties and offenders , with the reference to their complaints to the Generall Assemblie , Therefore wee most earnestly and humblie beseech your godly wisdomes , as you tender the glorie of God , the peace and libertie of this Church , the removall of scandals , and punishment of vice , that you will take into your consideration and triall the foresaid many and hainous offences , with the particular reservations and qualifications of them , which we shall present to your wisdomes , or to the Assemblie when it shall bee thought convenient ; and that you would either take order with it your selves , and censure the offenders , according to the nature of the offences , with the Ecclesiasticall paines contained in the Acts and foresaid Canons of this Church and Kingdome , or else make a reference of them to the Generall Assemblie to bee holden at Glasgow 21. Novemb. and , that the knowledge of these should come to the Delinquents , that you will be pleased to ordaine the publishing hereof , to bee made by all the Brethren of the Presbyterie in their Pulpits upon the Sabbath before noone , with a publike admonition to the offenders to be present at the Assemblie , to answer to this complaint , and to undergo the censure and triall of it , and to bring with them the books and scroules of subscriptions and oaths required from those who enter into the Ministerie , with the books of the High Commission Court , and the books of the Generall Assemblie , which they or their Clerk had or have fraudulently conveied away , Together with this certification , That if the said Master David Lyndsey , with his foresaid colleagues respectivè , do not appeare in the said Assemblie , and bring with them the said books , to answer to this complaint in generall , and to the particular heads of it , and to submit himselfe to the triall and proofe of this complaint generall , and to the particular heads of it , that there shall be a condigne censure of these offenders for their contempt and contumacie ; Here wee humblie beseech your wisdomes answer . The Act of the Presbyterie of Edinburgh 24. Octob. 1638. yeares , in answer to this Complaint . UPon the said day , we the Brethren of the Presbyterie of Edinburgh , after we had received this Bill and complaint , presented unto us by the Laird of Buchanan , The Laird of Dury the younger , The Laird of Carlourie , John Smith late Bailife of Edinburgh , John Hammiltoun , and Richard Maxwel , in name of the Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , and Commons , subscribers of the Covenant ( which are not Commissioners to the Generall Assemblie ) against the pretended Archbishops and Bishops of this Kingdome , and after wee had read and seriously considered the same , wee , according to the desire of the complainers did and do referre the same to the next Generall Assemblie to bee holden at Glasgow 21. November . And we ordaine the publishing of this complaint , and of our reference of it to the Assemblie , to be fully read by all the Pastors of the Presbyterie upon the next Sabbath before noone out of their Pulpits , with a publike warning and cytation to the offendants complained upon ; By name , Master John Spotswood pretended Archbishop of Saint Andrewes , Master Patrick Lyndsey pretended Archbishop of Glasgow , Master Thomas Sydserfe pretended Bishop of Galloway , Master David Lyndsey pretended Bishop of Edinburgh , Master Alexander Lyndsey pretended Bishop of Dunkeld , Master Adam Bannatine pretended Bishop of Aberdene , Master John Gutherie pretended Bishop of Murray , Master John Maxwel pretended Bishop of Rosse , Master George Greme pretended Bishop of Orknay , Master John Abernethie pretended Bishop of Caithnes , Master Walter Whitefoord pretended Bishop of Brichen , Master James Wedderburne pretended Bishop of Dunblane , Master James Fayrley pretended Bishop of Argyle , Master Nail Campbel pretended Bishop of the Isles , to be present at the said Assemblie , to answer to this complaint in generall , and to the particular heads of it , to undergo the triall and censure of it , and to bring with them the books and scroules of the subscriptions and oaths of them who enter into the Ministerie , the books of the High Commission , and the book of the Generall Assemblie , which they either had or have fraudulently put away ; and if any Pastor within this Presbyterie refuse to publish this cytation , we require the Reader of the Church to do it . In like manner wee require all parties who have interest , either in pursuing , or specifying , or proving this complaint , to be present at the said Assemblie for that purpose : Upon which the complainers took instruments in the hands of the Notarie . According to this complaint , and the warrand of the Presbyteries reference of it , I A. R. warne and admonish the abovenamed offenders to compeere before the next Generall Assemblie to bee holden at Glasgow 21. November , for the causes contained in the complaint , and for the certification expressed in it . NOw though the verie reading of this Libell cannot chuse but work a detestation of it in the heart of everie religious and just man , yet the Reader shall do well to take a more speciall notice of these particular passages of injustice and impietie in it : First , that the Presbyterie of Edinburgh taketh cognisance of the cause , and accordingly makes cytation , not onely of the Bishop of Edinburgh , over whom they can have no jurisdiction , but of all the rest of the Archbishops and Bishops , of which none at all , or certainely if any , verie few , are inhabitants within the bounds of their Presbyterie : And who before this , did ever heare that any Consistorie or Judicatorie , Ecclesiasticall or Civill , could make processe against any man , or take cognisance of the cause of any man , who was not an inhabitant , nor had any charge or estate within the Precincts or bounds of those places , which onely are liable to the jurisdiction of that Court ? Next , who did ever heare that men should wittingly and willingly cyte others to answer for the transgression of acts and Lawes which they themselves do know were repealed by posteriour acts and Lawes ; and so stood at the time of this cytation , and therefore can no wayes be censurable for them , though it were true that the person cyted had done as it is alledged in the Libell , and such be these acts of Assemblie cyted by them , which were and still are disanulled by divers acts both of Assemblie and Parliament : Thirdly , who did ever heare that men should be called in question for yeelding obedience to acts of Parliament and Generall Assemblie , and yet in this Libell the Prelats are charged with giving voices in Parliament , and practising the five Articles of Perth , and divers other particulars , which then were and are now still in force by acts both of Parliament and Assemblie : and if it should be said that these acts were unduly obtained , which is the Covenanters onely plea , sure to say so is a greater fault then the other ; for what Judge can ever give sentence in any cause , if the asseveration of the partie aggrieved by the sentence , that the Law was unjustly made , may passe for a good plea ? Fourthly , who ever heard that men should bee charged with yeelding obedience to acts commanded by the authoritie of Us and Our Councell , especially in things not repugnant to any established Law of that Church and Kingdome ? and yet such are all these pretended Innovations , with the introduction whereof the Prelats are charged in this Libell : for they were injoyned and commanded first by Us , and then by acts of Our Councell , it being farre more agreeable to reason to complaine of the Lords of Our Councell , by whose authoritie they were commanded , then of those who in dutifull obedience to authoritie did practise them : But indeed it is to bee wondred at , with what face the Covenanters can blame either the one for commanding , or the other for practising them : For what ground have they , or did they ever yet alledge , for their swearing to the Confession of Faith and their Covenant annexed ? Did they ever yet alledge any but the authoritie of Our Royall Father and his Councell , who by their authoritie commanded them to bee sworne throughout the Realme ? And did not We and Our Councell by equall authoritie command these pretended Innovations ? Was not then the Prelats practice of them as well warranted , as this Confession of Faith and the band annexed , which were never brought in by acts of Parliament or Assemblie , but meerly by Our Royall Fathers Prerogative , and put in execution by the authoritie of his Councell ? Fifthly , who did ever heare that men professing Pietie and Religion , durst adventure in the sight of God , in the house of God , and in the Pulpit , which is as it were the Chaire of God , and in the face of the Congregation , which is the people of God , to command the Bishops to be indited and accused of such horrible crimes , as whoring , excessive drinking , excessive gaming , swearing , profane talking , profanation of the Lords day , contempt of Gods publike ordinances , neglecting pietie in their families , mocking of the power of preaching , prayer , and spirituall communication ; briberie , simonie , lying , perjuries , unhonest dealing in civill bargaines , adulterie , incest , and what not ? We do even appeale to their owne consciences , whether they did thinke all of them , or any one of them , guiltie of all these crimes : Most certainly they did not ; and that excuse which they bring for the justifying of this wicked Libell cannot any wayes extenuate their fault : They say that some particulars contained in the whole Libell may be proved against everie one of them , and therefore it is a good and a legall Libell , if they can make good any thing contained in it : But bee it legall or not , the world must needs take notice that it is most unconscionable . The other things mentioned before , and charged upon them in this Libell , are not crimes at all , being warranted by acts of Parliament , Assembly and Councell ; these last rehearsed are crimes indeed , odious in the sight of God and man , and of which , as if they be guilty , the Bishops deserve death and exquisite torments ; so , if they who have accused them of these crimes , shall faile in proving them to bee guiltie , they deserve to bee infamous throughout all generations , for the most malicious and malignant traducers of the servants of God , that ever lived upon the earth , and must looke for the unavoidable judgements of God to fall upon them and their whole families for this so horrible a crime , committed wilfully against the knowledge of their owne consciences , unlesse they doe expiate it with the bitter teares of repentance : For We desire them to declare bonâ fide , whether they themselves did beleeve or conceive all the Bishops accused in the Libell , or onely some of them to bee guiltie of these last recyted crimes : If not all , but some , why did they not distinguish them , that the people might know whom they should take for guiltie , and whom for not guiltie ? Nay , did they not beleeve and know , that some of these Bishops were holy and learned men , free from the crimes objected ? For instance , We will onely name the Bishop of Edinburgh , seeing in the principall Presbyterie of his Diocesse this Libell was presented , admitted , and publiquely read in the Churches within the Precincts of it : did they then , or doe they yet beleeve or suspect that he was guiltie of incest , adulterie , excessive whoring , gaming , drinking , dicing , swearing , &c. ut supra ? We doe verily beleeve , that if they were judicially called , they would absolve him from such foule crimes ; how then they can answer to God , men , or their owne consciences , for accusing that reverend , learned , and holy Prelate of such crimes , for which they themselves would be his compurgators , We must leave it to themselves to resolve : Nay , what if they themselves did not beleeve any one , not the most hated of all the Prelates to be guiltie of these last recyted crimes ? Sure , the presumptions are very pregnant and unanswerable , that they did not beleeve it : for at the generall Assembly , when the severall Bishops causes came to bee heard and discussed upon this Libell , they did not so much as offer to make any proofe of these last rehearsed crimes against them , they examined not so much as one witnesse upon them in discussing the processes of many of the Bishops : And in the printed Acts of their pretended Assembly ( as shall appeare by those passages of it in their place ) in their particular sentences of deprivation and excommunication , they not onely do not censure them for these crimes , but doe not so much as take notice of them : And it is well knowne , that these men who in all their proceedings had made everie Bishops moat a beame , were not so mercifully or compassionately affected towards them , that they would have spared them , or forborn to make proofe of these crimes , if they had seene but colour for it . If they shall say , that though they could not prove these crimes , yet there was a publique scandall of them ; There was indeed a scandall raised amongst them , and that publique enough , when it was proclaimed in the Pulpits ; But by whom was it raised ? even by the principall Covenanters themselves , who were resolved to raise a fame when they were sure they could prove no fact : or if they should alledge that they did forbeare probation , or examining of witnesses , out of their respect either to the Bishops calling or their persons , they will hardly find credit with any one ; For who will thinke they did it out of the respect of their calling , which they have given out for Popish and Antichristian ? or out of respect of their persons , whom they have scandalized in so many great and publique congregations of the Kingdome , infinitely exceeding in number those who were present at the Assembly ? The plaine truth then was this : They could easily slander them with these crimes in the Churches , but they were sure they could make no proofe of them at the Assembly . Sixthly , who did ever heare , that the forme of proceeding of Presbyteries in that Kingdome was by reading of the Libell in any Church ? the custome being to cyte them personally where they may be found ; or if they be not to be found , by leaving both the cytation and copie of the Libell at the place of their dwelling ; or if the partie bee out of the Kingdome , by cyting him publiquely in the Church , and afterward serving him with a copie of the Libell upon his coming home and appearance : and if he doe not appeare , by proceeding against him tanquam pro confesso ; which forme was observed by them in the processing of all the Ministers , whom at this time they suspended and transmitted over to the generall Assembly , none of their Libells being publiquely read in Churches : But with the Bishops they proceeded otherwaies , against all course of Law , made the Libell against them bee read publiquely in the Churches , and that after divers of them , upon the Covenanters owne knowledge , had been served with it by the Officers of that Presbyterie ; so that there was no use of any further publique citation , personall citation being already made : Nay , and to doe it upon a Sunday , though that morning the Magistrates of Edinburgh , by Our Commissioners speciall commandement , required them to forbeare : Nay , yet to publish that infamous Libell in their Churches , upon a day when the holy Communion was solemnly administred ; Nay , and in the Colledge Church where Rollock is Minister , ( because it was late , and after noone before all the people had received ) to have the ordinarie thanks-giving and praiers after the Communion quite omitted , and the afternoone Sermon begun without any precedent praier , and all to gaine time for the reading of this lewd Libell , as if it had been of greater consequence then either the thanks-giving or praiers after the holy Communion , or the reading of those Lessons and Chapters of sacred Scripture , or using of praier , which are duties usually performed before Sermon : Nay , to have this Libell read in the afternoone , directly against the Act of the Presbyterie which appointed it to be read in the forenoone , and to have it read neither by Minister nor Reader , as the Act enjoyneth , but by a Lay-man , and a fierie Advocate : All these put together , let the Reader judge whether here were not many acts , first of injustice , then of impietie ; As drawing along with them the profanation and violation of the Lords house , the Lords day , the Lords holy Communion , the Lords service and worship in both parts of it , Praier and Preaching . Seventhly , the Reader shall doe well to observe in the Preface of this Libell , what a harmlesse and hazzardlesse mustring and training of their men they make : For all the Covenanters being now one grosse bodie , sworne to one Covenant , and to mutuall defence one of another , without admitting any motion which shall tend to the division or breaking of their rankes , see how they divide themselves , onely to exercise their armes , and to make them perfect in their postures and motions ; after they have cast themselves in severall figures , they fall to skirmishing , not in earnest , but in jest , to please themselves and the spectators : For since they could not all be Judges , and Commissioners of the Assembly , they make their fellow-Covenanters not elected Commissioners , to be Plaintiffes ; so that indeed upon the point , the Plaintiffes and Judges are all one : for they having all sworne and abjured ( as they say themselves ) the principall things to be determined in the Assembly , the same actors before they came from their Tables at Edinburgh , sorted and divided their parts , appointed some to bee chosen Commissioners , and so to act the part of Judges , and others of themselves to draw a Libell against those whom they should nominate , so they should act the part of Plaintiffes : In the meane time , what was like to become of the poore Defendants and the parties cited ? whether they were not like to bee killed in this play , let the spectators deliver their opinions : And this now is that Libell , with which the Covenanters did undoubtedly compasse their owne end , which was , to raise up in the people an utter abhorring of the present Bishops persons , and an irreconcilable hatred against both their persons and calling ; but with what religion , justice , and honestie they have effected it , others besides themselves , both in heaven and earth , must judge and give sentence . As this of the Libell was a tricke of falshood , so about this time there was put upon the people a notable tricke of forgerie , which was this : There was a maid , whose name is Michelson , her father was a Minister ; and when he died left her young , she hath been for many yeeres distracted by fits : Upon this young Maids weaknesse some were pleased to worke , and to report her for one inspired with a spirit of divination ; and finding , that out of her blind zeale shee was wonderfully affected with their Covenant , and that in her raving fits her words tended all , or for the most part , to the admiration of it , and detestation of the opposers of it ; and perceiving , that shee was well skilled in the phrases of the Scripture , and had a good memorie , so that shee could remember the bitter invectives , which both in the Pulpits and elsewhere shee had heard made against the Bishops and the Service-booke , they thought her a very fit instrument to abuse the people , and cryed her up so much , that the multitude was made beleeve her words proceeded not from her selfe , but from God. Thence was that incredible concourse of all sorts of people , Noblemen , Gentlemen , Ministers , Women of all rankes and qualities , who watched or stayed by her day and night , during the time of her pretended fits , and did admire her raptures and inspirations , as coming from Heaven : She spake but at certaine times , and many times had intermissions of daies and weekes , in all probabilitie , that she might have time to receive instructions , and to digest them against the next time of exercising her gifts ( as they call them ; ) which so soone as shee was ready to begin , the newes of it was blowne all the Towne over , and the house so thronged , that thousands at every time could find no accesse . The joy which her auditors conceived for the comfort of such a messenger from Heaven , and such messages as she delivered from thence , was many times expressed by them in teares , by none more then by Rollock her speciall Favourite ; who being desired sometimes by the spectators to pray with her , and speake to her , answered , That he durst not doe it , as being no good manners in him to speake while his Master was speaking in her . Now , that shee was set up by the Covenanters , to perswade their ends with the people , there bee two reasons which may induce the Reader probably to beleeve : First , because that they of best judgement , who were present at the time of her pretended raptures , did affirme , that they saw nor could observe nothing supernaturall in them ; they onely found she had a good memorie , especially of that which she had read in the Scripture , or had heard preached : that shee had a very good expression of her selfe , but yet they found that both shee knew that shee was speaking , and what shee was speaking ( contrary to that report which went about of her ) and that while she was speaking , if she were interrupted by any questions , shee made very pertinent answers to them , which could not have been , if all that time shee had been transported with any supernatuall rapture . Secondly , because most of all that shee spake , still tended to the Covenanters ends : when she spake of Christ , she ordinarily called him by the name of Covenanting Jesus : The summe of her speeches for the most part was , that it was revealed unto her from God , that their Covenant was approved and ratified in Heaven ; but that Our Covenant was an invention of Sathan ; that all the adherents to it should bee confounded , as all the adherents to the former were and should be protected by God , the author of their Covenant , against all opposition whatsoever ; which speeches of hers were averred by the Covenanters with as great confidence , and admired by the people with as much veneration , if not more , as any other of their Pulpit Dictats : which presumptions did make very many ( both Covenanters and others ) thinke , that the crying up of this Maid , did looke something like a Romish imposture . Let all this rebellious behaviour , and these contempts of Our Commissioner and Councell , interveening betweene Our last gracious Proclamation of the indiction of the Assembly , and the day of the Assembly neere at hand , bee laid together , and what judgement can any man make of them , but that they were devised and practised principally for this purpose , That Our Commissioner might prorogue or discharge the Assembly , from whence by these strange proceedings hee could not have the least hope of any good : and if hee should discharge it , they were sure they should gaine some credit with their partie , whom they had made beleeve that hee never intended otherwise , as also , should indict an Assembly themselves , which they made full accompt to doe ; which appeareth both by the tenour of the Commissions given to their severall Commissioners , both from Presbyteries and Burrowes , which run thus : We give you full power to appeare for Us at this Assembly now indicted the 21. of November next , wheresoever it shall happen to be , not naming the place , Glasgow , where Wee had appointed it , hoping that it should bee prorogued ; in which case they intended to hold it at Edinburgh , the seat of their Tables , As also by divers of the Covenanters Letters written to that purpose ; the copie of one , written by the Lord of Balmerino , We here exhibit to you . Loving Cousin , I Have lately received advertisment from severall friends that are chosen Commissioners for the Assembly , to helpe them to lodgings in Glasgow ; I send you h●re a Roll of some of our particular friends , whereof you may give a Copie to the Provost and Magistrates , that they , ( being men of quality ) may be accordingly furnished for themselves and their train , with such roomes ( at least ) as you have provided for me . I hope your Magistrates have beene as carefull to provide for the Commissioners as for the Councellours , which are not so necessary members of the Assembly as the Commissioners : And if they be not well eased , it may be a great argument to the Assembly to remove it selfe elsewhere . I am of opinion , that of the three hundred necessary Commissioners of Assembly , the halfe of them have not provided themselves , as being farre distant and unacquainted , hoping in so good a towne to fnde all commodities for money . I would send a servant to take possession of those Lodgings which can be had , for my self and our friends , that we be not surprised with the Councellours followers , who are to be with you the 15 or 16 of this instant . George Porterfield undertooke to my Lord Lindsey and other Noblemen , at his last being here , to bespeake three or foure of the best Lodgings they designed for such Noblemen as was given him in list ; we have heard nothing of his performance . My Lord Lindsey hath written oft-times to me , and I would intreat you to desire George to write with the first occasion to John Smith , or any other he pleaseth here , that we may know his care and account of his undertaking . You will pardon me for this trouble I put you to , being for friends that will be verie sensible of it , whereof none are more obliged and lesse able to acquite all your favours , then Edinb . Novemb. 8. 1638. Your loving Cousin to dispose of , Balmerino . I could wish our owne friends were as well bestowed neere one another as can be ; and if I cannot come there the next weeke , I will send a servant . BY these lines you may easily perceive , both the insolent contempts used by these men towards Our Councel , and the resolution which they had to keep the Assembly , or to remove it at their pleasures . But after they were once perswaded , that Our Commissioner was resolved to hold the Assembly at the time and place appointed by Our Proclamation , the time of it approaching , they sent out from their Tables a second paper of publique instructions throughout all the parts of the Kingdome , which were these ▪ THat all Noblemen subscribers of the Covenant , ( except the Noblemen of the West , who shall be ready upon advertisment ) meet at Edinburgh the 12. of November , and stay there till they goe to Glasgow , where they shall all meet on Saturday the 17. of November at the furthest . That the full number of these who are appointed Commissioners by the severall shires , to attend this common cause , with foure Gentlemen within the bounds of every Presbyterie at the least , out of the number of their Assessors , without excluding any voluntaries , That they come to Glasgow the 17. day of November , to attend constantly the Assembly , and give their advice in the common cause to the ruling Elders , Commissioners to the Assembly out of these Shires and Presbyteries . That the Burrowes appoint ( according to their quality and number ) two , foure , or six , of most judicious men to come to Glasgow the 17. of November , and there constantly to attend the Assembly , and give their advice to their Commissioner in this common cause . That the Fast be observed the fourth day of November universally , with any other dayes they may conveniently : and if any be repairing to the Assembly , that they keepe the Fast where they shall bee for the time . That now especially , seeing ruling Elders from particular Congregations are received in Presbyteries , that particular Congregations take such course , that no Minister Commissioner be forced to be absent from the Assembly for want of necessarie charges . That where any hath beene deceived or compelled to subscribe this new Covenant , that the Ministers take their Declarations in writing , or by act in the bookes of Session , or before one witnesse , that they were forced , deceived , or mistaken : And that every Minister make known , and intimate publikely to the people the printed protestation , contayning the reasons against this new subscription ; and where the Minister refuseth , that some well affected Gentleman doe it . IN the first of these , there is a meeting appointed of all the Commissioners , first at Edinburgh , then at Glasgow , which was ( no doubt ) to agree upon the conclusions to bee made in the Assembly , before the Assembly should assemble : In the second and third you see a course taken , That both from Presbyteries and Burrowes , the severall Commissioners shall have numbers of Assistants , without whose advice the Commissioners were to conclude nothing ; a thing never heard of before at any Assembly of that Church ; and by which multitude they meant to terrifie all those , who in Glasgow should offer to oppose or speake against them . In the fourth , to the high contempt of Our Authoritie and Proclamation , they appoint another day for the publique Fast then was by Us designed . In the sixth , they order that all these who had subscribed Our Covenant and Confession , should bee presented as publique offenders . These new instructions , especially that Article which appointed so great troupes to repaire to Glasgow , all which ( as Our Commissioner was informed ) meant to goe thither with Armes , and in hostile equipage , which is most severely prohibited by the Lawes of that Our Kingdome , moved Our Commissioner and Councell , by publique Proclamation at the Crosse of Edinburgh , severely to interdict any Commissioner for the Assembly at Glasgow to travell thither , or to continue there with more attendance then those of their owne family and ordinarie retinue ; and that they should carrie with them no other Armes , but such as were allowed by the Lawes of that Kingdome , under the paines and penalties contained in the said Lawes . This Proclamation they onely answered with a Protestation , yeelding no obedience to it ; for they travelled to Glasgow in great troupes , carrying with them prohibited and warlike Armes . It is easie now to be conceived , that Our Commissioner could expect no good from this Assembly , the preparations whereunto were so full of rebellion and tumult ; and the precedent elections of the members whereof had induced many legall , unavoidable , and undeniable nullities of it : yet because Our people should clearely see the realitie of Our royall intentions , and the Covenanters partie might understand how they had beene abused by the reports which their leaders had dispersed , That We meant nothing lesse then to keepe this Assembly ; and principally , that in that Assembly We might fully make good to all Our subjects , whatsoever We had promised in Our last gracious declaration , ( the heads of the Covenanters having mainly laboured with them that point , viz. that We never meant to performe what therein We had promised ) Our Commissioner began his journie towards Glasgow , and arrived there on the 17. day of November in a quiet and peaceable manner , none of his traine carrying with them any prohibited armes : There met him at Glasgow all Our Councell by Our direction , according to a Letter which We had written unto them , requiring them to assist him all the time of his being there , with their best concurrence and counsell : Our Letter to them here followeth . RIght trusty and right wel-beloved Cousin and Councellour , Right trusty and right wel-beloved Cousins and Councellours , We greet you well : As by your Letter Wee find how well you are satisfied with Our gracious pleasure , expressed in Our late Proclamation and Declaration ; so We doe expect the continuance of your care by your best indevours , to bring all Our good people to a true sense of Our Royall intentions , and reall care of preferring and advancing the good and peace of that Church and Kingdome , which hath alwayes been and still is one of Our chiefest cares . We give you hearty thanks for your affection and paines in this service , and doe approve of your course in subscribing of the Confession and band , and order taken by you for publishing and requiring the like due and thankfull acceptance of Our gracious pleasure by all Our good subjects . And seeing the time of the Assembly doth now approach , We require you to attend diligently upon Our Commissioner , untill the time appointed for the downe sitting of the said Assembly , and further , to the finall ending thereof ; that from time to time you may be assisting to him with your best opinions and advices , for preparing and digesting every thing that may conduce to bring this businesse , to be treated upon in the Assembly ; to the wished peaceable and happy end . And although We will not doubt but that all Our good subjects will bee carefull of every thing that may concerne Us , or Our Soveraigne authority ; yet because that at such publike and generall meetings , it is not to be expected that all mens dispositions will be alike , and of one temper , Wee require you , and that in a more particular manner , according to the trust and confidence Wee have in your affections to Our service , carefully to advert , that if any proposition shall be made , which may seeme to derogate from Soveraignty , or that true estate of Monarchicall Government already established within that Kingdome , or which may impede the peaceable conclusion of this Assembly , that as good subjects and faithfull Councellours and servants to Us , you assist Our Commissioner to withstand the same to the uttermost of your power : To whom We will you to give absolute trust in every thing which he in Our name shall deliver or impart to you , or any of you , in publike or in private , And so We bid you farwell . From Our Honour of Hampton Court the first of October . 1638. THe Citie of Glasgow being much filled and thronged with all sorts of people , on the 21. day of November 1638. the day designed by Our Proclamation , the Generall Assembly begun , and was opened ; and the proceedings were as follow . After Sermon in the morning , they assembled in the afternoone : The ancientest Minister of the Towne , who had preached in the morning , desired all present to begin the Action with the chusing of a Moderatour : Our Commissioner ( who sate upon a State raised in a place eminent above the rest , with his Assessors about him conveniently seated below ) told them that there was something to be done before the choice of the Moderatour , viz. that his Commission was first to be read , that it might be knowne by what authoritie he sate there ; which was done , and so Our Commission to him was publikely read , as followeth . CAROLUS Dei gratia , Magnae Britanniae , Franciae , & Hiberniae Rex , fideique Defensor , Omnibus probis hominibus suis ad quos praesentes literae pervenerint , Salutem . Sciatis nos considerantes magnos in hoc regno nostro Scotiae non ita pridem exortos tumultus , ad quos quidem componendos multiplices regiae nostrae voluntatis declarationes promulgavimus , quae tamen minorem spe nostrâ effectum hactenus sortitae sunt : Et nunc statuentes ex pio erga dictum antiquum regnum nostrum affectu , ut omnia gratiosè stabiliantur & instaurentur , quod ( per absentiam nostram ) non aliâ ratione melius effici potest quam fideli aliquo Delegato constituto , cui potestatem credere possimus tumultus hujusmodi consopiendi , aliaque officia praestandi , quae in bonum & commodum dicti antiqui regni nostri eidem Delegato nostro imperare nobis videbitur . Cumque satis compertum habeamus obsequium , diligentiam , & fidem praedilecti nostri consanguinei & consiliarii , Jacobi Marchionis Hamiltonii , Comitis Arraniae & Cantabrigiae , Domini Aven & Innerdail , &c. eundemque ad imperata nostra exequenda sufficienter instructum esse , Id●irco fecisse & constituisse , tenoreque praesentium facere & constituere praefatum praedilectum nostrum consanguineum & consiliarium Jacobum Marchionem de Hamiltoun nostrum Commissionarium ad effectum subscriptum . Cum potestate dicto Jacobo Marchioni de Hamiltoun , &c. dictum regnum nostrum adeundi , ibidemque praefatos tumultus in dicto regno nostro componendi , aliaque officia à nobis eidem committenda in dicti regni nostri bonum & commodum ibi praestandi , eoque Concilium nostrum quibus locis & temporibus ei visum fuerit convocandi , ac rationem & ordinem in praemissis exequendis servandum declarandi & praescribendi ; & quaecunque alia ad Commissionis hujus capita pro commissâ sibi fide exequenda , eandemque ad absolutum finem perducendam & prosequendam conferre possunt , tam in Concilio quam extra Concilium , nostro nomine efficiendi & praestandi ; idque similitèr & adeò liberè acsi nos in sacrosancta nostra persona ibidem adessemus . Praeterea cum plena potestate dicto Jacobo Marchioni de Hamiltoun , prout sibi videbitur nostro servitio & bono dicti regni nostri conducere , conventum omnium ordinum ejusdem regni nostri indicendi , ac publica comitia & conventus eorundem ordinum eorumve alterius vel utriusque quibus temporibus & locis sibi visum fuerit statuendi , & ibidem nostram sacratissimam personam cum omnibus honoribus & privilegiis supremo Commissionario nostri Parliamenti & publici conventus incumben̄ similiter adeoque amplè sicut quivis supremus Commissionarius quocunque tempore retroacto gavisus est gerendi : Necnon cum potestate praefato Jacobo Marchioni de Hamiltoun Synodos nationales ecclesiae dicti regni nostri tenendas temporibus & locis quibus sibi visum fuerit indicendi , & ibidem seipsum tanquam nostrum Commissionarium gerendi , omniaque eisdem tenendis inservientia secundum leges & praxin praedictae ecclesiae & regni nostri praestandi : Et hac praesenti nostrâ Commissione durante nostro beneplacito duratura , & semper donec eadem per nos expressè inhibeatur . In cujus rei testimonium , praesentibus magnum sigillum nostrum unà cum privato nostro sigillo ( quia praefatus Marchio de Hamiltoun in praesentiarum est magni sigilli custos ) apponi praecepimus , Apud Oatlands vigesimo nono die mensis Julii , Anno Domini millesimo sexcentesimo trigesimo octavo , Et anno regni nostri decimo quarto . Per signaturam manu S. D. N. Regis suprascriptam . NOw , this Our Commission was sealed both with Our great Seale of that Kingdome and Our Privie Seale , because the Archbishop of S. Andrewes the late Lord Chancellour , had lately delivered up unto Us Our Great Seale of that Kingdome , which being by Us for a time deposited into the custodie of Our Commissioner untill We should otherwise dispose of it , it was thought fit , that Our Commission to him should be attested , not onely by Our Great Seale , which he then had in his custodie , but by Our Privie Seale also , which was in the keeping of the Lord Privie Seale : After the Commission read , Our Commissioner exhorted them to a peaceable and moderate carriage , touching a little ( but with great discretion ) the disorderly proceedings which had been used before their meeting : At which a Nobleman Lay-Elder presently took fire ( an undoubted presage of their succeeding carriage ) and answered sharply , That they had given his Grace content for all their proceedings ; to which Our Commissioner replyed , That hee had never yet received any satisfaction from them in any of their proceedings , and , by way of attestation , called God to witnesse to it : It had like to have growne to a hot contestation , but that that night the Assembly was dismissed . The next day upon their first sitting down , they urged presently the choice of a Moderatour ; but Our Commissioner desired first Our Letter to the Assembly to be read , which was done , and it was thus : ALthough Wee be not ignorant that the best of Our actions have beene mistaken by many of Our subjects in that Our ancient Kingdome , as if Wee had intended innovation in Religion or Lawes ; yet considering nothing to be more incumbent to the duty of a Christian King , then the advancement of Gods glory , and the true Religion ; forgetting what is past , We have seriously taken to Our Princely consideration such particulars as may settle and establish the truth of Religion in that Our ancient Kingdome , and also to satisfie all Our good people of the reality of Our intentions herein , having indicted a free Generall Assembly to be kept at Glasgow the 21. of this instant ; Wee have likewise appointed Our Commissioner to attend the same , from whom you are to expect Our pleasure in every thing , and to whom Wee require you to give that true and due respect and obedience , as if Wee were personally present Our selves . And in full assurance of Our consent to what he shall in Our name promise , We have signed these , and wills the same for a testimonie to posterity to bee registred in the Bookes of the Assembly . At White-Hall the 29. of October . 1638. THen they called againe for the choice of a Moderator , at which time one Doctor Hammilton presented to Our Commissioner a Declinator and Protestation in the name of the Bishops against the Assembly , containing the nullities of it , with a desire that it might be read , and a publique Act entred for the production of it : Upon this there arose a very great heat in the Assembly , they alledging , that nothing could be done untill a Moderator was chosen ; and they did directly refuse to reade the said Declinator : upon which both Our Commissioner entred a Protestation in Our Clerke of Registers hands against the refusall of it , and tooke instruments thereupon ; and so likewise did Doctor Hammilton in the name of the Bishops . At last they proceeded to the choice of a Moderator , to which , before Our Commissioner gave way , hee entred ( as before ) another Protestation , that their Act of chusing should neither prejudice Our Prerogative and Authoritie , nor any Law or Custome of that Church and Kingdome , nor barre him ( when he should see cause ) from taking legall exceptions , either against the person elected , or the illegalitie of his election : And so they having put divers other stales upon the List , accordingly as it was resolved upon before at their Tables in Edinburgh , without one contrarie voice except his owne , who could not chuse himselfe , one Master Alexander Henderson , the prime and most rigid Covenanter in the Kingdome , was chosen Moderator . The third day Our Commissioner , at their first meeting , required againe that the Bishops Declinator and Protestation might be read , which hee conceived they had promised after the Moderator should be chosen : but they rejected it againe , adding then , that the Assembly must be fully constituted of all it members , and bee once an Assembly , before any thing could be presented to it : To which it was answered by Our Commissioner , That hee required it onely to be read , not to be discussed untill the members of the Assembly were constituted by allowing of their severall Commissions , because this Declinator contained reasons why either all , or at least some elected , should not be admitted Commissioners in the Assembly , because of the nullities of the elections expressed in the Declinator ; which reasons containing the said nullities , might perswade ( as they hoped ) with them , for the rejecting their Commissions , which could not bee done after their approving and allowing of them , and so by vertue of these Commissions , admitting them for constituted members of the Assembly . The reason why Our Commissioner did so earnestly urge the reading of that Declinator , was , because he did fore-see the fallacie which they meant to use , viz. The Declinator cannot be read before the Assembly bee constituted ; and they fearing that the Declinator contained reasons against the constitution of it by such members as were elected , and that after they were once admitted , it was too late to alledge any reasons ; for then they were sure to answer , that all elections were discussed , and the members of the Assembly received , and therefore nothing then to bee heard against either ; which indeed afterward was their very answer : There was nothing left here to Our Commissioner , but entring a Protestation as formerly , and solemnly calling themselves to witnesse , whether with any shew of justice the reading of the Bishops Protestation could bee denied before the elections were admitted , the principall aime of it being to shew reasons why they could not be admitted , wondering with what colour or face they ( above all men ) could doe it , who had read and published so many Protestations both against Our Proclamations and Acts of Our Councell ; and so , how they could denie to Our Commissioner a thing required in Our name , and by Our authoritie , which they themselves had practised without any warrantie or authoritie at all : But all in vaine ; for not the least resolution taken at Edinburgh must suffer any abatement : and therefore rejecting the reading of the Declinator , they first put by the Clerke of the Assembly his sonne , who by reason of his fathers sicknesse had a lawfull deputation from him , and whom ( as it seemeth ) they afterward wrought to a demission , and went on to the election of a new Clerke , whom without one contrarie voice they did chuse , viz. one Master Archibald Johnston an Advocate , the Clerke of their Tables at Edinburgh ; against whose election Our Commissioner likewise protested as formerly . At his admission hee made a short speech , declaring ( against his conscience ) his unwillingnesse to accept that charge , but yet affirming , that at this time hee would not bee wanting to contribute his part towards the defence of the prerogative of the Sonne of God ; as if that now had been in any danger . The fourth day they begun the reading of the severall Commissions . Our Commissioner , as formerly , entred a Protestation to take exception against their elections , in his owne due time ; onely hee was content they should goe on , that he might see their justice in allowing or disallowing the elections , of which he knew many to be very untoward , and made with violence : Now the Reader is carefully to observe their partialitie in admitting or rejecting elections : for wheresoever there was a Non-covenanter chosen ( of which number there were not above two or three ) or any moderate Covenanter , not designed by them at Edinburgh , and chosen according to their secret instructions ( with which the Reader shall afterward be made acquainted ) them they either quite rejected , or suspended from voice , untill some exceptions made against their election should bee discussed ; which they were sure should never bee done : as shall now appeare in these particulars . When the Commission from the Presbyterie of Peebles was read , there was presently read a Protestation and Petition given in by a meane Minister of that Presbyterie , not against the election it selfe ( for there did not appeare the least shew of exception against it when the Act of the Presbyterie was read ) but against some violence pretended to be used by Our Lord Treasurer , who , being an inhabitant within the precincts of that Presbyterie , was present at the election : The petition was conceived in very boisterous and uncivil terms : The Lord Treasurer answered all that was pretended so fully , that not any one in the Assembly seemed to bee unsatisfied ; there being not one election returned which was more punctually made , and that even according to their owne publique instructions : yet because the Commissioners elected , though Covenanters , were not the same who had been designed at Edinburgh , nor such as another Lord , dwelling in that Presbyterie , who was a Lay-Elder and Covenanter , had a mind to , the approbation of that Commission , and admission of these Commissioners most shamefully was put off and respited , untill that Petition and Protestation might be examined ; and so it was continued from time to time , though it were often called upon : Our Commissioner told them , That sure there were none present , who did not admire at these proceedings ; and that if the Petitioner failed in his probation ( which afterward hee did , and asked pardon for it ) hee deserved some exemplarie punishment to bee inflicted upon him , who had dared to traduce so great an Officer of State : In this particular it was too plain , that the poore Minister was onely set on to present this Protestation for the reasons now declared . After this , there arose a very hot contestation , concerning the election of the Lay-Elder for the Presbyterie of Brichen : The Earle of Montrose presented one Commission in which the Laird of Dunn was chosen Lay-Elder by the voyce of one Minister , and a few Lay-Elders : There was another Commission presented by that Presbyterie , in which was returned the Lord Carnaegie , lawfully chosen by the voyces of all the rest of the Ministers and Lay-Elders ; yet because the Earle of Montrose did oppose the election of the Lord Carnaegie , though his owne brother in law , all the Covenanters in the Assembly sided with the Laird of Dunn , for whom the Earle of Montrose stood , both of them being rigid Covenanters , against the other Lord who was a Covenanter likewise , but a more moderate one . And indeed , it was a wonder to see how openly all rules of justice without any feare or shame , were laid aside in this particular ; for though they did not approve the election of the Laird of Dunn , who wanted voyces to his election , yet they would not admit of the other , whose election admitted not the least scruple . In the agitation of this business , there fell out a memorable passage , of which the Covenanters were very much ashamed , because it betrayed one of their secret instructions , & it was this : There was written upon the back of that Commission which was tendered by the Lord Montrose , a Declaration wherein the lawfulnesse of that Commission , and the unlawfulnesse of the other was offered to be cleared , in which , among other things , it was objected against the Lord Carnaegie his election that it was made contrary to the directions of the Tables at Edinburgh ; which the Clerk perceiving , stopped , and would read no further . Our Commissioner hereupon required the Moderatour to give him a copie or extract of that paper which was last read , and of the names of those who had subscribed to it , and that subscribed by the hand of the Clerk of the Assembly . The Moderatour absolutely refused it : Our Commissioner told him , that he desired it to help him in Our service , that by it he might bee the better informed how to proceed in his objecting against such Commissions as he meant to challenge : The Moderatour againe refused to doe it , alledging , that the challenged Declaration was but accidentally written on the backe of the Commission ; Our Commissioner replyed , That could not be written privately or accidentally , which was given in publike to the Assembly , and that by a member of it , of so great place and quality , for a justification of his proceeding in that election ; and withall protested , That though he were not Our Commissioner , but the meanest subject of the land , he could not in justice be denied the copie of any thing exhibited in a Court of justice . But all in vaine : for after much cavilling by the Moderatour and other covenanting Lords , Our Commissioner desiring the Moderator to put it to voyces whether he could be denied a copie of it ; even that was refused him likewise , they being afraid , that the Assembly would not deny so notorious an act of justice : upon which Our Commissioner ( though mildly , yet with some expression of distast ) did thus deliver himselfe : Let God Almighty judge if this be a free Assembly , in which is denyed to his Majesties Commissioner that , which cannot be denyed to the meanest of his subjects ; and at last , hee tooke instruments in the hands of Our Clerke of Register , that he was refused the copie of a Declarator given in to the Assembly , delivered into the Clerkes hands , and publikely read by him , in which , amongst other things , was contained , that the election of the Lord Carnaegie , Commissioner from Brichen , was invalid , as being contrarie to the directions of the Tables of the Commissioners at Edinburgh ; which occasioned the Moderator to say , That Our Commissioner needed no copie of it , he had so faithfully repeated all that was contained in it : Our Commissioner hereupon , since he could not obtaine a copie of it , desired all present to be witnesses of what the Moderator had spoken , & that he had acknowledged his faithfull repetition of that part of the Declarator whereof he was refused the copie ; and thereupon againe tooke instruments . In this businesse Sir Lewis Stuart , one of Our Assessors to Our Commissioner , spake some few words ; which when the Moderator was about to answer , the Lord of Montrose forbid him to answer one who had no place to speake there : Afterward there arose a great contestation between the Earle of Southesk , one of Our Assessors , and the Moderator , with so much heat on the Moderators side , and some Lords who sided with him , that Our Commissioner was put to moderate the Moderator , and quench the heat of the Assembly ; for which many of them gave Our Commissioner thankes , and so all businesse was continued till Munday . On Munday , being the 5. day of their sitting , they went on in the rest of the controverted elections , refusing to heare the Lord Carnaegie his election discussed , but putting it off to a Committee : Master Andrew Logie Minister of Red , but a Non-covenanter , being returned a Commissioner from the Presbyterie of Garrioche , was refused to be admitted , though they laid not the least exception against his election : their pretence was , There was a Petition presented against him to the Assembly , and no voice must be allowed him , untill he had answered that : A very easie device for putting by any Commissioner whom they liked not , since it was no hard matter to find one to present a Petition against any man. Another Minister of the Channery of Rosse , and Archdeacon of Rosse , one Master William Mackeinzey , Commissioner from the Presbyterie of the Channery , upon certaine cavills both of his election and commission , which did beare , that he should continue there no longer then Wee or Our Commissioner should continue the Assembly , because the sole power of calling and dissolving of Assemblies did belong to Us , for the present was onely suspended from his voice ; the reason was plaine , he was a Non-covenanter , and had openly averred in the Assembly , that at their election the Ministers of their Presbyterie were threatned by those who brought Letters from the Tables , if they should returne the election of any , but such as they , who brought the Letters , desired . Two elections were returned from the Presbyterie of Aberdene , One of Covenanters , made by a few Ministers , but many Lay-Elders , at which neither the Moderatour nor the Clerke of the Presbyterie were present ; Another of Non-covenanters , which election was made onely by Ministers , and at which the Moderatour and Clerke were both present ; yet that other election , at the returne whereof there wanted the Clerkes hand , ( without which no Presbyteriall Act can bee taken for a Record ) was allowed , and the other rejected , upon the bare relation of one of the Covenanting Ministers who was returned wrongfully , and the attestation of the other whom the Moderatour openly in the Assembly called up and desired to testifie whether the relation of his fellow was true : an excellent way of proofe against a publique Record , to take the testimonie of one who was as wrongfully returned as the Relator . The Universitie of Aberdene sent none of their Professors to the Assembly , not daring to trust themselves upon the way , having been so much threatned with the losse of their lives for writing against the Covenant : Onely they sent one of their number , no Divine , but a Professor of Humanitie , to excuse their absence ; his Commission being read , gave him onely power to be there , and did constitute him their Agent in any thing which should concerne their Universitie ; requiring him to continue there , and from time to time to give them advertisement of all that passed . The Moderatour did justly affirme , That that was no Commission , the party having no power by it to give any voice in the Assembly , and so there was no more to be said to it : but immediately something being transmitted by whispering from eare to eare , untill it came to the Moderatours eare , the Moderatour begun presently to recant , and perusing his letter of credence , said , hee perceived that there was onely want of formalitie in the draught , which they might easily passe over ; and so they allowed that for a Commission which was none , and admitted him to have a voice in the Assembly , though the Universitie gave him no such power , nor would they have sent any Commissioner but a Divine . At this sudden change of the Moderatour , made in him by a whisper , many begun to smile , and to lay wagers that the party admitted was a Covenanter , which the Moderatour did not expect from that Universitie , and that this secretly-conveyed intelligence of it had changed him ; and indeed afterward it proved to be so . And thus the members of their Assembly were constituted , just as they had designed them ; at which they were mightily over-joyed , being now assured , that they might conclude what they pleased : And although it might in common reputation have better suited with the principles of wisedome , not to have taken exceptions against these few elections , which were made contrarie to their directions ( for thereby they had gained the opinion of impartialitie ▪ and had lost nothing of their power , those few voices not being able to carrie any thing against their great number ) yet such was their blind obstinacie , that they scorned that any one should sit there who runne not their rebellious courses , as holding it a dis-reputation to them if they should be thought to have abated any thing , not onely of their power but even of their will. Besides , not onely their peevishnesse , but even their pride appeared notably in one particular : Wee , in Our Letters to the Assembly , had nominated for Assessors to Our Commissioner these sixe : The Earle of Traquair Lord Treasurer , the Earle of Roxburgh Lord Privie-Seale , the Earle of Argyle , the Earle of Lauderdaile , the Earle of Southesk , Lords of Our Privie Councell , and Sir Lewis Stuart an Advocate , a farre fewer number then ever Our royall Father called to assist any of his Commissioners ; all which ever constantly had voices in the Assembly ; But here , though these sixe suffrages were able to doe nothing against their minds ; yet because they would be sure to clip the wings of Authoritie , they absolutely refused to let them have any voice at all , telling Our Commissioner , That he might consult with these Assessors if he pleased , but that they were to have no voice in the Assembly : affirming , with incredible impudence , That if We Our Selfe were there , We should have but one voice , and that not negative neither , nor more affirmative then any one member of the Assembly had : by which meanes they have published to the World this sweet and wholsome doctrine , That their King in their Ecclesiasticall Assembly hath no more power then any Towne-Clerke , Taylor , or Sadler who shall sit as a Lay-Elder there : which desperate opinion of theirs , doth plainly shew the reason why in their last publique instructions preceding the Assembly , they ordered , That every Lay-Elder from Presbyteries should come attended with three or foure , and every Commissioner from Burrowes with five or sixe of their owne ranke and qualitie , who should continue with them all the time of the Assembly , without whose advice they should not give voice to any thing ; a thing never heard of at any generall Assembly before . Sure they had heard and knew the number & names of the Assessors , whom Wee had appointed to assist Our Commissioner ; and therefore they would have every mechanicall Artizan , chosen a Lay-Elder for the Assembly , ( whom they held to have equall power with Us in it ) to carrie the same badge of power and state with Us , and to have their Assessors as well as We , and those equall in number to Ours , and the same power with Ours , of consulting , though not concluding : All which , whether royall Majestie and supreme Soveraigntie can or ought to digest , any reasonable man may judge . The Assembly being just now the same thing which the Tables were at Edinburgh in substance , but in condition far worse ( for here were none now but the most obstinate Covenanters , whom the severall Tables had picked out of all the packe ) and they meeting at the Towne-house of Glasgow alwayes before they met at the Church ( the place of the Assembly ) the Moderator being the same materially who governed them at Edinburgh , though not so formally chosen as now ; the Clerke of the Assembly being the same , who was Clerke to their Covenant and to their Tables at Edinburgh ; the members of the Assembly being the same who sate at their Tables there , and those the most corrupted and distempered of them all : who could now expect lesse insolent conclusions from this Assembly , then they had found from their Tables ? And indeed the very same were found : For immediately they bragged that now they were a constituted Assembly , and resolved to laugh at any who should quarrell with the elections which they had approved ; and especially at the Bishops Declinator , if it should containe any arguments to that purpose . The first Cocke who begun to crow upon this dunghill , though it were within night , no ordinarie time of crowing , was Master Andrew Ramsey a Minister of Edinburgh , who , getting up upon a stoole or fourme , made a very great bragge , offering by dispute to prove against any man the lawfulnesse of lay Elders , by Scripture , Antiquitie , Fathers , Councels , the judgement of all the Reformed Churches , even of the Church of England , who admitted them into the High Commission . Our Commissioner seeing him crowd so much in a very little room , told him that he runne no great hazzard or danger in his challenge ; for he was sure the Judges would bee his seconds : yet if it pleased him , hee would find one should enter into the Lists with him , either publiquely or privately , upon that quarrell ; but many of his brethren were not very well pleased with his glorious challenge , as making accompt that hee would never bee able to make good the greatest part of it : And with this bragge the Assembly dissolved for that night . The next day , being the 27. of November , after the Assembly was met , Our Commissioner urged once againe that the Bishops Declinator might bee read ; which was accordingly done by the Clerke of the Assembly . It was entertained with much jeering and laughter , and by transmission of a whisper from one eare to another , they resolved when it was read out to have received it with a generall hissing ; but yet by another generall whisper , transmitted as the former , that course was stopped . After it was ended , Our Commissioner spake home to them , for the necessitie of that Declinator , and the unavoidable strength of the reasons contained in the same , and in depressing , by way of parallel , their Libell against the Bishops : which hee spared not to call infamous and scurrillous , both in the matter of it , and the manner of promulging it ; and hereupon tooke instruments in Our Clerke of Registers hands , both for the production and reading of the Declinator . Some of the Lords of the Assembly offered to doe the like in the Clerk of the Assemblies hands , but Our Commissioner told him it was needlesse , since it was not tendered to the Assembly but to himselfe : First , the Moderatour in a short speech deplored the obstinacie of the Bishops hearts , who in all that Declinator had bewrayed no signe of remorse and sorrow for their wicked courses ▪ and then the Lords of the Assembly perceiving their errour , that they who found themselves to bee Judges , had offered to take instruments in the Clerkes hands of the production of any exhibits ( which was never heard to bee done by the Judge , but onely by the actor or plaintiffe ) prompted some young Noblemen , and Gentlemen Covenanters ( but not members of the Assembly ) then present , to demand instruments of the production of the Bishops Declinator ; in whose name one Gibson , one of the Clerkes of Our Session ( and so acquainted with Law termes ) both demanded instruments , and thundered out a verball Protestation , in such Law termes as was not easie to be understood by most of the auditors : The summe of what was understood , was this , That they would pursue their Libell against the Bishops so long as they had lives and fortunes , etiam in foro contentiosissimo , and required Doctor Hammilton their Proctor then present , to take notice that they cyted him to compeere die in diem till sentence were given . Our Commissioner first protested against that Protestation , and then discharged the Bishops Proctor from appearance before the Assembly , to which he had presented no Declinator ; but required him to appeare before himselfe , to whom it was presented , when he should require him : The Declinator of the Bishops here insueth . The Declinator and Protestation of the Archbishops and Bishops of the Church of SCOTLAND , and others their adherents within that Kingdome , against the pretended Generall Assemblie holden at Glasgow , Novemb. 21. 1638. WEE Archbishops , Bishops and other Under-subscribers for our selves and in name and behalfe of the Church of Scotland : Whereas it hath pleased the Kings Majestie to indict a generall Assemblie of the Church to be kept at Glasgow , Novemb. 21. 1638. for composing and setling of the distractions of the same , First do acknowledge and professe , That a Generall Assemblie lawfully called and orderly conveened is a most necessarie and effectuall meane for removing those evils wherewith the said Church is infested , and for setling that order which becommeth the house of God , And that wee wish nothing more then a meeting of a peaceable and orderly Assemblie to that effect . Secondly , we acknowledge and professe , as becommeth good Christians and faithfull subjects , that his Majestie hath authoritie by his prerogative Royall to call Assemblies , as is acknowledged by the Assemblie at Glasgow , 1610. and Parliament 1612. and that it is not lawfull to conveene without his Royall consent and approbation , except wee will put our selves in danger to bee called in question for sedition . Yet neverthelesse in sundrie respects , wee cannot but esteeme this meeting at Glasgow most unlawfull and disorderly , and their proceedings void and null in Law , for the causes and reasons following : First , before his Majesties Royall warrant to my Lord Commissioner his Grace to indict a lawfull free generall Assemblie , the usurped authoritie of the Table ( as they call it ) by their missives and instructions , did give order and direction for all Presbyteries to elect and chuse their Commissioners for the Assemblie , and , for seeking of Gods blessing to it , to keep a solemne Fast , Sept. 16. whereas his Majesties warrant for indicting of that Assemblie was not published till the 22. of that month : so that they preventing and not proceeding by warrant of Royall authoritie , the pretended Commissioners being chosen before the Presbyteries were authorized to make election , cannot bee reputed members of a lawfull Assemblie . A lawfull Assemblie must not onely be indicted by lawfull authoritie ( as we acknowledge this to be ) but also constituted of such members as are requisite to make up such a body . For if , according to the indiction , none at all do conveene , or where the Clergie is called there meet none but Laicks , or moe Laicks then of the Clergie , with equall power to judge and determine ; or such of the Laicks and Clergie as are not lawfully authorized , or are not capable of that employment by their places ; or such as are legally disabled to sit and decide in an Assemblie of the Church : a meeting consisting of such members cannot be thought a free and lawfull Assemblie : By that Act of Parliament Ja. 6. par . 3. cap. 46. 1572. Everie Minister who shall pretend to be a Minister of Gods Word and Sacraments , is bound to give his assent and subscription to the Articles of Religion contained in the Acts of our Soveraigne Lords Parliament , and , in presence of the Archbishop Superintendent or Commissioner of the Province , give his oath , for acknowledging and recognoscing of our Soveraigne Lord and his authoritie , and bring a testimoniall in writing thereupon , and openly upon some Sunday , in time of Sermon or publike Prayers , in the Kirk where hee ought to attend , read both the testimoniall and Confession , and of new make the said oath within a month after his admission , under the paine that every person that shall not do as is above appointed , shall ipso facto bee deprived , and all his Ecclesiasticall promotions and living shall bee then vacant , as if he were then naturally dead , and that all inferiour persons under Prelats be called before the Archbishops , Bishops , Superintendents and Commissioners of the Dioceses or Province , within which they dwell , as the Act beares . All of the Clergie conveened to this Assemblie pretend themselves to be Ministers of Gods Word and Sacraments , and have benefices or other Ecclesiasticall livings : yet neverthelesse the most part of them have never in presence of the Archbishop , Bishop , Superintendent or Commissioner of the Diocese or Province , subscribed the Articles of Religion contained in the Acts of Parliament , and given their oath for acknowledging and recognoscing our Soveraigne Lord and his authority , and brought a testimoniall thereof : and therefore they are ipso facto deprived , and their places voyd , as if they were naturally dead ; and consequently having no place nor function in the Church , cannot be Commissioners to this Assembly : hoc maximè attento , that the said persons not onely have never given their oath for acknowledging his Majesties authority , nor can shew no testimoniall thereupon , as they are bound by the said Act ; but also having as subjects comprehended in the representative body of this Kingdome , Promised to acknowledge , obey , maintain , defend , & advance the life , honour , safety , dignity , soveraigne authority , and prerogative Royall of his soveraigne Majesty , his heires and successours , and priviledges of his Highnesse Crowne , with their lives , lands , and goods , to the uttermost of their power , constantly and faithfully to withstand all and whatsoever persons , powers and estates , who shall presume , prease or intend any wise to impugne , prejudge , hurt or impaire the same , and never to come in the contrary thereof , directly or indirectly in any time comming ; as the Acts of Parliament Jacob. 6. Parl. 18. Cap. 1. Car. Parl. Cap. 1 : doe proport . And moreover , being obliged at their admission to give their oath for performance of this duty of their allegeance , and to testifie and declare on their conscience , that the King is the lawfull supreme Governour , as well in matters spirituall and Ecclesiasticall as temporall , and to assist and defend all jurisdiction and authority , belonging to his Majestie by the Act of Parl. 1612. yet notwithstanding of the said bands , acts and promises , whereby the said persons are so strictly bound to the performance of the premises , his Majestie having ordained by Act of Councell at Holy-rood-house Septem . 24. 1638. and proclamations following thereupon , that all his Majesties lieges of whatsoever estate , degree or quality , Ecclesiasticall or Temporall , should sweare and subscribe the said Confession , together with a generall band for defending his Majesties person and authority , against all enemies within this Realme or without , have not onely refused to subscribe the said band and Confession , but have in their Sermons and other speeches , disswaded , deterred , impeded and hindred others of the lieges to subscribe the same , and publickly protested against the subscription thereof : and thereupon cannot conveen nor concurre lawfully to the making up of the body of an Assembly of the Kirk , as being deprived and denuded of all place and function in the same . A generall Assembly was condescended to , out of his Majesties gracious clemencie and pious disposition , as a Royall favour to those that so should acknowledge the same , and acquiesce to his gracious pleasure , and carry themselves peaceably as loyall and dutifull subjects ; which the Commissioners directed to this Assembly supposed to bee of the number of those that adhere to the last Protestation made at Edinburgh , Sept. 1638. do not so account of , and accept , as appeares by the said Protestation , whereby they protest , That it shall bee lawfull for them , as at other times , so at this , to assemble themselves notwithstanding any impediment or prorogation to the contray ; as also by continuing their meetings and Table , discharged by authority , refusing to subscribe the band according to his Majesties and Councels command , for maintaining his Majesties Royall person and authority , protesting against the same , still insisting with the lieges to subscribe the band of mutuall defence against all persons whatsoever ; and remitting nothing of their former proceedings , whereby his Majesties wrath was provoked : thereby they are become in the same state and condition wherein they were before his Majesties Proclamation and pardon , and so forfeit the favour of this Assembly , and liberty to bee members thereof . And others of his Majesties subjects may justly feare to meet with them in this convention , for that by the Act of Parl. James 6. Parl. 15. cap. 31. Prelacies being declared to be one of the three Estates of this Kingdome , and by the Act of Parl. James 6. Par. 8. cap. 130. all persons are discharged to impugne the dignity and authority of the three Estates , or any of them in time comming , under the paine of treason . And whereas the King by his Proclamation declares Archbishops and Bishops to have voyce in the generall Assembly , and calls them to the same for that effect , as constantly they have been in use in all Assemblies ; where they were present , as appeares by many Acts of the generall Assemblie , ordaining them to keep and assist at the same , as in the Assembly at Edinburgh , Decemb. 15. 1566. At Edinburgh , 6. March 1572. At Edinburgh , May 10. 1586. and by a Letter written by the Assembly , March 6. 1573. to the Regent , earnestly desiring his owne or his Commissioners presence , and the Lords of Councell , and the Bishops at the Assembly ▪ They notwithstanding ▪ by the said Protestation , Septemb. 22 declared Archbishops and Bishops to have no warrant for their office in this Kirk , to be authorized with no lawfull Commission , and to have no place nor voyce in this Assembly ; and withall doe arrogate to their meetings a soveraigne authority to determine of all questions and doubts that can arise , contrary to the freedome of the Assembly , whether in constitution and members , or in the matters to be treated , or in manner and order of proceeding : which how it doth stand with his Majesties Supremacie in all causes and over all persons , wee leave it to that judgement whereunto it belongeth , and doe call God and man to witnesse , if these be fit members of an Assembly , intended for the order and peace of the Church . Giving , and not granting , that the persons foresaid directed Commissioners in name of the Clergy to this meeting , were capable of that authority , and that the said Presbyteries had the authority to direct Commissioners to the generall Assembly ; yet have they now lost and fallen from all such right , if any they had , in so farre as they have deposed the Moderatours , who were lawfully appointed to governe them , by the Bishops in their Synods , and elected others in their place , contrary to the Act of the Assembly at Glasgow 1610. and Act of Parl. 1612. ordaining Bishops to be Moderatours at these meetings ; and in their absence , the Minister whom the Bishop should appoint at the Synode . So these meetings having disclaimed the authority of Bishops , deposed their lawfull Moderatours , and chusing others without authority , cannot be esteemed lawfull convocations , that can have lawfull power of sending out Commissioners with authority to judge of the affaires of this Church . And yet doth the nullity of the Commissions , flowing from such meetings , further appeare in this , that they have associate to themselves a laick ruling Elder ( as they call him ) out of every Session and Parish , who , being ordinarily the Lord of the Parish , or a man of the greatest authority in the bounds , doth over-rule in the election of the said Commissioners , both by his authority and their number , being moe then the Ministers , whereof some being ordinarily absent , and five or six , or so many of them put in list , and removed , there remain but a few Ministers to voice to the election ; and in effect the Commissioners for the Clergie are chosen by lay-men , contrary to all order , decencie , and custome observed in the Christian world , no wise according to the custome of this Church , which they pretend to follow : the Presbyteries formerly never associating to themselves lay-elders in the election of the Commissioners to the generall Assembly , but onely for their assistance in discipline and correction of manners , calling for them at such occasions as they stood in need of their godly concurrence , declaring otherwise their meeting not necessarie , and providing expresly that they should not be equall , but fewer in number then the Pastours , as by Act of Assembly at Saint Andrews , April 24. 1582. ( where Master Andrew Melvill was Moderatour ) doth appeare . Like as these fourty yeares by gone and upwards , long before the re-establishing of Bishops , these lay-elders have not been called at all to Presbyteries . And by the Act at Dundie 1597. ( whereby it is pretended that Presbyteries have authoritie to send these lay Commissioners ) it doth no way appeare that those lay-elders had any hand in chusing of the Ministers : and this is the onely Act of the Assembly , authorizing Presbyteries to chuse Commissioners to the general Assembly : nor have lay elders sate ordinarily in Presbyteries upon any occasion these fourty yeares , and upwards , nor ever had any place nor voyce in the election of Ministers for the generall Assembly , and consequently those chosen by them to this Assembly have no lawfull power nor authority . Beside , the persons Ecclesiasticall , pretended to be authorized Commissioners to this Assemblie , have so behaved themselves , that justly they may be thought unworthy and uncapable of Commission to a free and lawfull Assemblie . 1. For that by their seditious and railing Sermons and Pamphlets , they have wounded the Kings honour and Soveraigne authoritie , and animated his liedges to rebellion , averring that all authoritie Soveraigne is Originally in the collective bodie , derived from thence to the Prince ; and that not onely in case of negligence , it is Suppletivè in the collective bodie , as being communicate from the Commontie to the King , Cumulativè not Privativè : but also in case of mal-administration , to returne to the collective bodie ; so that Rex excidit jure suo , and that they may refuse obedience . 2. Next , they are knowne to bee such as have either beene schismatically refractorie and opposite to good order setled in the Church and State ; or such as having promised , subscribed , and sworne obedience to their Ordinarie , have never made conscience of their oath ; or such as have sworne and accordingly practised , yet contrarie to their promise and practice , have resiled , to the contempt of authoritie , and disturbance of the Church ; or such as are under the Censures of the Church of Ireland , for their disobedience to order ; or under the Censures of this Church , or conveened , at least deserving to bee conveened before the Ordinaries , or a lawfull generall Assemblie , for divers transgressions deserving deprivation : As first , for uttering in their Sermons , rash and irreverent speeches in Pulpit against his Majesties Councell and their proceedings , punishable by deprivation , by the Act of Assemblie at Edinburgh , May 22. 1590. Next , for reproving his Majesties Lawes , Statutes , and Ordinances , contrarie to the Act of Assembly at Perth , Maii 1. 1596. Thirdly , for expressing of mens names in Pulpit ; or describing them vively to their reproach , where there was no notorious fault ; against another Act of the same Assemblie . Fourthly , for using applications in their Sermons , not tending to the edification of their present Auditorie ; contrarie to another Act of the same Assemblie . Fifthly , for keeping conventions not allowed by his Majestie , without his knowledge and consent ; contrarie to another Act of the same Assemblie . Sixthly , for receiving of people of other Ministers flocks to the Communion ; contrary to order , Acts of Assemblies and Councels . Seventhly , for intruding themselves into other mens Pulpits , without calling or authoritie . Eighthly , for usurping the authoritie to convent their Brethren , and proceed against them to the Censures of suspension and deprivation . Ninthly , for pressing the people to subscribe a Covenant , not allowed by authoritie ; and opposing and withstanding the subscribing of a Covenant offered by his Majestie , and allowed by the Councell : Beside many personall faults and enormities , whereof many of them are guiltie , which in charitie we forbeare to expresse . But hereby it doth appeare , how unfit these persons are to be members of a free and lawfull Assemblie . Nor doth it stand with Reason , Scripture , or practice of the Christian Church , that Lay-men should be authorized to have decisive voice in a generall Assemblie . In that Act of Dundie , 1597. whereby these Elders pretend to have this place , there is no warrant expressed for them , to deliberate and determine . Their presence and assistance wee approve , being allowed and authorized by the Prince . The Kings Majesties presence in person , or by his delegates , wee hold most necessarie to see all things orderly and peaceably done ; and that hee have the chiefe hand in all Deliberations and Determinations . Nor do we refuse that any intelligent or moderate man may make remonstrance of his opinion , with the reasons of it , in that way that becommeth him in a Nationall Assemblie , due reverence being kept , and confusion avoided . But that any Lay-man , except hee bee delegate by Soveraigne authoritie , shall presume to have a definitive and decisive voice , we esteeme it to bee intrusion uppon the Pastorall charge , and without warrant . May we not therefore intreat my Lord Commissioner his Grace , in the words of the Fathers of the fourth generall Councell at Chalcedon ? Mitte for as superfluos . Nor will a pious Prince bee offended with it ; but with Theodosius the younger will say , Illegitimum est , eum qui non sit in ordine Sanctissimorum Episcoporum Ecclesiasticus immisceri tractatibus — And Pulcheria the Empresse commanded Strategus , Ut Clerici , Monachi , & Laici virepellerentur , exceptis paucis illis quos Episcopi secum duxerunt . Upon this respect was Martinus in that Councell of Chalcedon moved to say ; Non esse suum , sed Episcoporum tantum , subscribere . If these pretended Commissioners , both Lay and Ecclesiasticall , were lawfully authorized , ( as it is evident they are not ) and for none other cause declinable , yet the Law doth admit , that justly a Judge may be declined , who is probably suspect : And of all probabilities , this is the most pregnant , when the Judge , before he come to judgement , doth give sentence of these things he hath to judge . This made our Reformers protestation against the Councel of Trent valide , and their not compearing justifiable , because Pope Leo 10. had precondemned Luther , as appeared by his Bull , dated 8. Junii 1520. renewed by Paul 3. dated in Aug. 1535. This was the cause why Athanasius would not give his appearance at some Councels , nor Hosius of Corduba , nor Maximus Patriarch of Constantinople . But so it is , the most part , if not all of the said Commissioners directed to this meeting , have precondemned Episcopall Government , and condemned , at least suspended obedience to the Acts of the generall Assemblie and Parliament concerning the five Articles of Perth , have approven their Covenant as most necessarie to be embraced of all in this Kingdome , and not onely have given judgement of these things before hand , but by most solemne oaths have bound themselves to defend and stand to the same : as doth appeare by their Covenant , Petitions , Protestations , Pamphlets , Libels , and Sermons : and therefore by no Law nor equitie can these pretended Commissioners bee admitted to determine in this meeting , concerning these persons and points , which before hand they have so unjustly condemned . Further , with no Law nor reason can it subsist , that the same persons shall be both Judges and Parties . And wee appeale the consciences of all honest men , if all , at least the greatest part of the pretended Commissioners , have not declared themselves partie to the Archbishops and Bishops of this Church : for in that they have declined the Bishops to be their Judges as being their partie , ( as their Declinators , Petitions , Declarations and Protestations do beare ) have they not simul & semel , & ipso facto declared themselves to bee partie against Bishops ; whom they have not onely declined , but persecuted by their calumnies and reproaches vented by word and writ , in publike and in private , by invading their persons , opposing and oppressing them by strength of an unlawfull Combination ; for the subscribing and swearing whereof , they have by their owne authoritie indicted and kept Fasts , not onely in their owne Churches , but where worthie men refused to bee accessorie to these disorderly and impious courses , they have ( by aid of the unruly multitude ) entred their Churches , usurped upon their charges , reading and causing to bee read that unlawfull Covenant ; by threatning and menacing compelling some ( otherwise unwilling ) out of just feare to set their hands to it ; by processing , suspending , and removing obedient and worthie Ministers from their places by the usurped authoritie of their Table and Presbyteries ? And whereas by all Law and Justice , persons finding themselves wronged in judgement , have never beene denied the remedie of declinatorie and appellation ; neverthelesse not a few of these Presbyteries have proceeded against sundrie worthie Ministers , who have declined and appealed from their judgements , without respect to this defence ; by these meanes craftily intending to disable them to bee Commissioners for the Church ; directly or indirectly causing their stipends to bee kept back from them : By which meanes not the least part of the subscribing Ministers have beene gained to their Covenant . But it is without example uncharitable and illegall , that under the pretext of summons ( the like whereof was never used , nor in the like manner against the most hainous malefactors in the Kingdome ) they have devised , forged , vented , and published a most infamous and scurrile Libell , full of impudent lies and malicious calumnies against the Archbishops and Bishops of this Church ; and have first given out from their Table , the order prescribed in these subsequent Articles , which we have insert , that the world may bee witnesse of the illegalitie and maliciousnesse of their proceedings . I. TO desire the Presbyterie of every Bishop , especially where he keeps his residence , as also the Presbyterie where his Cathedrall seat is , to have a speciall care of this Bill and complaint against the Prelats , and particularly against the Bishop of their Diocese . II. That some Noblemen ( if any be within the Presbyterie ) some Gentlemen and Barons , some Ministers , and some Commons , who are not chosen Commissioners to the Assemblie , in their owne Name , and in Name of all other Covenanters or Complainers , either within the Presbyterie , or Diocese , or whole Kingdome , who are not Commissioners to the Assemblie , will adhere and assist in this Complaint , that they present this Bill to the Presbyterie . III. That they who are Complainers have a particular care to fill up the Blanks left in the Bill , in the subsumptions of the particular faults committed by the Bishop of the Diocese , against these generall Rules , Canons and Acts : or if these Blanks will not containe the same , that the Complainers draw up in a particular claime , all the particular faults and transgressions of the Bishop of that Diocese , against these Rules , Canons , and Acts , or any other Law of the Church or Kingdome , and present the same to the Presbyterie with this generall complaint . And if they cannot get the particulars presently ready , notwithstanding they present without any delay , because of the scarcenesse of the time , this complaint as it stands with the Blanks : and in the meane time , may gather any other particulars against the Assemblie , to which this complaint is to be referred . IIII. That the Presbyterie finding the complaint important , and the generall Assemblie so approaching , referre the same to the generall Assemblie , by an Act of this reference insert in the Books of the Presbyterie . V. That upon this reference of the complaint to the Assemblie , the Presbyterie admonish the complainers apud acta , to be present at the said Assemblie , for assisting and verifying of the said complaint . VI. That the Presbyterie ordaine all their Pastors , out of Pulpit on a Sabbath day before noone , to cause read publikely this whole complaint and the Presbyteries reference to the Assemblie , and so to admonish the Bishop of that Diocese , the delinquent complained upon , with the rest of his colleagues to be present at the generall Assemblie , to answer to the particular complaint , both in the particular and generall Heads thereof , given or to be given in ; and to abide the censure and triall of the Assemblie thereupon . And likewise , out of Pulpit to admonish all others who have interest either in the pursuing or referring this complaint , to be present at the said Assemblie . VII . That the Presbyterie insert in their Presbyterie-Books the whole tenour of this complaint , both in the generall and particular Heads thereof ; and that they have a care to cause deliver by their ordinarie Beadle , to the Bishop of the Diocese , a copie thereof , and a copie of an Act , referring the same to the Assemblie , and summon him to compeare before the Assemblie . And if he be within the countrey , and cannot be personally apprehended , to affix a full copie thereof upon each dwelling place , and upon the most patent doore of the Cathedrall Church and Episcopall seat . VIII . That the complainers within the Presbyterie where the Bishop is resident , or hath his Cathedrall , be carefull to keep correspondence with those in other Presbyteries within their Diocese , who best can specifie and verifie their Bishops usurpation and transgressions , and who had particular Articles to gather particular Declarations and Informations of the same . IX . That some of these complainers in their owne name , and with Warrant and power from the rest , without failing attend the Assemblie with the generall complaint and particular verifications and specifications of the same . X. That in case the Presbyterie where the Bishop hath his residence , or where he hath his Cathedrall and Episcopall seat , refuse to receive this complaint , or referre the same to the Assemblie , or to admonish or cyte the Bishop delinquent before the Assemblie , to answer to the complaint ; that the Gentlemen and others who are complainers to the Presbyteries , upon their refusall take instrument in the hands of the Clerk of the Presbyterie , or any Notarie , and protest that their refusall of the ordinarie care of Justice , procured ( without doubt ) by the Bishop of that Diocese delinquent complained of , the equivalent of Law and Reason , be a formall cytation of him . Which Protestation they may affix upon the dwelling house of the said Bishop , or upon his Cathedrall Church , or the prime Church within the Presbyterie . And that they may deale with any other Presbyterie within the Diocese , who is better disposed , and upon their receit of the complaint , will referre the same to the Assemblie , and cyte the Bishop in manner above expressed , to compeare before the said Assemblie . XI . Item , perhaps some Minister within the Presbyterie may thinke some Heads of this Complaint not to be relevant in his Opinion , or know the Bishop not to be guiltie of all the particular Heads contained therein : yet hee in Justice cannot refuse to referre the triall of the Relevancie and Probation thereof to the generall Assemblie ; especially seeing the Relevancie and Probation of moe or fewer Points against the Bishop of the Diocese is sufficient , and seeing the subsumption of every particular Head is against the Bishop of the Diocese , with his Colleagues . XII . Item , To desire the Presbyterie , upon Complaints upon any persons within the same , against any scandalous Minister either in Doctrine or Life , either to judge the Complaint , or referre the same to the triall and censure of the generall Assemblie , and so to admonish and cyte the Ministers complained upon , to compeare before the generall Assemblie for that end . According to which Articles , upon Sunday , Octob. 28. they caused read the said Libell in all the Churches of Edinburgh notwithstanding my Lord Commissioners command given to the Provost and Bailies to the contrarie , except in Holy-rood-house , where it was read the next Sunday , as it was in other Churches of the Kingdome ; proceeding herein 1. Against all charitie , which doth not behave it selfe unseemely , nor delighteth in the discoverie of mens nakednesse , nor take up a reproach , nor backbite with the tongue ; much lesse to write a book against a brother . 2. Against the order prescribed by the Apostle not to rebuke an Elder , but to intreat him as a Father : and by the Act of Parliament , Jam. 6. par . 8. discharging all persons to impugne or to procure the diminution of the authoritie and power of the three Estates or any of them . 3. Against all lawfull and formall proceeding , especially that prescribed by the Act of generall Assemblie at Perth , Martii 1. 1596. whereby it is ordained , that all summons containe the speciall cause and crime , which the said Libell doth not ; naming onely generall calumnies , reproaches and aspersions , without instruction of any particular , but leaving these to be filled up by malitious delation , after they have defamed their Brethren by publishing this Libell ; as appeares by the 8. and 11. Articles of the said instructions : and against the order prescribed by the Assemblie at Saint Andrewes , Aprill 24. 1582. whereby it is enacted , that in processe of deprivation of Ministers , there be a libelled precept upon fortie dayes warning , being within the Realme , and threescore dayes , being without the Realme , to bee directed by the Kirke and such Commissioners thereof , as elects and admits the person complained of , summoning them to compeare and answer upon the complaint . And in case of their absence at the first summons , the second to be directed upon the like warning , with certification , if he faile , the Libell shall be admitted to probation , and he shall be holden pro confesso . Which forme not being kept in a summons inferring the punishment of deprivation , the same cannot be sustained by the order of that Assemblie . 4. Against common equitie which admits summons onely by the authoritie of that Judge before whom the delinquent is to compeare ; whereby the summons directed by the authoritie of these pretended Presbyteries , cannot sustaine for compearance before the generall Assemblie , nor could reference be made from the Presbyterie to the generall Assemblie , the parties never being summoned to compeare before the Presbyterie , whereby either in presence of the partie , or in case of contumacie , the complaint might be referred to the Assemblie . That there was no cytation before the reference , is cleare by the said instructions . And what a strange and odious forme it is to insert such a calumnious Libell in the Presbyterie books , without cyting of the parties to answer thereto : and to cyte Bishops before the generall Assemblie by the said Libell , by publishing the same at Churches , to which they had no relation and were many miles distant , Wee leave it to the judgement of indifferent men . 5. Against all decencie and respect due to men of their place , the said persons being men of dignitie , and some of them of his Majesties most honourable privie Councell , and knowne to bee of blamelesse conversation , and to have deserved well , thus to bee reviled and traduced , doth redound to the reproach of Church and State , and of the Gospell whereof they are Preachers . 6. Lastly , to omit many other informalities against their owne consciences , which wee charge in the sight of God , as they must answer before his great and fearefull tribunall , if they suspect and know not perfectly , according to the judgement of charitie , them whom they thus accuse , to bee free of these crimes wherewith they charge them , at least of many of them ; as appeares evidently by the 11. Article of the said instructions , having therein libelled the generall , and have yet to seek the specification thereof , from the malice of their neighbours , if so bee they can furnish it . By which informall and malicious proceeding , it is most apparent , that our said parties do seek our disgrace and overthrow most maliciously and illegally . And therefore wee call heaven and earth to witnesse , if this bee not a barbarous and violent persecution , that all circumstances being considered , hath few or none to parallel it since the beginning of Christianitie ; and if wee have not just cause to decline the said pretended Commissioners as our partie . Moreover , can these men expect , but in a lawfull Assemble they were to bee called and censured for their enorme transgressions foresaid ? And will any man thinke , that they can bee judges in their owne cause ? It is alleadged out of the Canon-Law against the Pope , that if the Pope be at variance with any man , he ought not to bee Judge himselfe , but to chuse arbitrators . And this may militate against them , except they be more unruly then Popes . Ludovicus Bavarus and all the Estates of Germanie with him , did plead this nullitie against the sentence and proceeding of Pope John 22. and of his Councell : And the Archbishop of Cullen 1546. did plead the nullitie of Paul 3. his Bull of excommunication , because hee protested , that so soone as a lawfull Councell should be opened , hee would implead the Pope as partie , being guiltie of many things censurable by the Councell . But the late Protestation doth shew the authors thereof to bee no lesse injurious to our place and authority , then they are over-weening of their owne . For it is against reason and practice of the Christian Church , that no Primate , Archbishop , nor Bishop , have place nor voice deliberative or decisive in generall Assemblies , except they be authorized and elected by their Presbyteriall meetings , consisting of preaching and ruling Elders ( as they call them ) and without warrant or example in the Primitive and purest times of the Church . This also doth inferre the nullitie of an Assemblie , if the Moderator and President for matters of doctrine , and discipline , shall bee neither the Primate , Archbishop , nor Bishop , but hee who by pluralitie of Presbyters and Lay-mens voices shall bee elected : which happely may be one of the inferiour Clergie , or a Lay-person , as sometimes it hath fallen out : Whereas canonically , according to the ancient practice of the Church , the Primate should preside , according to the constitution of the first Councell of Nice Can. 6. of Antioch Can. 9. and of the Imperiall Law Novell . constitut . 123. cap. 10. and according to our owne Law. For what place in Assemblies Archbishops and Bishops had in other Christian Nations , the same they had ( no doubt ) in Scotland , and yet still do retaine , except by some municipall Law it hath beene restrained , which cannot be showne . For the restraint of their authoritie by the Act of Parliament 1592. is restored by the Act of Parliament 1606. and 1609. and all Acts prejudiciall to their jurisdiction abrogated . Neither doth that Act 1592. establishing generall Assemblies , debarre Bishops from presiding therein ; nor the abrogation of their Commission granted to them by Act of Parliament in Ecclesiasticall causes , imply and inferre the abrogation of that authoritie which they received not from the Parliament but from Christ , from whom they received the spirituall oversight of the Clergie under their charge ; whereto belongeth the Presidentship in all Assemblies for matters spirituall , alwayes with due submission to the supreme Governour : which is so intrinsecally inherent in them , as they are Bishops , that hoc ipso that they are Bishops , they are Presidents of all Assemblies of the Clergie : as the Chancellour of the Kingdome hath place in Councell and Session , not by any Act or Statute , but hoc ipso that he is Chancellour . By Act of Parliament Bishops are declared to have their right in Synods and other inferiour meetings , but by no Law restrained nor debarred from the exercise of it in Nationall Assemblies : and the law allowing Bishops to bee Moderators of the Synods , doth present a list in absence of the Metropolitan , to whom of right this place doth belong , as said is , out of which the Moderator of the generall Assemblie shall be chosen . For , is it not more agreeable to reason , order , and decencie , that out of Moderators of Synods a Moderator of the generall Assemblie should be chosen , then of the inferiour Clergie subject to them ? As concerning that Act of the generall Assemblie 1580. whereby Bishops are declared to have no warrant out of Scripture ; if corruption of time shall bee regarded , the authoritie of that Assemblie might bee neglected no lesse then that at Glasgow , 1610. But it is ordinarie that prior Acts of Assemblies and Parliaments give place to the posterior : for Posteriora derogant prioribus . And there past not full six yeares when a generall Assemblie at Edinburgh found , that the name of Bishops hath a speciall charge and function annexed to it by the word of God ; and that it was lawfull for the generall Assemblie to admit a Bishop to a benefice , presented by the Kings Majestie , with power to admit , visite , and deprive Ministers , and to be Moderators of the Presbyteries where they are resident , and subject onely to the sentence of the generall Assemblie . As for that Act at Mont rose , let them answer to it that have their calling by that Commission . Wee professe that wee have a lawfull calling by the election of the Clergie , who are of the Chapiter of our Cathedrals , and consecration of Bishops by his Majesties consent and approbation , according to the laudable Lawes and ancient custome of this Kingdome , and of the Church in ancient times , and do homage to our Soveraigne Lord for our Temporalities , and acknowledge him solo Deo minorem , next unto God in all causes , and over all persons Spirituall or Temporall , in his owne Dominions supreme Governour . But now wee may take up Cyprian his complaint , Lib. 3. Ep. 14. Quod non periculum metuere debemus de offensâ Domini , quando aliqui de Presbyteris nec Evangelii nec loci sui memores , sed neque futurum Dei judicium , neque praepositum sibi Episcopum cogitantes , quod nunquam omnino sub antecessoribus factum est , cum contumelia & contemptâ praepositi , totum sibi vendicent ? Atque utinam non prostratâ fratrum nostrorum salute sibi omnia vendicarent . Contumelias Episcopatûs nostri dissimulare & ferre possem , sicut dissimulavi semper & pertuli ; sed dissimulandi nunc locus non est , quando decipiatur fraternitas nostra à quibusdam vestrûm , qui dùm sine ratione restituendae salutis plausibiles esse cupiunt , magis lapsis obsunt . Lastly , it is most manifest by the premises , how absurd it is , and contrarie to all reason and practise of the Christian Church , that Archbishops and Bishops shall bee judged by Presbyters ; and more absurd , that they should bee judged by a mixt meeting of Presbyters and Laicks , conveening without lawfull authoritie of the Church . How , and by whom they are to bee judged , according to the custome of ancient times , may be seene by the Councell of Chalcedon , Can. 9. and Concil . Milevit . Can. 22. and Concil . Carthag . 2. Can. 10. Nor do wee decline the lawfull triall of any competent judicatorie in the Kingdome , especially of a generall Assemblie lawfully constitute , or of his Majesties High Commissioner , for any thing in life or doctrine can be laid to our charge : onely we declare and affirme , That it is against order , decencie , and Scripture , that we should be judged by Presbyters or by Laicks , without authority and Commission from Soveraigne authoritie . For the reasons foresaid , and many moe , and for discharge of our dutie to God , to his Church , and to our Sacred Soveraigne , lest by our silence we betray the Churches right , his Majesties authoritie , and our owne consciences , We for our selves , and in name of the Church of Scotland , are forced to protest , That this Assemblie bee reputed and holden null in Law Divine and humane , and that no Church-man bee holden to appeare before , assist or approve it ; and therefore , that no letter , petition , subscription , interlocutor , certification , admonition , or other Act whatsoever proceeding from the said Assemblie , or any member thereof , be any wise prejudiciall to the Religion and Confession of Faith by Act of Parliament established , or to the Church , or any member thereof , or to the jurisdiction , liberties , priviledges , rents , benefices , and possessions of the same , Acts of generall Assemblie , of Councell and Parliament in favours thereof , or to the three Estates of the Kingdome , or any of them , or to us , or any of us , in our persons or estates , authoritie , jurisdiction , dignitie , rents , benefices , reputation , and good name : but on the contrarie that all such Acts and deeds above mentioned , and everie one of them , are , and shall be reputed and esteemed unjust , illegall and null in themselves , with all that hath followed or may follow thereupon . And forasmuch as the said Assemblie doth intend ( as wee are informed ) to call in question , discusse , and condemne things not onely in themselves lawfull and warrantable , but also defined and determined by Acts of generall Assemblie and Parliaments , and in practice accordingly , to the disgrace and prejudice of reformed Religion , authoritie of the Lawes and Liberties of the Church and Kingdome , weakning his Majesties authoritie , disgracing the profession and practice which hee holdeth in the Communion of the Church where hee liveth , and branding of Reformed Churches with the foule aspersions of Idolatrie and superstition ; wee protest before God and man , That what shall bee done in this kinde , may not redound to the disgrace or disadvantage of Reformed Religion , nor be reputed a deed of the Church of Scotland . Wee protest that wee imbrace and hold , that the Religion presently professed in the Church of Scotland , according to the Confession therof , received by the Estates of this Kingdome , and ratified in Parliament the yeare 1567. is the true Religion bringing men to eternall Salvation , and do detest all contrarie errour . Wee protest , that Episcopall government in the Church is lawfull and necessarie : and that the same is not opposed and impugned for any defect or fault , either in the government or Governours ; but by the malice and craft of the Devill , envying the successe of that government in this Church these many yeares by-past , most evident in planting of Churches with able and learned Ministers , recovering of the Church rents , helping of the Ministers stipends , preventing of these jarres betwixt the King and the Church , which in former times dangerously infested the same , keeping the people in peace and obedience , and suppressing of Poperie , which , in respect either of the number of their professors , or boldnesse of their profession , was never at so low an ebbe in this Kingdome as before these stirres . We protest that , seeing these who for scruple of conscience did mislike the Service Book , Canons , and High Commission , which were apprehended or given forth to be the cause of the troubles of this Church , have now received satisfaction , and his Majestie is graciously pleased to forget and forgive all offences by-past in these stirres , that all the subjects of this Kingdome may live in peace and Christian love , as becommeth faithfull subjects and good Christians , laying aside all hatred , envie , and bitternesse ; And if any shall refuse so to do , they may beare the blame , and be thought the cause of the troubles that may ensue : and the same bee not imputed to us , or any of us , who desire nothing more , then to live in peace and concord with all men under his Majesties obedience ; and who have committed nothing against the Lawes of the Kingdome and Church , that may give any man just cause of offence ; and are so farre from wishing hurt to any man , in his person or estate , notwithstanding all the indignities and injuries wee have suffered , that for quenching this present combustion , and setling peace in this Church and Countrey , wee could bee content ( after clearing of our innocencie of all things wherewith wee can bee charged ) not onely to lay downe our Bishopricks at his Majesties feet , to bee disposed of at his Royall pleasure , but also , if so bee it pleased God , to lay downe our lives , and become a sacrifice for this attonement . We protest in the sight of God , to whom one day we must give account , that we make use of this Declinator and Protestation out of the conscience of our dutie to God and his Church , and not out of feare of any guiltinesse , whereof any of us is conscious to himselfe , either of wickednesse in our lives , or miscarriage in our callings ; being content everie one of us , for our owne particular ( as wee have never showne our selves to be otherwise ) to undergo the lawfull and most exact triall of any competent judicatorie within this Kingdome , or of his Majesties High Commissioner . And we most humbly intreat his Grace to intercede with the Kings Majestie , that he may appoint a free and lawfull Generall Assemblie , such as Gods word , the practice of the Primitive Church , and Lawes of the Kingdome do prescribe and allow , with all convenient speed , to the effect the present distractions of the Church may bee setled . And if there be any thing to be laid to the charge of any of the Clergie , of whatsoever degree , either in life and manners , or doctrine , or exercise of his calling and jurisdiction , hee may bee heard to answer all accusations , and abide all triall , either for clearing his innocencie , or suffering condigne punishment , according to his transgressions : declining alwayes this Assemblie , for the causes above written : Like as by these presents , we , and everie one of us , decline the same , the whole members thereof , and Commissioners foresaid directed thereto , and every one of them . We protest , that this our Protestation , in respect of our lawfull absence , may bee received in the name of us under-subscribing for our selves , and in the name of the Church of Scotland that shall adhere to the said Protestation , and in the name of everie one of them , from our welbeloved Dr. Robert Hamiltoun Minister at Glasford , to whom by these presents we give our full power and expresse mandate to present the same in or at the said Assemblie , or where else it shall be necessary to be used , with all submission and obedience due to our gracious Soveraigne and his Majesties high Commissioner : and upon the presenting and using thereof , acts and instruments to crave , and all other things to do that necessarily are required in such cases : firme and stable holding , or for to hold , what he , or any of them , shall lawfully do in the premises . In witnesse whereof , as wee are readie with our bloud , so with our hand wee have subscribed these presents , at the Palace of Holy-rood-house , New-castle , and Glasgow , the 16.17 . and 20. dayes of Novemb . 1638. & sic subscribitur . Jo. S ti Andreae Arch. Pa. Glasgow . Da. Edinburgen . Tho. Gallovidien . Jo. Rossen . Walterus Brechinen . AFter these passages , there were read divers Protestations at Our Commissioners instance , from severall places against the lawfulnesse of this Assembly , both in regard of the Lay-Elders present in it , and the Ministers Commissioners in it chosen by Lay-Elders : One sent from many Ministers , and read publiquely , doth here follow . The Supplication and humble Remonstrance of the Ministers of the Church of Scotland , presented to his Majesties High Commissioner and generall Assembly held at Glasgow in November , 1638. May it please your Grace , ANd you right Noble , Right Worshipfull , and you most Reverend brethren , conveened by his Majesties Proclamation in this venerable nationall Assembly , to consult upon the most convenient wayes , and to enact such Ecclesiasticall Lawes , as to your wisedomes seemes most expedient , for preserving of peace and truth in this Church , for which ends wee from the bottome of our hearts ( as feeling members of the same ) earnestly intreat him , who hath promised to be with his owne to the end of the world , by his spirit and grace , so to direct and assist your wisedomes , that by this long expected meeting , glory may redound to his ever glorious Name , and peace to this rent Church , which all the members thereof , with most earnest wishes , expect at your hands . For the present , we thought it our duty , as those whom it doth most clearly concerne ( our great Shepheard having committed to our charge a part of that Flock which he hath redeemed with his precious bloud ) to present unto you our just feares which arise from the sudden incroaching of the Laick ( now called Ruling ) Elders , in divers Presbyteries of this Kingdome , having chiefe hand in chusing of Commissioners there , lest they , with Commissioners thus elected , may bring upon the neck of the Ministery and Church here , the heavie yoake of over-ruling Elders in all times comming , to the no small hurt of us and our successors in the Gospel , except timely remedy be provided . Our humble supplication therefore to your Grace , and Members of this present Assembly , is , that all these Commissioners thus chosen by the voyce of Laick Elders , and in whose Commissions they have had hand , may be removed , as men to whose voyces and judgements we cannot submit our selves in matter of Church government , for the just feares above exprest , they being justly suspect Judges not to be admitted , and their elections and Commissions void for reasons following : First , there is no Law in this Kingdome whereby Laick Elders have any voyce in chusing Commissioners to Generall Assemblies ; the chusers therefore having no legall power to elect , those that are chosen by such , can have no place nor voyce in this Assembly . Secondly , albeit there have beene heretofore , and before Churches were fully planted , a custome that Laick-Elders did sit in Presbyteries , yet that custome hath beene these 35. yeeres by-past , universally ( and above forty yeeres in most Presbyteries ) interrupted ; which prescription is sufficient to make voyd any such custome : so that it can be no sufficient warrant for them to sit and voyce in Presbyteries now , much lesse to intrude themselves ( as they have done in many Presbyteries ) contrarie to the minds and publicke protestation of the Ministerie . Thirdly , when Laick-Elders had place in Presbyteries , yet it was ordained that the voyces should not be equall in number , with the voyces of the Ministerie , as is to be seene in the booke of discipline Chapter . But in this election , their number were not onely equall , but in most parts more , because out of every Parish there was a Laick-Elder , and so at least equall in number ; and in election of these Commissioners , against whose election we except , there was put upon the list six in some places , and in others foure of the Ministers , who being removed , in their absence the choyce was made when the Laick-Elders by six or foure at the least exceeded the Ministers in number of voyces , yea in some Presbyteries the Laick-Elders were twice so many in number ; so that these Commissioners are mainly chosen by the Laitie , and not by the Ministers , neither can wee acknowledge them for ours . Fourthly , these Laicke-Elders did of old onely assist in Discipline , not medling with points of Doctrine ( suffering the spirit of the Prophets to be subject to the Prophets , according to the Apostolicall rule ; ) but now they intrude themselves to sit and voice in the Presbyteries in matters of Doctrine , and have given Commission to those whom we except against , to voyce in this venerable Assembly , in Doctrine aswell as in matters of Discipline ; which Commissions are null , as proceeding à non habente potestatem . For these and other most weighty causes , the election of such Commissioners , and their place in this Assembly being so dangerous to the Church , threaten the same with the most intolerable yoak of bondage to be laid upon the neck of the Presbyteries by Laick over-ruling-Elders , to the prejudice of the liberties of the said Presbyteries , and whole Discipline of this Church . We could not , out of conscience to God , our callings , and flocks , but make humble remonstrance of the same to your Grace and members of this grave Assembly : withall protesting , both in our own names , and in name of all the Ministerie and body of this Church that will adhere to this present supplication , that all sentences , conclusions , Canons , Statutes , and Ordinances , which shall be made in that Assembly wherein the foresaid Commissioners shall have determinative voyces , to be voyd , null , and of no effect to oblige us or any of us to the obedience of the same : But if this our just supplication be not admitted ( which we hope and earnestly pray may be graciously accepted ) then this our protestation may be of force against such Lawes and proceedings that may follow thereupon . Thus hoping for your charitable construction of this our necessarie duty in so eminent a danger of the Church , and humbly intreating these presents may be put upon Record , We rest . ANd when the Protestation of the Presbyterie of Glasgow ( which was a very strong one ) begun to bee read , the Principall of the Colledge there desired the forbearance of it for a time ; to which the Moderatour gladly yeelded : but Our Commissioner , who had delivered it in with his owne hands , pressed the reading of it out ; which the Moderatour refused , alledging that any man might withdraw his owne Protestation , much more desire the forbearance of reading of it : to which Our Commissioner replyed , That the Protestation was subscribed not onely by the hand of the Principall , but the major part of the Ministers of that Presbyterie , of whom many were Covenanters ; that in all their names it was presented unto him , and therefore could not be re-called by any one of them , without the consent of the rest , praying him that it might bee read out to the end : but all in vaine ; for no justice could be had from them , especially in a point which so much concerned their reputation : for they conceived it would bee a great blurre to their businesse , if a Protestation ( made by that Presbyterie , in which was the seat of the Assembly ) should bee knowne : and therefore they would neither reade it , nor did they deliver it backe againe , against all rules both of justice and equitie : After this contest the Assembly for that night was dismissed . Our Commissioner wondring that the Principall of the Colledge should in publique desire the forbearance of publishing the Protestation of the Presbyterie of Glasgow in the Assembly , used meanes to know the reason of it , and found by the averment of persons of good credit upon their owne knowledge , that the night before late at ten of the clocke , the Lord Lowdan and the Moderatour , with divers others Covenanting-Ministers , had been with the Principall , and told him , that the Presbyteriall Protestation would make a great division amongst them ; that unlesse he did withdraw it , hee must never looke to live quietly in Glasgow , nor any where in Scotland ; that the Principall told them , it was presented to Our Commissioner , from whom it was not possible to recover it ; that then by the same threatnings they adjured him to desire the forbearance of reading of it , if it should bee tendered to the Assembly ; that after they were parted from him , his wife all in teares begged the like of him , affirming , that the Lord Lindsey had been with her , and sworne to her , that both he and his must be utterly ruined , if shee could not prevaile with him for re-calling that Protestation . This and many other passages heretofore mentioned , banishing quite out of Our Commissioners mind , and the minds of all Our well affected Councellours there present , all hopes , not onely of just and faire , but even of formall proceedings in that Assembly , where not so much as the shew and countenance of justice was to be discerned , nor any thing but the power and obstinate wilfulnesse of the Covenanters , and the unanswerable nullities of this Assembly , in regard both of the members elected , and the manner of their election , being throughly considered , and the reasons of the Bishops Declinator presented to Our Commissioner being seriously weighed , by which they did not decline the judgement of a generall Assembly lawfully constituted , but onely of this Assembly , which was to bee accounted far rather a Laicall convention , then Ecclesiasticall , all the members whereof had barred themselves from being Judges by their solemn oath of combination for the rooting out of that Kingdome both the Bishops persons and callings ; to whose sentence We or Our Commissioner could not deliver them over without betraying all courses of justice , and denying to Our Bishops that protection which cannot bee denied by Us to any of Our subjects , viz. the benefit of the Lawes of that Our Church and Kingdome : And besides , Our Commissioner having certaine and unquestionable intelligence of the Covenanters unmoveable resolution , that although the Assembly should be continued , and all things which they desired ( even to their own wishes ) should be granted and effected , yet that the quietnesse and peace of that Kingdome should be never a whit the more settled or established , but that they were determined to chuse at this assembly certain Committees , who , under the name of Commissioners from the generall Assembly , should keep up their Tables , and bee chosen and continued from one Assembly to another , and so hold on the same rebellious courses which they have held ever since the first erection of their Tables , to the utter overthrow of Our royall Authoritie , and the authoritie of the Lords of Our Councell , and Lords of Our Session under Us : and Our Commissioner well weighing Our instructions , according to which hee was to carry himselfe in this Assembly , if hee should find that these mischiefes and courses of injustice could not bee stopped , resolved the next day ( according to Our speciall commandment ) in Our name , and by Our authoritie to dissolve that Assembly , whose aime was onely to robbe Us of Our Soveraigne power , and to put it in the hands of their Commissioners . According to which resolution Our Commissioner the next day , being Wednesday the 28. of November , went betimes in the morning to the Church , and Our Councell ( having warning over night ) met him in the Chapter-house , where they sate in consultation before they went to the Assembly : He did then impart to them the resolution he had to dissolve the Assembly , and did aske their advice for the manner of doing it : after hearing each of their advice severally , he was confirmed in his resolution . The reason why Our Commissioner held the Councell in that place , was , because some of Our Councell , who were present , should have no time to communicate his resolution to the Covenanters , nor to consult with them about the hindering it ; the Assembly being fully set before the Councell came out , so that what had passed there , could not be communicated to them . The first thing propounded there by the Moderatour that day , was this : A day or two before , there were brought into the Assembly three or foure great volumes by their new Clerke , which he alledged were the Acts of the generall Assembly from the very first reformation of that Church , which , by the speciall providence of God , and his own carefull industry , had been recovered , else they had been lost for ever , to the invaluable losse of the puritie of the Religion and Discipline established amongst them ; for they had been throwne by for many yeeres , untill he by some strange accident had light upon them : after which speech of the Clerke , the Moderatour had desired them to chuse a Committee to peruse these Bookes , and to report to the Assembly whether they conceived them to bee the true and authenticall Acts of the generall Assemblies of the Church of Scotland : The day before this , these Committees had made their report that they had perused them , and had found them to bee true and authenticall Records , and delivered in writing some reasons of this their opinion ; which made the impartiall auditors wonder how in two daies men could peruse , and make a judgement of such volumes , which other men ( who tooke themselves to be no fooles ) thought could hardly be done in one yeere : but that was all one , the Moderatour this day put it to the question and voices , Whether they would allow the copies of those Bookes of Assembly ( which the Committees the day before had reported to bee good and faithfull copies ) to bee reputed ever hereafter for the authenticall Records and Registers of the Church of Scotland : Our Commissioner prayed them to forbeare doing any thing suddenly in a businesse of so great importance , that nothing , especially if it were doubtfull , could bee made a publique Record of any Judicatorie which was to oblige Our subjects , unlesse We first by Our Advocate and learned Councell were satisfied of the authenticall authoritie of that Record ; and therefore wished them to stay untill that course might bee taken , and before that time not to put it to voices : But all in vaine , for presently they of the Assembly ( without one contrarie voice ) concluded these Bookes to be authenticall Registers , and so to bee held and reputed for ever , without knowing what was in them : They were foure Bookes , and very large , and confessed not to be the Originals , but copies . Our Commissioner then remembring that at Our Palace at Holy-rood-house hee was denied the sight of the Bookes of the Assembly ( the Covenanters having threatned the former Clerke of the Assembly , if hee should let Our Commissioner have the perusall of them ) begun now to thinke , that there might be stuffe enough in them against Our Regall authoritie , and perhaps a great deale of it of their own devising ; which caused Our Commissioner to enter into Our Clerke of Registers hands a solemn Protestation against the validitie of these Records , and against any of Our subjects being obliged by them , untill such time as they should be perused and allowed by such as We should authorize by Commission for that purpose . Next , the Moderatour desired the Clerke to reade certaine answers , which upon the sudden had been drawne up ( as he said ) by certaine Brethren to the reasons contained in the Bishops Declinator which had been read the day before : And indeed , so soone as they were heard , it was easily beleeved that they were drawne up upon a sudden , without either feare or wit , being very poore and silly , stuffed full of cytations out of their own bookes of Discipline , which did allow lay-Elders ; and by these testimonies concluded the exception of the Bishops against Lay-Elders , & Ministers , Commissioners chosen by them for having voice in the Assembly , to bee invalid ; which made some admire by what consequence it could be inferred , that because there had been Lay-Elders in particular Church-Sessions , nay and perhaps in Presbyteries , that therefore these Lay-Elders either had , or must now have voices in the generall Assembly , or in chusing the Ministers Commissioners to it : Yet the Moderatour caused another paper to bee read in defence of Lay-Elders , of the very same tedious stuffe with the former : And , to magnifie those Bookes of Discipline , so often cyted in both these papers , the Moderatour desired the whole Assembly to heare himself reade a long Latine testimonie , given in the Syntagma of the confessions of the Reformed Churches , to the puritie of the discipline of the Church of Scotland . Our Commissioner called for the Book , & desired to see what he had read , and found it to be a private testimonie of one unknowne , inserted by the Printer or setter out of that Syntagma , to make it sell the better , because it had some new thing in it ; which made a good many laugh at that so much magnified testimonie . Then the Moderator , to take away that exception in the Bishops Declinator , that the Assembly was a declared partie ( and therefore could not be their Judge ) alledged , that the Remonstrants had made the same objection against the Synod of Dort , but that it was repelled by all the Divines there present , and the invaliditie of that exception declared by none better then by the Divines of great Britaine , whose judgement against that exception he then out of the publique Acts of that Synod did reade : Our Commissioner told the Moderatour , that he should have done well to have translated into Scottish that passage which he last read , and the former out of the Syntagma , that so many of the Lay-Elders , who were to judge of the fitnesse of these cytations , might understand him and them ; which the Moderatour passed over with a smile . ONE who stood by Our Commissioner , and had been present at the Synod of Dort , asked leave first of Our Commissioner , and then of the Moderatour to speake , which being granted him by both , hee answered the Moderatours answer to the Bishops objection , thus : That the Bishops exception against them of the Assembly , as pars adversa , differed from that of the Remonstrants against the Synod of Dort two waies : First , in regard of the matter of it : For the Synod consisting of Divines , & the matters controverted being points of Divinitie ( and by some men thought to bee fundamentall points of faith , though they were not so ) in which Schollers use not to be neutrall , it was impossible for the Remonstrants to find Divines to be their Judges , if they would except against such Divines as had declared themselves to bee of the one opinion or the other : But it was not so with Episcopacie in the judgement of the members of this Assembly ; for they could not hold the allowing or rejecting of Episcopacie to bee a point of doctrine , because points of doctrine are not alterable ; but the Church of Scotland in her positive confession , Article 21. did hold Church policie or government alterable at the will of the Church ; which opinion , whether he did allow or not , hee was not then and there to declare : but sure in such points , which they themselves held alterable and indifferent at the will of the Church , being no points of doctrine , there was no necessitie of pre-declaring their judgement , especially after they meant to bee Judges : Nay , there was a necessitie of not pre-declaring their judgement against Episcopall government , considering it stood now in force by Acts both of Church and Parliament ; and therefore that the declaration of their judgement against it , ( even since they intended to be Judges of it , but before they were actually so ) did barre them from being Judges of it at all . But secondly , and that upon which he principally insisted , was this : That the Bishops case in their exception against this Assembly , differed from that of the Remonstrants against the other Synod , in the manner of the members of that Synods pre-declaration , and of the members of this Assemblies pre-declaration . Many of the members of that Synod had pre-declared themselves by discoursing , writing , preaching , &c. but not by any judiciall Act , nor by any Act equivalent to a judiciall Act , such as swearing against the other tenet , binding themselves by Oathes , Covenants , Combinations , Confederacies , Associations against the abetters of it ; all which being Acts analogicall to judiciall Acts , and being done by the members of this Assembly against the Bishops , absolutely barred them from being Judges in the question of these Bishops persons or calling . Some answer was made to this by the Moderatour and others , which required no reply ; and therefore received none , that which was answered being no way against that which had been delivered : For the Moderatour conceiving that hee who spake had affirmed that the five Articles treated of at the Synod of Dort , had been fundamentall points of faith ( of which opinion the speaker never was , nor is ) fell upon a discourse of fundamentall and not fundamentall points of faith ; affirming that the Synod of Dort had never determined the five Articles to bee fundamentall points of faith , which the former speaker knew very well to bee true : And it made many auditors thinke , that the Moderatour did deliver this onely because he would have something to say ; for they did conceive that he had been a man so rigid in these tenets , that hee had held them to bee fundamentall points of faith : But whether hee did or not , there were many Ministers members of the Assembly , who did hold them to bee fundamentall points , & most unchristianly and uncharitably had preached , that the Remonstrants tenets did destroy the very foundation of faith ; and whosoever sided with them in the five Articles , could not possibly bee saved . But now the other exception laid by him that spake , and in which hee conceived the strength of his speech principally to lie , viz. That by their swearing , and combining by a Covenant against the Bishops ( which was a plain pre-judging of them ) they had barred themselves from being their Judges ; the Moderatour was pleased to make no answer at all , though of all that was spoken it most principally required one . Another Minister , one of the gravest and learnedest in the Assembly , did conceive that he which spake had affirmed , that Councels and Synods were onely Judges of points of faith and doctrine , but not of government or other matters ; and instanced in Novatus and Donatus , who by Councels and Synods had beene censured in points of schisme ; which no man ever denyed , nor ever came within the compasse of the thoughts or words of him that spake . Here a Lay-Elder , who was a Lord , conceived that he who spake had said something insinuating that Lay-Elders had given voyces in some Councels ; Thereupon the person that spake , unwilling to let that passe , asked leave to tell his Lordship that he was mistaken , & that if Our Commissioner and the Assemblie would give him leave , he would maintaine it against any man in the Assembly , that neither the name nor thing of a Lay-Elder , was ever knowne to any generall or Provinciall Councell ; nay , not to any particular Church in the whole Christian world , before Calvins dayes . To this no replie was made , save onely by the Moderatour , who first said that it would be thought a strange thing in England , if any of this Assemblie should stand up in the Convocation house , and speake against their Church government : to which was answered by him that spake , That he neither did speake , nor would have spoken there , without leave asked and obtained ; nor would he have asked leave if it had not been to have cleared a passage of the Synod of Dort urged by the Moderatour , and in which he himselfe was interessed . And it seemes here the Moderatour was brought very low , by telling the partie that his father while he lived was of another opinion : to which the other answered , That that was a weake reason ; for there were some members of the Assembly then sitting , whose Fathers had beene Papists : And he who spake did verie much wonder that the Moderatour should thinke it strange for him to differ from his Father in his judgement of these points of Ecclesiasticall government ; for he did not apprehend it so great a matter for any man to differ from his Father in judgment , as to differ from himselfe : and hee was sure that the Moderatour knew well enough that many members of the Assembly , who were now fiercest against Episcopall government , within these few yeeres had been as earnest maintainers of it as any , & more ambitious and earnest suitors for Bishopricks then any other . The Moderatour at last cut off all further contestation about these Lay-Elders , by affirming that the state of the question as it stood before them , was not whether Lay-Elders had ever beene received in other Churches , but whether their office and place in the Assembly was agreeable with the constitutions of the Church of Scotland ; and so no more was spoke of it . The Moderatour from that speech which was made for justifying the Bishops exception against the competencie of their Judges , viz. the Assembly , because the members of it had declared themselves parties , tooke occasion to speak thus to the Assembly : Since we see both the competencie and constitution of this Judicatorie and Assembly is thus openly impugned , it is high time to cleare this point , of which none can bee Judge but the Assembly it selfe , and therefore I will presently put it to voyces , Whether this Assemblie be the lawfull and competent Judge of the Libell against the Bishops , notwithstanding the reasons contained in their Declinator . This gave our Commissioner the occasion ( which hee neglected not ) to do and declare that which by Our speciall commandement he had resolved on ; for he presently made a speech of a competent length , the summe whereof was this : I should perhaps have continued a little longer with you , if you had not falne upon a point which doth inforce my deserting you : You are now about to settle the lawfulnesse of this Judicatorie , and the competencie of it against the Bishops , whom you have cyted hither ; neither of which I can allow , if I shall discharge either my duty towards God , or loyaltie towards my gracious and just Master . This is a day to me both of gladness and sadnesse ; Gladnesse in that I have both seene this Assemblie meet , which his Majesties subjects have been made beleeve was never intented by Him , and in that I shall now in his Majesties name make good unto you all his most gracious offers in his last Royall Proclamation , which likewise his Majesties subjects were made beleeve would never be performed by Him : Of Sadnesse , in that you who have called so much for a free Generall Assembly , having one most free , in his Majesties intentions , granted you , have so handled and marred the Master , that there is not the least shadow of freedome to be discerned in this your meeting : for the former , which is the discharge and performance of your Soveraignes gracious promises , let this paper , which I deliver to the Clerke to be read , witnesse it to you all , which I am sure you cannot chuse but receive with all thankfulnesse and dutifull acknowledgement of his Majesties pietie , goodnesse , and clemencie , unlesse all Religion and goodnesse be quite banished out of this Land : Here the Clerke publiquely read the paper , which followeth . THe Kings Majesty being informed , that many of his good subjects have apprehended , that by the introducing of the Service Booke and Booke of Canons , the in-bringing of Poperie and Superstition hath been intended , hath been graciously pleased to discharge , like as by these he doth discharge the Service Booke and Booke of Canons , and the practice of them or either of them : And annulleth and rescindeth all Acts of Councell , Proclamations , and all other Acts and Deeds whatsoever , that have been made and published for establishing them , or either of them ; And declareth the same to be null , and to have no force nor effect in time comming . The Kings Majestie , as he conceived , for the ease and benefit of his subjects , established the high Commission , that thereby justice might be ministred , and the faults and errours of such persons as are made liable thereto , taken order with and punished , with the more conveniencie and lesse trouble to the people : But finding his gracious intentions therein to be mistaken , hath been pleased to discharge , like as by these presents he doth discharge the same , and all acts and deeds whatsoever made for establishing thereof . And the Kings Majestie being informed , that the urging of the five Articles of Perthes Assembly hath bred distraction in the Church and State , hath been graciously pleased to take the same to his Royall consideration , and for the quiet and peace of this Countrie , hath not onely dispensed with the practice of the said Articles , but also discharged all and whomsoever persons from urging the practice thereof , upon either Laicke or Ecclesiasticall person whatsoever : And hath freed all his subjects from all censure and paines , whether Ecclesiasticall or Secular , for not urging , practising , or obeying them , or any of them , notwithstanding of any thing contained in the Acts of Parliament , or generall Assembly to the contrary . And his Majestie is further contented , that the Assembly take the same so far into their consideration , as to represent it to the next Parliament , there to bee ratified as the Estates shall find fitting . And because it hath been pretended , that oathes have been administred different from that which is conceived in the Acts of Parliament , his Majestie is pleased to declare by Me , that no other oath shall be required of any Minister at his entry , then that which is set downe in the Act of Parliament . And that it may appeare how carefull his Majestie is , that no corruption or innovation shall creep into this Church , neither yet any scandall , vice , or fault of any person whatsoever ( censurable or punishable by the Assembly ) goe unpunished , his Majestie is content to declare by Mee , and assure all his good people , that generall Assemblies shall be kept so oft as the affaires of this Church shall require . And that none of Our good subjects may have cause of grievances against the proceedings of the Prelates , his Majestie is content , that all and every one of the present Bishops and their Successors , shall be answerable , and accordingly from time to time censurable according to their merits by the generall Assembly . And to give all his Majesties good people full assurance , that he never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion professed within this Kingdome , and that they may bee truly and fully satisfied of the reality of his intentions , and integritie of the same , his Majestie hath been pleased to require and command all his good subjects to subscribe the confession of faith and band for maintenance thereof , and of his Majesties person and authority formerly signed by Our deare Father in anno 1580. and now likewise requireth all those of this present Assembly to subscribe the same . And it is his Majesties will , that this be inserted and registred in the Bookes of Assembly , as a testimony to posteritie , not onely of the sinceritie of his intentions to the said true Religion , but also of his resolution to maintaine and defend the same , and his subjects in the profession thereof . Subscribitur HAMILTOUN . AFter the reading whereof , Our Commissioner went on , and added : I have , you see , subscribed that paper with mine owne hand , and to make his Majesties Religion , Grace , Goodnesse , and the Zeale which hee hath to settle the peace of this Church and Kingdome knowne to all succeeding generations , I doe require that it bee entred into your ordinarie Bookes of Assembly ; but with this provision , That this my assent to the Act of registring this his Majesties Declaration , shall be no approbation of the lawfulness of this Assembly , or of any other Act made , or to be made in it ; but that all Protestations , made or to be made against this Assembly in all other acts and proceedings thereof , shall stand in full force and effect : And of the delivery of this paper , containing his Majesties gracious offers , into the hands of the Clerke of the Assembly , and of my requiring it to be registred in the Bookes of the same , as also of my Protestation against the lawfulnesse of this Assembly in all other Acts , I take publique instruments in the hands of the Clerke of Our Soveraigne Lord his Register , and require him to make an act thereof . Which being done , the Moderatour in a short speech acknowledged Our speciall goodnesse in granting the particulars contained in the paper , promising it should be registred in the bookes of assembly , and desired to goe on with the businesse of the assembly . But Our Commissioner told them , hee must goe on with them no more ; for now the sad part was behind , viz. That since they had brought Lay-Elders to give voices in this assembly , a thing not practised before , or at least dis-used so long , that no man present had seen it ; the Ministers sitting here as Commissioners were chosen by Lay-Elders , a thing never heard of before in this Church , all the persons having voices here , were before the elections designed by the Tables at Edinburgh , all others by their expresse directions barred , these few Commissioners sent hither , but not chosen according to their designation , were by their cavills , made for that purpose , set aside , and not admitted to have voices , the Bishops cyted hither were to bee judged by the very same persons who had pre-judged and condemned them at their Tables ; hee attested heaven and earth , whether this could bee imagined to be any way a free Assembly , and therefore called God to witnesse , that they themselves were the cause , and the only cause why this Assembly could not have that happy issue which We heartily wished , and why the Bishops could receive no censure from them , in regard of these their sinister proceedings : for how could any man expect justice from them , who had denied it to Us , in refusing voices to Our Commissioners assessors , which was never denied to Our Royall Father , when hee called farre more assessors then Wee did now ? Much more to this purpose was delivered by Our Commissioner ; upon all which he commanded and required them not to proceed any further in this Assembly , and declared that whatsoever they should say or doe hereafter in it , hee in Our name protested against it , and that it should never oblige any of Our subjects , nor be reputed for an Act of generall Assembly . The Moderatour with a speech well penned , which hee had in readinesse whensoever the Assembly should bee dissolved , seemed much to deplore Our Commissioners resolution for breaking up the Assembly ; hee attributed very much to Our power in Ecclesiasticall causes and assemblies , said many things of Our power , quite contrarie to much which they have since printed in their seditious Pamphlets and Protestations , and much more then was liked and approved by many of his fellow-Covenanters : towards the end of his speech he affirmed , That We were Universall Bishop over all Our Kingdomes , &c. which made Our Commissioner use meanes to have the copie of his speech , but it could not be obtained while it was fresh in the auditors memories : Many daies after Our Commissioner was gone from Glasgow , a copie of it was sent him , but all that which concerned Our Ecclesiasticall power , especially of Our being Universall Bishop in Our Kingdomes , was quite left out ; by which it was plaine , that ( as it was before conjectured ) hee had displeased many of the Assembly , by giving more Ecclesiasticall power to Us in that speech , then they intended Wee should ever have . The conclusion of his speech was , That as Our Commissioner had served his Master carefully and faithfully , in preserving his Priviledges and Prerogatives , so they must needs likewise be faithfull and carefull in preserving the Priviledges and Prerogatives of the kingdome of the Sonne of God , which was his Church ; That they should much grieve for his absence , whose presence had beene so acceptable and comfortable to them , and who had carried himselfe among them with so much wisdome and moderation ; that they should have a great misse of him , with many more words , tending to the very high commendation of Our Commissioner . After the Moderatour , divers of the Lords spake much , to vindicate the Covenanters from their prelimitations and sinister dealings in their elections : But Our Commissioner presently choaked their confidence , with the production of two papers , which they little supposed he had ever seene : They contained their secret instructions , with which the whole Tables were not acquainted , for they must then of necessitie some way or other have come to the knowledge of all the covenanters , very many of whom by these secret orders were barred from being chosen commissioners to the assembly , as well as the Non-covenanters ; and therefore they fearing to lose or displease such a considerable number of their owne partie , did by these private advertisements ( contrived onely by the chiefe Rulers of the Table , but never presented to the Tables themselves ) take order that none who could fall within the suspition of moderation , should bee chosen commissioner for the assembly . The one of these papers was directed to one Lay Elder of every Presbyterie , some speciall confident of theirs , containing these nine Articles ensuing . BEcause all projects and purposes will faile , if they be not pursued with constant diligence to the end , the Devill sleeps not , and we heare our adversaries are busie , and our miserie will be unexpressible great , and we * ludibrious if they shall prevaile over us in a free generall Assembly , for which we have been pleading so long ; it were meet that so farre as may be a new warning should be given , to stirre up the best affected . 2 That every Nobleman be diligent with the Barons and Ministers neerest unto them , and that he write unto his best acquaintance , who are farre off . 3 That some one Minister and Gentleman in every Presbyterie meet oft together , to resolve upon the particular Commissioners to be chosen , and use all diligence with the rest of the Ministers and Gentlemen that such may be chosen . 4 Because nothing will avail so much for our purpose , where the most part of the Ministers are disaffected , as that the Gentlemen be present to vote in Presbyteries , it would be presently tryed whether this be put in execution ; and if the Minister be slow in urging it , the Gentlemen themselves to urge it , and put themselves in possession . Our adversaries in this cause are seeking their owne ends , and will set our friends on worke to deale with us ; all would be warned to shut their eares , and in this case to forget parents , brethren , and friends , and without respect to any person , to doe what may most conduce for our good ends . Much will be pretended that the Bishops be limited , They will be harmlesse in time comming ; and on the other hand , that Ministers having all in their power will prove unruly : but it would be seriously considered , First , That Gods ordinance ( except that we will mocke him , and be wiser in his errands then himselfe ) should have place : Secondly , That Ministers will be constrained to keepe themselves within bounds , if Gentlemen resort to the Presbyteries , Synods , and Assemblies : Thirdly , That this order will both make Gentlemen more religious and more accomplished every way , and will make Ministers more diligent in their studies and calling , and take better heed to all their wayes ; which no doubt will ( through the blessing of God ) make this a flourishing Church and Kingdome , which otherwise , of all nations will be most slavish , miserable , and contemptible to all our neighbours , when they shall perceive how by our owne sillinesse and treachery we have lost so faire an occasion of our liberty , both christian and civill . That they linger not , they would be urged againe to send their Commissioners to Edinburgh before the first of October ; by this we shall know our owne strength the better at our next meeting . And the Gentlemen , at the least the greatest part of them , would be warned to be at Edinburgh the 20. of September ; and that onely the Gentlemen who are named Commissioners to the Presbyterie , for chusing their Commissioners for the Assembly , with some to assist them , that day stay at home , and those to come away immediately after the election . That in every Presbyterie there be a particular care taken of the informations against the Prelates for instructing our complaints . THe other paper was directed to some Minister of every Presbyterie , in whom they put most speciall trust , containing these eight Articles ensuing . Private Instructions , August 27. 1638. THese private Instructions shall be discovered to none but to brethren well affected to the cause . Order must be taken that none be chosen ruling Elders but Covenanters , and those well affected to the businesse . That where the Minister is not well affected , the ruling Elder be chosen by the Commissioners of the Shire , and spoken to particularly for that effect . That they be carefull no Chapter-men , Chappell-men , or a Minister Justice of Peace , bee chosen , although Covenanters , except they have publikely renounced or declared the unlawfulnesse of their places . That the ruling Elders come from every Church in equall number with the Ministers , and if the Minister oppose , to put themselves in possession notwithstanding any opposition . That the Commissioner of the Shire cause conveene before him the ruling Elder of everie Church chosen before the day of the election , and injoyne them upon their oath , that they give vote to none but to those who are named already at the meeting at Edinburgh . That where there is a Nobleman within the bounds of the Presbyterie , he be chosen : And where there is none , there be chosen a Baron , or one of the best qualitie , and he onely a Covenanter . That the ablest man in everie Presbyterie be provided to dispute de potestate supremi Magistratus in ecclesiasticis , praesertim in convocandis Conciliis , de Senioribus , de Episcopatu , de Juramento , de Liturgia , & corruptelis ejusdem . NOw both these were so closely carried , that the rest of the covenanting Ministers never suspected there had beene any other instructions , save the two publicke and avowed papers before related ; nor would they ever have suspected any such close and double dealing , but that when they came to their elections , they found for the most part the ablest and most experienced Ministers passed by , and onely the rigidest and hottest men chosen ; which made them ( inquiring after the reason of it ) come to heare of these private Instructions , at which they stormed exceedingly , but could not then helpe any thing . And now whether these two papers doe not containe prelimitations of the assembly , a thing against which they most fearfully cryed out , We leave it to the judgement of the Reader . The Moderatour and some Noblemen lay Elders , went about to cleare themselves from the notice of these two papers of the secret instructions , but could not doe it : Our Commissioner when he delivered them to the Clerke to be read , told him , That surely they were papers which he had seene before , and with which he was well acquainted : The former of these , to a lay Elder of every Presbyterie , in which is that seditious Article , being the sixt in number ( intimating their feare of the losse of their Civill libertie as well as Christian ) he acknowledged he had seene ; but denied that he had seene the other . One of the principall covenanting Lords affirmed , That these Instructions were not sent from the Tables , but that they might bee some private advices from one friend to another ; for proofe whereof , hee offered to produce the two papers of publique Instructions which had beene sent from their Tables , and which are set downe before by Us in this Narration . To this Our Commissioner answered , That the sending of these publike instructions , of which all the Kingdome had notice , was a weake argument to prove that they sent no other private ones ; That he acknowledged these private instructions were not sent from their publike Tables , but he offered to prove that they were sent to the severall Presbyteries by the direction of some of the principall rulers of the Tables , who laboured by all meanes to conceale them from the rest of their partie , who they were sure would take offence at them : That they were sent from one friend to another by way of private advice , he declared to be impossible for these two reasons ; First , because it could not bee imagined that severall men , writing to their private friends , should light upon the same words , and yet that the copies of these instructions sent unto him Our Commissioner from many parts of the Kingdome , very farre distant one from another , were the very same : Secondly , because he and every man did finde that all the elections now returned , were made throughout the whole Kingdome according to these private instructions , and in pursuance of them : And , that these private instructions were undoubtedly sent , besides the two reasons last mentioned , it doth evidently appeare ; First , because it is well knowne , that they who had never yet let any thing slip which they thought was advantagious to them , would not have let this passe unquestioned , but would have required Our Commissioner to prove the truth of these secret instructions , which brought so great a scandall upon their proceedings if they were not forged ; and so great a scandall upon him if they were : and therefore their not urging of him to make proofe of them , doth cleerely evince their guiltinesse . Secondly , Our Commissioner , though he was loath to nominate unto them those severall Covenanters from whom he received copies of these secret instructions , unlesse he were put to it ; yet hee hath upon his Honour protested unto Us , that he received them onely by the meanes of Covenanters , who found themselves aggrieved by these sinister dealings , and that hee will justifie the receipt of these papers from them whensoever he shall be put to it , as he would have done in the Assembly if hee had beene urged therunto ; which he expected they would have done , but did not , because they knew there were divers members of the Assembly there present , who were well acquainted with the truth of what hee had delivered concerning these secret instructions . Thirdly , because in their protestation made against Our last Proclamation , they have confessed some of them , which were not in either of their publike instructions , and which never came to Our Commissioners notice , but by these private papers . After this , first divers of the Lords , and then some of the Ministers , intreated Our Commissioner to stay , adding many words both to that purpose , and for justifying their proceedings . To the Lords our Commissioner answered , That for many monthes , onely their Tables had been obeyed , but that Wee and Our Councell Table had received no obedience at all ; he was therefore now to try their obedience in this point , whether they would dissolve themselves at our speciall commandement . To the Ministers he replied , That one of the chiefe reasons which had moved Us to dissolve this Assembly , was , to vindicate them from the tyrannie of Lay-Elders , who as they had gone about to suppresse the Bishops , so now to oppresse them ; and , if Wee did not protect them , would undoubtedly prove , not onely ruling but over-ruling Elders : And withall added , That if they would now depart he would be a suitor to Us for the indiction of a new free generall Assembly , in which they might mend all the faults committed by them in their proceedings at this . Here the Earle of Argyle , one of our Councellers and Assessors to Our Commissioner , desired to speak : his voyce was low , his speech he directed to the Covenanters ; the summe of it was , That he was surprised , and did not expect this sudden rupture , but that he was willing to say something , which was , That he held it fit the Assembly should consist of Lay-men as well as Church-men ; because these two made up one complete body , exhorted them to stand by the Confession of Faith , as it was sworn in 1581. After he had done , Our Commissioner desired the Moderatour to say prayer , and so to dismisse the Assembly ; which he was about to doe , but was hindered by the Lords , who fell againe with new perswasions to urge Our Commissioners stay with them : which he answered with so much expression of griefe for there misdemeanours , which had necessarily inforced this rupture , that verie many of the Assembly seemed to be much moved with it . When nothing could perswade his stay , at last some of the Lords told him , that fearing this rupture they had a protestation ready against what he had said and done , which they desired him to heare read ; which so soone as the Clerk begun to read , Our Commissioner repeated his former protestation , adding , in expresse words , that in Our name hee dissolved the Court under the higest paines : and so came out with the Lords of Our Councell , leaving the Clerk reading their protestation . When he came to the Church doore , he found it shut , so that some of his company were glad to force it open . No sooner was he gone , but the Lord Areskyn , eldest son to the Earle of Marr , stood up and made this wise speech , not without teares : My Lords , and the rest , my heart hath beene long with you , I will dallie no more with God , I begge to bee admitted into your blessed Covenant , and pray you all to pray to God for me , that he would forgive me for dallying with him so long . Three others of meaner qualitie desired the same , and so all those foure were presently admitted into their Covenant . These men , at least the Lord Areskyn , were resolved to enter into their Covenant long agoe , but were reserved on purpose for doing of it at that houre , for the greater glory of their Covenant : For no sooner had they sworn , & the Moderator received them by the hand , but presently he desired the whole audience to admire Gods approbation and sealing of their proceedings , that even at that instant , when they might have feared some shrinking and back-sliding because of the present rupture , He had moved the hearts of these men to begge admittance into their blessed societie . Immediatly after , divers stood up and spake , but all much about one , and to this sense : They had seene how carefull and punctuall Our Commissioner was , like a good servant , faithfully to serve Us his Master , and to observe Our instructions ( speaking withall much to his singular commendation ; ) how much more then ought they to be carefull to bee found faithfull in following his instructions , who was Master , as to all themselves , so even to him who was Our Commissioners Master ? These speeches being ended , two things were immediately put to the question : First , whether notwithstanding Our Commissioners departure and protestation they would adhere to their owne protestation , and continue the Assembly . They all voyced affirmatively , except the Lord Carnaegie Commissioner from the Presbyterie of Brichen , Sir John Carnaegie Commissioner from the Presbyterie of Arbroath , two Ministers Commissioners from the Presbyterie of Strabogie , the lay Elder and Ministers Commissioners from the Presbyterie of Peebles , Doctor Strang Principall of the Colledge of Glasgow , Doctor Baroune Commissioner from the Universitie of S. Andrewes ▪ with some others , who refused to sit with them any longer . The second was whether the Assembly , though discharged by Our Commissioner , was competent Judge to the Bishops , and whether they would goe on in their tryall , notwithstanding the reasons conteyned in their Declinator : and this passed affirmatively without one contrarie voyce ; and so for that night the Assembly was dismissed . Our Commissioner after he had left the Assemblie , that very night , though late , assembled Our Councell ; none were absent except the Earle of Argyle , who made some excuse and pretence for his not comming , and the Lord Almond , who was then sick . Two things Our Councell resolved on ; first , to write unto Us a letter of thanks for those gracious proffers , which Wee by Our Commissioner had made at the Assembly ; Next , to draw up a Proclamation for the dissolving of the Assembly . Their Letter here followeth . Most Sacred Soveraigne , IN obedience to your Majesties Royall commands , we have attended your Majesties Commissioner here at Glasgow since the 17. of this instant , and according to our bound dutie in so exigent occasion , have not been wanting with our humble and best advices : And although wee doe remit the particular relation of what is past to his Graces selfe as best knowne to him ; yet we cannot for truths sake be so silent , as not acknowledge to your Majestie , that never servant did with more industry , care , judgement and patience goe about the discharge of so great a trust : And albeit the successe hath not answered his desires , neither yet his extraordinarie paines , and ( as wee may confidently affirme ) most dexterous and advised courses taken to compasse the just command of so gracious a King ; yet his deserving herein merits to be remembred to posteritie . And since your Majesty hath been pleased to renew to us your former act of grace expressed in your Proclamation and Declaration anent the maintenance of the true Religion , and we in the defence and profession thereof ; wee doe all in humilitie and hearty acknowledgement of so great goodnesse , returne to your Majesty the offer of our lives and fortunes in defence of your Sacred person , and maintenance of your Royall Authority : and shall in all our actions approve our selves your Majesties most loyall subjects and humble servants . Sic subscribitur . Traquaire , Roxburgh , Marre , Murray , Lithgow , Perth , Wigtoun , Kingorne , Tullibardin , Haddington , Galloway , Annandaile , Lauderdail , Kinnoul , Dumfreis , Southesk , Angus , Elphinstoun , Naper , Dalyell , Hay , W. Elphinstoun , Ja. Carmichael , Hamiltoun , Blackhall . From Glasgow , Novem. 28. 1638. TO this Letter the Lord of Argyle refused to set his hand . Next morning the Proclamation was signed by Our Commissioner and Councell , but the Earle of Argyle refused to signe it , as before hee had done the Letter . The Proclamation here followeth . CHARLES by the grace of God , King of Scotland , England , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith. To Our Lovits , Heraulds , Pursevants , Our Sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . Forsameikle as out of the royall and fatherly care which We have had of the good and peace of this Our ancient and native Kingdome , having taken to Our serious consideration all such things as might have given contentment to Our good and loyall subjects : And to this end had discharged by Our Proclamation the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , and high Commission , freed and liberate all men from the practising of the five Articles , made all Our subjects both ecclesiasticall and civill liable to the censure of Parliament , generall Assembly , or any other Judicatorie competent , according to the nature and qualitie of the offence : and for the free entrie of Ministers , that no other oath be administrate unto them then that which is contained in the Act of Parliament : had declared all by-gone disorders , absolutely forgotten and forgiven : and for the more full and cleare extirpating all ground and occasion of feares of innovation of Religion , We had commanded the confession of faith , and band for maintenance thereof , and of authoritie in defence of the same , subscribed by Our deare Father , and his houshold , in anno 1580. to bee renewed and subscribed againe by Our subjects here : Like as for settling of a perfect peace in the Church and Common-wealth of this Kingdome , We caused indict a free generall Assembly to bee holden at Glasgow the 21. of this instant , and thereafter a Parliament in May , 1639. By which element dealing , We looked assuredly to have reduced Our subjects to their former quiet behaviour and dutifull carriage , whereto they are bound by the Word of God , and Lawes both nationall and municipall , to Us their native and Soveraigne Prince . And albeit the wished effects did not follow , but by the contrary , by Our so gracious procedure they were rather emboldened , not onely to continue in their stubborne and unlawfull waies , but also daily adde to their former procedures acts of neglect , and contempt of authority , as evidently appeared by open opposing of Our just and religious pleasure and command , exprest in Our last Proclamation anent the discharge of the Service Booke , Booke of Canons , high Commission , &c. protesting against the same , and striving by many indirect meanes to withdraw the hearts of Our good people , not onely from a hearty acknowledgement of Our gracious dealing with them , but also from the due obedience to those Our just & religious commands , notwithstanding We had been formerly so oft petitioned by themselves for the same . By their daily and hourely guarding and watching about Our Castle of Edinburgh , suffering nothing to bee imported therein , but at their discretion , And openly stopping and impeding any importation of ammunition , or other necessaries whatsoever to any other of Our houses within that Kingdome : Denying to Us their Soveraigne Lord that libertie and freedome , which the meanest of them assume to themselves , ( an act without precedent or example in the Christian world , ) By making of Convocations and Councell Tables of Nobility , Gentry , Burrowes and Ministers within the Citie of Edinburgh , where , not regarding the Lawes of the Kingdome , they , without warrant of authoritie , conveene , assemble , and treat upon matters , as well ecclesiasticall as civill , send their injunctions and directions throughout the countrey to their subordinate Tables , and other under-ministers appointed by them for that effect . And under colour and pretext of Religion exercing an unwarranted and unbounded libertie , require obedience to their illegall and unlawfull procedures and directions , to the great and seen prejudice of Authority , and lawfull Monarchicall government . And notwithstanding it was evidently manifest by the illegall and unformall course taken in the election of their Commissioners for the Assembly , whereof some are under the censure of this Church , some under the censure of the Church of Ireland , and some long since banished for open and avowed teaching against Monarchie , others of them suspended , and some admitted to the Ministerie contrary to the forme prescribed by the Lawes of this Kingdome , others of them a long time since denounced Rebels , and put to the Horne , who by all law and unviolable custome and practique of this Kingdome , are , and ever have been incapable , either to pursue , or defend before any Judicatorie , far lesse to be Judges themselves ; some of them confined , and all of them by oath and subscription bound to the overthrow of Episcopacie . And by this and other their under-hand working , and private informations and perswasions , have given just ground of suspicion of their partiality herein , & so made themselves unfit Judges of what concerneth Episcopacie . And also it was sufficiently cleared by the peremptorie and illegall procedures of the Presbyteries , who at their own hand by order of law , and without due forme of processe , thrust out the Moderatours lawfully established , and placed others , whom they found most inclinable to their turbulent humours ; associate to themselves for the choosing of the said Commissioners for the Assembly , a Laick-Elder out of each Paroch , who being in most places equall , if not moe in number then the Ministerie , made choice both of the Ministers , who should be Commissioners from the Presbyteries , as also of a Ruling-Elder ; being directed more therein by the warrants from the foresaid pretended Tables , then by their owne judgements , as appeares by the severall private instructions sent from them , farre contrary to the Lawes of the Countrey , and lowable custome of the Church : by which doings it is too manifest , that no calme nor peaceable procedure or course could have been expected from this Assembly , for settling of the present disorders and distractions : Yet We were pleased herein in some sort to blindfold Our own judgement , and over-looke the saids disorders , and patiently to attend the meeting of the said Assembly , still hoping that when they were met together , by Our Commissioner his presence , and assistance of such other well disposed subjects who were to be there , and by their owne seeing the reall performance of all that was promised by Our last Proclamation , they should have been induced to returne to their due obedience of subjects : But perceiving that their seditious disposition still increases , by their repairing to the said Assembly with great bands and troupes of men , all boddin in feare of warre , with guns and pistolets , contrarie to the lawes of this Kingdome , custome observed in all Assemblies , and in high contempt of Our last Proclamation at Edinburgh the 16. of this instant : As also by their peremptory refusing of Our Assessors , authorized by Us ( although fewer in number then Our dearest Father was in use to have at divers Assemblies ) the power of voting in this Assembly , as formerly they have done in other Assemblies ; and by their partiall , unjust , and unchristian refusing , and not suffering to bee read the reasons and arguments given in by the Bishops , and their adherents , to Our Commissioner , why the Assembly ought not to proceed to the election of a Moderatour without them , neither yet to the admitting of any of the Commissioners of the saids Commissioners from Presbyteries , before they were heard object against the same , though earnestly required by our Commissioner in our name . And notwithstanding that our Commissioner under his hand , by warrant from us , gave in a sufficient declaration of all that was contained in our late proclamation and declaration , the same bearing likewise our pleasure of the registration of the same in the books of assembly for the full assurance of the true religion to all our good subjects ; And yet not resting satisfied therewith , lest the continuance of their meeting together might produce other the like dangerous acts , derogatorie to royall authoritie , we have thought good , for preveening thereof , and for the whole causes and reasons above-mentioned , and divers others importing the true monarchicall government of this estate , to dissolve and breake up the said assembly . And therefore OVR will is , and we doe discharge and inhibit all and whatsoever pretended commissioners , and other members of the said pretended assembly , of all further meeting and conveening , treating and concluding any thing belonging to the said assembly , under the pain of treason , declaring all and whatsoever that they shall happen to doe in any pretended meeting thereafter , to be null , of no strength , force nor effect , with all that may follow thereupon : Prohibiting and discharging all our lieges to give obedience thereto , and declaring them , and every one of them , free and exempt from the same , and of all hazzard that may ensue for not obeying thereof . And for this effect we command and charge all the foresaids pretended commissioners , and other members of the said assembly , to depart forth of this city of Glasgow within the space of xxiiii . houres after the publication hereof , and to repair home to their own houses , or that they goe about their own private affaires in a quiet manner . With speciall provision alwayes , that the foresaid declaration , given in under our Commissioners hand , with all therein contained , shall notwithstanding hereof stand full , firm and sure to all our good subjects in all time coming , for the full assurance to them of the true religion . And our will is , and we command and charge , that incontinent these our letters seen , ye passe , and make publication hereof by open proclamation at the market crosse of Glasgow , and other places needfull , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . Given under our signet at Glasgow the 29. of November , and of our reign the fourteenth year . 1638. Sic Subscribitur HAMILTOUN , Traquaire , Roxburgh , Murray , Linlithgow , Perth , Kingorne , Tullibardin , Hadingtoun , Galloway , Annandaill , Lauderdaill , Kinnoull , Dumfreis , Southesk , Belheaven , Angus , Dalyell , J. Hay , W. Elphinstoun , Ja. Carmichael , J. Hamiltoun . THis Proclamation being very solemnly made with sound of Trumpets , and by Harolds , with coats of Our arms on their backs , at the market Crosse of Glascow , was received with a Protestation read in the same place by Iohnston the then Clerk of the Assembly , assisted by the Lord Areskyn , and divers others , young Noblemen , and Gentlemen . The paper which Iohnston read , was not , as it seemeth , that very Protestation which they printed ; for he read something out of a paper to that purpose , and offered it by the name of a Protestation to him who read Our Proclamation , which paper the Clarke of our Councell offering to receive , Iohnston refused to deliver it , saying , He must stay untill it were written . By which it is evident , that they who at Glascow protested against Our Proclamation , did protest and desired their Protestation to be received , before it was penned , as it is now printed , and before they could so much as send to them in whose name it was made , to know whether they would adhere to it or not . But a Protestation against it they have since printed , which here now we doe subjoyne , that the reader may see how groundlesse and unwarrantable it is . The Protestation of the generall Assembly of the Church of SCOTLAND , &c. Made in the high Kirk , and at the Market Crosse of Glasgow , Novemb. 28. and 29. An. 1638. WEE Commissioners from Presbyteries , Burghes , and Vniversities , now conveened in a full and free Assembly of the Church of Scotland , indicted by his Majestie , and gathered together in the Name of the Lord Jesus Christ the only Head , and Monarch of his own Church ; And we Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Ministers , Burgesses and Commons , Subscribers of the Confession of Faith , Make it knowne that where We His Majesties loyall Subjects of all degrees , considering and taking to heart the many and great innovations and corruptions lately by the Prelates and their adherents intruded into the doctrine , worship , and discipline of this Church , which had been before in great purity to our unspeakable comfort established amongst us , were moved to present many earnest desires and humble supplications to his sacred Majestie , for granting a free generall Assemblie , as the only legall and ready meane to try these innovations , to purge out the corruptions , and settle the order of the church , for the good of Religion , the honour of the King , and the comfort and peace of the Kirk and Kingdome : It pleased his gracious Majestie , out of his Royall bountie , to direct unto this Kingdome , the Noble and Potent Lord , James Marques of Hammiltoun , with Commission to hear and redresse the just grievances of the good Subjects , who by many petitions , and frequent conferences , being fully informed of the absolute necessity of a free generall Assemblie , as the only Iudicatorie which had power to remedie those evils , was pleased to undergoe the paines of a voyage to England , for presenting the pittifull condition of our Church to to his sacred Majestie ; And the said Commissioner his Grace returned againe in August last , with power to indict an Assemblie , but with the condition of such prelimitations , as did both destroy the freedome of an Assembly , and could no wayes cure the present diseases of this Church which was made so clearly apparent to his Grace , that for satisfying the reasonable desire of the Subjects , groaning under the wearinesse and prejudices of longsome attendance , He was againe pleased to undertake another journey to His Majestie , and promised to indeavour to obtain a free Generall Assemblie , without any prelimitation , either of the constitution and members , or matters to be treated , or manner , and order of proceeding ; so that if any question should arise concerning these particulars , the same should be cognosced , judged , and determined by the Assembly , as the onely Iudge competent : And accordingly by warrant from our Sacred Soveraigne , returned to this Kingdome , and in September last , caused indict a free Generall Assemblie to be holden at Glasgow , the 21. of November instant , to the unspeakable ioy of all good Subiects and Christian hearts , who thereby did expect the perfect satisfaction of their long expectations ; and the finall remedie of their pressing grievances : But these hopes were soone blasted : for albeit the Assemblie did meet and begin at the appointed day , and hath hitherto continued , still assisted with His Graces personall presence , yet His Grace hath never allowed any freedome to the Assemblie , competent to it by the Word of God , acts and practice of this Church , and his Majesties Indiction , but hath laboured to restraine the same , by protesting against all the acts made therein , and against the constitution thereof by such members , as by all law reason and custome of this Church were ever admitted in our free Assemblies , and by denying his approbation to the things proponed and concluded , though most cleare , customable , and uncontraverted . And now since his Grace after the presenting and reading of his owne commission from our sacred Soveraigne , and after his seeing all our commissions from Presbyteries and Burghes produced and examined , and the Assembly constitute of all the members by unanimous consent , doth now to our greater griefe , without any just cause or occasion offered by us , unexpectedly depart and discharge any further meeting , or proceeding in this assemblie , under the paine of treason ; and after seven dayes sitting , declare all Acts made , or hereafter to be made in this Assemblie , to be of no force nor strength ; and that for such causes as are either expressed in his Maiesties former proclamations , ( and so are answered in our former protestations ) or set downe in the declinatour , and protestation presented in name of the Prelats , ( which are fully cleared in our answer made thereto ) or else were long since proponed by the Commissioner his Grace in his eleven articles or demands sent unto us , before the indiction of the Assembly ( and so were satisfied by our answers , which his Grace acknowledged , by promising after the recept thereof to procure a free generall Assembly , with power to determine upon all questions , anent the members , manner , and matters thereof ) all which for avoiding tediousnesse we here repeat : Or otherwise the said causes alleadged by the Commissioner , were proponed by His Grace , in the Assemblie ; such as first , that the ●ssemblie refused to reade the Declinatour and Protestation exhibited by the Prelats , which neverthelesse was publickly read and considered by the assemblie , immediately after the election of a Moderatour and constitution of the Members , before the which , there was no assemblie established , to whom the same could have been read : Next , that ruling Elders were permitted to have voice in the election of commissioners from Presbyteries , which was knowne to His Grace , before the indiction and meeting of the assembly , and is so agreeable to the acts and practice of this Church , in violably observed before the late times of corruption , that not one of the assembly doubted thereof , to whom by the indiction and promise of a free assembly , the determination of that question , anent the members constituent propertie belonged . And last , that the voices of the six Assessors , who did sit with His Grace , were not asked and numbered , which we could not conceive to be any just cause of offence , since after 39. Nationall assemblies of this reformed church , where neither the Kings Majestie , nor any in his name was present , at the humble and earnest desire of the assembly , His Majestie graciously vouchsafed His presence either in His owne Royall Person , or by a Commissioner , not for voting or multiplying of voices , but as Princes and Emperours of old , in a Princely manner to countenance that meeting , and to preside in it for externall order , and if Wee had been honoured with His Majesties Personall presence , His Majestie ( according to the practice of King James of blessed memorie ) would have onely given his owne Iudgement in voting of matters , and would not have called others who had not been cloathed with commission from the church to carry things by pluralitie of voices . Therefore in conscience of our duty to God and his truth , the King and his honour , the Church and her liberties , this Kingdome and her peace , this Assemblie and her freedome , to our selves and our safety , to our Posterity , Persons and Estates , We professe with sorrowfull and heavie , but loyall hearts , That We cannot dissolve this Assemblie , for the reasons following . 1. For the reasons already printed anent the necessity of conveening a Generall Assemblie , which are now more strong in this case , seeing the Assemblie was already indicted by his Majesties authority , did conveene , and is fully constitute in all the members thereof , according to the Word of God , and discipline of this church , in the presence and audience of his Majesties Commissioner ▪ who hath really acknowledged the same , by assisting therein seven dayes , and exhibition of His Majesties Royall Declaration , to be registrate in the Bookes of this Assemblie , which accordingly is done . 2. For the reasons contained in the former Protestations made in name of the Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , whereunto We doe now iudicially adhere , as also unto the Confession of Faith & covenant , subscribed & sworn by the Body of this Kingdome . 3. Because as We are obliged by the application and explication subioyned necessarily to the Confession of Faith subscribed by Vs ; So the Kings Maiestie , and his Commissioner , and Privie Councell , have urged many of this Kingdome to subscribe the Confession of Faith made in an . 1580. and 1590. and so to returne to the doctrine and discipline of this Church , as it was then professed : But it is cleare by the doctrine and discipline of this Church , contained in the book of Policie then registrate in the books of Assemblie , & subscribed by the Presbyteries of this Church ; That it was most unlawfull in it selfe , and preiudiciall to these priviledges which Christ in his Word hath left to his Church , to dissolve or breake up the Assemblie of this Church , or to stop and stay their proceedings in constitution of Acts for the welfare of the Church , or execution of discipline against offenders ; and so to make it appeare , that Religion and Church-government should depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the Prince . 4. Because there is no ground of pretence either by Act of Assemblie , or Parliament , or any preceding practice , whereby the Kings Maiestie may lawfully dissolve the Generall Assemblie of the Church of Scotland , far lesse His Maiesties Commissioner , who by his commission hath power to indict and keep it , secundùm legem & praxim : But upon the contrarie , His Maiesties prerogative Royall , is declared by Act of Parliament , to be no wayes preiudiciall to the priviledges and liberties , which God hath granted to the spirituall office-bearers , and meetings of this Church ; which are most frequently ratified in Parliaments , and especially in the last Parliament holden by His Maiestie himself : which priviledges and liberties of the Church , his Maiestie will never diminish or infringe , being bound to maintain the same in integritie by solemn oath given at his Royal Coronation in this Kingdome . 5. The Assemblies of this Church have still inioyed this freedome of uninterrupted sitting , without or notwithstanding any contramand , as is evident by all the Records thereof ; and in speciall by the generall Assembly holden in anno 1582. which being charged with letters of Horning by the Kings Majestie his Commissioner and Councell , to stay their processe against Master Robert Montgomerie , pretended Bishop of Glasgow , or otherwise to dissolve and rise , did notwithstanding shew their liberty and freedome , by continuing and sitting still , and without any stay , going on in that processe against the said Master Robert , to the finall end thereof : And thereafter by letter to his Majestie , did shew clearly , how far his Majestie had been uninformed , and upon misinformation , prejudged the prerogative of Jesus Christ , and the liberties of this Church , and did inact and ordain , that none should procure any such warrant or charge under the pain of excommunication . 6. Because now to dissolve , after so many supplications and complaints , after so many reiterared promises , after our long attendance and expectation , after so many references of processes from Presbyteries , after the publick indiction of the Assemblie , and the solemn Fast appointed for the same , after frequent Convention , formall constitution of the Assemblie in all the members thereof , and seven dayes sitting , were by this act to offend God , contemne the Subjects petitions , deceive many of their conceived hopes of redresse of the calamities of the Church and Kingdome , multiply the combustions of this Church , and make every man despair hereafter ever to see Religion established , Innovations removed , the Subjects complaint respected , or the offenders punished with consent of authority , and so by casting the Church loose and desolate , would abandon both to ruine . 7. It is most necessary to continue this Assembly for preveening the prejudices which may ensue upon the pretence of two Covenants , whereas indeed there is but one , That first subscribed in 1580 and 1590 being a Nationall covenant and oath to God ; which is lately renewed by Vs , with that necessary explanation , which the corruptions introduced since that time contrary to the same , inforced : which is also acknowledged by the Act of councell in September last , declaring the same to be subscribed , as it was meaned the time of the first subscription : And therefore for removing that shame , and all prejudices which may follow upon the show of two different covenants & confessions of Faith in one Nation , The Assemblie cannot dissolve , before it trie , find and determine , that both these covenants , are but one and the self same covenant : The latter renewed by us , agreeing to the true genuine sense and meaning of the first , as it was subscribed in Anno 1580. For these and many other reasons , We the Members of this assemblie , in our owne name , and in the name of the Kirk of Scotland , whom We represent ; and We Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Ministers , Burgesses , and Commons before mentioned , doe solemnly declare in the presence of the everliving God , and before all men ; And protest , 1. That our thoughts are not guilty of any thing which is not incumbent to us , as good Christians towards God , and loyall Subjects towards our sacred Soveraigne . 2. That all the Protestations generall or particular , proponed or to be proponed by the commissioner his Grace , or the Prelates and their adherents , may be presently discussed before this generall Assemblie , being the highest Ecclesiasticall judicatorie of this kingdome : and that his Grace depart not till the same be done . 3. That the Lord commissioner depart not , till this Assemblie doe fully settle the solide peace of this church , cognoscing and examining the corruptions introduced upon the doctrine and discipline thereof : and for attaining hereof , and removing all just exceptions which may be taken at our proceedings , we attest GOD the searcher of all hearts , that our intentions , and whole proceedings in this present assemblie , have beene , are , and shall be according to the word of GOD , the lawes and constitutions of this church , the confession of faith ; our nationall oath , and that measure of light , which GOD the father of light shall grant us , and that in the sincerity of our hearts , without any preoccupation or passion . 4. That if the Commissioner his Grace depart , and leave this church and kingdome in this present disorder , and discharge this assemblie , that it is both lawfull and necessarie for Vs to sit still and continue in keeping this present Assemblie , indicted by His Majestie , till we have tryed , judged , censured all the bygone evils , and the introductors , and provided a solide course for continuing Gods truth in this land with purity and liberty , according to his Word , our oath and Confession of Faith , and the lawfull constitutions of this Church ; and that with the grace of God , We and every one of Vs adhering hereunto , shall sit still and continue in this Assemblie , till after the finall setling and conclusion of all matters , it be dissolved by common consent of all the members thereof . 5. That this Assemblie is and should be esteemed and obeyed , as a most lawfull , full and free generall Assembly of this Kingdome : And that all acts , sentences , constitutions , censures and proceedings of this Assemblie , are in the selfe , and should be reputed , obeyed , and observed by all the subjects of this Kingdome and members of this Church , as the actions , sentences , constitutions , censures , and proceedings of a full and free generall Assembly of this Church of Scotland , and to have all ready execution , under the Ecclesiasticall paines contained , or to bee contained therein , and conforme thereto in all points . 6. That whatsoever inconvenience fall out , by impeding , molesting , or staying the free meeting , sitting , reasoning , or concluding of this present Assembly , in matters belonging to their judicatorie , by the word of God , lawes and practice of this Church , and the Confession of Faith , or in the observing and obeying the acts , ordinances and conclusions thereof , or execution to follow thereupon , That the same be not imputed unto us , or any of us , who most ardently desired the concurrence of his Majesties Commissioner to this lawfull Assembly ; But upon the contrary , that the Prelats and their adherents , who have protested and declined this present Assemblie , in conscience of their owne guiltinesse , not daring to abide any legall tryall , and by their mis-information have moved the Commissioner his Grace to depart and discharge this Assemblie , be esteemed , repute , and holden the disturbers of the peace , and overthrowers of the liberties of the Church , and guiltie of all the evils which shall follow hereupon , and condignely censured according to the greatnesse of their fault , and Acts of the Church and Realme : And to this end , wee againe and again doe by these presents cite and summon them , and everie one of them , to compeere before this present generall Assembly , to answer to the premises , and to give in their reasons , defences , and answers against the complaints given in , or to bee given in against them , and to heare probation led , and sentence pronounced against them , and conforme to our former cytations , and according to Justice , with certification as effeirs ; Like as by these presents we summon and cyte all those of his Majesties Councell , or any other , who have procured , consented , subscribed , or ratified this present Proclamation to be responsable to his Majesty and three Estates of Parliament , for their counsell given in this matter , so highly importing his Majestie , and the whole Realme , conforme to the 12. Act. King James 4. Parliament 2. And protest for remedy of law against them , and every one of them . 7. And lastly wee protest , that as we adhere to the former protestations all and every one of them , made in the name of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Ministers , Burghes , and Commons ; So seeing wee are surprised by the Commissioner his Graces sudden departing , farre contrary to his Majesties indiction , and our expectation , we may extend this our protestation , and adde more reasons thereunto in greater length and number , whereby wee may fully cleare before God and man the equitie of our intentions , and lawfulnesse of our proceedings : And upon the whole premises the foresaid persons for themselves and in name aforesaid , asked Instruments . This was done in the high Church of Glasgow in publike audience of the Assembly , begun in presence of the Commissioner his Grace , who removed and refused to heare the same to the end , the twenty eighth day of November : and upon the Mercate Crosse of Glasgow , the twentie ninth day of the said Moneth , the yeere of God 1638. respective . THe Reader shall not need to looke after much reason in this protestation ; for if he doe , he will be sure to lose his labour . Much is repeated in it , of that which hath beene delivered in their former petitions and protestations ; all which shall now be passed by , what is new in it , the Reader shall doe well to cast his eye upon that , taking along with him this advertisment , That there is little or indeed nothing in it new , which is true . Towards the beginning you finde the Protestation made , not onely in the name of the generall Assembly , but in the name of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Ministers , Burgesses , and Commons , Subscribers of the Confession of Faith : Now how this Protestation could be made at Glasgow in their names , who at that time neither were acquainted nor possibly could be acquainted with what passed at Glasgow , being in the severall parts of the Kingdome so farre distant from it , and many parts having no Commissioners there , except those that were in the Assembly , Wee leave it to the Readers consideration . They affirme not many lines after , That it was made cleare to Our Commissioner , that the Assembly which hee meant to indict in August , was clogged with such prelimitations , that he undertooke another journey to Us , and promised to endeavour to obtaine a free generall Assembly without any prelimitation , &c. All which is so farre from truth , as nothing can be more ; for he did never desire the Assembly to be prelimited ; for they themselves by their instructions both publique and private did prelimitate it , he did onely desire , that ( according to the usuall custome before Assemblies ) some previous meeting and consultation might be held concerning the formes of the Assembly ; which might very well have been forgot , there having been no Assembly held for many yeeres before . Againe , in the last words at the end of the first section , one would wonder how any man could have the boldnesse to affirme , That this their Assembly was constituted of such members , as by all law , reason , and custome of that Church were ever admitted in their free Assemblies , since they in their owne conscience doe know , that there is no law extant for lay-Elders having voice in generall Assemblies : And if there be no law for it , We appeale to the judgement of every man indued with reason , whether there can bee any reason found for it , and whether if such a proposition were to be propounded , and to passe into a law , he would give his voice unto it if he had power so to do , That lay-men ( especially many of them , being ignorant and mechanicall persons ) should sit in the highest Ecclesiasticall Judicatorie , and by their voices determine points of faith , and other highest points of doctrine , and to inflict the highest censures of the Church , even excommunication and deprivation , not onely of Ministers , but of Bishops , especially when in an Assembly the number of the lay-voices shall be equall or very neere equall to those of the Clergie , So that it may fall out , that the voices of the lay-men , having the voices but of twenty or thirty Clergie men concurring with them in opinion , may carrie the determination of the highest point of doctrine against the rest of the Clergie , and those perhaps the holiest , ablest , and most learned , though their number exceed a hundred . Sure if such a proposition were to be past into a law , few voices would be found to enact it ; and therefore if there be no law for it already ( as undoubtedly there is none ) they might have done well not to have talked of reason for it : And that which they averre of the custome of that Church , is as untrue as what they said either of law or reason : for We demand if there have been never a free Assembly in Scotland these last forty yeeres ? Sure they will confesse there hath been ; and yet in none of these , lay-Elders chosen by and sent from Presbyteries had voices in these Assemblies : nay , since the first Reformation , hath there been any free generall Assembly in that Kingdome ? No question they will say there hath ; and yet We challenge them to name but any one Assembly before this , in which the Ministers chosen Commissioners to it from the severall Presbyteries , were chosen by the voices and suffrages of lay-Elders : so that for that point it is impossible they should alledge either law , reason , or custome , or so much as any one instance ; and yet the elections of all the Ministers present at this Assembly were carried by the voices of lay-men , and in many places in despite of the Ministers . A little after the beginning of the second section they doe affirme that which they themselves doe know not to be so ; for when they say that Our Commissioner did unexpectedly depart and discharge any further meeting or proceeding in this Assembly , how can that stand with the words of the Earle of Rothes , who when Our Commissioner was rising and departing out of the assembly , told him , that his departure and discharging of the assembly was a thing not unlooked for , but expected by them ; and therefore they were provided for him , and had a Protestation ready written against his discharging of the assembly , which he desired him to heare ( as is before mentioned ? ) But Our Commissioner refusing , the Clerke presently begun to reade it , and Our Commissioner and Councell at their departure left them reading it ; and after his departure it was read out to the end , and presently put to voices whether all the members of the assembly would adhere to it ; and the very Title page of their Protestation affirmeth , that it was first read in the high Church , and afterward at the Market-Crosse of Glasgow : Besides , the Moderatour made a speech to Our Commissioner upon his departure , which none of the auditors did conceive to bee extemporarie ; for when it was compared with any other speeches of his , delivered at any other time of the Assembly , it was agreed that it was so much better penned or premeditated and delivered then any of the rest of his speeches , that certainly it was provided against Our Commissioners departure ; and yet these men protest , that Our Commissioners departure and discharging of the Assembly was to them altogether unexpected , when they knew that they had carried themselves , and meant to carry themselves so , that it was impossible but that he should discharge the Assembly . A great marke of the sinceritie of their proceedings . That which immediately after they adde , That they have fully cleared in their answer to the Bishops Declinator all the arguments contained in it against the assembly , as also those propositions made by Our Commissioner in his 11. Articles or Demands , sent unto them before the indiction of the Assembly , and that Our Commissioner acknowledged so much , is all of equall untruth with the former ; for neither have they satisfied the Bishops reasons propounded in their Declinator , nor gave they any satisfaction to Our Commissioner his eleven Articles or Demands : and that Our Commissioner acknowledged that hee had received satisfaction to them is so manifest an untruth , as they themselves doe know there is no colour for it : They affirme within a few lines after , that Our Commissioner did know , before the indiction of the Assembly , that ruling Elders were to have voices in the election of Commissioners from Presbyteries : He did know it indeed , but could not tell how to helpe it ; and so soone as he did know it , which was immediately before the indiction of the Assembly , he did sharply expostulate it with them , and assured them , that it would induce a nullitie upon the elections made to the Assembly ; That We would never allow any for members of the Assembly who were so chosen ; That he had notice of this their intention by the complaints of many covenanting Ministers , who were resolved to protest against all such elections , but that he did know of any such elections with approbation of them , cannot be charged upon him . And whereas they say , that these elections are agreeable to the Acts and practice of that Church , they have received already a sufficient challenge to make that good , which undoubtedly they cannot : And where they adde , that not one of the Assembly doubted thereof , it is well knowne that some of the Ministers of Edinburgh , and many more Ministers of the Assembly did grieve at it , but did not know how to remedy it . The whole third Section is so derogatorie to Our Royall authoritie , and indeed doth so unworthily debase the authoritie of Monarchs , as it is not to be answered any way but by justice : for it giveth no more power to Us , if We had beene present and sitting at the Assembly at Glasgow , then Thomas Patterson a Taylor of Edinburgh had , who sate Commissioner there . After , they subjoine some reasons for their Protestation : In the first , they affirme that the Assembly was constituted by the word of God ; but they doe not prove it , and sure never will. Then they affirme , that Our Commissioner acknowledged the lawfulnesse of their Assembly , by assisting therein seven dayes ; but they conceale that he solemnely protested , and entred his particular Protestation against every thing they said or did in it ; and if hee who protesteth against a thing , may be said to acknowledge the lawfulnesse of it , then it may be that they themselves doe acknowledge the justice and equitie of all Our Proclamations , and Our power and authoritie in discharging of this Assembly , notwithstanding all their Protestations made against these . And for Our Commissioner his exhibition of Our Royall Declaration to be registred in the Bookes of this Assembly , let the Reader remember the Protestation before mentioned , which Our Commissioner made when he did so , and that scruple is quickly removed . Their second and third reasons are of their owne fancies : They have lately sworne so , and to that sense they have explicated their Covenant , therefore it must be so : But they did wrong in both , and therefore none must follow them in either , for every Oath unlawfully taken is unlawfully kept . Their fourth reason hath not one true word in it ; for there is Law for Our authoritie to dissolve the Assembly , there being an expresse Act of Parliament which giveth Us the sole power of indicting of an Assembly , viz. the first act of the 21. Parliament of Our Royall Father : and sure , ejusdem est destituere cujus est instituere , whosoever hath the power of indicting hath the power of dissolving . They adde that there is no preceding practice for it . We wonder they can or dare affirme it : Did not Our Royall Father discharge that Assembly at Aberdene ? and when some few turbulent Ministers did notwithstanding hold it , were they not convented before the Lords of his Councell for it ? who undoubtedly had punished them most severely , if by their declining of the Councells authoritie , and appealing to a Generall Assemblie , they had not falne into an act of treason , and so by Our Councell were turned over to the Judges in criminall causes ; before whom , by a Jurie or Assise , they were found guiltie of treason , for that act of declining Our Royall Father and his Councells authoritie , all which we touched a little before . And that by clayming Our power to indict or dissolve the Assemblies of the Church , We doe infringe the priviledge and liberties of the Church , or doe any act not consistent with the Oath which We took at Our Coronation in that Kingdome , as is suggested in this fourth reason , is most falsly and most seditiously affirmed , onely for drawing away of the hearts of Our good subjects from Us and our government . The Act of Parliament for Our sole power of indicting Assemblies here followeth . A ratification of the Acts and conclusions set down and agreed upon in the generall Assembly of the Church , kept in Glasgow in the month of June 1610. together with an explanation made by the Estates , of some of the Articles of the same . CHAP. I. The act is long and hath many branches , We only recite two : First , it confirmes that Act of the Assembly , which acknowledgeth the indiction of the general Assemblie of the Church , to appertaine to his Majestie by the prerogative of his Royall Crowne : and in the last branch of the act , Our Royall Father and the three Estates doe annull and rescind the 114. Act of the Parliament held in Anno 1592 which did give some power to the generall Assemblie , in some cases , of themselves to indict a new Assemblie . Their fifth reason conteineth an instance of an Assemblie that would not stay a Processe which they had intended against Archbishop Montgomerie the Archbishop of Glasgow , nor yet dissolve it selfe , notwithstanding they were charged by Our Royall Father and his Councell with Letters of Horning and Rebellion to doe one of the two : An excellent argument , Because one Assembly did wickedly , and that which they could not doe , we must doe so likewise ; as if many yeeres hence , an Assembly being charged by one of Our Successours to dissolve , should not obey , but alledge for their defence , That this Assembly of Glasgow would not dissolve it selfe , notwithstanding the members thereof were charged by Us to doe so under paine of treason ; as if one unjust act could justifie another . But they should doe well to remember , that those who did but offer to hold an Assembly at Aberdene , after it was discharged by Our Royall Father , were first convented before his Councell , and afterwards severely punished for it . In their sixth reason there is no Reason to be found . In their seventh reason they alledge , that they cannot rise untill they have found Our Covenant and theirs to be all one . If by their Covenant they meane the Confession of Faith and Covenant annexed , which was first injoyned by Our Royall Father , and twice afterward by his authoritie renewed ▪ then they needed not to have sit one houre longer for finding of that ; for any man that can read may finde the words and syllables of both , to be the very same without the least alteration : But if by their Covenant they doe understand their explications , additions , and glosses which destroy and corrupt the verie text of the first Covenant , then certainly they should not have risen yet , nor could have risen untill the end of the world ; for they will never finde that these corrupt glosses , & apocryphall additions of their owne , can consist with Our Royall Father his Confession and Covenant , upon which they pretend they ground their owne . Besides , as shall presently appeare , they have discharged all men to subscribe the Confession and Covenant commanded by Our authority ; which Wee suppose they would not have done if they had found them to be one ; and therefore if they be men of their words , they should have sate still and not risen yet , because as yet they have not found them to be one . After their seven reasons they adde seven protestations of the same piece with their reasons : The first , third , fourth , and fifth are not worth the reading , for they conteine nothing but their usuall tautologies and taking the sacred name of God in vaine . In the second , and latter end of their sixth reason , their is so much boldnesse expressed , as could never have beene expected from any men who had been acquainted with the names of King , Law , Authoritie or Government : For who ever heard that subjects durst require their Kings Commissioner not to depart out of the Assembly , when he himselfe had pleased , although he had not been commanded by Us so to doe ? what greater command could they have laid upon the meanest member of the Assembly then this , by which they affronted Our Commissioner and in him Us and Our authoritie ? But their cytation of Our Councell , who signed Our Proclamation , to appeare as offenders before Us and Our three Estates of Parliament , ( which by the way Wee wonder how they can bee made up without Bishops ) and to answer the subscription of Our Proclamation as a crime , is a boldnesse that calleth more for admiration then refutation . They cyte for this their doing the twelfth act of the second Parliament of Our Royall Progenitor James the fourth . Wee wondered that in his dayes there should bee any warrant found for the allowing the members of a generall Assembly in any thing , in whose time a generall Assembly had no existence : but when we looked upon the act , We wondered much more ; for there is not so much as any word to bee read there , which can bee drawne to any shew of construction that way . That act attributeth rather too much to Privie Councellours , then diminisheth them ; so that upon perusall of the act , We were almost inforced to excuse them , and lay the fault upon the Printer , who had mistaken the cytation , untill Wee remembred that in their cytations both of other acts of Parliament , and many passages of holy Scripture , they are as farre out as in this , hoping ( belike ) that the Reader would never peruse them . That which they affirme about the middle of the sixth Protestation , that the Prelates moved Our Commissioner to dissolve the Assembly , We must averre upon Our owne knowledge to be farre otherwise ; for he did it by Our speciall commandement , when none of the Prelates were neere Us to give Us any such advice . Their seventh protestation is usuall with them , and therefore now not to be taken notice of . And now when the Reader hath perused both Our Proclamation for the dissolving of that Assembly , and their Protestation against that Our Proclamation , and hath well weighed all the precedent first violences , and then jugglings for their obtayning of such persons onely to be elected , as should be sure to stand for such conclusions as they had resolved upon at their Tables at Edinburgh , We doe leave it to the judgement of every man to consider whether Wee could any longer continue that Assembly without indangering Our owne Royall authoritie , which they intended to supplant , and betraying into the hands and power of their sworne and combined enemies the Bishops of that Church , who never declined , nor yet doe decline the tryall of a generall Assembly lawfully constituted . They did long call for a free generall Assembly ; Wee granted them one most free on Our part , and in Our intentions : But as they have handled and marred the matter , let God and the World judge whether the least shadow or footstep of freedome can in this assembly of theirs be discerned by any man who hath not given a Bill of divorce both to his naturall light , that is , his Understanding , and to his connaturall light , that is , his Conscience . It is a great errour to conceive , that libertie and limitation are destructive one of another : for that freedome which admitteth no bounds and limits , is not libertie but licentiousnesse : When therefore they talked of a free generall assembly , We tooke it as granted that they meant not an assembly in which every one both in the necessarie preparations preceding it , and in the necessarie proceedings in it , might say and doe what hee would ; but such an assembly , in which no man having interest , should bee barred either in the precedings to it , or proceedings in it , of that libertie which the lawes or customes of that Kingdome and Church in which that assembly was convocated , doe allow him : which two bounds whosoever shall transgresse , though they pretend libertie and freedome , yet in all true intendment & construction , they must be taken either for professed & common , or clandestine enemies to the freedome of that assembly . What wresting and wringing was used in their last Protestation made at Edinburgh , to charge Our gracious Proclamation with prelimitations , is knowne ; and it was detested by many even of their owne Covenant . Whether their courses , especially in the elections of the members of this assembly , were not onely prelimitations of it , but strong barres against the freedome of it , and such as did utterly destroy both the name and nature of a free assembly , inducing upon it many and maine nullities , besides the reasons contained in the Bishops Declinator , let these few particulars declare . First , whereas they refused so much as to heare from Our Commissioner of any precedent treatie for repairing and right ordering of things before the Assembly , alledging that it could not be a free Assembly where there was any consultation before , either concerning the chusers , or those to bee chosen , or things to be discussed in the Assembly , but that all things must be treated of upon the place , else the Assembly must needs be prelimitated . Whether they did not transgress in all these particulars is easie to bee discerned : For besides these instructions , which it may bee are not come to Our knowledge , We have seen , and Our Commissioner at the Assembly did produce foure severall papers of instructions , sent from them , who call themselves the Table , all of them containing prelimitations , and such as are repugnant not onely to that which they called the freedome , but to that which is indeed the freedome of an Assembly : Two of these papers were such as they were content should be communicated to all their associates , viz. that larger paper sent abroad to all Presbyteries , before or about the time of Our indiction of the Assembly ; and that lesser paper , for their meeting first at Edinburgh , then at Glasgow some few daies before the Assembly , and for chusing of assessors ; These two papers Our Commissioner delivered not into the assembly , because they did publiquely avow them : But their other two papers of secret instructions were directed , not from the Table publiquely , but under-hand , from such as were the prime Leaders of the rest ; The one of them was delivered or sent onely to one Minister of every Presbyterie whom they trusted most , and was onely to be communicated to such as hee might be confident of , and was quite concealed from the rest of the Ministers , although Covenanters : The other paper was directed onely to one lay-Elder of every Presbyterie , to be communicated as hee should see cause , and to be quite concealed from all others : These are the two papers which before you heard were delivered by Our Commissioner into the assembly , and they did containe directions , which being followed ( as they were ) did banish all freedome from this assembly ; as doth appeare before by the reading of the papers themselves . The second : Some Presbyteries did chuse their Commissioners before the assembly was indicted , and therefore those Commissioners could not lawfully have any voice there . The third : Neither lay-Elder , nor Minister chosen Commissioner by lay-Elders , could have voice in the assembly , because such elections are not warranted by the lawes of that Church and Kingdome , nor by the practice and custome of either ; for even that little which seemeth to make for their lay-Elders , is onely to be found in these bookes , which they call the bookes of Discipline , which were penned by some private men , but never confirmed either by Act of Parliament , or Act of generall assembly ; and therefore are of no authoritie : And yet in these elections they did transgresse even the rules of these bookes , there being more lay-Elders who gave voices at every one of these elections , then there were Ministers ; contrarie to their bookes of Discipline , which require that the lay-Elders should alwaies be fewer . But say there were an Ecclesiasticall order or law for these lay-Elders , yet the interruption of that order for above fortie yeeres , maketh so strong a prescription in that Our Kingdome against it , as that without a new reviving of that law by some new order from the generall assembly , it ought not againe to have been put in practice : For if We should put in practice and take the penalties of many dis-used lawes , without new intimation of them , it would bee thought by Our subjects hard usage . The fourth : In many Presbyteries these lay-Elders disagreed wholly in their election from chusing those Ministers whom their owne fellow-Ministers did chuse , and carried it from them by number of voices , although in all reason the Ministers should best know the abilities and fitnesse of their brethren . The fifth : These men elected as lay-Elders to have voices in this assembly , could not be thought able and fit men , since they were never Elders before , all or most of them being newly chosen ; some of them were chosen lay-Elders the very day before the election of the Commissioners to the assembly , which sheweth plainly they were chosen onely to serve their associates turne . The sixth : Since the institution of lay-Elders by their own principles is to watch over the manners of that people in that Parish wherein they live , how can any man bee chosen a Ruling-Elder from a Presbyterie , who is not an inhabitant within any Parish of the precinct of that Presbyterie ? And yet divers such , especially Noblemen , were chosen as lay-Elders Commissioners from Presbyteries , within the precincts whereof they never were inhabitants , against all sense or reason , even upon their owne grounds . The seventh : They can shew neither law nor practice for chusing assessors to the Ruling-Elders , without whose consent they were not to give voice to any thing in the assembly . The eight : The introducing of lay-Elders is a burthen so grievous to the Ministers , as that many Presbyteries did protest and supplicate against them , and many Presbyteries ( though they were in a manner forced to yeeld to it then ) yet did protest against it for the time to come . The ninth : In the election of Commissioners to this assembly , for the most part the fittest men were passed by , and few chosen who ever were Commissioners at any assembly before : the reason was , they conceived that new men would not stand much for their owne libertie in an assembly , of the liberties whereof they were utterly ignorant : Besides , some were chosen who were under the censures of the Church , some who were deprived by the Church , some who had been expelled out of the Universitie for reading to their Scholars against Monarchicall government , some who had been banished out of that Kingdome for their seditious Sermons and behaviour , some who for the like offences had been banished out of Ireland , some who were then lying under the sentence of excommunication , some who then had no ordination or imposition of hands , some who had lately been admitted to the Ministerie , contrarie to the standing lawes of that Church and Kingdome , and all of them were chosen by lay-Elders : Now what a scandall were it to the Reformed Churches , to allow this to be an assembly , which did consist of such members , and so irregularly chosen ? The tenth : Divers members of this Assembly , even whilst they sate there , were Rebels , and at Our Horne ; and so by the lawes of that Our Kingdome uncapable of sitting as Judges in any Judicatorie . The eleventh : Three oathes were to bee taken by every member of this Assembly : the oath to the confession of faith lately renewed by Our commandement , the oath of Allegeance , the oath of Supremacie , any of which three oathes whosoever shall refuse , cannot sit as a Judge in any Court of that Kingdome ; and yet none of all these three oathes were sworne by any member of this Assembly . Besides these nullities of this Assembly , what indecencie and rudenesse was to be discerned in it ? not so much as the face of an Ecclesiasticall meeting to bee seen , not a gowne worne by any member of it , unlesse it were by one or two Ministers who lived in the Towne , the appearance in a manner wholly Laicall ▪ amongst the members of it were seven Earles , ten Lords , fortie Gentlemen , one and fiftie Burgesses ; many of them in coloured clothes , and swords by their sides , all which did give voices not onely in very high points of controversie ( which We are sure very many of them did not understand , ) but also in the sentences of excommunication pronounced against the Bishops and others : Nay and more , all things in the Assembly carried by the sway of these lay-Elders , insomuch that all the time which Our Commissioner stayed in the Assembly , it was a very rare thing to heare a Minister speake ; for there was one Earle and one Lord who spake farre more then all the Ministers , except the Moderatour . And in the Assembly every thing which was put to voices , was so clearly discerned to have been resolved amongst themselves before by a palpable pre-agreement , that it was very tedious to the auditors to heare the List of the Assembly called , when the conclusion of it was knowne to them all , after the hearing of his voice who was first called ; which made some present to envie no member of the Assembly but one , whose fortune it was ever to bee first called , his name being set downe first in the List ; his name was Master Alexander Carse Minister of Polwart , one of the Commissioners from the Presbyterie of Dunce : For if the Acts of this Assembly should come out in Latine , and bee thought worth any thing in the Christian world , and withall it should be expressed that the List of the members of it was called to the passing of every Act , and his name should ever be found to be the first , there was never a Father nor Bishop , whose name is in any of the Greeke or Latine Councells , so famous as this man should now be : for hee would be taken for a man of an unparalleled judgement both for soundnesse and profoundnesse , from whose judgement not one of the whole Assembly ( except one , and that but once ) did ever swerve in the least particular ; for as he begun , all the rest did constantly follow . All these things being well considered , what hope could bee conceived of any good , either for the Church or Kingdome , from an Assembly thus miserably constituted ? And therefore We resolved to dissolve it , as knowing that it would make that Church and Kingdome ridiculous to the whole World , especially to the adversaries of Our Religion ; that it would both grieve and scandalize all the other Reformed Churches , and make Our Justice to bee universally traduced , if We should have suffered the Bishops Our subjects , in that which concerned their callings , their reputations and fortunes , to be judged by their sworne enemies thus prepapared against them . After Our Commissioners departure from Glasgow , they still continued their Assembly notwithstanding Our dissolving it by Proclamation under paine of treason : And then immediately the Earle of Argyle , who indeed all this while had beene the heart of their Covenant , begun to declare himselfe openly to be the head of it ; for he presently adjoined himselfe to them , sate continually with them in the assembly , although he were no member of it , nor had suffrage there , but sate onely as their chiefe director and countenancer , and indeed like Our Commissioner . It was not to be expected that after We had dissolved the assembly , they would observe any greater moderation in their proceedings then they had done before : nor did they indeed ; for all things passed in a hudling confusion , nothing argued publikely , but every particular referred to some few Committees , who were the most rigidest they could pick out of the whole packe : what they resolved on , was propounded presently to the assembly , swallowed downe without further discussing ; Mr Alexander Carse was called up , what he said first all the rest said the same . In one houre they declared six generall assemblies to be null and void , though two of them were then and are still in force by severall acts of Parliament , and divers acts of the other foure are ratified and confirmed by Parliament . In another houre they condemned , upon the report of a few Ministers , all the Arminian tenets ( as they call them ) and , under that name , many things received by all the Reformed Churches : a strange way , to condemne the Arminian tenets without defining what those tenets were . In another houre , they deprived the Archbishop of Saint Andrewes , the Bishops of Galloway and Brechen , and so at other times all the rest of the Bishops , many of whom they likewise excommunicated : where it is observable , that in the printed acts of this their ( now after Our dissolving of it ) pretended assembly , the acts of the depositions of the Bishops beare no such odious crimes , as they had made Our people beleeve they were guilty of in that infamous libell which they caused to be read in the Pulpits against them ; for proofe whereof We have caused one of their sentences of deposition to be here inserted , whereby it may be seene that not so much as one witnesse was examined , nor offered to be produced against them for any one of those fearfull crimes with which they were slandered in the libell , but were onely deposed for their obedience to acts of Parliaments and generall assemblies . Sentence of deposition against Mr John Guthrie pretended Bishop of Murray ; Mr John Grahame pretended Bishop of Orknay ; Mr James Fairly pretended Bishop of Lismoir ; Mr Neil Campbell pretended Bishop of Isles . THe generall Assembly having heard the libels and complaints given in against the foresaids pretended Bishops , to the Presbytery of Edinburgh , and sundry Presbyteries within their Diocesse , and by the saids Presbyteries referred to this Assembly to be tried : The said● pretended Bishops being lawfully cyted , oftentimes called , and not compearing , proceeded to the cognition of the complaints and libels against them ; and finding them guiltie of the breach of the cautions agreed upon in the Assembly at Montrose Anno 1600. for restricting of the Minister voter in Parliament , from incroaching upon the liberties and jurisdictions of this Kirk , which was set downe with certification of deposition , infamie , and excommunication ; and especially for receiving consecration to the office of Episcopacie , condemned by the Confession of Faith , and Acts of this Kirke , as having no warrant nor foundament in the word of God ; and by vertue of this usurped power , and power of the high Commission , pressing the Kirke with novations in the worship of God ; and for their refusall to underlye the triall of the reigning slander of sundry other grosse transgressions and offences laid to their charge : Therefore the Assembly , moved with zeale to the glorie of God , and purging of this Kirke , ordaines the saids pretended Bishops to be deposed , and by these presents doth depose them , not onely of the office of Commissionarie to vote in Parliament , Councell , or convention in name of the Kirke ; but also of all functions , whether of pretended Episcopall or ministeriall calling : And likewise in case they acknowledge not this Assembly , reverence not the constitutions thereof , and obey not the sentence , and make not their repentance , conforme to the order prescribed by this Assembly , ordaines them to be excommunicated , and declared to be of these whom Christ commandeth to be holden by all and every one of the faithfull as Ethnicks and Publicans : and the sentence of excommunication to be pronounced upon their refusall , in the Kirks appointed , by any of these who are particularly named , to have the charge of trying their repentance or impenitencie , and that the execution of this sentence be intimate in all the Kirkes within this Realme , by the Pastours of every particular congregation , as they wil be answerable to their Presbyteries and Synods , or the next generall Assembly , in case of negligence of the Presbyteries and Synods . IN another houre they declared Episcopall government to be inconsistent with the lawes of that Church and Kingdome , and so abolished it for ever , though it did then , and doth still stand confirmed by many Acts both of Parliaments and Assemblies : they deprived the Ministers , whose hands were at the Protestations against lay-Elders and elections made by them : some Ministers they deprived for Arminianisme ; a course never heard of in any place where any rule of justice was observed , that a Minister should be deprived for holding any tenet which is not against the doctrine of that Church wherein he liveth , and that before it be prohibited and condemned by that Church : Now there is nothing in the confession of that Church against these tenets . At the Synod of Dort no man was censured for holding any doctrine against the conclusions of it , before the Synod had determined against them , nor was hee to bee censured for any thing he had preached or printed , before that Synod did tender unto him their Canons to be subscribed : But at Glasgow no such course was taken , but Ministers were deprived without so much as ever being once asked the question whether they held any such opinion ; or if they did , whether they would now recall their opinions , and conforme their judgements to the judgement of the Assembly in these points . Some of their Ministers being asked the question , With what conscience or justice they could deprive their brethren for holding opinions not condemned by that Church , who perhaps after their Church had condemned them , out of their love to the peace of their Church would have forborne any further medling with them ; They returned this weake answer , That these tenets were condemned by that Church under the generall name of Poperie : But they could make no answer when it was told them , That certainly these tenets could not be counted Popish , concerning which , or the chiefe of which , as learned Papists as any in the World , viz. the Dominicans and Jesuites did differ as much as the Protestants did ; and that those who doe adhere to the Augustan confession , did hold that side of these tenets which the Arminians doe hold , and yet they were very far from being Papists , being the first Protestants ; and therefore it was against all sense to condemne that for Poperie , which was held by many Protestant Churches , and rejected by many learned Papists . But all would not serve ; they would deprive Ministers for holding them , before they themselves had condemned them . In the deprivation of one of these Ministers there did fall out a memorable passage , which was this : The Moderatour of the Assembly , after the sentence of a Ministers deprivation , was pleased to move this learned question to the Assembly , Whether ▪ if this deprived Minister should baptize a childe , the childe must not be baptized againe ? But he was presently taken off by one of his brethren , who it seemeth was much ashamed of such a question , & told him , That they did never re-baptize those who had been baptized by Popish Priests ; and so all further talke of it was hushed . What conclusions were to bee expected from an Assembly whose Moderatour was so grosly ignorant as to move such questions , is easie to be conjectured . And the weaknesse of their conclusions would easily appeare , if all their severall Acts were printed ; but because the Reader shall be able to make some judgement of them , We have here caused an Index of the titles of their Acts to bee inserted , by which may be seen what they hold . An Index of the principall Acts of the Assembly at Glasgow , 1638. SUndry Protestations betwixt the Commissioner his Grace and the members of the Assemblie . Master Archibald Johnstone his admission to be Clerk , and his production of the Registers of the Church , which were preserved by Gods wonderfull providence . An Act disallowing any private conference , and constant Assessors to the Moderator . The Act ratifying the authenticknesse of the Registers , with the reasons thereof . The Act registrating his Majesties will given in by his Commissioner . The Act bearing the Assemblies Protestation against the dissolution thereof . The Act deposing Master David Michel Minister at Edinburgh . The Act deposing Master Alex. Glaidstounes Minister at S. Andrews . The Act annulling the six late Assemblies holden at Linlithgow 1606. and 1608. at Glasgow 1610. at Aberdene , 1616. at Saint Andrewes , 1617. at Perth , 1618. with the reasons of the nullitie of everie one of them . The Act declaring the nullitie of the oath exacted by Prelats of Intrants [ id est , Such as are instituted to Benefices . ] The Act deposing Master John Creichtone Minister at Paislay . The Act condemning the Service Book . The Act condemning the Book of Canons . The Act condemning the Book of Ordination . The Act condemning the High Commission . The sentence of deposition , and excommunication of the sometime pretended Bishops of Saint Andrewes , Glasgow , Rosse , Galloway , Brichen , Edinburgh , Dumblane , Aberdene . The sentence of deposition against the sometime pretended Bishops of Murray , Isles , Argyle , Orknay , Cathnes , and Dunkell . The large Act clearing the meaning of the Confession of Faith made Anno 1580. as abjuring and removing Episcopacie . The Act declaring the five Articles to have beene abjured and to be removed . Sentence of deposition against Master Thomas Forrester . Sentence of deposition against Master William Ahannan . Sentence of deposition against Master Robert Hammiltoun Minister at Glasford . Sentence of deposition against Master Thomas Mackeney . Act anent the Presbyterie of Auchterardours present seat at Aberuskene for the time . Act restoring Presbyteries , provinciall , and generall Assemblies to their constitution , of Ministers and Elders , and their power and jurisdiction contained in the Book of policie . Act erecting Presbyteries in Argyle . Act referring to the Presbyteries the consideration of their meetings . Act concerning the Visitation of particular Kirks , Schooles , and Colledges . Act against non-Residents . Act concerning the planting of Schooles in the Countrey . Act concerning the power of Presbyteries admission of Ministers , and choosing of their Moderators . Reference to the Presbyteries anent the competencie of Parochioners and Presbyteries . Act concerning the entrie and conversation of Ministers , ratification of the Act 1598. Act of reference to Presbyteries concerning the defraying of the expences of the Commissioners . Act of reference concerning repressing , of Poperie and Superstition . Act of reference to the Presbyteries concerning the more frequent celebration of the Lords Supper . Act of reference concerning markets on Munday and Saturday within Burrowes . Act against the profanation of the Sabbath for want of afternoones exercise . Act against the frequenting the companie of excommunicate persons . Act setting down the Roll of Provinciall Assemblies , and some orders thereanent . Act of reference against milnes and salt pans . Act anent the order of receiving the repentance of any penitent Prelates . Act anent the excommunicating of the Ministers deposed , who doe not obey their sentence . Act against those who speake or write against the Covenant , this Assembly and constitutions thereof . Act of reference anent the voicing in the Kirk Sessions . Act condemning Chapters , * Archdeans , preaching Deacons , and such like Popish trash . Act against the obtruding of Pastors upon people . Act against marriage without Proclamation of Banes. Act against funerall sermons . Act anent the triall of expectants ; [ that is , such as are not possessed of any Benefice . ] Act anent the admission of Master Archibald Johnstoun to be Advocate , and Master Rob. Dalgleish to be Agent for the Kirk . Act anent the transplantation of Master Alexander Henderson from Leuchars to Edinburgh . Act of reference to the Presbyteries and Provinciall Assemblies , to take order with Salmon-fishing . Act of transporting Master Andro Cant from Pitsligo to Newbotle . Act condemning all civill offices in the persons of Ministers separate to the Gospel , as to be Justices of peace , sit in Session or Councell , to vote or ride in Parliament . Act concerning a Commission for complaints about Edinburgh . Another Commission to sit at Jedburgh . Another Commission to sit at Irwin . Another Commission to sit at Dundee . Another Commission to sit at the Channeries and Forres . Another Commission to sit at Kircubright . A Commission for visitation the Colledge of Aberdene . A Commission for visitation of the Colledge of Glasgow . Act against Salmon fishing , and going of milnes on the Sabbath day . Act appointing the Commissioners to attend the Parliament , and Articles which they are to represent in name of the Kirke to the Estates . Act ordaining the Commissioners from Presbyteries and Burrowes presently to get under the Clerks hand an Index of the Acts , and hereafter a full extract of them , which they are bound to take back from the Assembly to the Presbyteries and Burrowes . Act ordaining the Presbyters to intimate in their severall pulpits the Assemblies explanation of the Confession of faith , the Act against Episcopacie , the Act against the five Articles , the Act against the Service book , booke of Canons , booke of Ordination , the High Commission , the Acts of excommunication and deposition against some Prelates , and Act of deposition onely against some others of them . * An Act discharging Printers to print any thing either anent the Acts or the proceedings of this Assemblie , or any treatise which concernes the Kirke , without a warrant under Master Archibald Johnstouns hand , as Clerke to the Assemblie , and Proctor for the Kirke , and that under the pain of all Ecclesiasticall censure to be intimate with other Acts. Act ordaining the Covenant subscribed in Febr. now to be subscribed with the Assemblies Declaration . * Act discharging all subscription to the Covenant subscribed by his Majesties Commissioner and the Lords of Councell . Act ordaining all Presbyteries to keepe a solemne thanksgiving in all Parishes , for Gods blessing , and good successe in this Assembly , upon the first convenient Sabbath . Act against those who are malicious against this Church , decliners or disobeyers of the Acts of this Assembly . Act warranting the Moderatour and Clerke to give out summons upon relevant complaints , against parties to compeere before the next Assembly . Act renewing the priviledges of yeerely generall Assemblies , and oftner , pro re nata , and appointing the third Wednesday in July next in Edinburgh for the next generall Assembly . Act that none be chosen ruling Elders to sit in Presbyteries provinciall , or generall Assemblies , but those who subscribe the Covenant , as it is now declared , and acknowledges the constitution of this Assembly . * Act to transport Master Rob. Blair from Aire to St. Andrewes . Act for representing to the Parliament the necessitie of the standing of the Procutors place for the Kirk . There are many lesse principall Acts omitted , so the Index is not fully perfect . A. Jhonston . BY these it is easie to be discerned what conclusions , tending to Sedition and Rebellion , and the overthrow of the lawes both of Church and Kingdome , were agreed upon ; what false , nay and what foolish positions there were established ; For instance , Had it not been enough to have removed Episcopall government , the five Articles of Perth , and the other pretended innovations , if they had been furnished with lawfull power so to doe ? No , but they will have it concluded , that all these were abjured in the confession of faith when it was first sworne ; which no reasonable man can beleeve ▪ and which they themselves did allow in many not to abjure when they first swore their Covenant , and to which many Ministers , members of this Assembly , had sworne at their admission into their Benefices , according to the Acts of Parliament , and Acts of generall Assembly provided in that case ; And so by swearing that these things were abjured in the first confession , they make them profess that they had perjured themselves in taking the other oath of their conformitie to these pretended innovations : Upon which rocke one Minister of the Assembly finding himselfe to be set fast , when that Act was voiced unto which declared Episcopall government , and the five Articles of Perth to have been abjured formerly , and so to be for ever removed : Mr. Robert Baylie voiced thus , Removed but not abjured , to the great scandall of the rest of the Assembly , hee being reputed for one of the ablest men in it : But the Act was drawne up in these termes , Abjured and removed , by the voices of all the Assembly , except his alone , who , knowing that all the Acts were particularly to be read and voiced to againe , had drawn up a supplication to the Assembly in the name of those Ministers , who before had conformed themselves to the five Articles of Perth , for a mitigation of that Act , at least that it might receive a publique hearing and arguing ; which the rest having knowledge of , when that Act came to bee read and voiced to againe , one of the Lords , who was a lay-Elder , perswaded with the Clerke , that in calling the List this Minister his name should be omitted , and so the Act passed without so much as asking of his voice , who had his supplication ready when he should be called upon by his name , but perceiving that the omission of his name was purposely done , he durst stirre no more in it , for feare of publique envie , and some private mischiefe which might be done unto him ; And yet you must think this was a most godly and free Assembly . Towards the end of their Assembly , they divided themselves into severall Committees , which should after their rising see all their Acts put in execution ; a thing never heard of before in that Church . The Moderatour concluded with thankes to God for their good successe , and then to the Nobilitie and the rest for their great paines , and last of all with a speech to the Earle of Argyle , giving him thankes for his presence and counsell , by which they had been so much strengthened and comforted : The Lord Argyle answered him with a long speech ; first , intreating all present not to misconstrue his too late declaring himselfe for them , protesting that he was alwaies set their way , but had delayed to professe it so long as he found his close carriage might be advantagious to their cause ; but now of late , matters had come to such a height , that he found it behoved him to adjoin himself openly to their societie , except he should prove a Knave , ( this was , as We are informed , his owne word ) : Then he went on and exhorted them all to unitie , wishing all , but especially the Ruling-Elders and Ministers , to keepe a good correspondence ; intreated all the Ministers to consider what had brought the Bishops to ruine , viz. pride and avarice , and therefore willed them to shun these two rockes if they would escape shipwrack . The Lord who delivered this speech , delivered indeed the true meaning and sense of the Covenanters : for it was neither the Bishops bringing in the pretended innovations , nor their suspecting them to bee guilty of the odious crimes expressed against them in their Libell , which incensed this and the other Covenanting Lords against the Bishops , but their feare of their daily rising in dignitie and place , which in this speech is called pride in them ; and their feare that the Bishops might recover out of their hands by law some of the Church lands belonging to their Churches , which in this speech is called avarice in the Bishops . In the meane time , whether it be not pride in these Lords to envie any mans rising in the Church and Common-wealth , according to that worth and sufficiencie which his Prince shall find in him , and whether it bee not avarice in them not to endure that other men should legally seeke to recover their owne from them , shall be left to the judgement of the indifferent Reader . But for this revolted Lord who made this speech , and professeth in it , That if he had now not adjoyned himselfe to them , he should have proved a Knave , We can give this testimonie of him , That at his last being here with Us in England ( at which time We had good reason to mis-doubt him ) he gave Us assurance that hee would rest fully satisfied , if We would performe those things which Wee have made good by Our last gracious Declaration ( in which We have granted more then We did at that time promise ) so that We had little reason to expect his adjoyning himselfe to them , who had given Us so great assurance to the contrary , besides that assurance which hee gave to Our Commissioner when hee was in Scotland . And now if by his owne confession hee carried things closely for the Covenanters advantage , being then one of the Lords of Our secret Councell , and that in the end hee must openly joyne with them or bee a Knave ; what hee hath proved himselfe to bee by this close and false carriage , let the World judge . Our Commissioner , after he had by Our commandement dissolved the Assembly , hearing that they who remained still at Glasgow under the name of an Assembly , went about to put such a sense upon that confession of faith and band annexed , which We lately had commanded to bee renewed , as agreed best with those corrupt glosses and false interpretations , which by their owne Covenant they had put upon it , as if Episcopall government had now by Our commandement been abjured ; and so did begin to magnifie Our Covenant , and resolved to declare it to be all one with their owne , though they had in their Pulpits called it the depth of Sathan , and had assured their followers , that it could not bee sworne unto without perjurie , and that even after that Act of Councell , upon which they did ground their interpretation , he , having perused Our instructions which required him not to suffer the confession of faith to be sworne in any sense , which might not consist with the lawes of that Church and Kingdome then in force ; thought it convenient to print a Declaration of Our cleare meaning and intention in requiring that oath ; which , so soon as it was published , made them quite change their minds , and prohibit the subscription to Our Covenant , which they had immediately before so much extolled : Our Commissioners Declaration We have here caused to be re-printed together with their printed answer to it , because We are confident both by Our owne judgement , and the judgement of others who have perused them both , that the five reasons contained in Our Commissioners Declaration stand yet unshaken for any thing delivered in their answer unto them ; and that as strongly as the Divines of Aberdenes first Queries , Replies and Duplies doe . Our Commissioners explanation followes . An Explanation of the Oath and Covenant . WHereas some have given out that by the Act of Councell , which explaineth the Confession of Faith lately commanded to bee sworne by his Majestie , to be understood of the Confession of Faith , as it was then professed and received , when it was made , and that in that Confession , defence both of the doctrine and discipline then established is sworn , at which time Episcopall government being ( as they say ) abolished , it must needs follow , that the same government is by this late oath abjured . And understanding that even amongst those who continue together still at Glasgow , under the name of a pretended and unlawfull generall Assemblie , this objection is held to be of some moment , and used by them to the great disturbance of the peace of this Church and Kingdome , and to the great disquieting of the mindes of such his Majesties good subjects as have taken the said Oath , and yet never meaned nor do meane to abjure Episcopall Government ; and to perswade others , that if they shall take the same Oath thus explained by the said Act of Councell , by so doing they must likewise abjure the said government .. We James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , his Majesties High Commissioner , wondring that any such scrupulous misconstruction should be made of his Majesties gracious and pious intentions , and being desirous to remove all doubts from the mindes of his Majesties good subjects , and to keep them from being poysoned by such as by forced and forged inferences would make them beleeve , that they had actually by taking that Oath sworne that which neither virtually nor verily they have sworne , or ever intended to sweare , or was required by Authoritie to be sworne by them , either directly or indirectly ; considering that all Oathes must be taken according to the minde , intention , and commandement of that Authoritie which exacteth the Oath ; and that we , by speciall commandement from his sacred Majestie , commanded the said Oath to be administred , wee do hereby freely and ingeniously professe and declare our minde and meaning herein , as wee have constantly heretofore done since our comming into this Kingdome about this imployment ; viz. That by any such words or Act of Councell we never meaned or intended that Episcopall government should bee abjured , nor any thing else which was established by Acts of Parliament , or Acts of the Church of this Kingdome which are now in force , and were so at the time of the taking of the said Oath . Nor indeed could wee have any other intention or meaning , being clearely warranted and expresly commanded by his Majesties instructions , to exact the said Oath , and take order that it should bee sworne throughout the Kingdome in that faire and lawfull sense , and none other : Neither in this point did we deliver our owne words , or his Majesties minde ambiguously or doubtfully , so as any other sense , to our thinking , could bee picked or wrung out of either the one or the other ; for we do attest the Lords of the Councell , whether wee did not to manie , or all of them upon severall occasions in conference with them ever since our comming into this Kingdome , constantly declare unto them , that his Majesties resolution was not to suffer Episcopall government to be abolished : Wee attest all the Lords of Session , whether before our tendering of that Oath to them , or their Lordships taking of it , wee did not fully and freely declare to them , that his Majesties minde in commanding us to see this Oath taken , and our own minde in requiring them to take it , was onely to settle and secure the Religion and Faith professed in this Kingdome , but was not to bee extended to the abjuring of Episcopall government , or any other thing now in force by the Lawes of this Church and State at the time of administring this Oath , which their Lordships , being the reverend and learned Judges of the Lawes , knew well could not bee abjured ; after which perspicuous predeclaration of our minde , their Lordships undoubtedly in that same sense and none other took the said Oath . And now , good Reader , having heard his Majesties minde and intention , and in pursuance of them the minde of his Majesties High Commissioner concerning this Oath , the reasons to repell the former objection seeme to bee needlesse ( the knowne minde of the supreme Magistrate who urgeth an Oath , being to be taken for the undoubted sense of it ; ) yet for as much as that objection hath of late beene mainly urged for alienating the mindes of many of his Majesties good subjects , and well affected to that government , from adhering unto it , be pleased to know , that the former objection hath neither shew nor force of reason in it , and that by the said Oath and that explanation set down in the Act of Councell , Episcopall government neither was , nor possibly could bee , abjured , and that for many reasons , but especially these five , which we having seen and approved , have caused to bee here inserted , and leave them to thine impartiall consideration . First , God forbid it should be imagined that his Majestie should command his subjects to take an Oath which in it selfe is absolutely unlawfull ; but for a man to sweare against a thing which is established by the Lawes of Church and Kingdome in which he liveth ( unlesse that thing be repugnant to the Law of God ) is absolutely unlawfull , untill such time as that Kingdome and Church do first repeale these Lawes ; and therefore Episcopall government , not being repugnant to the Law of God , nay , being consonant unto it , as being of Apostolicall institution ( which shall be demonstrated if any man please to argue it ) and standding fully established , both by Acts of Parliament , and Acts of generall Assemblie at the time when this Oath was administred ; to abjure it before these Acts be repealed , is absolutely unlawfull , and against the word of God : and it is to be hoped no man will conceive that his Majestie meaned to command a thing absolutely unlawfull . And if it should be said , as it is said by some , ( who not being able to avoid the force of reason , do betake themselves to pitifull shifts and evasions ) that these Acts of Parliament and Assembly , establishing Episcopall government , were unlawfully and unduly obtained ; certainely if they have any reasons for this their bold assertion , which is of a more dangerous consequence then that it ought to be endured in any well setled Church or Common-wealth ; these reasons may bee presented lawfully to these judicatories to entreat them to reduce the saids Acts , if there shall be strength and validitie found in them : But to hold , that untill such time as these judicatories shall repeale the saids Lawes , they either ought to bee , or can possibly bee abjured , is a wicked position , and destructive of the verie foundation of justice both in Church and Common-wealth . Secondly , it cannot bee imagined that this Oath should oblige the now takers of it farther then it did oblige the takers of it at first : for doctrine and points of faith it did oblige them then , and so doth it us now , perpetually , because these points in themselves are perpetuall , immutable , and eternall : But for points of discipline and government , and policie of the Church , that Oath could binde the first takers of it no longer then that discipline and government should stand in force by the Lawes of this Church and Kingdome , which our Church in her positive Confession of Faith printed amongst the Acts of Parliament , Artic . 20.21 . declareth to bee alterable at the will of the Church it selfe , and so repealable by succeeding Acts , if the C●●rch shall see cause . When a King at his Coronation taketh an Oath to rule according to the Lawes of his Kingdom , or a Judge at his admission sweareth to give judgement according to these Lawes , the meaning of their Oaths cannot be that they shall rule or judge according to them longer then they continue to be Lawes : but if any of them shall come afterwards to bee lawfully repealed , both King and Judge are free from ruling and judging according to such of them as are thus lawfully repealed , notwithstanding their originall Oath . Since therefore if the first takers of that Oath were now alive , they could not bee said to have abjured Episcopall government , which hath been since establshed by Lawes of this Church and Kingdom , especially considering that this Church in her Confession holdeth Church government to bee alterable at the will of the Church ; certainely we repeating but their Oath , cannot be said to abjure that government now , more then they could be said to do it if they were now alive and repeating the same Oath . Thirdly , how can it be thought that the verie Act of his Majesties commanding this Oath should make Episcopall government to bee abjured by it , more then the Covenanters requiring it of their associats , in both Covenants the words and syllables of the Confession of Faith being the same ? Now it is well knowne that many were brought in to subscribe their Covenant , by the solemne protestations of the contrivers and urgers of it , that they might subscribe it without abjuring of Episcopacie , and other such things as were established by Law , since the time that this Oath was first invented and made ; and the three Ministers in their first answers to the Aberdene Quaeres have fully and clearely expressed themselves to that sense , holding these things for the present not to bee abjured , but onely referred to the tryall of a free generall Assemblie : And likewise the adherers to the last Protestation against his Majesties Proclamation , bearing date the ninth of September , in their ninth reason against the subscription urged by his Majestie do plainely averre , that this Oath urged by his Majestie doth oblige the takers of it , to maintaine Perth Articles , and to maintaine Episcopacie . Why therefore some men swearing the same words and syllables should have their words taken to another sense , and bee thought to abjure Episcopall government , more then others who have taken the same oath in the same words , must needs passe the capacitie of an ordinarie understanding . It is a received maxime , and it cannot be denied , but that oaths ministred unto us must either bee refused , or else taken according to the knowne minde , professed intention , and expresse command of Authoritie urging the same : A proposition , not onely received in all Schooles , but positively set down by the adherers to the said protestation totidem verbis in the place above cited . But it is notoriously knowne even unto those who subscribed the Confession of Faith by his Majesties commandment , that his Majestie not onely in his Kingdomes of England and Ireland , is a maintainer and upholder of Episcopall government according to the laws of the said Churches and Kingdomes , but that likewaies he is a defender , and intends to continue a defender of the same government in his Kingdome of Scotland , both before the time , and at the time when hee urged this oath ; as is evident by that which is in my Lord Commissioner his Preface , both concerning his Majesties instructions to his Grace , and his Graces expressing his Majesties minde , both to the Lords of Councell , and to the Lords of Session ; and the same likewayes is plainly expressed and acknowledged by the adherers to the said protestation in the place above cited : their words being these ; And it is most manifest that his Majesties minde , intention , and commandment , is no other but that the Confession be sworne , for the maintenance of Religion , as it is already or presently professed ( these two being co-incident altogether one and the same , not onely in our common forme of speaking , but in all his Majesties Proclamations ) and thus as it includeth , and continueth within the compasse thereof , the foresaids novations and Episcopacie , which under that name were also ratified in the first Parliament holden by his Majestie . From whence it is plaine , that Episcopacie not being taken away or suspended by any of his Majesties declarations , as these other things were which they call novations ; it must needs both in deed , and in the judgement of the said protesters no wayes bee intended by his Majestie to be abjured by the said oath . Now both the major and that part of the minor which concerneth Episcopall government in the Church of Scotland , being clearly acknowledged by the Protesters ; and the other part of the minor concerning that government in his other two Kingdomes being notoriously knowne , not onely to them , but to all others who know his Majestie , how it can be imagined that his Majestie by that oath should command Episcopacie to be abjured , or how could any one to whom his Majesties minde concerning Episcopall government was known , honestly or safely abjure it , let it be left to the whole world to judge ; especially considering that the Protesters themselves in that place above cited , by a dilemma , which we leave to themselves to answer , have averred , that when that Act of Councell should come out , yet that it could not be inferred from thence that any such thing was abjured . Fifthly and lastly , If the explanation in that Act of Councell be taken in that not onely rigid but unreasonable and senslesse sense which they urge , yet they can never make it appeare , that Episcopall government at the first time of the administring of that oath was abolished : The very words of that Confession of Faith , immediatly after the beginning of it , being these , Received , beleeved , defended by many and sundrie notable Kirks and Realmes , but chiefly by the Kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majestie and three Estates of this Realme , as Gods eternall truth and onely ground of our salvation , &c. By which it is evident , that the subscription to this Confession of Faith is to be urged in no other sense then as it was then beleeved and received by the Kings Majestie , and the three Estates of this Realme at that time in being ; and it is well knowne , that at that time Bishops , Abbats and Priors made up a third Estate of this Realme , which gave approbation to this Confession of Faith : and therefore it is not to bee conceived , that this third Estate did then abjure Episcopacie , or that Episcopacie was at the first swearing of that Confession abolished . But say that at that time it was abolished by Acts of generall Assemblie , yet was it not so by any Act of Parliament , nay by many Acts of Parliament it was in force , because none of them was repealed ; some whereof are annexed in the sheet immediatly after these reasons , which wee pray the Reader carefully to peruse and ponder : and at the very time of the taking of this oath and after , Bishops , whose names are well knowne , were in being . Now it is to bee hoped that in a Monarchie , or any other well constituted republick , that damnable Jesuiticall position shall never take place , That what is once enacted by a Monarch and his three Estates in Parliament , shall ever be held repealed or repealable by any Ecclesiasticall nationall Synod . By all which it is evident , that the explanation of that Act of Councell so groundlesly urged , can induce no man to imagine that by the Confession of Faith lately sworne by his Majesties commandment , Episcopall government , which then did , and yet doth stand established by Acts of this Church and Kingdome , either was , or possibly could be abjured . And having now ( good Reader ) heard his Majesties minde in his instructions to us , our minde in requiring in his Majesties name this oath to be taken , and these few reasons of many which doe evidently evince the inconsequence of that sense , which without any shew of inference is put upon it by those who would go on in making men still beleeve , that all which they doe or say is grounded upon Authority , though they themselves doe well know the contrary ; wee suppose that all they who have taken this oath will rest satisfied that they have not abjured Episcopall government ; and that they who shall take it , will take it in no other sense . Which timely warning of ours , we are the more willing to give , because we are given to understand , that even they who were wont to call the takers of this oath ( notwithstanding of that explanation by act of councell ) perjured and damned persons , and in their pulpits called the urging of it the depth of sathan , doe now meane to take it themselves , and urge others to take it in that sense which they make men beleeve ( though wrongfully ) that act of councell makes advantageous to their ends . But we doe in his Majesties name require that none presume to take the said oath , unlesse they bee required so to doe by such as shall have lawfull authoritie from his Majestie to administer it unto them : being confident , that none either will or can take the said oath or any other oath in any sense , which may not consist with episcopall government , having his Majesties sense , and so the sense of all lawfull authority fully explayned to them . HAMILTOUN . THat episcopall jurisdiction was in force by acts of parliament , & no wayes abolished nor suppressed in the yeare 1580. nor at the time of reformation of religion within the realm of Scotland , doth evidently appeare by the acts of parliament after mentioned . First by the parliament 1567. cap. 2. whereby at the time of reformation the Popes authoritie was abolished , it is enacted by the said act , That no bishop , nor other prelate in this realme , use any jurisdiction in time coming by the bishop of Romes authority . And by the third act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , That all acts not agreeing with Gods word , and contrary to the confession of faith approved by the estates in that parliament , to have no effect nor strength in time to come . Whereby it is evident , that it was not the reformers intētion to suppresse episcopacie , but that bishops should not use any jurisdiction by the bishop of Rome his authority ; & seeing they did allow episcopacie to cōtinue in the church , that they did not esteeme the same contrary to Gods word and confession foresaid : as appeares more clearly by the sixth act of the said parliament , which is ratified in the parliament 1579. cap. 68. whereby it is declared , That the ministers of the blessed Evangell of Iesus Christ , whom God of his mercie hath now raised up amongst us , or hereafter shall raise , agreeing with them that now live in doctrine or administration of the sacraments , and the people of this realme that professe Christ as hee is now offered in his Evangel , and doe communicate with the holy sacraments , as in the reformed kirks of this realme they are publickly administrate , according to the confession of the faith , to be the only true and holy kirk of Iesus Christ within this realme ; without any exception by reason of policie and discipline , declaring only such as either gain-say the word of the Evangel according to the heads of the said confession , or refuse the participation of the holy sacraments as they are now ministrate , to bee no members of the said kirk so long as they keep themselves so divided from the societie of Christs body . Whereby it is manifest , that it was not the said reformers minde to exclude any from that society by reason of discipline , and that they did not at that time innovate or change any thing in that policie they found in the said kirk before the reformation . This is likewaies evident by the oath to be ministred to the king at his coronation , by the eigth act of the said parliament , wherby he is to sweare to maintaine the true religion of Iesus Christ , the preaching of his holy word & due and right ministration of the sacraments now received and preached within this realme , and shall abolish and gainstand all false religion contrarie to the same ; without swearing to any innovation of policie and discipline of the kirk . Secondly , it doth evidently appeare by these subsequent acts of parliament , that by the muncipall law of this realme archbishops and bishops was not only allowed in the kirk , but also had jurisdiction and authority to governe the same . First , by the 24. act of the said parliament , whereby all civill priviledges granted by our soveraigne Lords predecessors to the spirituall estate of this realme , are ratified in all points after the form & tenor therof . And by the 35. act of the parliament 1571. whereby all and whatsoever acts and statutes made of before by our soveraigne Lord and his predecessors anent the freedome and liberty of the true kirke of God , are ratified and approved . By the 46. act of the parliament 1572. whereby it is declared , that archbishops and bishops have the authority , and are ordained to conveen and deprive all inferiour persons being ministers , who shall not subscribe the articles of religion , and give their oath for acknowledging and recognoscing of our soveraigne Lord and his authority , and bring a testimoniall in writing thereupon within a moneth after their admission . By the 48. act of the same parliament , whereby it is declared , that archbishops and bishops have authority at their visitations to designe ministers gleibes . By the 54. act of the said parliament , whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to nominate and appoint at their visitations , persons in every parochin for making and setting of the taxation , for upholding and repairing of kirks and kirk-yards , and to conveene , try , and censure all persons that shall be found to have applied to their own use the stones , timber , or any thing else pertaining to kirks demolished . By the 55. act of the parliament 1573. whereby archbishops and bishops are authorized to admonish persons married , in case of desertion , to adhere , and in case of disobedience , to direct charges to the minister of the parochin to proceed to the sentence of excommunication . By the 63. act of the parliament 1578. whereby bishops , and where no bishops , are provided , the Commissioner of diocesses , have authority to try the rents of hospitals , and call for the foundations thereof . By the 69. act of the parliament 1579. whereby the jurisdiction of the kirk is declared to stand in preaching the word of Iesus Christ , correction of manners , and administration of the holy sacraments ; and yet no other authority nor office-bearer allowed and appointed by act of parliament , nor is allowed by the former acts ; but archbishops and bishops intended to continue in their authority , as is clear by these acts following . First , by the 71. act of the same parliament , whereby persons returning from their travels are ordained , within the space of twenty dayes after their returne , to passe to the bishop , superintendent , commissioner of the kirks where they arrive and reside , and there offer to make and give a confession of their faith , or then within fourtie dayes to remove themselves forth of the realme . By the 99. act of the parliament 1581. whereby the foresaids acts are ratified and approved . By the 130. act of the parliament 1584. whereby it is ordained , that none of his Majesties lieges and subjects presume or take upon hand to impugne the dignitie and authoritie of the three estates of this kingdome , whereby the honour and authority of the Kings Majesties supreme court of parliament , past all memorie of man , hath beene continued , or to seek or procure the innovation or diminution of the power and authoritie of the same three estates , or any of them in time coming under the paine of treason . By the 131. act of the same parliament , wherby all judgements & jurisdictions as well in spirituall as tēporall causes , in practice & custome , during these twenty foure yeares by-past not approved by his Highnes and three Estates in parliament , are discharged : and whereby it is defended , That none of his highnes subjects of whatsoever qualitie , estate , or function they bee of , spirituall or temporall , presume , or take upon hand to convocate , conveen , or assemble themselves together for holding of councels , conventions , or assemblies , to treat , consult , or determinate in any matter of estate , civill or ecclesiasticall ( except in the ordinary judgements ) without his Majesties speciall commandment , or expresse licence had and obtained to that effect . By the 132. act of the said parliament authorizing Bishops to try and judge ministers guilty of crimes meriting deprivation . By the 133. act of the same parliament , ordaining Ministers exercing any office beside their calling to be tried and adjudged culpable by their Ordinaries . By the 23. act of the parliament 1587. whereby all acts made by his highnesse , or his most noble progenitors anent the Kirk of God , and religion presently professed , are ratified . By the 231. act of the parliament 1597. bearing , That our Soveraigne Lord and his highnesse estates in parliament , having speciall consideration of the great priviledges and immunities granted by his highnesse predecessors to the holy Kirk within this realme , and to the speciall persons exercing the offices , titles , and dignities of the prelates within the same . Which persons have ever represented one of the estates of this realme in all conventions of the said estates ; and that the said priviledges and freedomes have been from time to time renued and conserved in the same integritie wherein they were at any time before . So that his Majestie acknowledging the same to he fallen now under his Majesties most favourable protection , therefore his Majesty with consent of the estates declares , that the Kirk within this realme , wherein the true Religion is professed , is the true and holy Kirk : And that such ministers as his Majestie at any time shall please to provide to the office , place , title , and dignitie of a Bishop , &c. shall have vote in parliament , sicklike and al 's freely as any other Ecclesiasticall prelate had at any time by-gone . And also declares , that all bishopricks vaicking , or that shall vaick , shall be only disponed to actuall preachers and ministers in the kirk , or such as shal take upon them to exerce the said functiō . By the 2. act of the parliament , 1606. whereby the ancient and fundamentall policie , consisting in the maintenance of the three estates of parliament , being of late greatly impaired and almost subverted , especially by the indirect abolishing of the Estate of Bishops by the act of annexation : Albeit it was never meaned by his Majestie , nor by his estates , that the said estate of bishops , being a necessary estate of the parliament , should any wayes be suppressed ; yet by dismembring and abstracting from them of their livings being brought in contempt and povertie , the said estate of bishops is restored , and redintegrate to their ancient and accustomed honour , dignities , prerogatives , priviledges , lands , teindes , rents , as the same was in the reformed kirk , most amply and free at any time before the act of annexation ; rescinding and annulling all acts of parliament made in prejudice of the said bishops in the premisses , or any of them , with all that hath followed , or may follow thereupon , to the effect they may peaceably enjoy the honours , dignities , priviledges , and prerogatives competent to them or their estate since the reformation of religion . By the 6. act of the 20. parliament , declaring that archbishops and bishops are redintegrate to their former authority , dignitie ▪ prerogative , priviledges and jurisdictions lawfully pertaining and shall be knowne to pertain to them , &c. By the 1. act of the parliament 1617. ordaining Archbishops and Bishops to be elected by their Chapters , and no other wayes , and consecrate by the rites and order accustomed . This is the Explanation , and now followeth their answer , which shall receive no reply , as being confident that there is nothing in it that hath weakened any thing contained in the five reasons . Onely , where there is any new or dangerous position of theirs , or any other thing which may seeme with any shew fit to be observed , you shall finde it noted upon the margine , as it here ensues . AN ANSVVER TO THE PROFESSION AND DECLARATION Made by JAMES Marquesse of HAMILTON , His MAIESTIES high Commissioner , at Edinburgh , An. 1638. in December . THis ancient Kingdome , although not the most flourishing in the glory and wealth of the World , hath been so largely recompensed with the riches of the Gospel , in the reformation and puritie of Religion from the abundant mercy & free grace of our GOD towards us , that all the reformed Kirks about us , did admire our happinesse . And King JAMES himselfe of happy memory , gloried that he had the honour to be born , and to be a King in the best reformed Kirk in the world . Those blessings of pure doctrine , Christian government , and right frame of discipline we long enjoyed , as they were prescribed by GODS own word ; who as the great Master of his family , left most perfect directions for his own oeconomie , and the whole officers of his house : till the Prelats , without calling from GOD , or warrand from his word , did ingire themselves by their craft and violence upon the house of GOD. Their craftie entry at the beginning was disguised under many cautions and caveats , which they never observed , and have professed since , they never intended to observe , though they were sworn thereto . Their wayes of promoving their course were subtile and cunning : as in abstracting the registers of the Kirk , wherein their government was condemned ; in impeding yearly generall Assemblies , whereunto they were subject and comptable , and generally in enfeebling the power of the Kirk , and establishing the same totally in their own persons : whereby in a short time they made such progresse , that being invested in the prime places of estate , and arming themselves with the boundlesse power of the high Commission , they made themselves lords over GODS inheritance : and out of their greatnesse , without any shew of order or Councell , without advise of the Kirk , but at their own pleasure enterprised to alter and subvert the former doctrine and discipline of this Kirk , and introduce many fearefull corruptions and innovations , to the utter overthrow of Religion ; and to make us no lesse miserable then we were happy before . These pressing grievances did at length awake the good Subjects to petition his Majesty and his Councell for redresse . And albeit at last , after many reiterated supplications and long attendance , his Majestie hath been graciously pleased to grant a free generall Assembly ; yet in the beginning by the credit of the Prelates , and their commoditie of accesse , his Royall eare was long stopped to our cryes , and wee discharged under the paine of treason to meet for making any more remonstrances of our just desires . In this distresse none other mean , nor hope of redresse being left , wee had our recourse to GOD , who hath the hearts of all Kings and Rulers in his hand ; and therefore taking to our heart , that GOD had justly punished us , for the breach of that nationall Covenant , made with GOD , in Anno 1580. We thought fit to reconcile our selves to him again , by renewing the same Covenant . And so , in obedience to his * divine Commandement , conforme to the practise of the godly in former times , and according to the laudable example of our religious Progenitours , warranted by acts of Councell , we again renewed our confession of Faith of this Kirk and Kingdome , as a reall testimony of our fidelitie to GOD , in bearing witnesse to the truth of that Religion whereunto we were sworn to adhere in Doctrine and Discipline , of our loyaltie to our Soveraigne , and mutuall union among our selves in that cause . Which Confession , with a sensible demonstration of GODS blessing from heaven , was solemnly sworn and subscribed , by persons of all ranks , throughout this Kirk and Kingdome , with a necessar explanation and application for excluding the innovations and corruptions introduced in the Religion , and government of this Kirk , since the yeare 1580. that so our oath to GOD might be cleare for maintenance of the doctrine and discipline then professed and established , and according to the meaning of that time . The happie effects of this our resolution and doing , have been wonderfull : And since that time GODS powerfull hand in the conduct of this businesse hath evidently appeared . For after some time , upon the continuance of our groanes and supplications , our gracious Soveraigne was pleased to send into this Kingdome , The noble Lord JAMES Marques of Hamiltoun , &c. with commission to heare and redresse our heavie grievances : who after many voyages to his Majestie , and long conferences and treating with us , needlesse to be related in this place , did in end , by commandement from his Majestie , indict a free generall Assembly to be holden at Glasgow the twentie one of November last , and proclaimed a Parliament to be holden at Edinburgh the fifteenth of May next to come , for setling a perfect peace in this Kirk and Kingdome : And further to give full assurance to the Subjects , that his Majestie did never intend to admit any change or alteration in the true religion , already established and professed in this Kingdome : And that all his good people might be fully and clearly satisfied of the realitie of his royall intentions for the maintenance of the truth and integritie of the said Religion , his Majestie did injoyn and command all the Lords of his privie Councell , Senatours of the Colledge of Justice , and all other Subjects whatsoever , to renew and subscribe the confession of Faith formerly subscribed by King JAMES of blessed memory and his houshold in Anno 1580. and thereafter by persons of all ranks , in Anno 1581. by ordinance of the Councell , and acts of the generall Assembly , and againe subscribed by all sorts of persons in Anno 1590. by a new ordinance of Councell , at the desire of the generall Assembly , with a band for maintenance of the true Religion , the Kings person , and each of other in that cause : as the Proclamation of indiction , being dated at Oatlands , the 9. of September , published at the Mercat crosse of Edinburgh , the 22. of the said moneth , more fully proporteth . Upon the hearing of which Proclamation , These who were attending at Edinburgh , and expecting a gracious answer of our former desires , as out of bounden dutie they did with all thankfulnesse acknowledge his Majesties gracious favour : So out of zeale to GOD and Religion , they did protest , that they who had by the late Covenant and Confession condescended more specially to the innovations and errours of the time , could not after so solemne a specification , returne to an implicit and more generall confession enjoyned , conforme to a mandat , apparantly discrepant from the genuine meaning of the confession , and wanting both explication and application , and did most humbly and earnestly desire the Lords of his Majesties Councell ; that they would not , in regard of the former reasons , presse upon the Subjects the subscription of this Covenant , but that they might be pleased to forbeare their own subscribing of it , in respect of the inconveniences might result upon their subscribing thereof , in an ambiguous sense ; but their Lordships not having subscribed that confession , containing our former explanation , and being required by his Majesties Commissioner , to subscribe the Confession , as it was drawne up , and presented to them , without our explanation , with a generall band for maintenance of the Religion in Doctrine and Discipline now presently profest , and of his Majesties person , least these words ( now presently ) repeated in this year 1638. should inferre any approbation of these innovations , introduced since the year 1580. whereof many did justly complaine , after deliberation for removing of this scruple and prejudice , and clearing of their own meaning ; they caused make an act of Councell that their swearing and subscribing of the confession of Faith was according to the tenour and date the second of March 1580. according as it was then profest within this Kingdome : whereupon they rested satisfied , being confident that the generall Assembly then indicted , would remove any doubt and differ which might arise anent the meaning and interpretation of the confession of Faith , and clear what was profest in the year 1580. Yet some having subscribed that Covenant in different senses , others forbearing to subscribe the same , as some of the Lords of Session , till the Assembly should declare the genuine and true meaning of the Confession , upon whose interpretation , as of the onely competent Judge , they might acquiesce , and rest satisfied : which now after accurate tryall of the acts of generall Assemblies , and mature deliberation , is fully cleared , and explained in this last generall Assembly by GODS mercy , and his Majesties gracious favour of indiction , holden at Glasgow : as the act made thereupon doth proport : whereby Episcopall government , mongst many other innovations is found upon undeniable evidences of truth and declared to be condemned and abjured in this Kirk , in Anno 1580. There is notwithstanding published in name of his Majesties Commissioner a declaration , tending to disswade his Majesties Subjects from receiving the explanation of the confession made by this Assembly , and affirming that the confession subscribed by the Councell , doth no wayes exclude Episcopall government , nor any thing else established by laws standing in force , the time of the taking of the said oath , the ninth of September last ; notwithstanding the foresaid act of Assembly , which as the decree of our mother Kirk ought to be received and reverenced by all her children , and act of Councell , whereof the words are so cleare , as they cannot admit any mentall reservation , which is acknowledged by such of the Councellers then present and subscribers , whose hearts GOD hath touched , to make the sense of their oath to GOD , preponder with them above all other worldly respects and fears . THis declaration containeth five arguments , with a boundle of acts of Parliament , quotted and drawne up by some persons , whom we know not ; but seen and approven by the Commissioner : whereby his Grace indevoureth to evince his conclusion , that Episcopal government was not abjured by the Councell , nor the Covenant 1580. Which is so repugnant to the acts of the Kirk ; The act of Councell , and all reason , that wee are confident , the same will make no impression in the judgement of any well affected Christian , as shall be evident by our following answers , which we offer to the readers consideration , after he hath first expended these generalls . 1. This Declaration is onely made by his Majesties Commissioner , * and not by the Lords of secret Councell , who should be fittest Interpreters of their owne act , and whose act should be the ample expression of their meaning , else acts of Councell , by possibilitie of admitting the variable cōmentarie of intentions , will losse all force & vigour in themselves . And yet it is evident that the Councellers have not only actually sworne to maintaine the Religion & Discipline established in Anno 1580. When Episcopacie was condemned ; but likewise intended to doe so : because they have distinguished and opposed betweene the Religion presently professed , 1638. mentioned in the Proclamation , and the Religion professed in Anno 1580. mentioned in their act ; and by that opposition of now and then , they reject the one , and swear the other : otherwise they needed no declaration : which notwithstanding accompanies their subscriptions , and is acknowledged by the Commissioner in the second line , to bee an act explaining the Confession , for obedience whereof all those who have subscribed that Covenant , have done the same . 2. Albeit his Majesty did not conceive any difference between the Religion , Doctrine and Discipline now profest , from that which was in Anno 1580. ( wherewith his Majestie can hardly be acquainted , without perusing the records of Assemblies ) yet his Majesties Reall intention was to maintaine the confession of Faith professed in Anno 1580. because his Royall disigne by that commandement was to maintaine true Christian Religion in puritie ( whereunto Episcopacie by this Kirk was ever judged and condemned as prejudiciall ) and to remove the fears of his Majesties good Subjects , complaining of by-gone innovations , and apprehending greater changes : which ends are only obtained by subscription of the Confession as it was Anno 1580. And no wise by maintaining the Religion now presently profest ; because the corruptions now presently received in this Kirk , are the grounds of our just complaints , as being * contrary to the word of God , and foresaid confession in Anno 1580. 3. Wee must distinguish between oathes , tendered by the first framers of the Confession , * the whole Kirk , who have power to interpret and explaine the same , and oathes required , to bee renewed by the supreme Magistrat the Kings Majestie , who as custos utriusque tabulae , and a true * Sonne of the Kirk , ought to receive the true meaning of the Kirk , and cause it to be received of those whom God hath subjected to him . And wee are confident that his Majestie , in his just and pious disposition , will never take away the benefite of that holy nationall oath , and confession of Faith subscribed by his Majesties Father of blessed memorie 1580. and now lately renewed againe , & solemnely sworne by the Subjects of this Kingdome , upon the pretence of any intentions repugnant to the true sense of that confession : which even as it is subscribed by the Councell , doth never import that his Majestie was framing or administring any new confession or oath , but only injoyning to renew the old confession 1580. and therefore unquestionably should be taken in the true meaning of that time . Fourthly , if there were any reall opposition betwixt his Majesties Proclamation and the act of explanation made by his Majesties Commissioner and Councell , * Yet the last must be observed and preferred before the first , because the first is his privat will , the second his publick , and judiciall will. Et posterior derogat priori , publica privatae . And albeit we doe not now expresse that the Councell did subscribe the confession of Faith in obedience to a mandat , where there was any contrariety , repugnancie , or ambiguity betwixt the mandat and the Confession it self , which was commanded , yet the Councell making an act that they did subscribe it as it was professed 1580. and declaring publickly that this was their owne meaning , both they and such of his Majesties liedges , who did subscribe in obedience of their charge , are obliged to observe r●m juratam , and the reall matter of the oath ( more then the minde and mandat of the prescriver ) especially seeing it is no new Confession , but the renewed Confession of the whole Kirk of Scotland ; The meaning whereof cannot bee declared nor interpret by any , but the whole Kirk of Scotland who now upon unanswerable reasons , have clearly found that Episcopall governement , was then abolished and abjured : It followeth by good consequence , that the Councell did both virtually and verily swear , yea intend to swear the abjuration of Episcopacie , which is found by that confession 1580. and the discipline of the Kirk then established , to be a corrupt government in this Kirk , of human invention , wanting warrand from the word of God , tending to the overthrow of this Kirk : So that any declaration in the contrare hereof is protestatio contraria facto , and the reasons thereof cannot be forceable , to brangle the resolution of any judicious well affected Christian , if he will patiently read and ponder , without preoccupation , these following answers to the five reasons insert in that declaration . The first aleadged reason is this , that his Majestie could not command an oath absolutly unlawfull : but it is absolutely unlawfull to swear against any thing established by the Laws of the Kirk and Kingdome , if the same be not repugnant to the word of God or repealed by posteriour lawes . * To this we answer , First . The Kings Majesty by commanding his subjects to renew the confession of Faith for maintaning the doctrine & discipline profest in anno 1580. hath commanded them to abjure whatsoever is found by the competent Judge to bee introduced since that time repugnant therto , albeit by the corruption of times it were coūtenanced with some law interveening . Secondly , the Lords of Councell and Session and other Subjects have subscribed the confession of Faith as it was 1580. not only without any restriction of it to the present laws , but in a direct opposition to what is presently established by returning from the present corruptions in the profession , tanquam termino a quo , to the profession 1580. tāquam terminum ad quem : which a * great part of Councellours and other Subjects have declared to bee their meaning . Thirdly , Episcopacie is found by the Kirk of Scotland in many Assemblies to be an office unwarranted by the word of God , unlawfull and repugnant thereto : so that the abjuration thereof in this Kirk is lawfull and necessare . Fourthly , Episcopacy was never * restored by any Assembly of this Kirk , nor these Assemblies wherein it was condemned , repealed , without the which the same could not bee established by a Parliament , whose power doth no more reach to the placeing officers originally in the Kirk , then the Kirks power to the making states men in the common-wealth . Fifthly , the lawes which any wayes contribute to the introduction of Episcopacy , do only extend to civill privileges , and were alwayes protested against by the Kirk , as contrarie to the nationall Covenant of this land . Sixthly , if any Assembly can be pretended to countenance Episcopacie or other corruptions , it sufficeth to say that the same with all the acts thereof is declared to have been nul and void ab initio for undeniable reasons , as the act at more length proports . Seventhly , the breach of our nationall Covenant by introduction of corruptions therby abolished , hath undoubtedly in high measure offended God : and therefore at the renovation of that Covenant againe with God , we ought not only to abjure al these innovatiōs , but hereafter should be carefull not to be relapse in our offence . Eightly , in no Covenant Episcopacie is expresly or specifice abjured , before all Ecclesiasticall lawes favouring the same was repealed , & declared null , but only virtually and generally , as being formerly abjured in anno 1580. And as the tryall hereof was referred to the Assembly , as the only Judge competent , so now when the Assembly hath declared & found Presbyteriall government to have been approved , & Episcopall government condemned , abolished and abjured in anno 1580. and in liew of perceiving that Episcopacie is of an Apostolick institution , have clearly seen that it is justly condemned in our Kirk , as the invention of man wanting warrand or fundament in the word of God , tending to the overthrow of this Kirk , Therfore albeit Episcopacie had been abjured expresly in the renovation of this Confession commanded by his Majestie , it was not unlawful , but most necessary and incumbent to us all , who are tyed by that nationall Covenant against that unlawful Hierarchicall government , albeit we had never renewed the same : But we are falsly calumniat to have condemned the name of a Bishop , even as it is used in Scripture , which the act of Assembly it selfe , sufficiently refutes , by allowing S. Pauls Bishops to-wit Pastours of a particular flock , and condemning only al other Bishops brought in without the warrand of Scripture . The second reason in the Declaration is , that the oath for preserving the discipline and government of the Kirk , cannot oblige after the alteration & change of that discipline & government : and seeing the Discipline and government of the Kirk is not only alterable , but chāged in this Kirk , we are not tyed by that oath , after the alteration . Wherunto we answer , first , that it is true , that policie and order in ceremonies is temporarie and may bee changed , as is meaned in that article of the Confession cited in the declaration : But a Bishop , or his office , or the government of Gods house cannot be called a ceremony , nay , they will be loath to be vilified by that appellation : but if it be a ceremony , they are of no Apostolick constitution , as is mentioned in the first reason : so that if they be lawfull governours in Gods house , warranted by his word , they are not alterable : and so this second reason militats not for them , if their office be changeable , and accounted among alterable ceremonies : they are well exploded from our Kirk ; & may be so by that second reason of the declaration . 2. One cause of generall Councels is , for constituting a good order and policie in ceremonies : which is grounded upon the last verse of the 14. Chap. to the 1. Corinth . willing that all things bee done decently and in order , wherein the Lord giveth not power to institute new officers in his Kirk , but commandeth his owne officers to exerce their functions by his commandements without indecencie , or confusion , in the variable circumstances thereof , to be determined according to the present occasions of edification , 3. In the 15. Chap. of the same confession of Faith , all mens inventions in matters of Religion are condemned ; And in the 19 Chap. Ecclesiasticall discipline uprightly ministred as Gods word prescribeth . Matth. 18. 1. Cor. 5. is set down as the third essentiall and unchangeable marke of the true Kirk of God ; and so is not of that nature with temporarie , changeable ceremonies ; though unwarrantably ranked with them in the declaration . 4. It is evident at our first reformation what policie was perpetuall , and what ceremonies changeable , for in the first booke of Policie compyled that same yeare with the Confession , 9 head is expressed a two-fold policie of the Kirke ; The one absolutely necessary in all Kirks , the other not necessar , but changeable ; such as , what day of the week sermon should bee , and the like ; whereof they established no order , but permitted every particular Kirk to appoint their own policie , as they thought most expedient for edification ; if parity of reason will make Episcopacie of this nature , let all men judge . 5. Our confession speaketh of an order in ceremonies ; which cannot bee appointed for all ages , as is before said . But when they speak of the office-bearers in the Kirk , they acknowledge according to the truth , that Christ himselfe appointed an ordinare constant government of his Kirk by his four ordinar office-bearers , The Pastor , Elder , Doctour , & Deacon , to administrat the same perpetually ; as is set downe in the first booke of Discipline , and in the treatise before the Psalmes , which was drawn up at that same time , and allowed by the same persons . Like as in the yeare of God , 1560. when that confession was made , & in the yeare 1567. when it was ratified , and by continuall acts of Assembly , and by the second book of Discipline ; The government of Christs Kirk by these foure ordinarie office-bearers , is set down as founded only upon the Word of God , as constant unchangeable , and perpetuall ; and as that holy discipline without which Gods word cannot be preserved ; so that the intruding of any other officer in Gods house was accounted an offence against the Lord of the house . 6. By our oath , we are obliged to continue in obedience of discipline as well as doctrine , because they are both grounded on the Word of God , without the warrand whereof , all traditions that are brought in are abjured , and the discipline of the Kirk of Scotland is set down in the book of policy , as grounded on Gods word & commanded to continue to the worlds end , whereunto we have sworn , and cannot without perjury to God , gainsay it , like as the Assembly ordaines the discipline of the Kirk to bee subscribed as such , and the act of Parliament 1592. Ratifieth the discipline of the Kirk , as a privilege granted by God , whereinto the Kings prerogative cannot bee prejudiciall . 7. It carrieth no shew of argument or face of probabilitie , that the Kirk and reformers of Religion which condemneth all other ordinar officers in the Kirk , but these foure appointed by Christ , did mean under the name of variable ceremonies , to comprehend and admit Episcopacy , which frequently they condemne , as an invention of man , without the warrand of Gods word , tending to the overthrow of the Kirk and puritie of Religion . 8. * The Prelats themselves will not grant Episcopacie to be reckoned in the orders of ceremonies , which cannot bee unchangeably constitute for all ages , times and places , but are temporall as devised by man ; and so changeable , when they rather foster superstition then edifie the Kirk , but herein they will disclaime the benefit of this second reason , and undoubtedly affirme , that Episcopall government , not only may be , but should be , and was appointed for all ages , times , & places ; & that it is not the devise of man tēporall & changeable , but deriveth its extraction from divine Apostolick , at the least Ecclesiasticall , perpetuall and necessar institution , as is averred in the first reason ; and so should ever be unchangeable . 9. This Kirk hath ever condemned all such as held the discipline , and policie thereof , to be indifferent and changeable ; & in particular in An. 1581. which is the year of the subscription of the confession of Faith , and book of policie , Mr. Robert Montgomery is accused and condemned for that doctrine . 10. In the Assembly 1596. upon the Kings Majesties proposition , and demand that it might bee lawfull for him to reason or move doubts , in any point of the externall policie , government , or discipline of the Kirk , which are not answered , affirmative or negative in the Scripture . The Assembly concluded , that it might bee lawfull for his Majestie , or his Commissioner , to propone any point to the generall Assembly in matters of externall government , alterable , according to the circumstances , providing it be done in right time and place , Animo aedificandi , non tentandi : But as for the essentiall discipline , in the book of Policie : * The same Assembly desireth the Kings Majestie to declare before his Estates , that he never intended to prejudge the same . 11. Albeit it were granted that discipline were changeable , yet now seeing by the Kings Majesties own consent , we have sworn to maintaine the discipline of the Kirk of Scotland , as it was 1580. we are obliged strictly , interposito juramento , to abide by that discipline specificè : at least till it be lawfully changed by the Kirk of Scotland , in her free generall Assembly , which can never be presupponed : because in rei veritate , the Discipline , as well as the doctrine , is acknowledged and sworn to , as unchangeable , wherein we must continue all the dayes of our life : and defend the same according to our power , under the penaltie of procuring deservedly upon our selves , all the curses contained in Gods Word . 12. The doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland , condemned Episcopall , and re-established Presbyteriall government perpetually : which we have acknowledged by joyning our selves in the assertory part of our oath , unto the Kirk of Scotland in doctrine as well as in discipline , and in the promissory part thereof by swearing to continue in the obedience of the Discipline , as well as Doctrine : to show that Discipline as well as Doctrine , is not variable , nor so sworn to by us : but as an immutable law and constitution , which we are obliged to maintain perpetually . The third reason is that we who subscribed the Covenant , acknowledged that Episcopacy was not abjured thereby , which is qualified by two instances . First that the Ministers in their answers to the Quaeres of Aberdeine , expressed themselves in that sense , holding these things for the present not to be abjured , but onely to be referred to the tryall of a free generall Assembly . Next , that it is averred in our last reasons against the subscription urged by his Majestie , that this oath , required by his Majestie , doth oblige the takers of it , to maintaine Perth articles , and Episcopacie . This needeth no answer if the preceding narration , and the whole passages of the businesse were considered and known ; for in the application of our Covenant , we did not expresly & specificè , abjure Episcopacie , but onely generally and virtually , by abjuring whatsoever was abjured in the Confession , 1580. which we found to be a strong band , lying upon us to bind us straitly to the obedience of the discipline then established : wherein because there had interveined some alterations , we permitted justly the tryall thereof to the Kirk , whether Episcopacie , Perth articles , and other innovations were not condemned and abjured by the said oath , which now the Assembly after carefull search and examination of the records have clearly found . This is the true meaning and substance of the answer made to the Quaeres of Aberdeine , and ought also to be the ingenuous meaning of the Councellours , who by their act declared they subscribed the Confession 1580. as it was then professed : which is consonant to our generall application , and which being now declared by their mother Kirk , they ought to reverence and obey , and not upon light and subtill pretences to neglect and contemne . 2. For the second instance : It is true that when the Councell was urged to subscribe the Confession , 1580. conforme to the warrands bearing ( that they should maintaine the Religion now presently profest ) wee justly feared , that the same being subscribed in 1638. would comprehend Episcopacie , Perth articles , and all other corruptions introduced since 1580. And therefore both in our written reasons against that subscription , and in our speeches at the Councell table , and to sundry Councellours in private , we dehorted them upon that reason from that subscription : which was the true cause why the Councell being convinced with that reason , made their explanatory act , declaring that they subscribed the Confession according to the meaning 1580. and as it was then profest , for removing of that doubt . 3. * Albeit by the meaning of the prescriver of an oath , the swearer were tacitly bound to maintaine Episcopacie , Five Articles of Perth , and such-like , yet according to the premitted considerations , he is more oblished to the realitie rei juratae , which is now declared and found to abjure Episcopacie , &c. Nor to the meaning of the prescriver or his owne either , being contrare to the explanation of the soveraigne Judge competent . The fourth reason is Syllogistically urged thus : It cannot be denied but that oaths ministred unto us , must either be refused or else taken , according to the known minde , professed intention , and expresse command of authoritie urging the same . But it is notoriously known , that his Majestie , not onely in his Kingdomes of England and Ireland , is a maintainer of Episcopall government , but likewise is a defender , and mindes to continue a defender thereof in his Kingdome of Scotland . And therefore the oath being taken , and not refused , must be sworn conforme to his Majesties known meaning . The minor is confirmed from our own Assertions . To this it is answered first , that in contradictory oaths , * the swearer is more obliged to the true meaning of the oath , clearly exprest therein , then either to his own meaning , or any sense of the prescriver , being contrary thereunto . Especially in this case , where there is no new oath which may receive any new meaning , but the renovation of the old oath , which can admit no new destructive sense : but must be sworn conforme to the genuine originall first meaning . 2. That oath was justly refused by us upon that ground of discrepance amongst many others ; and such like , was not received by the Councell , till they declared their meaning by act simul & semel with their subscription . 3. We doe not meddle with the Kirks of England or Ireland , * but recommends to them the paterne shown in the Mount : all our arguments and proceedings being for the Kirk of Scotland , where , from the time of her more pure reformation then of her sister Kirks , Episcopacie hath ever been abolished , till the latter times of corruption . So that though his Majestie hath hitherto maintained Episcopacie in Scotland , because his Majestie wanted the meanes to be informed of the acts of this Kirk , yet we know that God hath so richly replenished his Royall breast , with such justice and pietie , that when his Majestie shall receive perfect information , wee are confident that He will never desire any change or alteration in our ancient Kirk government and discipline . Especially now when his Majesty hath caused the maintainance thereof to be religiously sworn . The fift and last reason is , that we can never make it appeare , that Episcopall government , at the first time of administering the oath was abolished ; the very words of that confession of Faith , immediatly after the beginning of it being these : Received , beleeved , and defended by many and sundry notable Kirks and Realmes , but chiefly by the Kirk of Scotland , the Kings Majestie , and three Estates of this Realme , as Gods eternall truth , and onely ground of our salvation . Whereupon is inferred that Bishops , Abbots and Pryors , made up , at that time a third Estate of this Realme , which gave approbation to the confession of Faith : and therefore this third Estate did not abjure Episcopacie . And albeit it had bin abolished by acts of Assembly , yet it was not so by act of Parliament , but in force by many of them standing unrepealed , which are annexed to the reasons . Which being the acts of a Monarch , & his three Estates , are never repealable by any Ecclesiasticall nationall Synod . For answer hereunto , 1. It doth appeare and is manifest by the Registers and acts of Assembly , that before the subscription of the Confession at the time thereof , and thereafter : That Abbots , Priors , and Bishops were so clearly , evidently , and expresly condemned in this Kirk , That the best wits of this age opposers of Episcopacy cannot yet require one sillable to be added for farther assurance , and the most able maintainers thereof could not pick any quarrell to the clearnesse of the expression . 2. The clause citted in the reason , is onely anent the doctrine , and not anent the discipline , which thereafter is determined and the Hierarchie detested : And the Discipline of the Kirk sworn unto . 3. Albeit that clause were of discipline , yet it maketh nothing for Bishops except by inference , that they are comprehended under the name of the third estate : which cannot be so understood , for collections by way of inference or ex consequenti , cannot be adduced against the expresse acts of the time : wherein the makers signifie their minds in clear termes ▪ & apertissime dicendo , leaveth no place to presume the contrare : especially in this kingdome , where these expressions of stylus curiae are carefully observed without change : which may be seen in the same case by many Parliaments : where it is * not our that no Prelate was present , or allowed : and yet the acts proporting to be made by his Majestie and three Estates are interpreted by the quoter as made by the Prelats with others . 4. Episcopacie was abolished not only by acts of Assembly , but there is no standing laws for Episcopall government , but some against the same , as shall be evident in the answer made to the acts of Parliament , subjoyned hereto : but if there be any Acts of Parliament standing for Episcopacie , the Kings Majestie ; his Commissioner , the Councell , the Collective-body of the Kingdome , hath actually renunced the same by returning to the doctrine and discipline , 1580. whereunto Episcopacie is contrare : which God-willing may also be inacted at the next Parliament , proclaimed to be holden by his Majestie in May 5. The acts of the Assembly , and the book of Policie in the 1. and 10. chapter , putteth clear merches betwixt civill and Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction ; making every one independent in matters properly belonging to their owne judicatorie , and every one subject to the other in matters properly belonging to that other . * So that as the Assembly cannot make civill laws nor repeal them , nor imped the Parliament from making or repealing civill laws , no more can the Parliament make Ecclesiasticall laws originally , nor repeal , or hinder the lawfull Assemblies to repeal the same . For albeit acts of the Assembly are , and may be ratified in Parliament , that is , only that the civill sanction may concur with the Ecclesiasticall constitution : But will not stop the Assembly to recall their owne act : which being adnulled by them , the * civill ratification and sanction fals ex consequenti . For to maintain that the Kirk may not repeal her own acts , ratified once in Parliament , is so derogatorie to Christs prerogative and ordinance , to the liberty of the Kirk , and freedome of the Assembly , to the nature , end , and reason of all Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , as we have more largely cleared in the Protestation 22 September last ) that we beleeve few or none will be of that opinion . All these Five objections and many more was agitate and discussed in the Assembly , before the act anent Episcopacie was made . And seeing the generall Assembly of the Kirk of Scotland , indicted by his Majestie now holden at Glasgow , which is the only Judge competent and fit interpreter to remove and explaine all doubts , arising upon the confession of Faith , hath after long , religious and mature declaration , exponed the same , and clearly found that Episcopall government in this Kirk , amongst other corruptions , is abjured by the confession of Faith , as the same was profest within this Kingdome , hath discharged all subscription to the Covenant , subscribed and interpreted by his Majesties Commissioner , hath commanded the Covenant subscribed in Februare with the application to be now subscribed according to her present determination : therefore wee trust that the knowledge hereof , will be a sufficient warning to all good Christians and Patriots , that they subscribe not the one , and that they subscribe the other , according to the genuine and true meaning thereof , declared by the Kirk allennerly , and of no contrary incompatible sense , as they would eshew the crime and danger of a contradictory oath , and we would most humbly and earnestly beg of his Sacred Majestie , from the bottome of our hearts , that his Majestie would be graciously pleased to command , that the same may be so subscribed , conforme to the declared explanation of the Kirk ; which would prove the greatest happinesse and joy that ever befell these disconsolated Subjects of this nation , who ( though unjustly branded with many calumnies ) yet never have , nor ever shall swerve from our loyalty due to the Lords anoynted : But would readily imbrace any occasion to imploy our lives and fortunes for his Majesties service and honour : who ( we heartily pray God ) may long and happily ring over us . * There is annexed to this Declaration a quotation of sundry acts of Parliament , to prove that Episcopall government was not abolished in the yeare 1580. whereunto albeit there is no necessity of answer , seeing the meaning of the Kirk of Scotland in her Confession of Faith is onely to be sought from her self , and the registers of her Assemblies , and not from the Parliament , yet the same shall be specially answered in the order that they are alleadged : after these two generals are offered to the Reader his consideration . 1. After the reformation of this Kingdome , the Kirk was still wrestling against all corruptions , and especially against Episcopacie . But though they clearly and frequently condemned the same , yet the power of the enemies of reformation withstood them long : so that her owne policy could not be obtained ratified expresly & specifice in Parliament , till the yeare of God 1592. which abrogateth all those proceeding acts , alledged in the contrare . 2. That acts of Parliament can no more make Ecclesiasticall offices , nor give Ecclesiasticall priviledges , nor the acts of Assembly can establish civill offices of Estate , or grant to them civill priviledges ; each Judicatorie being properly confined within their owne spheres . But before the acts of Parliament be particularly marked and cited , there be two reasons prefixed : the one taken from some acts of Parliament 1567. cap. 2.3.6 . and cap. 68. Par. 1579. The other from the oath ministred to the King , at his coronation , for the act of Parliament 1567. Bearing that no Bishop nor other Prelate in this Realme , use any jurisdiction in time comming by the Bishop of Romes authority , It is evident hereby that Episcopacy is altogether condemned , as all other Prelacie was : for before that time they had no jurisdiction but from the Pope : and therefore being discharged to execute that ; they are discharged by the act to execute any at all . That this is the true meaning and scope of that act is manifest : because the Kirk in the book of common order , and in the first book of discipline at that same time , acknowledgeth no other ordinary office bearers appointed by Christ in Ecclesia constituta . But the Pastor , Doctour , Elder and Deacon : and in her Assemblies at that same time , was still censuring these who were called or designed Bishops by reason of their benefices , as is instructed by the acts printed before the book of discipline . And therefore in the act of Councell , 1560. made in the same yeare by these same persons , ratifying the first book of discipline , they provided only that Bishops , Abbots , Pryors , &c. Being protestants , brook their revenewes during their life-times : they sustaining Ministers in the meane time . 2. In the yeare 1566. which precedes that Parliament , the Kirk of this Kingdome approved the Confession of Helvetia ; wherein the parity of Ministers is preferred as Gods ordinance warranded by his word , to Episcopacy , as an humane consuetude . 3. Because at that time the Queene had restored the Archbishop of S. Andrews ; therefore the Kirk supplicated the Nobility of the Kingdome , against that restitution , which they condemne as the curing of the head of the beast once wounded within this land . Wherein they expresly ground themselves upon the said act of Parliament being before made in the year 1560. as a certaine abrogation of the Arch-bishops authority . 4. In the 2. book of discipline chap. 11. the Kirk useth the same act of Parliament as an abrogation of the Papisticall Kirk , and Papisticall jurisdiction , and thereby of Episcopall jurisdiction and power . 5. The Kirk thereafter in the same chapter declareth their uniformity of this meaning by urging the act of Parliament , 1567. printed amongst the black acts and renewed in the Parliament holden 1579. ( which immediately followeth the act here cited ) declaring that no other Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction shall be used within this Realme , but that which is and shall be in the reformed Kirk and floweth therefrom : and they urge that none under the abused titles in Papistry , of Prelates , &c. attempt to claime the benefite of any act of Parliament , having no commission of the reformed Kirk within this Realme . Whereby our Kirk declared all Episcopall jurisdiction to be Papisticall . Which is the true meaning of the word , his Hirarchie in the short confession . For their jurisdiction could flow from none other but from the Pope : Seeing it flows not from the Kirk : but was abolished and condemned by them : as is cleare by the Registers of the Assembly . 6. The acts doe abolish all Papisticall jurisdiction : And therefore all Episcopall jurisdiction , because Episcopall policy and jurisdiction is Papisticall : as is acknowledged by many , and specially by Doctor Poklingtun Chaplaine to the Bishop of Canterbury : who deduceth a continuall lineall succession from Peter through the whole Popes , unto the present Arch bishop of Canterbury : and by the quotter himselfe , who alledgeth ( albeit falsly ) that this Kirk retained the Papisticall Policy and government . 6. Where it is said in the reason ; that our Kirk did not innovate any thing in that Policy which they found in the Kirk before the reformation : the same is controlled by the book of Common prayer , first book of Discipline , and acts of the Assemblies . And for the 6. act 1567. and the 68. act 1579. The same doth not only not mention Bishops , but declareth the true Kirk to consist only of Ministers of the Gospell then living , and these who thereafter should rise ; agreeing with them , in doctrine and administration of the Sacraments , and the people , as the members thereof , which directly excludeth Bishops : against whom the doctrine and practise of this Kirk , continually sounded : especially at that time . For in the government of this Kirk by weekly meeting of Ministers , Elders , and reformed townes from the yeare 1560. to the yeare 1576. ( except the interim of the pretended convention at Leeth 1572. ) and from the yeare 1575. to the year 1581. The Assemblies for the most part were imployed in abolishing the corruptions of Episcopacy , and in establishing the setled Policy : which was agreed upon , 1578. In the second book of Discipline . In the which acts of Assembly and book of Discipline is set down at large the doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland , anent that discipline , as grounded and well warranded in the word of God , and against Episcopall jurisdiction , as an unlawfull humane invention : So that Episcopacy being contrary to the doctrine of the Kirk of Scotland , 1579. The Bishops disagreeing from the Ministers of the Evangel then living , in doctrine and in the use and administration of the Sacraments , are declared by the said acts to be no members of this Kirk , and the same acts cited for them doe sufficiently evince that Episcopacy was still condemned , notwithstanding all opposition made in the contrare . As for the Kings oath , the same containeth no mention of Bishops , but by the contrary , the King is obliged thereby to maintaine the true Religion of Jesus Christ , the preaching of his holy word , and right administration of the Sacraments , then received and preached within this Realme . And seeing it is cleared by the preceeding relation , that Bishops were never allowed , but oppugned by the Kirk of Scotland , that oath doth not allow , but exclude Episcopacy which is also more perspicuous in the short confession 1580. and 1581. when the Kirk set downe her constant policy in Doctrine and Discipline grounded upon the word of God , wherein the Hierarchie is abjured as contrary thereto ; and craved an oath from his Majesty for maintenance thereof , which now also our gracious Soveraign in the judgement of the Kirk of Scotland is obliged to maintaine , as being founded upon the word of God , and exclusive of Episcopacie as repugnant thereto . The acts of Parliament thereafter particularly cited are these mentioned in order . The 24. act 1567. ratifying all civill priviledges formerly granted to the spirituall estate , and the 35. act 1571. Ratifying all acts made anent the freedome , and liberty of the true Kirk : the same cannot bee extended to the establishing of Episcopacy because it is not mentioned in these acts , but by the contrary was abolished by the acts of the Assembly and Parliament , before mentioned , so that the priviledges therein mentioned , are granted to such Kirk-men as then were received by the Kirk and Kingdome : and the freedome of the Kirk must be interpret by her owne judgement : who thought ever Episcopall jurisdiction an heavy bondage : and yet those priviledges can inferre no spirituall jurisdiction , but only civill priviledges ; some immunities and extemptions granted for the goods and persons of Kirk-men as is cleare , 1. act Iames 1. Par. 1. and 26 , act Par. 2. Iames 1. and 4. act Par. 3. Iames 2. with many others . It is here to be observed , that the carefull evolver of these acts of Parliament , hath omitted to cite the 7. act 1. Parliament of King Iames 6. bearing the examination and admission of Ministers , to be only in the power of the Kirk , then openly and publickly profest ; and presentations to be made to Superintendents , or others having commission from the Kirk , and appealeth from them , to the Superintendents and ministers of the Province , and appealleth from these to the generall Assembly : in all which gradations no mention of Bishops ; but they in effect excluded by that contrare distinction of the Kirk then openly profest : because they were discharged by the foresaid second act 1567. and Superintendents were then permitted like temporarie Evangelists for the present necessity , declared in the first booke of discipline ad ecclesiam constituendam ; but was abrogate from 1575. that the constant Policie of Ecclesia constituta began to be established . As for the acts of Parliament , 1572. and 1573. It is knowne by the records of the time , that the Regent then laboured hard to bring in Arch-bishops , and Bishops , who were not dead , but standing de facto provided to the power of these titulars of benefices , to fortifie his owne designes , and counter-ballance the authority of Ministers , pressing the purity of reformation : and so cannot be honourably alleadged for the Bishops at this time : and yet it was done not by authority , but by warrand of some Ministers of his owne party conveened at Leeth : and was onely done for an interim , and protested against by the next Assembly ; and yet neverthelesse by the said acts of Parliament , the Arch-bishops , Bishops , Superintendents , or Commissioners of Dioces or Provinces , are joyned together ( which is wrongously omitted in the quotation ) to show that no Archbishop or Bishop , quatales had any power , but only being de facto standing provided in the title , they were capable of a Commission from the Kirk , which sometimes they obtained , and in the book of Assembly are named such as are called Bishops , and were under the Discipline of the Kirk : and in the same Superintendents possessours and titulars of prelacies , as well as Arch-bishops and Bishops , are ordained to be called and conveened for that effect before the generall Assembly of the Kirk : And yet none can say , That the offices of Abbots , Pryors , &c. were then retained ; howbeit the benefices were not extinct ; and few ill grant that when the Arch-bishops and Bishops office was in vigour , they thought themselves subject to the generall Assembly : as they are by the said act which is also fraudfully omitted in the quotation . As for the acts of Parliament 1578. and 1579. It is answered that the Kirk in this meane time , from the yeare 1575. was busied in abrogating Episcopacy , and establishing the constant policie , as is cleare by the printed acts of Assembly before the book of Discipline , and unprinted acts of Parliament : The Kirk by her Commissioners daily reasoning and agreeing with the Kings Majesty and his Commissioners upon these heads of policie , whereupon the Parliament , by the said 69. act 1579. declareth there is none other jurisdiction ecclesiasticall to be acknowledged , but that which is in this reformed Kirk , and floweth there-from , which extinguisheth Episcopacy ; because it doth not flow from this reformed Kirk : neither can produce its chartor from her : for besides that it was abolished by the foresaid acts 1567. It was condemned also in the book of Policie , and in the generall Assembly holden at Dundie , 1580. and their whole estate spirituall , and temporall condemned in the Assembly at Glasgow , 1581. and so acknowledged by his Majesties Commissioner in the Assembly at Edinburgh , 1581. so that by this act of Parliam . 1579. The Bishops are so abolished , that unlesse they be established by lawfull Assemblies of the Kirk , no act of Parliament since sen can conduce for their establishment : seeing this act with the other acts for their abolition , standeth yet unrepealed . And farther for the act of Parliament , 1578. if the same contribute any thing , for Episcopacy , it must either be because Bishops are there mentioned , or for the power thereby conferred upon them : But both these are weak grounds . The first because there is no Bishop there named , but such as stood provided de facto on life : which is an designation of the benefice , which was not then extinct ; and not of the office which was extinct . The power conferred upon them by the said act can give no strength to the argument : because there is no jurisdiction granted thereby to them , but only power to visit Hospitalls : which the Parliam . might have granted to any person : but was most proper to these idle titulars of benefices , who might best attend the same , or imploy means for their reparation . And this charge is likewise communicate by act of Parliament to all Chancellours of this Kingdome for the time being : And as to the 71. act 1579. we repeat the former answers that Superintendents and Commissioners are there joyned with the Bishops ; to show that no power is granted unto them as Bishops , but Commissioners from the Kirk , and the name is still used , because the benefice was not extinct , but they were knowne by that appellation . The acts of Parliament 1581. were better alledged for Assemblies then Bishops , for it is an expresse ratification of the former acts of abolition of Bishops , and abrogation of all acts or constitutions , cannons civill or municipall contrare to the Religion then presently profest within this kingdome : which is not only clearly exprest in the words : but if they were doubtsome ( as they are not ) were manifest for these reasons . First , the Assembly holden at Edinburgh , about the very same day , honoured with the presence of his Majesties Commissioner , is acknowledged by him to have condemned Episcopacy whereunto temporall jurisdiction is annexed : and the Assembly declaring that function to be against the word of God and acts of the Kirk , thereupon did supplicat the Parliament , that they should make no acts repugnant to the word of God , especially concerning Bishops . Secondly , the King and Estates by that act ratifieth all acts made for maintainance of the liberty of the true Kirk of God , presently professed within this Realme and purity thereof : which present profession can be no other , then that which was received by the Kirk and Assembly then presently sitting so near the Parliament at Edinburgh , which had approven the Presbyteriall government , condemned the Episcopall , and ratified the short confession simul & semel , wherein the Estates had sworn to the Presbyteriall and abjured Episcopall government . Thirdly , this ratification of the former acts of Parliament must bee interpreted , according to the words thereof , to be in all points , which are not prejudiciall to that purity of Religion and liberty of the Kirk presently professed within this Realm . And at this time the whole Estates had subscribed the short Confession and so sworn to the discipline , set down in the book of discipline , which by this act is ratified in the first place , before any speciall enumeration of particular acts . Fourthly , it hath beene formerly showne that in the preceeding acts of Parliament where Arch-bishops or Bishops are named , the same hath beene by reason of their benefice , and not their office : which the Parliament could not give them being abrogate by Assembly : or having intended really to give them any place , would not have joyned Superintendents and other Commissioners with them : or otherwise they are named as having equall power with the Superintendents and other Commissioners , as in the convention at Leeth ; and conforme to the time , especially 1572. and 1573. Wherein some titulars or possessors of prelacies , so called in the 46. act of the Parliament 1572. had a commission from the Kirk like unto Superintendents , which was not fully abrogate untill 1580. But all this was without prejudice of the Kirk her liberty , to recall her own commission from these who were provided to prelacies ; and to condemne their Episcopall offices , whereunto they ascrived the power ; which they really had by their commission : as the Kirk did upon good reasons abrogate the office of Superintendents without impunging of the saids acts of Parliament ( which were never rescinded till 1592. ) whereby it is evident , that though this act of Parliament 1581. ratifie the former acts wherein Arch bishops , Bishops , Superintendents , or other Commissioners of the Kirk are named , yet seeing the said acts are alternative conceived , the vigour and efficacy thereof subsists by this ratification in the last alternative ; viz. Commissioners from the Kirk , Dyoces or Province : seeing the remanent were formerly condemned : especially by this Assembly of Edinburgh holden the time of the Parliament . Fifthly , this ratification 1581. of the former acts made in favours of the true Religion repeating only the titles of these acts and not themselves , cannot import any corroboration of the offices under the titles mentioned in these former acts : because this ratification , can only be extended to the matter , and not to the designation of the persons , exprest in the former acts , which is only personall and circumstantiall , as for instance , this act 1581. could not confer any power or employment upon Superintendents : because that office was then abrogate ; and out of the Kirk . But the true meaning of the act is ; that ratifying the substance and matter in favours of the Kirk and Religion , it doth intrust the execution to these whom the Kirk shall lawfully authorize with commission for that end , which is more manifest in the 114. act Par. 12. 1592. wherein this act 1581. and all the acts therein contained are ratified quoad materiam : and yet all Arch-bishops and Commissioners are discharged and all Ecclesiasticall matters subjected to Presbyteries . Sixthly , it cannot probably agree with reason that by this ratification the Parliament , above their power would endevoure to establish in the Kirk any function so recently condemned of before by the Assemblies at Dundie 1580. and at Glasgow and Edinburgh , 1581. immediately before this Parliament . The acts of Parliament 1584. are of severall natures . But they were protested against , by the Ministers of Edinburgh in the name of the Kirk of Scotland , at the mercate crosse of Edinburgh , when they were proclamed and as they were made in that time which was called the houre of darknesse in this Kirk , tirrannized by the Earle of Arran , so are they expresly repealed 1592. cap. 114. Anent the act of Parliament 1584. For the three Estates , and so furth . To answer : Primo , that the Kirk from the yeare of God 1580 , 1581. that the Confession was subscribed , unto the year 1597. all this time was by continuall acts condemning the office of Bishops , their spirituall , their temporall , their whole estate , their confusion of civill and Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction , and craving in Councell and Parliament the dissolution of Prelacies and the erection of Presbyteries . 2. De facto the former Bishops being continually processed and sentenced by the Kirk , these who presumed to usurp that office condemned by the Kirk , namely Mr. Patrick Adamson , and Mr. Robert Mountgomrie in the yeare 1582. 1584. 1586. they were deprived and excommunicate by this Kirk before the Parliament , 1587. 3. De facto no Ecclesiasticall Bishop voted in Parliament but Mountgomry and Adamson , who were taken in by the Earle of Arran , unto the Parliament holden in May at Edinburgh 1584. Wherein the three Estates ratifieth the honour and dignity of the three Estates , so that as these two Bishops cannot be called the third Estate which doth ratifie , so the Estate of Bishops , cannot be called the third Estate , which is ratified : especially seeing by that same Parliament in the 132. act . Bishops of the Diocie are but nominate the Kings Commissioners . And in the last act of that same Parliament , printed of old in black letter , there is set downe the Kings Commission granted to the said pretended Bishop Adamson . 4. From 1581. till the yeare 1597. the quoter doth not eite nor can cite any act of Parliament expresly nominating any ecclesiasticall Bishop , but that in the 1584. wherein he is named as one amongst other the Kings Commissioners , whereof some were meere secular persons . 5. It is cleare by the first act of the ninth Parliament 1584. and the eleventh act of the 10. Parliament 1585. that Bishopricks , Prelacies , Abbacies , Priories , Nunries , were then thought to be alike in the Kings hands , were granted to whatsoever persons being his subjects , albeit they brooked no office in the Kirk : so that some of these lordships and Baronies were erected before 1587. and excluded from the annexation . 6. As the Kirk had ever been craving the dissolution of Prelacies , and condemning the temporall as well as the spirituall estate of Bishops , by their act of the Assembly 1581. and by their censure of the Presbyterie of Striviling for admitting Montgomrie to the temporality of the Bishoprick of Glasgow , and censure of Mountgomrie for aspyring thereto , contrare to the word of God and acts of the Kirk in the Assembly 1587. Iuni. So in the 11. Parl. of King Iames the sixt 29. of Iuly 1587. 29. act . The three Estates of Parliament annexeth to the crown , all Lordships and Barronies pertaining to whatsoever , Archbishops , or Bishops , Abbots , Pryors , Nunnes , and Munkes : reserving alwayes to Archbishops , Bishops , Abbots , Pryors , Pryoresses , commendators , and others possessours of great Benefices of the estate of Prelates , and which before had or hath vote in Parliament , the principall Castles and Fortalices : whereby it is cleare , that the stylus curiae naming three Estates did no wayes include Ministers being Bishops : seeing no ecclesiasticall Bishops , sate in that Parliament , nor could sit : because the only two Bishops of the time Adamson and Montgomery , were before deprived and excommunicat , and certainly they neither would nor could have sitten as an Estate in Parliament to abrogate their owne estate and lordships , and temporall land , whereupon that act acknowledgeth any right they had , did depend . 2. It is cleare that Archbishops or Bishops , Abbots , Pryors , &c. all alike voted in Parliament of old , not by reason of their ecclesiasticall office , but by reason of their great benefices and lordships : which here is said to have had vote in Parliament : for that cannot be relative to the persons , as unto Pryoresses : but unto the benefices . So that Ministers voted not as Ministers in name of the Kirk , but as possessours of these great benefices or Baronies : and others who were not Ecclesiasticall persons being titulars , and possessours of these great benefices both communi styl● were called Bishops , Abbots , &c. by vertue of the benefice without any office , in the rolls of Parliament , and in the act of Assembly 1587. The Bishoprick of Cathnes is said to vaike by decease of Robert Earle of March , the Kings Uncle : And the Assembly in their letter to the King declareth , to be against the word of God and acts of the Kirk , to present and admit any Minister to that Bishoprick , as also some of these titulars , and possessours of the benefices , albeit they had no ecclesiasticall office , did some times ryde and vote in parliament . 3. It is cleare that the three Estates by taking away from Archbishops , and Bishops , their Lordships Barronies , and temporall lands , they took away their vote in parliament , which doth not subsist , but in and by the benefice , and therefore ecclesiasticall persons separat to the Gospel for want of their great benefices , had no vote in parliament , till the 1597. ( albeit all the interveened acts are made by the three Estates , ) wherein the Kings Majesty restoreth Ministers to the titles and dignities of Prelacies , which showeth that before they were disponed to others then Ministers ; and provideth that Ministers presented to these titles and dignities , and to the benefice of Bishopricks , shall have vote in parliament ; which sheweth that the benefice and not the office giveth right to vote in parliament , like as the very act of parliament 1606. acknowledgeth , that by the act of annexation of the temporality of benefice to the Crown 1587. the estate of Bishops were indirectly abolished ; and therefore they behoved to rescind the act of annexation anent the benefice , and restore them to these titles and dignities , before Ministers could vote in parliament , but these acts also are hereafter answered . 7. But as for 130. act 1584. no Bishop is therein mentioned ; and yet it is adduced for Bishops , because the three estates are therein named , under one of which the Prelate claimeth to be comprehended , but why more he then Abbots , and Pry●rs formerly abolished , as well as Episcopacy ? why more by that act , then many former made when Bishops neither rode , sate , nor voted in parliament ; but were expugned out of this Kirk , and yet the acts were all made by the three estates , which albeit it needeth none other demonstration then that it is stylus curiae , carefully observed in this Kingdome ; Yet the truth is , that the Nobility , Barrons , and Burrows were the three estates of this Kingdome , many hundred yeares after Christianity , before any Bishops was in this Kingdome , as is observed by Buchanan and Boetius , and acknowledged by Lesly in his Chronicles ; and after the Bishops were abrogate expresly the three estates of parliament did continue , and make all acts of parliament . Yea , after the 1592. where Bishops were discharged , for if Bishops were an estate , there behoved to be foure estates of parliament ; as there are so many named in the Commission granted by King JAMES , and King CHARLES , viz. The Clargie , Nobility , Barons , and Borrows , and that as ecclesiasticall persons separate to the Gospel , since the reformation , were never warranted to voice in Parliament , while 1597. So on the other part , the Barons are , and have beene , as an estate of parliament in uncontravered possession of voting in parliament , conforme to the 101. act Parl. 7. King IAMES the first , renewed again in the parliament 1585. and 1587. act 113. wherein precepts of the Chancelary are ordained to be directed to the Barons as unto an Estate of parliament : even as they shall be direct unto other Estates , to wit , The Nobilitie and Borrows ; which in that act is mentioned . So in this same act of parliament ( which in the narrative relateth the bygone great decay of the ecclesiasticall Estate ) There are exprest three compleat Estates in Parliament , The Nobility , Barrons , and Borrows . And as in law the three Estates are intire without Bishops or Ministers voters in Parliament , So also , it is most expedient , and necessar for the liberty of the Kirk , honour of the King , and peace of this kingdome : That no Ministers vote in Parliament , as is more clearly and largely proved in the reasons of the protestation , given into Parliament against the same , 1606. And in the act of this Assembly against civill places of Kirk-men . As for the 131. act 1584. no Bishop is therein mentioned to get any benefite thereby , and far lesse can the same reach to the prejudice of the late Assembly , which was indicted by his Majesty , and is an ordinare judicatory allowed by the lawes of God and man : like as it is answered in our protestation , more largely . And for the 132. and 133. act of the said Parliament 1584. there is no Ecclesiasticall priviledge or authority thereby granted to Bishops as Bishops ; but only a power of cognition : wherein the Parliament hath joyned others the Kings Commissioners with them , only as the Kings Commissioners : and granted the same unto seculare persons with them : but the King could never provide them to the office and jurisdiction of Bishops , which was abolished by many acts of Parliament and Assemblies before written . The 23. act 1587. worketh directly against Bishops : being a generall ratification of all acts formerly made anent the religion presently profest in this kingdome : which must include the acts abolishing Episcopacy ; but especially , seeing in the same Parliament 1587. temporall livings are taken from the Bishops , as well as the office was 1567. And the same act undoubtedly was granted in the same meaning , wherein the Kirk did crave it ; who that same yeare had often condemned Episcopall government , as contraire to Gods word , and the liberty of the Kirk , and approved Presbyteriall government , as flowing from the pure fountaine of Gods word . It falleth in here to be remarked that the act 114. anno 1592. is never alleadged : and that because it not only revocks in particular the foresaid acts 1584. but in generall all other acts contrary to that discipline then established , and in particulare , the Assemblies , Presbyteries and Synods ▪ with the discipline and jurisdiction of this Kirk , are ratified and established , as most just and Godly , notwithstanding whatsoever statutes , acts , cannons , civill or municipall lawes made in the contrare : whereunto his Majesties prerogative is declared to be no wayes prejudiciall . Further the said act abrogates all acts granting commission to Bishops , and other Judges constitute in Ecclesiasticall causes ; and ordaineth presentation to benefices to be direct to Presbyteries , with power to give collation thereupon : And so containeth a ratification of the heads of Policy set downe in the second book of discipline . Which act is renewed act 60. anno 1593. and the power of Presbyteries acknowledged 1594. act 129. and was never rescinded expresly in totum ; but only in part by the ratification of the act of Glasgow . Which now cannot be respected ; but falleth ex consequenti : seeing that Assembly of Glasgow is now upon just and infallible reasons declared to have been null ab initio : and so this act of Parliament , wisely omitted by the collecter to the Cōmissioners grace might serve alone , without our preceeding speciall answers , for clearing the whole preceeding acts . The 23. act 1597. granteth the priviledge of a voyce in Parliament to the whole Kirk ; and under that name to Abbots , or other persons provided to prelacies , as well as Bishops : even as in time of papistry . So as Sir Robert Spottiswood , Abbot of New-abbay road thereafter in Parliament : which was both unwarrantable and unusuall . Which doth nothing contribute for the Bishops advantage , because albeit the benefice was not extinct , yet neither the King nor the Parliament might give them the office so oft condemned by this Kirk : which is also acknowledged in the same act ; because after the granting to them of the said voyce , the Parliament remitteth them to the King and the Assembly , concerning their office in their spirituall policy and government in the Kirk . 2. The said act beareth expresly to be but prejudice of the jurisdiction and discipline of the Kirk , established by acts of Parliament made in any time preceeding , and permitted by the said acts to all provinciall and generall Assemblies , and other whatsoever Presbyteries and Sessions of the Kirk : and so the same cannot derogate from the former acts ratifying the present discipline of the Kirk , especially the said act 1592. nor yet from the acts of the Assembly abjuring Episcopacy . 3. The priviledge is granted upon condition they be actuall Pastors and Ministers . And so we referre to the world and themselves , if with good consciences they may claime the benefice of that act . 4. That priviledge was obtruded , and pretended to be introduced in favours of the Kirk : who may and hath renounced the same , as being incompatible with their spirituall function : as the act of the Assembly at more length beareth , upon undeniable reasons . 5. When voyce in Parliament was first plausible obtruded upon the Kirk , it was neither proponed nor tolerated in other tearmes then that onely such should have vote in Parliament , as had Commissiom from the Kirk . So that not as Bishops , but as Ministers , Commissioners from the Kirk , they had vote in Parliament . Like as the Assembly at Montrose , 1600. being so hardly prest by authority , that they could not get it altogether refused ( albeit in their conference at Haly-rud-house , 1599. they proponed unanswerable reasons against this , and all other civill places of pastours ) set downe cautions , binding the Ministers voters in Parliament , to bee insert in the act of parliament subsequent : which was omitted notwithstanding of the Bishops oath and duty in the contrare ; for the breach whereof they are now most justly censured . 6. The ratificatory acts of the priviledges of the Kirk and Discipline thereof then profest , are not thereby abrogate , but notwithstanding thereof must stand in force , because it is ever understood , and frequently provided in Parliament , that all acts thereof are made salvo jure cujuslibe● ; far more salvo jure ecclesiae & sponsae Christi , when she is robbed of her right without audience : especially seeing her right , is usually ratified in the first act of every Parliament . 7. Albeit it were granted , that by this Act of Parliament , or any whatsoever the Prelates had voice in Parliament , yet that doth not exeime them from Ecclesiastick censure , nor forefault the Kirks right , whereby she may condemne them for their transgressions : as now this Assembly most justly hath done , for by their own caveats , whosoever is ecclesiastically censured by Presbyteries and provinciall Assemblies , ipso facto loseth his benefice and vote in Parliament . 8. Further the Bishops in their declinatour professe they never had commission from this Kirk to voice for her in Parliament , according to the cautions set down in the Assembly at Montrose : for the which cautions that Assembly was never challenged , as trenching upon the third estate . The act of parliament 1606. is coincident with the nature of the preceeding acts , for albeit the King and parliament might have reponed them to their rents , teends , lands , &c. which were annexed to the Crown ; yea , might have disponed to them any part of the patrimony of the Crown , If lordly titles and civill places in the persons of pastors separat to the Gospel , had been lawfull , yet could not give them the spirituall office , and jurisdiction spirituall , which was abolished and abjured by many preceeding acts of Assembly and parliament forecited . Et quod illud tantum agebatur , is evident by the whole straine of the act , reponing them , for remeed of their contempt and poverty to their dignities , priviledges , livings , rents , lands , and teinds : and this alwayes limited , as was competent to them , since the reformation of Religion in the reformed Kirk : From which time their office and jurisdiction spirituall was alwayes extinct . Which is evidently acknowledged in the act of Parliament 1592. and expresly in the act of parliament 1597. granting voice in parliament to Ministers . Which albeit it was the first step to Episcopacy , yet the parliament thereby hath remitted the office of Bishops in their spiritual policy and government ( as not pertaining to their civill place and jurisdiction ) to the King and the generall Assembly of Ministers , as properly belonging to them , but prejudice alwayes of the jurisdiction and discipline of the Kirk , permitted by many acts of Parliament , ( whereof that 1592. forecited is one ) to generall provinciall Assemblies , Presbyteries and Sessions of the Kirk , which were never prejudged neither by the act 1606. nor by the act 1609. albeit corruption was then fast advancing ; till the yeare 1612. at which time first , and never before , the King and Estates had taken the advice of the pretended Assembly at Glasgow , anent their office and spirituall jurisdiction formerly remitted to them ; as is cleare in the act of Parliament 1612. relative to that remit in the Parliament 1597. which for that cause is also omitted by the quotter . Like as also the act of parliament 1609. restoreth them only to temporall jurisdiction , and priviledges , lawfully pertaining to them and flowing from his Majesty , as any other ordinare jurisdiction doth ; with reservation of the Kings supremacy and prerogative therein ; which can no wayes comprehend their ecclesiasticall office , because the same is not a temporall jurisdiction , neither did lawfully pertaine to them , but by the law of God , and acts of this Kirk after reformation ; and by the act 1592. was abrogat and taken from them ; and the ecclesiasticall power established in presbyteries . So that if it be an ecclesiasticall office , it cannot flow from the King , who cannot make a Minister , Doctor , Elder or Deacon in the Kirk ; albeit hee may present a Minister made by the KING of Kings to the Kirk ; neither can the parliament institute originally any ecclesiasticall office in the Kirk , as is before said . Further the intended scope of that act is only the restitution of Commissariats and temporal jurisdiction flowing from his Majesty ; as is cleare by the act it selfe , bearing that they shall brooke all priviledges and jurisdictions granted to them by his Majesty , and redintegrates them to their former authority and jurisdiction , lawfully pertaining to them , alwayes flowing from his Majesty ( from whom only temporall jurisdiction doth flow ) which is only the jurisdiction of Commissers in temporall causes , and no waies any spirituall jurisdiction competent ratione officii : which by Gods word and the lawes of the Kingdome was abjured in them , and established in assemblies , presbyteries , &c. as is many times before repeated . But to convince them further it is not or that both 1606 , and 1609. they road in Parliament , and by their own voices and the iniquity of the time , made the said acts without inserting the cautions made at Montrose , without any commission from the Kirk , contraire to the said cautions and their owne oath given for observance thereof , against which the Kirk of Scotland did protest solemnly , clearing unanswerably , not only the unlawfullnesse of their Ecclesiastick Episcopall function ; but also of the civill places in persons of Pastors , from Gods word , our confession of Faith , 1580. acts of this Kirk and Kingdome ; but this protestation being rejected by them was printed to the view of the world . And as for the act of the Parliament 1617. it cannot set down consecration to the office , without a preceeding act of the Kirk : which is not alleadged : but by the contraire , the Kirk , had before condemned that office , and did particularly protest against that act of Parliament . Moreover this act is builded upon the supposed ground of Glasgow Assembly 1610. which for infallible reasons is now annulled : and so not only this act 1617. but all after acts , ratifying the same , fall ex consequenti ; both by the light of reason , law and practise of this Kingdome . For when the principall act or right ratified doth fall , the subsequent ratification falleth eo ipso : especially in this case , when civill laws in ecclesiasticall matters , cannot be made originally , nor subsist after the abolition of the ecclesiasticall constitutions , which they ordaine under civill sanction to be obeyed : and yet being once annulled they cannot be obeyed . And further even that corrupt Assembly of Glasgow 1610. which is now declared to have been null ab initio , did never restore the office of a diocesian Bishop before condemned in this Kirk ; but did too far enlarge and extend the power of these who were provided to the benefice of Bishops ; and yet alwayes under cautions and limitations sworn unto : which they never observed ; and upon condition of their subjection for censure to yearly generall Assemblies : which they have not keeped , but impeded , and so they ought not to clame the benefice of these acts of Parliament concluded by their own voyces , and protested against by the Kirk of Scotland and violated by themselves . And last , for answer to all acts of Parliament whatsoever , let the Christian Reader consider , if , as the Assembly lately conveened by his Majesties indiction in the name of Jesus Christ , should judge ( and hath proceeded ) by the word of God alone ; and not by acts of parliament : so we are obliged by our oath made to God , to return to the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk 1580. and renounce all subsequent acts contrary thereunto , and prejudiciall to the purity of reformation and the Kirk ▪ in whose favours any pretended priviledges is granted , and that out of experience of reall prejudice , and the pungent sins of our oath and danger of perjury ; under which this Kingdome lyeth : for the which we ardently deprecate Gods wrath , and beg mercy to every one of us who are guilty ; and must still continue our earnest and humble supplications to his Majesty for redresse ; as we shall do our petitions to God , for preserving the sacred person of our dread Soveraign , and perpetuating his reigne and his Royall posterity over this land so long as the world endureth . Revised according to the ordinance of the generall Assembly , by mee Mr. A. Ihonston Clerk thereto . Edinb . 14. of Feb. 1639. BEcause the Reader shall not need to doubt of the vanity of all these exceptions against the Acts of Parliament here cited , and of the impertinency of their Citations of some Acts of Parliament to the contrary : Wee shall demonstrate to the Reader , that when this Confession of Faith was first framed , and injoyned to be subscribed ; Episcopall government was then in force and strength , which doth appeare by the most unquestionable and irrefragable Record of that Kingdom , viz. The Bookes and Rolls of Parliament . And therefore Wee have here caused to be inserted out of the Sederunt Rolls of Parliament , the names of such Bishops as sate in Parliament , and represented the third Estate since the Reformation , beginning no higher then the yeare 1579. In which the Reader must note that the Abbots were secular men who had got the Abbey-lands , but yet retained their names and places in Parliament . Parliament 23. Octob. 1579. Sederunt pro Clero Archb. S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Glasgow . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Murray . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 15. Parliament penult . Octob. 1581. Sederunt pro Clero Archb. S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 12. Parliament 2. Octob. 1583. Sederunt pro Clero Archb. S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Aberdene . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Dumblane . Sederunt pro Clero Argyl . Sederunt pro Clero Iles. Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 13. Parliament 22. May 1584. Sederunt pro Clero Archb. S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkel . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 11. Parliament 26. August 1584. Sederunt pro Clero Archb. S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkel . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Aberdene . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots . 4. Parliament 1. Decemb. 1585. Sederunt pro Clero Arch● . S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkel . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots . 9. Parliament 13. July 1587. Sederunt pro Clero Archb. S. Andrews . Sederunt pro Clero Aberdene . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 13. Parliament 3. Aprill 1592. Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 6. Parliament 3. Aprill 1593. Sederunt pro Clero Aberdene . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 6. Parliament 22. Aprill 1594. Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Aberdene . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 5. Parliament 1. Novemb. 1597. Sederunt pro Clero — Abbots 5. Parliament 1. Novem. 1600. Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 6. Parliament 12. Aprill 1604. Sederunt pro Clero Glasgow . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Rosse . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Caithnes . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 3. Parliament 3. July 1606. Sederunt pro Clero S. Andrewes . Sederunt pro Clero Glasgow . Sederunt pro Clero Dunkell . Sederunt pro Clero Rosse . Sederunt pro Clero Galloway . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 1. Sederunt pro Clero Priors 1. Parliament 3. August 1607. Sederunt pro Clero St. Andrewes . Sederunt pro Clero Glasgow . Sederunt pro Clero Murray . Sederunt pro Clero Brechin . Sederunt pro Clero Caithnes . Sederunt pro Clero Orknay . Sederunt pro Clero Abbots 3. ABout this time Our Commissioner resolved to aske Our leave for his returne to Us , seeing there was no good to bee expected from Our faire and gracious proceedings with them of the pretended Assembly , and wrote unto Us accordingly . When he had received Our leave for his returne , hee hearing of the great stirres which were now raised at Edinburgh , and the strong and great guards which were since his leaving of Glasgow put upon Our Castle there , repaired thither to Our Palace at Holy-rood-house , where he found the people of that Citie horribly abused by the mis-reports of all the passages of the Assembly , whilst he continued at Glasgow ; especially with a false information that We had there made good nothing of all which was contained in Our last gracious Declaration made at Edinburgh the 22. of September last past : herewith hee made Us presently acquainted , which moved Us by a very speedie dispatch to command him by Our Proclamation to make known to all Our subjects at Edinburgh , the summe of his whole proceedings at Glasgow ; which Our Commissioner presently performed , by causing this Our ensuing Proclamation to bee published at the Market Crosse of that Our Citie . Charles R. CHARLES by the grace of God , King of Scotland , England , France , and Ireland , defender of the Faith. To Our Lovits Maissars , Heraulds , Pursevants , Our Sheriffes in that part conjunctly and severally specially constitute , greeting . Whereas for the removing of the disorders which had happened of late within this Our Kingdome , and for setling of a prefect peace in the Church and Common-wealth thereof , We were pleased to cause indict a free generall Assembly , to be holden at Glasgow the one and twentieth of November last : And for Our subjects their better content and assurance that they should bee freed of all such things as by their petitions and supplications given in to the Lords of Our Privie Councell , they seemed to be grieved at , We in some sort preveened the Assembly , by discharging by Our Proclamation the Service Book , Booke of Canons , and high Commission , freed and liberate Our subjects from the practising of the five Articles , eximed all Ministers at their entry from giving any other oath then that which is contained in the act of Parliament , made all persons both Ecclesiasticall & Civill lyable to the censure of Parliament , generall Assembly , or any other judicatorie competent , according to the nature of their offence : had declared all by-gone disorders absolutely forgotten and forgiven : and last , for securing to all posteritie the truth and liberty of Religion , did command the Confession of Faith , and band for maintenance thereof , and of authoritie in defence of the same , subscribed by Our deare Father , and his houshold in anno 1580. to be renewed and subscribed againe by Our subjects here : And albeit that this Our gracious and pious command , in stead of obedience and submission , rancountred open and publicke opposition and protestation against the same : And that they continued their daily and hourely guarding and watching Our Castle of Edinburgh , suffering nothing to be imported therein , but at their discretion , stopping and impeding , any importation of ammunition , or other necessaries whatsoever to any of Our houses within this Kingdome : Denying to Us their soveraigne Lord that libertie and freedome , which the meanest of them assume to themselves ( an act without precedent or example in the Christian world . ) Like as they spared not boldly and openly to continue their conventions and Councell tables of Nobility , Gentrie , Ministers and Burgesses within the citie of Edinburgh , where , not regarding the laws of the Kingdome , without warrant of Authority , they conveened , assembled , and treated upon matters , as well Ecclesiasticall as Civill , sent their injunctions and directions throughout the countrey to their subordinate tables , and other under Ministers appointed by them for that effect . And under colour and pretext of Religion , exercing an unwarranted libertie , required obedience to their unlawfull and illegall directions , to the seen prejudice of Authority , and lawfull monarchicall government . And notwithstanding it was evidently manifest by the illegall and unformall course taken in the election of the Commissioners for the Assembly , whereof some of them were under the censure of this Church , some under the censure of the Church of Ireland , some long since banished for open and avowed teaching against Monarchie , others of them suspended , and some admitted to the Ministerie contrary to the forme prescribed by the lawes of this Kingdome ; others of them rebells , and at the Horne , some of them confined , and all of them by oath and subscription bound to the overthrow of Episcopall Government . And by this and other their under-hand working , and private informations and perswasions , have given just ground of suspicion of their partialitie , and so made themselves unfit judges of what concerneth Episcopacie . And al 's albeit it was sufficiently cleared by the peremptory and illegall procedures of the Presbyteries , who at their owne hand by order of Law , and without due forme of processe , thrust out Moderatours lawfully established , and placed others whom they found most inclinable to their turbulent humours , associate to themseves , for chusing of the Commissioners to the Assembly , a Laick-Elder out of each Parish , who being in most places equall , if not moe in number then the ministerie , made choice both of the ministers , who should be Commissioners from the Presbyteries , as also of a Laick-Elder , ( which in time will prove to be of a dangerous consequence , and import a heavie burthen to the libertie of Church and Church-men ) being more directed therein by the warrants of the foresaid pretended Tables , then by their owne judgements ; as appeared by the severall instructions sent from them ( farre contrary to the Lawes of this Country , and lowable custome of this Church ) some whereof were produced and exhibit by Our Commissioner , and publikly read : One whereof , direct to the Noblemen and Barons of each Presbyterie , doth among many other odde passages , require diligence , lest ( say they ) by our owne sillinesse and treacherie wee lose so faire an occasion of our libertie both Christian and Civill ; a strange phrase to proceed from dutifull or loyall hearted subjects . The other to the Moderatours of the severall Presbyteries , under the title of Private Instructions , August 27. first , containeth that these private instructions shall be discovered to none , but to brethren well affected to the cause : secondly , order must be taken , that none be chosen ruling Elders but Covenanters , and those well affected to the businesse : thirdly , that where the Minister is not well affected , the ruling Elder be chosen by the Commissioners of the shire , and spoken to particularly for that effect : fourthly , that they be carefull that no Chappelmen , chaptermen , or Minister justice of peace , be chosen , although Covenanters , except they have publikly renounced , or declared the unlawfulnesse of their places : fifthly , that the ruling Elders come from every Church , in equall number with the Ministers ; and if the Minister oppose , to put themselves in possession , notwithstanding of any opposition : sixthly , that the Commissioner of the shire cause conveen before him the ruling Elder of every Kirk chosen before the day of the election , and enjoyne them upon their oath , that they give vote to none but to those who are named already at the meeting at Edinburgh : seventhly , that where there is a Nobleman in the bounds of the Presbyterie , he be chosen , and where there is none , there be chosen a Baron , or one of the best quality , and he onely a Covenanter : eighthly , that the ablest man in every Presbyterie be provided to dispute de potestate supremi magistratus in Ecclesiasticis , praesertim in convocandis conciliis , &c. Whereby it is most evident what prelimitations , indirect and partiall courses , and dangerous propositions have beene used in the preparations and elections to this pretended Assembly . By which unlawfull doings , although Wee had sufficient reason to have discharged the meeting of the said Assembly , yet We were pleased patiently to attend the same , still hoping that when they were met together by the presence of Our Commissioner , and assistance of some well affected subjects , who were to be there , and by their own seeing the real performance of what was promised by Our Proclamation , they should have bin induced to return to the due obedience of subjects . But when We perceived that their turbulent dispositions did increase , as was manifest by their repairing to the said pretended Assembly with great troups and bands of men , all boddin in fear of war , with guns , & Pistolets , contrary to the lawes of this Kingdome , and in high contempt of Our Proclamation at Edinburgh the 16. day of Novemb. last : And also by the peremptory refusing to the assessors , authorized by Us ( although fewer in number then Our dearest Father was in use to have ) the power of voting in this Assembly , as formerly they had done in all others , openly averring that We , nor Our Commissioner , had no further power there then the meanest Commissioner of their number : & by their partial and unjust refusing , & not suffering to be read the reasons & arguments given in by the Bishops , & their adherents to Our Commissioner , why they ought not to proceed to the election of a Moderatour , neither yet to the trying and admitting of the Commissioners , before they were heard , though in Our name they were earnestly required thereto by Our Commissioner : and notwithstanding that Our Commissioner by warrant from Us gave in under his hand a sufficient Declaration of all that was contained in Our late Proclamation , bearing likewayes Our pleasure of the registration of the same in the books of Assembly , for all assurance of the truth and puritie of Religion to all Our good subjects , as doth clearly appear by the declaration it self ; wherof the tenor follows . The Kings Majesty being informed that many of his good subjects have apprehended that by the introducing of the Service Book , and Booke of Canons , the inbringing of Superstition hath been intended , hath been graciously pleased to discharge , like as by these he doth discharge the Service Booke , and Booke of Canons , and the practice of them , and either of them , and annulls and rescinds all Acts of Councell , Proclamations , and other acts and deeds whatsoever , that have beene made or published for establishing them , or either of them , and declares the same to be null , and to have no force nor effect in time comming . The Kings Majestie , as he conceived , for the ease and benefit of the subject , established the high Commission , that thereby justice might be administrate and the faults and errours of such persons as are made lyable thereto , taken order with , and punished with the more conveniencie , and lesse trouble to the people . But finding his gracious intention therein to be mistaken , hath beene pleased to discharge , like as by these Hee doth discharge the same , and all acts and deeds whatsoever made for establishing thereof . And the Kings Majesty being informed , that the urging of the five Articles of Perth Assembly hath bred distraction in the Church and State , hath been graciously pleased to take the same into His royall consideration , and , for the quiet and peace of this countrey , hath not onely dispensed with the practice of the saids articles , but also discharged all and whatsoever persons from urging the practice thereof , upon either laicke or ecclesiasticall person whatsoever , and hath freed all His subjects from all censure and paines whether ecclesiasticall or secular , for not urging , practising , or obeying them , or any of them , notwithstanding of any thing contained in the Acts of Parliament , or generall Assembly in the contrary . And his Maiesty is further contented , that the Assembly take the same so farre to their consideration , as to represent it to the next Parliament , there to be ratified as the Estates shall finde fitting . And because it hath been pretended , that oaths have been administrate different from that which is set downe in the acts of Parliament , his Maiesty is pleased to declare by me , that no other oath shall be required of any Minister at his entry , nor that which is set downe in the act of Parliament . And that it may appeare how carefull his Maiesty is that no corruption nor innovation shall creepe into this Church , neither yet any scandall , vice , or fault of any person whatsoever , censurable or punishable by the Assembly ; goe along unpunished , his Maiestie is content to declare by me , and assure all His good people , that generall Assemblies shall be kept so oft , and al 's oft as the affaires of this Church shall require . And that none of His good subiects may have cause of grievances against the proceedings of the Prelates , his Maiesty is content that all and every one of the present Bishops , and their successors , shall bee answerable , and accordingly from time to time censurable , according to their merits by the generall Assembly . And to give all his Majesties good people full assurance , that Hee never intended to admit any alteration or change in the true Religion profest within this Kingdome , and that they may be truely and fully satisfied of the reality of His intentions and integrity of the same , his Majestie hath been pleased to require and command all His good subjects to subscribe the Confession of Faith , and band for maintenance thereof , and of his Majesties person and Authority , formerly signed by His dear Father , in ann . 1580. and now also requireth all these of this present Assembly to subscribe the same . And it is his Majesties will , that this be insert and registrate in the books of Assembly , as a testimony to posteritie , not onely of the sincerity of His intentions to the said true Religion , but also of His resolutions to maintain and defend the same , and His subjects in the profession thereof . Which declaration was by Our speciall command and direction given in , and subscribed by Our Commissioner , upon protestation made by him , that his assenting to the registration hereof , should be no approbation of the lawfulnesse of this Assembly , nor of any of the acts or deeds done , or to be done therein . And finding them in like sort no wayes to be satisfied therewith , and that nothing else was able to give them contentment , except at their owne pleasure they were permitted to overthrow all Episcopall government in the Church , and thereby to abrogate Our publike lawes standing in vigour by the space of many yeares by-gone , and to alter the fundamentall government of this kingdom , in taking away one of the three Estates , contrary to expresse acts of Parliament : And lest the continuance of their meetings might have produced other the like dangerous acts so derogatory to Royall authority , We were forced for preveening thereof , and for the reasons and causes above-mentioned , and divers others importing true monarchicall government , to dissolve and breake up the said pretended Assembly , and to discharge them of all farther meeting , treating and concluding any thing therein . And yet in that calme and peaceable way , as Our Commissioner before his removing desired their pretended Moderator for that time to have said prayer , and so concluded that dayes session , that so they might have had time to thinke upon the just reasons of his refusing to assist , or be any longer present at the said pretended Assembly , & of the causes moving Us to the dissolving thereof : and notwithstanding his earnest urging the same , and being willing to returne the next morning to heare their answer ; in place of all other satisfaction to his so reasonable and moderate desires , it was refused , and met with a protestation of an high and extraordinary straine , thereby presuming to cyte and call Our Councell in question , for their dutifull assistance and obedience to Us and Our Commissioner . And finding their disobedience thus to increase , We were constrained to discharge them of new againe the next day thereafter , by publike proclamation , under the paine of treason . And albeit that their contumacie is such as hath not been heard of in former times , yet they shall never move Us to alter the least point or article of that We have already declared by proclamation , or declaration under Our Commissioners hand : All which was publikely read , and by Our Commissioner required to be insert and registrate in the books of Assembly , therein to remain as a testimonie to posterity , not onely of the sinceritie of Our intentions to the true Religion , but also of Our resolution , to maintaine and defend the same , and Our subjects in the profession thereof : And perceiving likewise that in contempt of Our proclamation at Glasgow the 29. of November they goe still on to conveene , meet , and to make illegall and unwarrantable acts , We have conceived it fitting to forewarne all Our good subjects of the danger that they may incurre by being insnared by these their unlawfull procedures . And to this purpose doe not onely liberate and free them from all obedience to any of the pretended acts , made , or to be made at the said pretended assembly , or Committees direct therefrom , but do also free them from all pain and censure which the said pretended assembly shall inflict upon them , or any of them . And therefore doe discharge and prohibit all Our subjects , that they nor none of them acknowledge nor give obedience to any pretended acts nor constitutions made or to bee made at the said pretended meetings , under all highest paines . And We command , charge , and inhibite all presbyteries , sessions of Kirkes , Ministers within this Realme , that none of them presume nor take upon hand privately nor publikely in their sessions and meetings , nor in their conferences , sermons , nor no other manner of way , to authorize , approve , justifie , or allow the said unlawfull meeting or assembly at Glasgow : neither yet to make any Act thereupon , nor to do any other thing private or publike , which may seeme to countenance the said unlawfull Assemblie , under the paine to bee repute , holden and esteemed and pursued as guiltie of their unlawfull meeting , and to bee punished therefore with all rigour : And siclike Wee command all and sundrie Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Magistrates , and all other Our lieges who shall happen to bee present and heare any Ministers either in publike or private conferences and speeches , or in their Sermons , to approve and allow the said unlawfull Assemblie , raile and utter any speeches against Our Royall commandments , or proceedings of Us , or Our Councell , for punishing or suppressing such enormities , that they make relation and report thereof to Our Councell , and furnish probation , to the effect the same may bee accordingly punished , as they will answer to Us thereupon : Certifying them who shall heare and conceale the said speeches , that they shall bee esteemed as allowers of the same , and shall accordingly bee taken order with , and punished therefore without favour . And to this effect We likewise straightly charge and command all Judges whatsoever within this Realme , Clerks and Writers , not to grant or passe any Bill , summons , or letters , or any other execution whatsoever , upon any Act or Deed proceeding from the said pretended Assemblie , and all keepers of the signet from signetting thereof , and that under all highest paines . And because Wee gave order and warrant to Our Commissioner to make open declaration , not onely of Our sense , but even of the true meaning of the Confession of Faith , in Anno 1580. by which it may clearely appeare , that as Wee never intended thereby to exclude Episcopacie , so by no right construction can it bee otherwayes interpreted , as is more nor evident by the reasons contained in the said Declaration , and many more , which for brevitie ( the thing in it selfe being so cleare ) are omitted . Herefore Wee do not onely prohibit and discharge all Our subjects from subscribing any band , or giving any writ , subscription , or oath to , or upon any Act , or Deed that proceeds from the foresaid pretended Assemblie , but also do require them not to subscribe , nor sweare the said Confession in no other sense then that which is contained in the said Declaration , and manifestly emitted by Our Commissioner , under all highest paines . And that none of Our good subjects , who in their duty and bound obedience to Us shall refuse to acknowledge the said pretended Assemblie , or any of the pretended Acts , constitutions , warrants , or directions proceeding therefrom , may have just ground of feare of danger or harme by doing thereof , Wee do by these promise , and upon the word of a King oblige Our selves by all the Royall authoritie and power wherewith God hath endowed Us , to protect and defend them , and everie one of them in their persons , fortunes , and goods , against all and whatsoever person or persons who shall dare or presume to call in question , trouble , or any wayes molest them , or any of them therefore . And Our will is , and Wee charge you straitly and command , that incontinent these Our Letters seene , you passe , and make publication hereof by open Proclamation at the market crosse of Edinburgh , and other places needfull , wherethrough none pretend ignorance of the same . Given from Our Court at Whitehall the eighth day of December , and of Our Reigne the fourteenth yeere , 1638. Per Regem . THis Our Proclamation , published onely to make Our people acquainted with Our gracious proceedings at Glasgow , which by the malice of their Leaders had either beene concealed from them , or misreported to them , was received , as all Our former gracious proffers , with a verie undutifull , windie and blustering Protestation , so full of words , but withall , so void of truth and sense , as We were once resolved not to have inserted it here , neither indeed is it necessarie it should , for it is stuffed with the idle and superfluous repetitions of those things which are contained in their former Protestations , especially their last Protestation made at Glasgow , with which indeed it is for the most part the same verbatim : Yet , because We know that if it should be left out they would not stick to assure their followers , that it was omitted because of the unanswerable pregnancie of the reasons contained in it , here you shall have it , but without any answer to it , as to their former Protestations hath beene given ; there being verie little in it which is new , and so not answered before , or what is in it new being either verie false or verie impertinent , both which falsities and impertinencies shall onely bee observed on the margent , being assured that the Reader will easily finde that there is nothing in it worthie of any larger answer . The Protestation of the generall Assemblie of the Kirke of Scotland , made at the Market Crosse of Edinburgh the 18. of December , 1638. WE Commissioners from Presbyteries , Burghes , and * Universities , now conveened , and yet sitting in a full and free Assemblie of the Kirk of Scotland , indicted by his Majestie , and gathered together in the name of the Lord Jesus Christ the onely Head and Monarch of his owne Kirk ; And We Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Ministers , Burgesses and Commons , Subscribers of the Confession of Faith , make it knowne ; that where We his Majesties loyall subjects of all degrees , considering and taking to heart the many and great innovations and corruptions lately by the Prelats and their adherents introduced into the doctrine , worship , and discipline of this Kirk , which had been before in great purity , to our unspeakable comfort , established among us , were moved to present many earnest desires and humble supplications to his sacred Majestie , for granting a free generall Assemblie , as the only legall and readie mean to try these innovations , to purge out the corruptions , and settle the disorder of the Kirk , for the good of Religion , the honour of the King , and the comfort and peace of the Kirk and Kingdome : it pleased his gracious Majestie out of his Royall bountie , to direct unto this Kingdome , the Noble and Potent Lord James Marquesse of Hamiltoun , with Commission to heare and redresse the just grievances of the good subjects : who , by many Petitions and frequent conferences being fully informed of the absolute necessitie of a free generall Assemblie , as the onely judicatorie which had power to remedy those evils , was pleased to undergo the paines of a voyage to England , for presenting the pitifull condition of our Kirk to his sacred Maiestie : And the said Commissioner his Grace returned againe in August last , with power to indict an Assemblie , but with the condition of such * prelimitations , as did both destroy the freedome of an Assemblie , and could no wayes cure the present diseases of this Kirk . Which was made so clearely apparant to his * Grace , that for satisfying the reasonable desires of the subjects , groaning under the wearinesse and prejudices of longsome attendance , he was againe pleased to undertake another journey to His Majestie , and promised to endeavour to obtaine a free generall Assemblie , without any prelimitation , either of the constitution and members , or matters to bee treated , or manner and order of proceeding : so that if any question should arise concerning these particulars ( whereof the power of ruling Elders as a part of the constitution , and the examination of Episcopacie as a present question to bee moved , was exprest , albeit now the Commissioner hath pretended the samine for the greatest causes of his rising and away going from the Assemblie ) the samine should be cognosced , judged , and determined by the Assemblie , as the onely judge competent : And accordingly by warrant from our sacred Soveraigne returned to this Kingdome , and in September last caused indict a free generall Assemblie to bee holden at Glasgow , the 21. of November last , to the unspeakable joy of all good subjects and Christian hearts , who thereby did expect the perfect satisfaction of their long expectations , and the finall remedie of their pressing grievances . But these hopes were soone blasted , for albeit the Assemblie did meet and begin at the appointed day , and for the space of seven dayes sitting was countenanced with his Graces personall presence , yet his Grace did never allow any freedome to the Assemblie , competent to it by the Word of God , Acts and practice of this Kirk , and his Majesties indiction , but did labour to restraine the samine during the time of his abode there , by protesting against all the Acts made therein , and against the constitution thereof by such members , as by all Law , reason , and custome of this Kirk , were ever admitted as members constituents of our free Assemblies , and by denying his approbation to the things proponed and concluded , though most cleare , customable , and uncontroverted . And further , his Grace after the presenting and reading of his owne Commission from our sacred Soveraigne , and after his seeing all our Commissions from Presbyteries , Burghes , and Universities , produced and examined , and the Assemblie constitute in all the members by unanimous consent , did , to our great griefe , without any just cause or occasion offered by us , * unexpectedly depart , and discharge any further meeting or proceeding in this Assemblie , under the paine of treason ; and after seven dayes sitting , declare all Acts made , or thereafter to bee made in this Assemblie , to bee of no force nor strength ; and that for such causes as were either then exprest verbally by his Grace , or contained in a Proclamation made by his Grace at Glasgow , * without any warrant of an Act of Councell , contrarie to the Law and custome of this Realme : whereunto we answered by our Protestation of the 29. of November , or otherwise for such reasons as his Grace thought meet to alledge , which are since superadded in this late Proclamation , now made at Edinburgh , this 18. of December , wherein , for our greater surcharge of sorrow , wee are heavily and wrongously blamed and taxed of many great offences . And first for making Protestation against the Proclamation made at Edinburgh the 22. of September last , whereas our reasons contained in that our Protestation are so forcible and just , to demonstrate the necessity and lawfulnesse of our Act , that wee judge all good men and Christians will be satisfied therewith ; whereanent we remit our selves to our Protestation printed , and will not for shortnesse repeat the samine reasons here . And where we are reproached and blamed in this new Proclamation for guarding and watching the Castle of Edinburgh , and impeding to import ammunition , or other necessaries , to any of his Majesties houses ; an Act which is exaggerat to bee without an example in the Christian world , seeing we denie that libertie to our Soveraigne , which the meanest of us do assume to our selves : For answer hereunto , wee confidently affirme that wee are unjustly challenged of all the said points , except for preveening dangers evidently threatned unto us , by circumspect attendance about the Castle of Edinburgh ; which afterward we shall shew to be warrantably done : * For we declare that we have never made the least stop or hindrance to the importation of any ammunition , victuall , or thing whatsoever , into any other of his Majesties houses , or Castles : Nor for carrying all necessarie sustentation into the Castle of Edinburgh . Neither hath any of us fortified , or provided any of our private houses for warlike defence ; so that all those are heavie , and unjust imputations : But wee confesse and grant , that there being some provision and ammunition quietly imported into this Kingdome , for furnishing the Castle of Edinburgh , and intended secretly to have been put therein , we have carefully preveened the samine by our diligent attendance , And that for such reasons , grounded upon equitie , the Law of nature , and municipall Lawes and Acts of Parliament of this Kingdome , and the lowable example of our predecessours : For the truth is , that having petitioned his Majestie for redresse of our just grievances , and a legall triall thereof , before we received any answer thereunto , all possible meanes were used to dissolve that union which was made amongst us for that good cause , and to impede all our meetings from deliberating thereupon , wherein the town of Edinburgh made a considerable part , not onely as an important member of this conjunction , but as a most commodious and ordinarie place of our meetings ; so that when all other meanes of perswasion had failed , the meanes of terrour was not left unassaied : And for that effect a great quantitie of ammunition was brought by sea from forraine parts to have beene clandestinly imported into the Castle of Edinburgh , as no doubt it was intended , seeing the samine was unloaded in the dead time of the night : And we considering that in case the samine had bin imported into the castle , with other provision and store formerly therein , the samine might have bin used & imploied for the overthrow of that place , and tended to our great prejudice , by with-drawing them , upon that terrour , and displacing us from our ordinarie meetings ; upon these reasons and considerations we preveened the samine by such a loyal way as cannot be offensive to Authoritie : * For the safetie of the publike is the end of all lawfull power , and supreme Law. And the adversaries of our Religion having formerly boasted , by that provision so to furnish the Castle , that it might beat down the town of Edinburgh , and bar the supplicants from meeting therein , we had just reason to hinder that fetter of slavery to be put upon the towne ; and that the Castle of Edinburgh , which is amongst the first strengths of the land against forraine forces , might bee turned as a speciall engine of constraint against the subjects , to hinder their lawfull meetings , or to force the towne of Edinburgh to separate from the rest of the supplicants : Which great prejudice the Law of nature teacheth us to avoid , And yet we have not proceeded therein without the warrant of the Acts of Parliament . For first , where there is any violent presumption of spoyling of the Countrey , it is ordained that the * Lievtenant raise the Countrey , and passe to such Castles and fortalices where there is any unrulie men , and take sovertie of the persons within these houses , that the Countrey and all the Kings lieges bee unharmed and unskathed of the saids houses , and of them who inhabits the samine from time forth : And if any make difficultie to bee arrested , and finde sovertie as Law will , they shall bee streinied thereto , James 2. Parliament 2. Act 3. And therefore now seeing there is not onely violent presumption , but great menacing , from the adversaries of the truth and Countrey , and their adherents , of the breaking of the Countrey and harming of the samine ; and especially his Majesties lieges within Edinburgh , by the extraordinarie provision of munition to the Castle of Edinburgh , and that by the saids Bishops plots from his Majesties prime officers , who in his Majesties absence should preveene that inconvenient by the ordinance of that Act : Therefore upon their default the Countrey it selfe and the Kings lieges , in whose favours the Act is made , may provide for their owne safetie , and keep themselves unharmed by that Castle , or any inhabitants thereof , and so preveen the importation of ammunition thereunto , conforme to the said Act of Parliament . * Secondly , as the Castle of Edinburgh and certaine other Castles and lands are the Kings undoubted annexed propertie , so it is to bee considered for what cause they were annexed , by whom annexed , upon what condition , and how to be disponed upon . For the onely cause exprest in the annexation thereof 41. Act. James 2. Parliament 11. is , that the povertie of the Crowne is oftimes the cause of the povertie of the Realme : Which Act makes no mention that the King was annexer of the Castles and Lands to the Crowne , but only that by the advice of the full Councell of the Parliament it was so statute and ordained , And appoints that they may not bee disponed upon , without advice , deliverance , and decreet of the whole Parliament , for great , seene , and reasonable causes of the Realme : So that being thus annexed to the Crowne by the Realme it selfe , for avoyding an inconvenient to the Realme , and being annexed with condition not to be disponed upon without the advice and decreet of the whole Parliament , and for great , seene , and reasonable causes of the Realme ; justice and equitie will require , that these Castles should not be made an instrument of the povertie and desolation of the capitall towne of the Realme , and of the harme of the most considerable part of the bodie of the Realme there conveened for supplicating his Majestie and the Councell , and preparing overtures to the future Parliament , for redresse of our just grievances . But now by this extraordinarie provision to the Castle , being threatned with ruine and exterminion , they may stop the misimploying of that benefit granted to the Realme eo animo & ad hunc finem , for the well of the Realme , while the Parliament of the Kingdome give their humble advice to his Majestie thereanent . Thirdly , by the 9. Act. 9. Parl. James 6. it is acknowledged that the Castle of Edinburgh , Dumbartane , Stirling , and Blaknesse , are foure chiefe strengths of the Realme which ought to be safely kept to the Kings behove , and wel-fare of the Realme : And for keeping the Castle of Edinburgh , there is assigned , with consent of the Estates , both money and victuall , a great part whereof is forth of the thirds of benefices , which thirds in December 1561. were decerned and ordained by Queene Marie , with advice of her Councell and others of the Nobilitie then present , to bee up taken and imployed for these two uses : viz. Sustaining of Ministers , and entertaining and setting forward the common and publike affaires of the Countrey and Common-wealth of the Realme : which was also enacted , Act 10. Parl. 1. James 6. and thereafter ratified Act 121. Parl. 12. James 6. Whereby it doth appeare that as the Castle is the Kings undeniable annexed propertie , so it is also a strength of the Realme , which should be safely kept to his Majesties behove , and wel-fare of the Realme , having for the keeping thereof rents assigned with consent of the three Estates of the Kingdom forth out of the thirds of benefices , estimate by the Estates in eum usum , for entertaining and setting forward the publike affaires of the Countrey and Common-wealth of the Realm . And consequently the most * loyall part of the body of the Realme hath maine interest to divert the converting of this strength to the weakning or ruine of the Realme or any member thereof , threatned by this unusuall provision , and openly denounced by our said enemies . Fourthly , by the 125. Act 7. Parl. James 6. it is acknowledged that the Kings Castles and strengths are the keyes of the Realme : and the onely use of keyes is for keeping together in safetie and preservation , and not for spartling , dispersing , or perdition . So that the Realme and collective bodie thereof can hardly be disallowed for contributing their loyall endeavours to the good keeping of their * owne keyes , when contrarie to the right end these keyes are used against the Countrey and Realme , whereof they should be , and are the keyes of safetie : as by the said Act is declared . Fifthly , by the same Act , all violent detainers of the Kings Castles from him , or constrainers of the Kings regents do redeeme his owne houses , and all makers of any such bargaine , merchandise , or market of the Kings Castles , are onely ordained to rander and deliver againe what they have received for reddition of the saids Castles , and that the King shall have action for repetition thereof as necessarily given for the time , and wrongously received for unlawfull causes . And our proceedings being compared with the subject of that Act of Parliament , cannot deserve so harsh constructions , where the * best part of the bodie of the Realme being constrained for indemnitie of their persons and goods , do neither take nor detaine the Castle , but onely with-hold importation , first clandestinly intended , and thereafter openly threatned , of all kinde of warlike and invasive furniture , which could bee usefull to no purpose , but to the harm and annoyance of those who were conveened for the just occasions foresaids , who deserve and expect approbation and * thankes from his Majestie in his own due time , for keeping his evill Counsellours , and bad Patriots , from putting hand in his best subjects . Sixthly , by the 25. Act 6. Parliament James 2. sundry points of treason are ennumerate : And amongst the rest , one is the assailing , without consent of the Estates , the Castles or places where the Kings person shall happen to bee : And now the Kings person not being in this Castle , but out of the Countrey , and the * best and most loyall part of his subiects both for number and fidelitie , imploring his Maiesties authoritie , for convocating the Estates to take order with these , who , presuming upon his Majesties absence , are bold to give him sinistrous information and counsell , these who do no wayes assaile the Castle , but barrs these evill Patriots from putting in execution their damnable suggestions by their supercherie violence and terrifications from that Castle , before the convention of Estates , cannot in Law and equitie bee challenged in their carriage , so necessarie to them in the interim , while the Estates conveene in a Parliament , which now his Majestie hath beene graciously pleased to proclaime . Seventhly , it is knowne by our Chronicles and Records , that the Castle of Edinburgh was given in keeping to the house of Erskine by the King and Estates of Parliament , * hac lege expressa & conditione , ut nulli nisi conventui ordinum reposcenti traderent . Eighthly , this Act is not unexampled in the Christian world : but hath many presidents both in the History of other Kirks and Kingdomes , and of our own , which hath many such examples even done by the Estates themselves : whose fact doth make our right , and whose authority is ratified conforme to the ancient and loveable custome , in punishing rebellious subjects , and preserving the faithfull , Act 130. Par. 8. James 6. In the next place we are upbraided for our meetings , which in the Proclamation are called Councell Tables only by that name which by ordinary expression is due to judicatories , to make it beleeved , that we have arrogate to our selves some unwarrantable power and authority ; ( which we neither have nor intends to doe God willing ) whereas the truth is , that in a matter so highly importing all of us , as the preservation of Religion and purity of Gods worship , it was most necessary for us to meet , and that in a sober , modest , and quiet way , for deliberating with joynt advice upon those weighty businesses for the good of the Kirke , his Majesties honour , and peace of the Kingdome : And those * meetings did never emit nor send forth any authoritative command or injunctions , but conclude upon such advices as might be most expedient for advancing that great businesse , and facilitating the way of supplication to his Majestie , and overtures for the Assembly and Parliament ; which was an Act lawfull and approvable in the selfe , albeit the conclusions thereof did not carry the force or validity of a binding law or command , which was never aimed at , nor intended : Which meetings they might warrantably keepe for that end , being for Gods glory , and removing the iust grievances of the subiects , no waies prohibited by any of our municipall Lawes , which disapproveth such conventions as are for disturbance of the peace , or usurpation against Authority , whereof neither of the two can bee alledged against these meetings : Not the first , because no invasion , violence , offer of wrong by word or deed , to any person , no even to those , upon whom they justly complaine , ensewed upon the same , notwithstanding of their provocations , and their feares falsly represented to his Maiesty , and maliciously pretended for their stay out of the Countrey : Not the second , because their meetings was to consult in manner foresaid upon the most fitting and humble way of supplicating his Maiestie , and for the most convenient propositions to bee represented to his Maiesty , the Parliament , and Assembly : all which acts are most compatible with the loyalty and duty of good subjects , and doe no waies intrench upon Authority , seeing they can never be challenged to have assumed to themselves any judiciall determination in any matter of State , Civill nor Ecclesiasticall , but by voluntary instructions and opinions every one to another in a common cause of Religion , did resolve what might be most conducible to their lawfull and iust ends ; And yet those conventions want not the warrant of Law and Authority , because they consist of the Nobility , Barons , Burrows , and Ministerie , which by the fundamentall Lawes of the Land , have place of proponing , reasoning , and voting in Parliament and Assemblies , Act 113. King James the 6. Parl. 11. wherein is acknowledged that it is necessary to the King and his Estates to be truly informed of the needs and causes pertaining to His loving subjects in all estates , and therefore ratifieth the Act made by King James , 1 , anno 1427. Giving power to Barons , to propone all and sundry needs , and causes , and to heare , treat , and determine all causes to be proponed in Parliament : which necessary and true information cannot be made to his Majestie and Estates , † without privy meeting and consultation : and consequently it being granted to them , to informe the King and Estates , and to propone , heare , treat , and finally determine all needs and causes to be proponed in Parliament , there must be necessarily understood to be a sufficient power granted to them for meeting and advising upon that information : Quia aliquo concesso , omnia concessa videntur , sine quibus concessum expediri nequit . And as to the Ministers they have likewayes power granted to them , not onely by the word of God and constitutions of the Kirke , but by the King and laws of this land , to propone , reason , and vote in Assemblies , and be the samine parity of reason to keep preceding meetings , not to determinate or execute , but to consult upon their necessary propositions : So that these lawfull meetings , for the religious end , suffer wrongously the invidious designation of Councell tables : which is onely done for procuring misconstruction against them ; because at these meetings and consultations they sat about a table , which posture is no wayes prejudiciall to Authority , the meanest of mechanik crafts having their own tables where about they sit , when they consult upon the smallest businesse importing their trade . And farder , these same meetings , consisting of Commissioners from each Sheriffedome and body of this Estate , were allowed by his Majesties * Councel first , and thereafter by the Commissioner his Grace ; In so farre as the whole subjects of this kingdome out of their resentment of the weight of this cause , having numerously conveened at Edinburgh , from all the parts of the kingdome , that confluence of people was desired to be dissolved , and directed to make choose forth of that great number of some Commissioners from each shire who might meet to represent their just grievances and desires , and attend the answers thereof . The third particular challenge in the Proclamation , is for the illegall and unformall course taken in the election of Commissioners to the Assembly , whereof some are alledged to have beene under the censure of this Kirke , some under the censure of the Kirke of Ireland , some banished for teaching against Monarchie , others being suspended , some admitted to the Ministery contrare to the laws of this kingdome , others at the Horne , some confined , and all by oath bound to the overthrow of Episcopacie : Whereunto although no answer be requisite , seeing the persons thereby meaned , are not specially condescended upon , yet for clearing all mens mindes , and showing the warrantablenesse of our proceedings , it is of truth that the Assembly , after particular triall which they took upon some such surmises , could not finde any censured by the Kirke of Scotland or Ireland , by a lawfull manner , in a lawfull * judicatory , or for a lawfull cause : but on the contrary , the Assembly , after carefull searching and examination , found , that any censure inflicted upon any of these persons in Scotland was only by a Bishop ( who ought to be punished for taking arrogantly on him the name of the Kirke of Scotland ) and that without the advice of any Presbytery , but sitting in his high commission ( which was condemned by the laws of this Kirke and Kingdome , is discharged by the Kings Proclamation , is one of our just grievances , and a part of the Bishops dittie ) and that only for refusing the innovations and corruptions abjured by the Confession of Faith 1580. For the censure of the Kirk of Ireland , it was not notified to the Assembly by any such objection , and yet out of their zeal and care to satisfie all these misinformations , whereof they heard some whisperings , they fand after triall , that these censures inflicted were for the same causes foresaids , and yet could not militate out-with the bounds of that diocie where they were censured in their own law and practique , and none of them were ever banished for any cause , let be for that odious cause pretended in the Proclamation : wherein the mention of Horning against some of the Commissioners could not bee a lawfull exception against them , because Horning can neither take away their Ministeriall function , nor deprive the Presbyteries of their voice by their Commissioners : But in speciall this Horning against the Commissioners to the Assembly cannot be respected ; because it was done in Edinburgh upon a † suddenty ( upon what intention we permit every one to consider ) after all the members of the Assembly were gone to Glasgow , and yet Protestation was taken against the samine , and suspension craved upon the reall offer of consignation , which , contrarie to the common law and practice of this kingdome , was unexampledly refused , and publick instruments taken thereupon : All which objections are onely now remembred to blemish the proceedings of this Assembly , but were never urged nor proponed in the Assembly ; but on the contrarie , the Commissions of all persons were produced , examined , discussed , and approven in my Lord Commissioners owne audience , without any contrarie voice of the Assembly : And yet upon these challenges much is built against the Assembly , and the samine are aggravate from a preceding oath , whereby it is alledged that the Commissioners were bound to overthrow Episcopall government , which is of the same stamp and mettall with the rest : For the truth is , that there was never any oath given , nor exacted , but that which is contained in the Covenant , whereby all was abjured , onely in generall , which was contrarie to the Confession of Faith 1580. leaving to the tryall and determination of the Assembly , whether Episcopacie and some other innovations were repugnant to the said confession , or not . And at the best , it is a bad inference , that one who hath maintained orthodox opinions , and preached against heresie , and errour , may not in the lawfull judicatorie voice for condemnation of these errours . And as for the election of Moderatours , admission of Ministers by Presbyteries , and restitution of Elders ; the same needeth no answer in this place , being sufficiently cleared by us before in our answers to the 11. Articles exhibite unto us by the Commissioner his Grace : Which answers were so satisfactory , that after the receit of the same , his Grace promised to procure a free general Assembly , with power to determine upon all questions anent members , matter , and manner of proceeding . And are further cleared in the book of Policie , and other Acts already cited in our particular answer to the Declinator of this Assembly , produced by the Bishops . All which is approven by this generall Assembly , and all Acts carrying appearance of contrariety thereto upon undeniable grounds are declared to be null ab initio . The fourth Act rubbed upon us to our prejudice by the Proclamation , is the sending from the Tables of instructions , whereof the heads are summarily exprest , which his Grace indeed did show to the Assembly , and then the members of the Assembly declared , that neither of these papers were ever sent from the * meetings at Edinburgh to any man in their knowledge ; and yet for the first ( which possibly might have been some private direction of one friend to another , without common advice ) it doth not containe any thing offensive or partiall . For the phrase of losing of our Christian and civill liberty might be warrantably exprest in relation to our former bondage and slavery under the Prelates , tyrannizing in their High Commission , whereby most summarily , at their own pleasure , they deprived , fined , and confined all persons and professours , with such an high hand as justly we might affect deliverance from that servitude , which was likely more to enteresse by the unlimited power usurped in their Canons . So that the desire of this liberty cannot be judged an affectation of licentious living without subjection to lawfull authority , which in our solemne Covenant with God wee have sworne to maintaine . And as for the other paper , the † same is the forgerie of our enemies presented to the Commissioner his Grace , of deliberate purpose to make a pretext for discharge of the Assembly , which we are sorry was so readily embraced , notwithstanding that when the same was produced by the Commissioner , the same was not onely cleared to be no draught sent by publicke advice , but the members of the Assembly , and even those whom his Grace most suspected , denyed the same , and offered to controll it by production of the true paper of their instructions , altogether disagreeing from that other produced by the Commissioner , except in the two points following , which had been craftily intermixed with the saids untruths , to give them some countenance of probability . Likeas they professed to his Grace , upon their * oath , that they had never seene the same before , nor ever read any of the Articles therein contained in any other paper , except the fourth and the eighth Articles , whereof the fourth was for eschewing ( as farre as might be ) Chappel-men , Chapter-men , and Ministers Justices of peace , from being chosen Commissioners to the Assembly : which was so reasonable , that none could be offended thereat , because * Chappel-men had approven , and without warrant of this Kirk practised the innovations introduced of late ; the Chapter-men had practised the book of ordination , and ( contrarie to the Acts of the Kirk discharging Chapters and their election of Bishops 1578. ) had approven the corruptions of Kirk government , and Ministers Justices of Peace had likewise accepted that civill office upon them , whereunto they were promoved for the most part as creatures and dependers of Bishops . And the eighth , wherein some are desired to study the points which were likely to be agitate in the Assembly , as , de Episcopatu , de senioribus , and among other points , de potestate supremi Magistratus in Ecclesiasticis , praesertim in convocandis conciliis ; whereat none can take just exception , because it was the duty of every member of that Assembly to instruct and enable themselves for agitating every point , which might occurre to be spoken of there by any , or been proponed by the Doctors of Aberdene , who were expected there , and commanded to study these points : So that this ought not to be wrested to their prejudice , seeing it was incumbent to the Assembly to know the precinct of the Kirks jurisdiction , especially anent their owne Assemblies , and to distinguish it from the civill jurisdiction of the supreme Magistrate , giving to God what is Gods , and to Cesar what is Cesars , whereby the soveraign Magistrate hath no prejudice , but great benefit , to know the extent of his power in matters Ecclesiasticall , lest either he should come short of what is due to him , or , for want of true information , incroach upon the liberties of Christs Kirk : Whereby it is most evident , that no indirect nor partiall courses , nor dangerous propositions , have beene used in the preparations and elections to this Assembly , but such as are most legall , peaceable , ordinarie , and warrantable . In the next place the Proclamation charges our innocency for repairing to the Assembly with great troupes and bands of men boddin in fear of war , and furnished with forbidden armes , in contempt of a preceding Proclamation : whereas the truth is , that our going and repairing to Glasgow was in the most peaceable , quiet , and single way which might serve for our security and indemnity against sundry outlawes , Clangregors , and their followers , who shortly before the meeting of the Assembly had done sundry outrages , and committed many insolencies upon the Kings good Subjects in these Westerne parts , both to private men , whom by their number they might enforce , and by exacting moneyes at publicke mercats neere Glasgow , whereof many were advertised by their private friends from these places , and to come thither prepared for eviting all affront or hazzard which they might incurre by that rascally multitude : So that being firmely resolved of before to goe thither every one accompanied with his own ordinary private train , we yet continued in that resolution , and went thither in most sober and quiet way , onely with this change , that for preveening that hazzard we went not every man alone with his owne ordinary servants , but some few together went in company ; which is not onely ordinary in going out the way , but was most expedient at that time for avoiding the foresaid hazzard and prejudice : which moved us all so to carry with us some offensive weapons ▪ wherewith not onely these rebels were provided , but likewaies such who went to Glasgow with his Majesties Commissioners , who upon that same necessity were likewaies * provided with those prohibited weapons , and yet their carriage nothing thought to deboird from the duty of good subjects . Upon these reasons some of the supplicants being present in Edinburgh , at the making of the said Proclamation 16. of November last , did protest that it might be lawfull for them to carry weapons for their own defence , and preservation against any such lawlesse invasion or violence as might threaten them , and that they might incurre no prejudice by carrying such weapons as those who followed Councellours and many others did , promising to carry themselves peaceably and irreproveably during the time of the Assembly , which accordingly they have done : and seeing our said carrying of weapons was for defence of our lives , against the invasion of these barbarous sorners , we are not censurable therefore by the act of Parlament prohibiting the saids weapons , because we was repairing to , or returning from the Assembly at command of his Majesties letters and authority , which is in speciall words exprest in the act of Parliament , Act 18. Parliam . 1. James 6. which is thereafter ratified with the same provisions , Act. 87. Parliam . 6. James 6. and thereafter also ratified , Act. 248. Parliam . 15. James 6. like as by the 227. Act , Parliam . 14. James 6. all honest men , and good subjects free-holders , are authorized with a commission to take and apprehend the persons and goods of those sorners and thieves , keep themselves in prison , and execute them to the death : And therefore farre more to carry weapons for resisting of their savage violence . And where the formall and orderly proceeding of this Assembly is challenged in the Proclamation , as peremptory , for refusing voice to the six Assessors assumed to himself by the Commissioner , and for not suffering the Declinator by the Bishops to be read before the electing of a Moderator , We cannot conceive the same to be a just cause of offence , because albeit according to our bound duty , We deferre all humble respect to his gracious Majesties Commissioner , and to the persons and places of the prime Noble-men , and Councellours his Graces Assessors , yet for preservation of the liberty of the Kirke of Jesus Christ , We did in all humility remonstrate that his Majesties Commissioner and Assessors , how many soever ( whose place is not to vote , but to assist the Commissioner by their counsell for his orderly proceeding ) could have but onely one voice in the Assembly : Since after thirty-nine nationall Assemblies of this reformed Kirke , where neither the Kings Majesty , nor any in His name were present , at the humble and earnest desire of the Assembly , his Majestie graciously vouchsafed His presence , either in His own royall person , or by a Commissioner , not for voting or multiplying of voices , but as Princes and Emperours of old in a Princely manner , to countenance that meeting , and to proceed in it for externall order : And if we had been honoured with his Majesties personall presence , his Majesty ( according to the practice of King James of blessed memory ) would onely have given His own judgement in voting of matters , and would not have called others who had not been cloathed with commission from the Kirke , to carrie things by plurality of voices . Which is also imported by his Graces Commission produced , wherein hee is nominate sole Commissioner . Like as also his Majesties Father never had Assessours voicing in † lawfull Assemblies , nor challenged the same to his Commissioners , but onely of late dayes in these corrupt Assemblies , which for undenyable reasons are declared to have beene null ab initio . And as to the refusing of the reading of the Declinator , and Protestation , exhibite by the Prelates , The same was publickly read , and the first Act of the Assembly , immediately after the election of a Moderator and constitution of the members , before the which time there was no Assembly established , to whom the same could have beene read , or by whom it could be judged ; Like as we desired his Grace to bring in the Prelates themselves , and we should both answer for their safety , and give them a full audience . And further , whereas his Grace under his hand , gave in his Majesties declaration , mentioned in this Proclamation , the same being considered by the Assembly , gave them matter of great joy , to finde his Majesties royall heart so farre enlarged towards them , as willingly to untie some of those grievous bands wherewith they had beene fettered by the meanes of some who abused their own places , and trust with his Majesty ; But the same was not found satisfactory , nor sufficient for establishing of a legall security of the points therein mentionate , nor yet for purging the corruptions , and setling the peace of this Kirke , as was promised , whereof the Commissioner his Grace would not stay to be informed , but did unexpectedly and suddenly remove , to the great grief of the Assembly , who thereby was necessitate to use the power * God had put in their hands , for removing all innovations , and setling the purity , and peace of this Kirke . And seeing in this Proclamation his Majesties declaration is insert ad longum , and the Assembly taxed for not being fully satisfied therewith , we are enforced to repeat here the reasons which moved the Assembly not to think the same satisfactory , in hope that they , comming to his Majesties sacred eares , may procure the continuance of his benigne favour , so acceptable to this Kirke , by the indiction of this Assembly , and production of the said declaration , and obtain his Royall approbation to the whole acts and proceedings of this Assembly , which is heartily wished , and would replenish the hearts of all good subjects with abundant joy and contentment . And first , where his Majestie hath discharged the Service Book , and Book of Canons , and practice of both , and all Acts , Proclamations , and ordinances made for establishing thereof , upon information that by the introduction of them , the subjects have apprehended the inbringing of Popery , & superstition to have beene intended : Neither the discharge nor the ground thereof are satisfactory ; Not the first , because as some Acts and Proclamations did serve for their establishing , so others gave them an high approbation , as fit means to maintaine religion and beat down all superstition : And therefore though those which established them be rescinded , yet those which approved them do remaine , and may bring forth other Acts and Proclamations for restoring them or the like hereafter , if these books receive not a publick censure by the generall Assembly as the only judge competent to bar them and the like in all time comming : Seeing Acts of Councell , and Proclamations , are frequent and variable , and yet are no legall valid meane either to introduce or abolish any thing concerning the doctrine and discipline of the Kirke , wherein they neither can meddle nor secure the subjects , Next , seeing by the constitutions of this Kirke * the generall Assembly hath onely power to determine concerning the matters of Gods publick worship ; And that the framers of these books , who called themselves the representative Kirk , made them to be practised in sundry places of the countrey by their own authority , and that which they borrowed from † the Lords of secret Councell : Therefore it was most necessarie that the same should be discharged by the generall Assembly ( the onely true representative Kirk of this nation ) for vindicating her just right from violent usurpation , and preventing the like in time comming ; Not the second , for the subjects have just grounds of perswasion that the Prelats & their followers ( the framers & followers of those books ) intended the inbringing of Popery and superstition by the introducing thereof , because , 1. Many grosse points of Popery and superstition are not onely closely couched under the cover of ensnaring ambiguities ( the most insinuating way of errours and best mask to superstition ) but also expresly contained in the Books themselves ; as was made manifest by sundry treatises read and considered in the Assembly , and is now so declared by the Assembly . 2. The framers and favourers of these Books in their sermons and conferences have vented sundry Popish errours , and approven Popish superstitions : which fully detecteth , and leaveth no doubt of their intention , in the introducing of Books so full of Popery and superstition . Secondly , the discharge of the high Commission by his Majesties Proclamation or Declaration cannot be sufficient ; because first , his Majesty declareth that he established the same for the ease and benefit of the Subjects , that justice might be administrate with the more conveniencie and lesse trouble of the people , And now dischargeth it , because the subjects have mistaken his gracious intention : So that if the mistaking be removed , that which is conceived of it selfe to serve for administration of justice , with ease and benefit to the subjects , may bee established upon pretention of the removeall of all such mistakings . Secondly , though the acts and deeds made for establishing thereof bee rescinded , yet the acts past heretofore by the high Commission are not rescinded : And so the subjects censured by it , are still esteemed under these censures , as appeareth by the tenour of the Proclamation , wherein the Assembly is taxed , as consisting of some members that are under the censures of this Kirke , meaning the Bishops censure in the high Commission . Thirdly , it being found contrary to the acts of Parliament , and acts of generall Assembly , and extremely derogatory to them and all other subalterne iudicatories both civill and Ecclesiasticall ( which is made clearely manifest by a treatise presented to the generall Assembly , ) and it being devised and brought in by the suggestion of Bishops , as a meane whereby they might , and have unlawfully , tyranized over all the subiects , Therefore it is necessary that the Parliament and generall Assembly , the highest civill and Ecclesiasticall iudicatories that have been wronged , should by their severall sentences utterly abolish it as unlawfull and hurtfull . Thirdly , whereas his Majesty dispenseth with the practice of Pearth Articles , dischargeth all from urging the practice thereof , freeth from censures for not urging or practising them , notwithstanding of any thing contained in the acts of Parliament , or generall Assembly to the contrary , and is content that the Assembly take the same so far to their consideration , as to represent it to the next Parliament there to be ratified as the Estates shall finde fitting : These cannot satisfie ; because first , a dispensation with the practice , without a simple discharge , leaveth it still arbitrary to those who will practice , and so continueth the rent and distractions in this Kirke . Secondly , although his Maiestie had discharged the practice of them by his Proclamation or Declaration , yet the subiects had not been put in security thereby , except the generall Assembly ( to whose tryall they belong and were referred by all the subscribers of the Confession in March ) doe either repell the articles of Perth , or upon good reason declare that Assembly null , since his Maiesties Proclamation or Declaration is not a sufficient warrant to infringe an act of Assembly or Parliament made to the contrary . Thirdly , by tying the Assembly to take the same no further unto their consideration then to represent it to the next Parliament , the Assembly is both prelimitate ( whereanent refers to the six reasons against prelimitation insert in our Protestation September 22. ) and weakned in power , * as if it might not judge and determine in matters meerely Ecclesiasticall without a licence from his Majestie , or a reference to the Parliament , whereas the generall Assembly is supreme and independent in matters Ecclesiasticall , as the Parlament is in civill ; so that when the acts of Assembly are ratified in Parliament , the same is for adioyning the civill sanction to the Ecclesiastick constitution for the great terrour of transgressors . Fourthly , anent the oaths administrate to Ministers at their entry , it hath not onely beene pretended , but is certaine , and will be made manifest to the Assembly , ( which also now is done ) that oaths have been exacted different from that which is set downe in the acts of Parliament , and in many severall wayes according to the pleasure of the Prelats : And where his Majestie declares that no other oath shall be required of a Minister at his entry , nor that which is set down in the act of Parliament , * the same is of fearefull consequence , because the act beares an oath to be given unto the Bishop by Ministers intrants , and so supposeth the office of a Bishop to be unchangeable and uncontroverted , whereby the Assembly is prelimited ( against the reasons before mentioned ) which may finde that office uselesse and unlawfull in this Kirk , and which now they have found upon most infallible reasons . Fifthly , that his Maiesty assureth generall Assemblies shall be kept as oft as the affaires of this Kirk shall require , doth not satisfie , because first , by leaving the time undefinite , it preiudgeth the liberty of the Kirke of holding yeerly generall Assemblies at least , and oftner pro re nata : ratified by the act of Parliament 1592. the disuse whereof hath beene a maine cause of our evils , which should bee prevented in time comming , by renewing that ancient necessarie custome and liberty : Secondly , by the same act of Parliament it is provided that the King , or his Commissioner being present , shall appoint the time and place of the next Assembly : And in case his Maiesty or his Commissioner be not present for the time in the towne where the Assembly is holden , it shall be leasome to the said generall Assemblie by themselves to appoint the time and place of the next Assembly , as they have bin in use in times past : But this declaration not only leaves all indefinite but totally everts that power and liberty competent to them by law and custome . Thirdly , As it doth not determine how oft the ordinary effairs of this Kirke require an Assembly ( which the custome of this Kirke and act foresaid evidently manifest to bee yeerely once at least ) so neither doth it determine who shall judge when the necessity of extraordinary effairs require an Assembly pro re nata : whereas undoubtedly the Kirke will be most sensible of her owne necessities , and is the most proper Judge of her owne effaires : And therefore should have freedome to appoint her owne times when she finds her selfe pressed with present exigencies , as his Maiesty hath also power when hee perceives any necessity requiring the same . Sixthly , whereas his Maiesty is content that all the present Bishops and their successours be answerable to , and censurable by the generall Assembly , it doth not satisfie ; because , First , it beares a prelimitaon of the Assembly in the matter of trying that Office , and presupposes the continuance thereof by succession as unquestionable . Secondly , They have beene formerly made censurable by the generall Assembly in the straightest way that the Kirke could enjoyn , or they could assure : And yet these thirty yeeres they have shunned all censure ( though all their actions deserved it ) by procuring generall Assemblies to be prorogate , and then suddenly indicted when they had cunningly prepared both persons and purposes to their minde : Likeas now they have by their Declinator refused to answer , and be censured by this present Assembly indicted by his Majestie , conveened in the name of Christ , and perfitly constitute in the members thereof : And therefore it lyeth upon this present Assembly to take some solide course , for securing the Kirk , in all time comming , against the prejudices of their former and frequent breaches contrary to their oathes given . Seventhly , whereas his Majestie requireth this present Assembly to subscribe this Confession of Faith formerly signed by his Royall Father 1580. and lately commanded by his Majestie to be subscribed by all his Majesties subjects : The reasons contained in the Protestation September last 22. ( whereto we adhere and repeats the same ) do sufficiently evidence that we cannot subscribe the same : to which we adde , First , that his Maiesties Commissioner hath declared to the Lords of Session when their subscriptions was required , that it might subsist with the innovations introduced since the yeere of God 1580. which * some of the said Lords then did , and all of us doe now conceive to repugne to the genuine and true sense of the Confession of Faith as it was first made : Secondly , That his Grace hath protested divers times in this Assembly , that nothing done or to be done therein prejudge the Archbishops and Bishops in their priviledges , places , power and jurisdiction : whereby the declareth that these may subsist with the Confession of Faith , notwithstanding they be novations introduced upon this Kirke , contrary to the same , since the yeer foresaid , as is now found by the Assembly : Thirdly , That to the Assembly presently conveened and perfectly constitute in the members thereof , it pertaineth properly according to the word of God , constitutions of this Kirke , and booke of Policie , ratified in divers Assemblies , to determine what is the true meaning of the Confession of Faith , and to make the same knowne to all the members of this Kirke , who thereafter without scruple or danger may subscribe the same . And although the Assembly could not finde this Declaration satisfactory for these and the like weighty reasons , yet were they willing the same should be insert in their books for obedience to his Maiesties desire : and thankfully acknowledging his Maiesties pious affection to true Religion , and Royall resolution to defend the same and his subiects in the profession thereof , exprest in the closure of his Royall Declaration , they were confident that when his Maiestie shall bee fully informed that the novations introduced since the yeere 1580. are incomparable with the Confession of our Faith , he will be pleased graciously to vouchsafe his comfortable protection upon those , who ( adhering to the true meaning of that Confession now fully cleared by the Assembly ) have abjured all the innovations introduced , and by their great oath and subscription have bound themselves to maintaine the true Religion , and his Majesties person and authority in defence of the same . And thus true Religion being the channell which convoyeth both duties to their proper object , the evidence of Gods image in our dread Soveraigne his Depute shall bee terrible to all the enemies of his Majestie , and of his loyall subjects who stand for the Confession of Faith , and the true meaning thereof , and shall raise up the affections of his Religious subjects towards his Majestie above all earthly respects . And where it is subjoyned in the Proclamation that nothing was able to give contentment , except we were permitted to overthrow Episcopal government and to abrogate publicke Lawes standing , and take away one of the three Estates , wee are sufficiently cleared thereof by the Acts of the Assembly , abrogating , and abolishing Episcopall government in this Kirke for * infallible reasons contained in the said Act , and also by our answer published to the Declaration emitted in the Commissioners name ( which for brevity we forbeare to insert herein ) whereby wee have sufficiently evinced that our proceedings are not contrary to the Lawes of the Kingdome , or destructive of any lawfull third Estate , and which part of the Proclamation doth close , with an undeserved imputation to our loyalty , bearing that for the like dangerous Acts so derogatory to Royall authority , and for others reasons importing true Monarchicall government , the Commissioner was forced to dissolve the Assembly ; but the same is so generally expressed , that it appeares evidently to be done of plaine purpose to make us hatefull , which we hope will not worke that end , unlesse some speciall Act of disloyalty or malversation could bee specially condescended upon ( which undoubtedly had not beene omitted if it had been possible ) otherwaies that darke cloud of general termes cannot obfuscate the pure brightnesse of our sincere intentions , unlesse our true representation of grievances , and earnest humble pressing legall redresse thereof at his Majesties hands , may deserve that aspersion in the eyes of these Councellours , who thinke themselves obliged rather in absolute obedience , then a dutifull representation to their Soveraigne of what is just and warrantable ; wherein wee appeale to all the world , if either our proceedings , or opinions bee any wayes derogatory to the true power of Monarchicall government or his Majesties authority , which wee are obliged to defend with our lives and fortunes by our Covenant . And where in the Proclamation , in that part thereof , anent the Commissioners discharge of the Assembly , is insinuate some expression of his graces willingnesse to returne the next morning to the Assembly , wee declare that wee were most sensible of the benefit of his Graces presence , and received great contentment by that countenance of Royall authority in representation , whereof we would never have deprived our selves , if we had had the least signification of any such intention : but the truth is , that having called our selves to our best remembrances , we heard no word or expression tending that way ; but by the contrary * we did humbly require his Grace to give in the reasons of his discontentment in writ , and to returne the next day againe , at which time wee should give in sufficient answers thereto which might wipe away all his Graces objections , and move him to continue his wished presence to that Assembly , whereat hee had publickly professed he could no longer assist : but this being refused , and the Assembly discharged by him , we were necessitate to protest both that day and the day following upon the Mercate Crosse of Glasgow , and to shew , that in conscience of our duty to God and his truth , the King and his honour , the Kirke and her liberties , this Kingdome and her peace , this Assembly and her freedome , to our selves and our safety , to our posterity , persons , and estates , we could not dissolve the Assembly for the reasons following : First , for the reasons already printed anent the conveening a generall Assembly , which are now more strong in this case , seeing the Assembly was already indicted by his Majesties authority , did conveen and is fully constitute in all the members thereof , according to the word of God and discipline of this Kirke , in presence and audience of his Majesties Commissioner , who hath really acknowledged the same by assisting therein seven dayes , and exhibition of his Majesties royall Declaration to be registrate in the books of this Assembly , which accordingly was done . Secondly , for the reasons contained in the former Protestations made in name of the Noblemen , Barons , Burgesses , Ministers , and Commons , wherunto we did then iudicially , and doe now actually adhere , as also unto the Confession of Faith and Covenant subscribed and sworn by the body of this Kingdome . Thirdly , because as we are obliged by the application and explication subioyned necessarily to the Confession of Faith subscribed by us , so the Kings Maiestie , and his Commissioner , and privie Councell , have urged many of this Kingdome to subscribe the Confession of Faith made in anno 1580. and 1590. And so to returne to the doctrine and discipline of this Kirke as it was then professed ; but it is cleare by the doctrine and discipline of this Kirk , that it was most unlawfull in the selfe , and preiudiciall to these priviledges , which Christ in his word hath left to his Kirke to dissolve or breake up the Assembly of this Kirke , or to stop and stay their proceedings in constitution of Acts , for the well-farre of the Kirke or execution of discipline against offenders , and so to make it appeare that Religion and Kirke government should depend absolutely upon the pleasure of the Prince . Fourthly , because there is no ground of pretence , either by Act of Assembly , or Parliament , or any preceding practice , whereby the Kings Maiesty may dissolve the generall Assembly of the Kirke of Scotland , farre lesse his Maiesties Commissioner , who by his commission hath power to indict , and keepe it secundum legem & praxim , but upon the contrary his Maiesties prerogative Royall is declared by Act of Parliament to be no wayes prejudiciall to the priviledges and liberties which God hath granted to the spirituall office-bearers and meetings of this Kirke , which are most frequently ratified in Parliaments , and especially in the last Parliament holden by his Maiestie himselfe ; which priviledges and liberties of the Kirk , his Maiestie will never diminish or infringe , being bound to maintaine the same in integrity by solemne oath given at his Royall coronation in this Kingdome . Fifthly , the Assemblies of this Kirke have still enjoyed this freedome of uninterrupted sitting , without or notstanding any contramand , as is evident by all the records thereof , and in speciall by * the generall Assembly holden in anno 1582. which being charged with letters of Horning by the Kings Maiestie his Commissioner , and Councell , to stay their proces against M. Robert Montgomerie pretended Bishop of Glasgow , Or otherwaies to dissolve and rise , did notwithstanding shew their liberty and freedome by continuing and sitting still , and without any stay going on in that proces against the said M. Robert , to the finall end thereof , and thereafter by letter to his Majestie did shew clearly , how farre his Majesty had been mis-informed , and upon mis-information prejudged the prerogative of Jesus Christ and the liberties of this Kirke , and did enact and ordaine that none should procure any such warrant or charge under the paine of excommunication . Sixthly , because now to dissolve after so many supplications and complaints , after so many reiterated promises , after our long attendance and expectation , after so many references of processes from Presbyteries , after the publike indiction of the Assembly , and the solemne Fast appointed for the same , and after frequent convention and formall constitution of the Assembly , in all the members thereof and seven daies sitting , were by this Act to offend God contemne the subjects petitions , deceive many of their conceived hopes of redresse of the calamities of the Kirke and Kingdome , multiply the combustions of this Kirk , and make every man despaire hereafter ever to see Religion established , innovations removed , the subiects complaint respected , or the offenders punished with consent of Authority , and so by casting the Kirke and Estate loose and desolate , would abandon both to ruine . Seventhly , it was most necessary to continue this Assembly , for preveening the preiudices which might ensue upon the pretence of two Covenants , whereas indeed there is but one : that first subscribed in 1580. and 1590. being a nationall Covenant and oath to God , which is lately renewed by us , with that necessary explanation which the corruptions introduced since that time contrary to the same , inforced : which is also acknowledged in the Act of Councell in September last , declaring the same to be subscribed as it was meaned the time of the first subscription ; and therefore , for removing that shame and all prejudices which may follow upon the shew of two different Covenants and Confessions of Faith in one Nation , the Assembly could not dissolve before it had tryed , found , and determined that both these Covenants are but one and the selfe same Covenant : The latter renewed by us , agreeing to the true genuine sense and meaning of the first as it was subscribed in anno 1580. And further in the said Proclamation , the straine of our Protestation is taxed , because we have thereby presumed to cite those of his Majesties Councell who have procured , subscribed , or ratified this Proclamation , to bee responsall to his Majestie and three Estates of Parliament ; whereas the same cannot be justly quarrelled , because it it is grounded upon the Law of the Kingdome , and warranted by the act of Parliament therein cited 12. act . Par. 2. James 4. which act is grounded upon good reason : for it were strange to thinke that Councellours giving bad counsell , to the evident prejudice and ruine of the Countrey , and publick detriment of the good Subjects , should not be countable therefore to his Majestie and his Estates ; and it is not without instance in our Lawes , that perverse counsell hath beene given in misguiding the Kings and common good of this Realme , Act 6. Par. 1. James 4. which is also acknowledged by the reduction of grants made by Kings to these perverse Councellours , act 3. Par. 4. and act 5. Par. 1. James 4. The perversenesse of which misguiding counsell , hath been assuredly the cause why in the next Parliament in the yeere immediately subsequent , the Kings Councell was chosen in Parliament , and sworne in presence of the King and three Estates , and ordained to be responsall and accusable to the King and three Estates for their counsell : Which cleareth that both evill counsell may bee given , and that the Councell may be accused before the King and Parliament for malversation in their charge . Like as his Maiestie in the Proclamation , makes all persons lyable to the Parliament and generall Assembly , and so giveth way to this previous cytation , which may serve for a forewarning and intimation that they may bee accused if they bee guilty , as wee know all are not , and wish that none were . All which heavie objections and imputations are premitted in the Proclamation to the conclusion and command thereof , which resolveth into two heads ; the first discharging obedience to the acts of Assembly , and liberating all , who shall disobey , from censure , and promising Protection to the disobeyers , and inhibiting all Presbyteries , Sessions of Kirks , Ministers within this Realme in their Sermons , Sessions , and meetings or any otherwaies , to authorize , approve , or allow the Assembly at Glasgow , or doe any deed which may countenance the same , under paine to be punished with all rigour . And commanding all who shall heare them , to delate the same , under paine of the like punishments ; likewaies straitly charging and commanding all Judges within this Realme , Clerks , and Writers , not to grant or passe a bill , summond , or letters , or any other execution whatsoever , upon any act , or deed , proceeding from the said Assembly ; and all keepers of the Signet from Signeting thereof , under all highest paine . And the second head , commanding all Subiects to subscribe and sweare the Confession commanded by his Majestie conforme to the sense and meaning of the declaration published by the Commissioner , whereunto we need not here make any answer , but remits the same to a speciall answer , published in print made to that a Declaration . But for the first , the same is so farre repugnant to the word of God , practice of the primitive Kirke , the Lawes Civill and Canonicall , the custome of all Nations , the constitutions of our generall Assemblies , acts of Parliament , practice of other judicatories within this Kingdome , to the Confession of Faith and discipline of this Kirke , as we cannot believe any such commandments to proceed from our gracious King , but from the malice and mis-information of our adversaries , the conscience of whose guiltinesse affrighteth them to undergoe their deserved censure , which is b cleare first , That the same is contrary to the Law of God , from that place of Scripture Mat. 18. wherein the Kirke is commanded absolutely to inflict censures . 1. Cor. 5. wherein the Kirke did execute that commandment . And the Kirks of Pergamus and Thyatira , are reproved for not executing Ecclesiasticall censures against those who held the doctrine of Balaam , or of Jezebel , 2. Rev. So that the power of the keys in Ecclesiasticall censures is so intrinsecally and so essentially competent to the Kirk and generall Assembly jure divino , as obedience to her decreets and executions thereof , cannot be suspended , far lesse taken away and discharged by humane authority , more nor the power of preaching and administration of the Sacraments . Secondly , it is contrary to the practice of the Apostolike and Primitive Kirks , whose constant practice was to execute the spirituall functions and censures ; and , notwithstanding humane prohibitions , to obey God rather then man. Thirdly , It is contrary to the civill Law , si contra jus vel utilitatem publicam , vel per mendacium fuerit aliquid postulatum vel impetratum ab Imperatore . Et titulo de diversis rescriptis & pragmaticis sanctionibus . Fourthly , the same is contrary to the * Cannon Law decret . decretal . extravagan . titulo de rescriptis . Fifthly , it is contrary to the universall custome in all Nations ordaining their Judicatories to doe justice , notwithstanding their Princes prohibition , as is cleare by Convarnvia in Spaine , Pappon in France , Suedwyne in Germanie , &c. upon the title de rescriptis aut constitutionibus principum . Sixthly , to the constitutions of generall Assemblies , because in sundry generall Assemblies upon complaints made that the Kings Majestie and his Councell by their letters offered some stop to the Kirk from going on in her Ecclesiasticall censures , especially by act of the generall Assembly conveened in the new Colledge of Sanctandrows 20. April 1582. it is ordained that none being received to any Ecclesiastical function , office , or benefice , seek any way by the civill power to exeeme and withdraw themselves from the jurisdiction of the Kirk , or procure , obtain , or use any letters , or charges , either by themselves , or any other in their name , or at their command and instance , to impaire , hurt , or stay the said jurisdiction , discipline , correction of manners , or punishment of their offences & enormities , or to make any appellation from the general Assembly , to stop the discipline , and order of the Ecclesiasticall policie , and jurisdiction granted by Gods Word to the office-bearers within the said Kirk , under the paine of excommunication summarily , without any processe , or admonition to be pronounced by the judgement of the Eldership , by the Minister , or Ministers which shall be appointed by them , how soon it is known that any of the saids heads are transgressed ; Likeas both the Kings Majestie and his Councell promised that none thereafter should have that cause to complaine , as is manifest by the Act of Assembly at Montrose in July 1597. And in the Assembly holden at Saint Andrews , 24. April 1582. being charged with Letters of Horning not to proceed against Master Robert Montgomrie , ; the Assemblie did write to his Majestie that this discharge was extraordinary , as a thing that was never heard nor seen since the world began , and was directly against the word of God ; and Lawes of the Kingdome . And yet notwithstanding of the said charge the Assembly did proceed and excommunicate the said Master Robert. Further , In the Assembly at Edinburgh , the 27. of June 1582. Sess. 7. amongst the grievances presented by the Kirk to the King , The first is , That his Majestie by device of some Councellours is moved to take upon Him that spirituall power and authority which properly belongeth to Christ as only King and Head of his Kirk , the Ministerie and execution whereof is only given to such as bear office in the Ecclesiasticall government of the same ; so that in his Majesties person some men prease to erect a † Popedome , as though his Majestie could not be full King and Head of this Common wealth , unlesse alswell the spirituall as temporall sword be put in his Majesties hands , unlesse Christ be rest of his authority , and the two jurisdictions confounded , which God hath divided , which directly tends to the wrack and overthrow of all true Religion , &c. And in the Assembly holden at Edinburgh in Octob. 1582. Sess. 15. Summonds are direct by the generall Assembly against the Kings Advocate , for drawing up the Kings Proclamation of that straine . 7. The foresaid command is also contrary to the Acts of Parliament : because as the Acts of Parliament appoint every matter for its owne Judicatorie , and to all Judicatories their own freedome , so much more doth this liberty belong to the nationall Assembly , being the supreme Judicatorie Ecclesiastick of this Kirk , and onely competent Judge in matters so important , and so nearly concerning Gods honour and worship immediatly , the salvation of the peoples soules , the setling of the purity of Gods worship , the purging away the corruptions thereof , and right constitutions of the Kirk , whose liberties and priviledges are confirmed , Parl. 12. King James 6. and Parl. 1. King Charles . Likeas by the 12. Par. 114. Act K. James 6. ann . 1592. the libertie and discipline of the Kirk , especially in her Presbyteries and Assemblies , are fully and firmly ratified , with declaration that the Act of the Kings Majesties prerogative Royall over all Estates and persons , shall no wayes be prejudiciall to the priviledges which God hath given to the spirituall office-bearers in the Kirk , concerning heads of Religion , matters of heresie , excommunication , collation , and deprivation of Ministers , or any such like essentiall censures , especially grounded and having warrant of the word of God , with full power even to the particular Presbyteries to put order to all matters and causes Ecclesiasticall within their bounds , according to the Discipline of the Kirk . 8. The Lords of Councell and Session by Act 92. Parl. 6. King James 6. are ordained to proceed in all civill causes intended or depending before them , or to be intended , and to cause execute their Decrees , notwithstanding any private writing , charge , or command from the Kings Maiestie , or His Councell in the contrarie , and by the 47. Act , 11. Parl. King James 6. all licences and supersederees purchas'd from his Maiestie , are discharged as contempt done to the Law , as great hurt to the lieges , and contrarie to iustice , and declareth the same to bee null of the Law , and not admissibly by any iudge , nor effectuall to the purchaser any wayes , and ordaineth all Judges within this Realme to proceed and do justice , siclike and in the same manner as if the said supersederees and licences never had beene purchased nor produced . Like as by the 106. Act Parl. King James 6. all licences granted by his Majestie to hinder the execution of Acts against Papists and other adversaries of the true Religion are discharged and declared to be of no force . According to which it hath beene the ordinarie custome both in Civill and Ecclesiasticall Judicatories ( notwithstanding of privie warrants or prohibitions contrarie to Law which commonly are impetrate from his Majestie upon misinformation ) to proceed and minister justice . 9. To discharge obedience to the Acts of the Assemblie , stop the execution thereof , protect and defend such as are delinquents and under the Kirks censure , doth directly repugne to the large Confession of Faith of this Kirk . Wherein cap. 19. the third mark of the true Kirk is affirmed to bee upright , ministration of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , as Gods word prescribes , for establishing good order and repressing of vice : and so no more can bee impeded nor justly taken from the Kirk then any of her other two marks viz. The right preaching of the word and ministration of the Sacrament : And therefore in the Oath at the Kings Coronation , he sweareth to maintaine this Confession , and these three marks of the Kirke , and particularly that hee shall be carefull to root out of his Empire all Hereticks and enemies to the worship of God , that shall be convict by the true Kirk of God of the foresaids crimes . 10. In the short Confession of Faith sworne , 1580. and 1590. and renewed by the greatest and * best part of this Kirk and Kingdome , with an explication renewed also at his Maiesties command by his Councell , all are bound to continue in obedience of the Doctrine and Discipline of the Kirke and defend the same according to their vocation and power . So that seeing this generall Assemblie hath proceeded in their Constitution , Acts , and whole proceedings according to the Discipline of this Kirk of Scotland 1580. and 1590. contained in the second book of Discipline : which in both these yeares were ordained to bee registrate and sworn to by all the Ministers of this Kirk , as the Discipline thereof , and wherein the Civill and Ecclesiasticall jurisdiction are so clearly distinguished in the 1. c. l. 2. as the power of the sword may no wayes stop or impede the power of the keyes : and in the 7. c. the Eldership and Assemblies hath power to execute Ecclesiasticall punishment upon all transgressours and proud contemners of the Kirk : and in the 10. c. the office of the Christian Magistrate is described to assist and maintaine the Discipline of the Kirk , and punish those civilly who will not obey the censures thereof , without confounding alwayes the one jurisdiction with the other : and this order of Ecclesiasticall Discipline , condescended upon in generall Assemblies , as warranted by divine authoritie to be execute notwithstanding any humane inhibition , is set downe before the Psalmes in meeter : and therefore we can never expect that his Majestie , who out of his pious inclination to justice by a late Proclamation 22. September last hath declared and ordained that all His subjects both Ecclesiasticall and Civill shall be lyable to the tryall and censure of generall Assemblie or any other Judicatorie competent , will now stay the execution of the * lawfull and grave sentences of this nationall Kirk , so comfortable to us , and so necessarie for maintaining the puritie of Religion : which his Majestie in the end of the Articles before mentioned hath promised to defend , and His subjects in the profession thereof , which is incompatible with the defence of excommunicate and obstinate persons . But therefore wee are assured that his gracious Majestie will be pleased to allow that reverence and all readie obedience may bee deferred to the whole Acts , Constitutions , and censures of the said generall Assemblie , by all His subiects , who undoubtedly and necessarily are obliged to obedience of all the lawfull commands and injunctions of the mother Kirk if they would bee accounted members or sonnes thereof . By all which * cloud of weightie reasons the warrantablenesse of our just proceedings doth evidently appeare , notwithstanding of all the arguments of challenge adduced against us in the said Proclamation : And therefore for these and many other reasons , Wee the members of this Assemblie , in our owne names , and in the name of the Kirk of Scotland whom we represent , And we Noble-men , Barons , Gentle-men , Ministers , Burgesses , and Commons , before mentioned , do solemnely declare in the presence of the everliving God , and before all men ; and protest a That our thoughts are not guiltie of any thing which is not incumbent to us , as good Christians towards God , and loyall Subiects towards our sacred Soveraigne : And we attest God the Searcher of all hearts , that our intentions and whole proceedings in this present Assemblie have beene and shall continue according to the word of God , the Lawes and constitutions of this Kirk , the Confession of Faith , our nationall Oath , and that measure of light , which God the Father of light hath granted unto us , and that in the sinceritie of our hearts , without any preoccupation or passion . That it was and is most lawfull and necessarie for us to fit still and continue in keeping this present Assemblie indicted by his Majestie , untill after conclusion of all matters it bee dissolved by common consent of all the members thereof , and that for trying judging and censuring all the by-gone evils , and the introductors , and providing a solide course of the continuance of Gods truth in this land with puritie and libertie , according to his word , our Oath and Confession of Faith , and the lawfull constitutions of this Kirk . That this Assemblie is and should bee esteemed and obeyed as a most lawfull , full and free generall Assemblie of this Kingdome , And that all Acts , sentences , constitutions , censures , and proceedings of this Assemblie ( whereof the generall and principall Acts are to bee published , ) are in the selfe , and should bee reputed , obeyed , and observed , by all the subjects of this Kingdome , and members of this Kirke , as the Acts , sentences , constitutions , censures and proceedings of a full and free generall Assemblie of this Kirke of Scotland : And to have all readie execution , under the Ecclesiasticall paines contained or to bee contained therein , and conforme thereto in all points , and such like , that whosoever presumeth to utter any undutifull speech against the same , may be duly censured and condignly punished . We protest that all and everie member of this reformed Kirk efoldly and faithfully joyne and concurre in their severall callings and stations , to advance further and assist the execution and obedience of the whole Acts of this Assemblie , by all meanes which their abilitie can afford , as they affect the advancement of Gods glorie and the work of reformation in this land . We protest against all the challenges and aspersions laid upon us in the said Proclamation , and that our whole answers are not onely true in everie point , but likewise sufficiently forcible to deliver us from all unjust imputations , and to justifie the lawfulnesse and necessitie of our whole proceedings and carriage , which hath beene so unreasonably blamed . Likeas by these presents we summond and cyte all those of his Majesties Councell , or any other , who have procured , consented , subscribed , or ratified this present Proclamation , to bee responsable to his Majestie and three Estates of Parliament , for their counsell given in this matter , so highly importing his Majestie , and the whole Realme ; conforme to the 12. Act. Parl. 2. King James 4. And protest for remead of Law against them and everie one of them . We protest that it is , and may be lawfull unto us to defend and maintaine the Religion , Lawes , and Liberties of this Kingdome , the Kings authoritie in defence thereof , and everie one of us another in that cause , according to our power , vocation , and Covenant , with our best counsell , bodies , lives , meanes , and whole strength , against all persons whomsoever ; and against all externall , and internall invasions , and that in the obedience and observance of the Acts of this Assemblie and nationall mother Kirk . That whatsoever inconvenients shall fall out by impeding , molesting , or staying the observance and obedience due to the Acts , Ordinances and Conclusions of this Assemblie , or execution to follow thereupon , that the same be not imputed unto us , or any of us in our lawfull defence and maintenance thereof , who most ardently desired the concurrence of his Majesties Commissioner to this lawfull Assemblie , and do yet still with humble vehemencie beg his Majesties gracious approbation thereunto , but on the contrarie that the Prelats and their adherents , who have protested , and declined this present Assemblie , in conscience of their owne guiltinesse , not daring abide to any legall tryall , and by their misinformation did move the Commissioner his Grace to depart and discharge this Assemblie , be esteemed , repute and holden ( as they truly are ) the disturbers of the peace , and overthrowers of the liberties of the Kirke , and guiltie of all the evils which shall follow hereupon , and condignly censured according to the greatnesse of their faults and Acts of the Kirke and Realme . Wee protest that none hereafter subscribe the Covenant formerly subscribed by the Commissioner his Grace in Councell , as they will eschew the danger of a contradictorie Oath , but that all & everie one subscribe the Covenant renewed in Februarie last , And that with this sense , meaning , and condition , that they subscribe the same conforme to the determination and declaration of this Assemblie at Glasgow allanerly . We protest that as we adhere till all former Protestations and every one of them made in the name of the Noblemen , Barons , Gentlemen , Ministers , and Commons respectivè for the time , So wee may have his Majesties royall approbation to this present Assemblie , whole Acts and constitutions thereof , and all our proceedings and behaviour in this businesse , which wee assuredly expect from his Majesties imbred pietie , justice , and bountie , notwithstanding the sinistrous , untrue informations , whispered in his Royall yeares in the contrarie . Upon all which Premises and Protestation foresaid ( which is the same with the former made by us at Glasgow , the 29. of November last , but so farre differing as was necessarie for answer to the new additions contained in this Proclamation ; and clearing us of the aspersions wherewith we are changed therein , which we might lawfully do , having protested for this libertie in respect of our surprisall ) one certaine number of all qualities and ranks for themselves , and in name foresaid , asked instruments . This was done in presence of a great confluence of people upon the mercate crosse of Edinburgh the 18. day of December . FINIS . Revised , according to the ordinance of the generall Assemblie , by me Master Archibald Jhonston Clerk thereto . At Edinburgh 8. Jan. 1639. NOt long after this Our Proclamation and their Protestation , Our Commissioner ( seeing all things tending to a present rupture ) begun his journie according to the leave which We had granted him for his returne : After which time , and ever since , they have throughout the whole Kingdome by threatnings made the Acts of their unlawfull Assembly to be received , in many places have perswaded the reception of them by force and armes , have levied souldiers , and imposed taxes upon Our subjects for payment of them , have required of Our Judges or Lords of the Session to approve their Acts , though none of them consented to it , have threatned and menaced them for refusing of it , have raised divers fortifications in Our Kingdome , have blocked up Our Castles and Forts , and now at last forcibly taken Our Castle of Edinburgh , have at home got their Preachers most seditiously and rebelliously to teach Our people , that there is a necessitie of their carrying armes against Us , under paine of perjurie and damnation , have scattered abroad , especially here in England , divers infamous Libels justifying their own wicked and rebellious courses , inciting Our people here to attempt the like rebellion , and to deface Our Ecclesiasticall government . When the contrivers of that wicked Covenant first framed and devised it , and perswaded others who were well perswaded of their pietie , to enter into it , We dare appeale even to their owne consciences whether they did ever make the seduced people acquainted with their intentions of abolishing Episcopall government , & introducing of lay-Elders ▪ which are the onely two things they make the seduced people beleeve they now stand upon : And We do wonder there should be any man found in the world , who can hold it a sufficient warrant for Our subjects to take armes against Us their lawfull Soveraign , because We will not give them leave to abolish some things which stand fully established by Our Lawes and Acts of Parliament of that Kingdome , and to introduce other things which are interdicted and prohibited by the same : But much more have We reason to thinke Our subjects did them no whit beleeve that ( though We should relieve all their grievances , just or pretended , as now We have done ) they should yet be forced to acts of rebellion , and carrying of armes against Us , as now they are . But such hath ever been the constant course of the Heads of all rebellions , to ingage their followers by degrees , to conceale from them their maine and wicked ends , which being at the first discovered , would be abhorred and detested , untill they have gone on so farre in following their Leaders , as afterward they are easily perswaded by them , that there is no hope of pardon left , and so nothing but danger , if they shall offer to retreat : The very same course hath been held in this rebellion for seducing of Our subjects of that Kingdome . The specious pretence used by the contrivers of the Covenant to the people was Religion , but that which was intended by them was a Rebellion , grounded upon the discontents of some few : And the very meanes whereby they have fomented their factious waies , and kept up in Our people a beliefe that they intended onely Religion as they pretended , have been the very same which have been usually practised by other discontented mutiners . But yet We find , that the principall meanes used to foment this Rebellion by the Heads of it , have been these three . First , the seditious prayers and sermons of some Preachers suborned by them for that purpose , who made the people still beleeve , that all they said was Gospel , and they crying up in their Pulpits that Covenant , and most bitterly exclaiming against all opposers of it with the most vile and reproachfull termes they could devise , wrought the people to an incredible good opinion of all that favoured the Covenant , and a bad one of all those who opposed it : So that such things were delivered in their Pulpits , as cannot be related without both shame and horrour . One of them upon Our Commissioners comming home , prayed God to deliver them from all crafty compositions . Another refused to pray in the Church for Sir William Nesbett late Provost of Edinburgh , when hee was lying upon his death-bed , onely because he had not subscribed the Covenant . Another prayed God to scatter them all in Israel , and to divide them in Jacob , who had counselled Us to require the Confession of faith to bee subscribed by Our authoritie . Many Ministers would not admit to the Communion those who had not subscribed their Covenant , but in their exhortation before it , barred them in expresse termes with adulterers , slanderers , and blasphemers , &c. Others would not suffer children to bee baptized in the Churches of those Ministers who were not of the Covenant , though they were their owne Parish Churches , but carried them sometimes many miles to be baptized by Covenanting-Ministers . One preached , That all the Non-subscribers of the Covenant were Atheists ; and so concluded , That all the Lords of Our Councell , and all the Lords of Our Session were such : for none of them had subscribed it . Another preached , That as the wrath of God never was diverted from his people , untill the seven sonnes of Saul were hanged up before the Lord in Gibeon ; so the wrath of God would never depart from that Kingdome , till the twice seven Prelates ( which makes up the number of the Bishops in that Kingdome ) were hanged up before the Lord there ; which is extreme , foule and barbarous . Another preached , That though there were never so many Acts of Parliament against the Covenant , yet it ought to be maintained against them all . Another delivered these words in his Sermon : Let us never give over till we have the King in our power , and then He shall see how good subjects we are . Another in his Sermon delivered this , That the bloudiest and sharpest warre was rather to be endured then the least errour in doctrine or discipline . Another in his Sermon wished , That hee and all the Bishops in that Kingdome were in a bottomlesse boat at sea together ; for he could bee well content to lose his life , so they might lose theirs . Thousands more such beastly , barbarous and profane speeches were delivered by them , not onely in their Pulpits , but in their Sermons : For the Reader must know , that in these times of tumult , where the Churches were not able to containe the great multitudes , they did usually preach in common and profane places , in roomes which are yet in building , and not finished ( intended for Lawyers to plead in ) in the Halls of the Taylors , and other mechanicall tradesmen of Edinburgh , in some private houses , in the Hall of the Colledge of Edinburgh , where one Sunday Rollock being to preach , but finding the crowds of people to be too great for that place , mounted upon the top of a paire of staires which went up to an upper ground , in an open place which was onely covered by the heavens , and from thence preached to a great troupe or multitude , whose breath is the onely aire hee desireth to live in , being shot quite through the head with popularitie . Others preached in the free-Schoole at Edinburgh , where boyes use to play and bee punished . If these speeches , and many as bad or worse then these , and delivered in such places , be fit to perswade the people that their Covenant comes from God , the Reader may easily discerne . The second meanes which they used for blind-folding the eyes of the people , were , their many false reports , which both in their Pulpits and out of their Pulpits they vented amongst the people , which their Leaders knew in their owne consciences to be most false . They gave it out , that We intended to bring in Poperie in all Our Kingdomes , or at least a toleration of it . It was preached that the Service Book was framed at Rome , and brought over by a country-man of theirs ; when they doe know that every Papist by the Popes Bull is prohibited to heare the Service Booke read . Others preached that all England was of their opinion and judgement , and that they had good intelligence from hence , that no man would adhere to Us against them . Another preached that no man would have protested against the generall Assembly but for money , and that none had protested but they who had received some , when they did know that many had protested who had received none . It is true indeed , that some poore Ministers being thrust out of their Benefices by them for adhering to Us , were petitioners to Our Commissioner for relieving the necessities of them and their families ; some of those who were most necessitated , he did a little relieve ; but some of that number were none of the protesters , and many who were protesters were none of that number . It was preached ordinarily in their Pulpits , that neither We nor Our Commissioner in Our name did ever intend to hold the generall Assembly , or if We did hold it , did never intend to performe any thing which We had promised in Our gracious Declaration ; though they now know that We have performed both . Within these few daies some desired the people publiquely in their Pulpits to give thankes to God for that overthrow which the Hollanders had given to the Spanish Fleet before Dunkirke ; assuring their auditours that it was no lesse to be celebrated by them , then their deliverance from the Spanish Invasion in 88. because all that Fleet was prepared at Our charge , for their ruine and subversion : Besides many thousands more such reports and counterfeited letters scattered by them , of which some no doubt were devised by themselves , whereby they kept Our people in that ignorance in which at the very first they had resolved to involve them . Now what a fearfull and terrible thing is it for men in the house of God , and in those places of these houses of God which they call the chaires of truth , to deliver such things as either they doe not know to be true , or doe know to be false ? Besides these dictates of the Ministers , the lay-Elders , since they came to thinke themselves Ecclesiasticall persons ( for so now they doe , and will not be called lay , but ruling-Elders ) they have found new inspirations , and delivered doctrines as like their Divines as may be : one of them We cannot chuse but rehearse . An ancient Knight and a lay-Elder intruded himselfe and his fellowes upon a Presbyterie for chusing the Ministers Commissioners for the Assembly ; and the Ministers of that Presbyterie not being able to keep them out , though they earnestly desired it , fell to intreat these lay-Elders , that if they would needs intrude themselves in their election , they would have a speciall care to chuse the ablest Ministers , and who were most inclined to moderation and peaceable courses , because the Church at this time stood in great need of such Commissioners : The old Knight in great zeale replyed , That whosoever at this time gave his voice to a moderate or peaceable minded Minister , hee was a betrayer of Christ and his cause ; because these times required no luke-warme Commissioners : which barbarous and unchristian speech of his being related by way of complaint to the Tables at Edinburgh , was so far from being censured , as it was approved for a high and heroicall ejaculation . The third meanes whereby they have perverted Our people , and continued them in their disobedience to Us and Our Lawes , have been their strange and damnable positions , whereby they have impoysoned Our subjects ; some whereof We shall now declare unto you . First , What subjects doe of their owne heads is much better then what they doe in obedience to Authoritie ; the one savouring of constraint , but the other being voluntarie and cheerfull obedience . This proposition is delivered in their Protestation , bearing date the 22. of September , 1638. made against Our gracious Declaration ; it is in their fifth reason against the subscription to the Confession of faith urged by Us. A second , The Parliaments power doth no more reach to the placing of Officers originally in the Church , then the Church hath power to make States-men in the Common-wealth . This position is in their answer to Our Commissioners Declaration , concerning Our sense and meaning , in commanding the Confession of faith to bee subscribed : Where they have added the word Originally onely to puzzle the Reader : For certainly their meaning must bee , That the Parliament hath no power for confirming of Officers placed in the Church by the Church it selfe ; for no Act of Parliament in that Kingdome doth make any Officers in the Church originally , but onely ratifieth and confirmeth such as were established by the Church in her generall Assemblies . A third position is this : The Parliament can make no law at all concerning the Church , but onely ratifie what the Church decreeth : and after it hath ratified it , yet if the Assembly of the Church shall prohibit it , and repeale that decree of the Church , all the subjects are discharged from yeelding obedience to the Act of Parliament , which either made any such law , or ratified any such decree of the Church . This position they deliver in their answer to the 5. reasons in the said Declaration ; and would be well weighed . A fourth position is this : The Assembly hath power to discharge all subscription to the confession of faith commanded to be subscribed by Us , and as it is interpreted by Us or Our Commissioner ; so leaving Us no power at all in Ecclesiasticall causes , which all Reformed Churches give their Princes , according to Gods Law. This position is in the same place in their conclusion of their answers to the five reasons . A fifth position is this : The Assembly without Us is the Church , and the onely Judge competent fit to interpret and explaine all doubts arising upon the confession of faith commanded by Us ; which they put in practice , by explicating Our confession of faith against Our owne meaning , and after We had dissolved the assembly . This position is set downe in the beginning of their conclusion after their answers to the five reasons . A sixth position is this : Though the Law be interpreted , yet if it be interpreted in a sense disliked by most of the Kingdome , the body of the Kingdome , for whose good the Law was made , may crave the lawfull redresse of the grievances sustained by that Law. This position is in the fifth of their ten Articles propounded before the indiction of the assembly . A strange position , that they shall crave redresse of a Law , and before a Parliament which onely can redresse it ; and though they call it a craving to redresse it , yet they meane an actuall redressing of it : for they ( before a Parliament was at this time indicted ) have actually done many things against Acts of Parliament , and stand upon their justification that they may lawfully doe so . The seventh position is this : The Assembly is independant , either from King or Parliament in matters Ecclesiasticall . This position is in their Protestation against Our Proclamation of the 18. of December 1638. in their third reason against Our gracious offers delivered into the Assembly by Our Commissioner ; and is a position delivered not onely in the sense , but in the very words of the Jesuites . The other positions following , generally dispersed throughout their Protestations and Pamphlets , are so obvious to any one who hath read them , as the particular cytation of them may bee forborne ; such as are these following . An eight position is : That in all matters determined in an assembly , We are to receive them as the son of the Church , and have no further interest in them , though they be not matters of faith but matters of government , and those concluded by them against Acts of Parliament established by Us and Our three Estates ; nay , though they concerne secular businesse , as making of Salt , and fishing for Salmons on Sundaies , changing of Markets from one day in the weeke to another , and such like : for in their late pretended Assembly they have determined of many such things , as doth appeare by the Index of their Acts. They will not find many Papists who have said so much for the Church of Rome , nor any Jesuites which have said more . A ninth position is this : It is lawfull for subjects to make a Covenant and combination without the King , and to enter into a band of mutuall defence against the King and all persons whatsoever , though by two Acts of Parliament before cyted , all such persons as shall be found either contrivers of , or adherers to any such league , are punishable with death . A tenth position is this : That it is lawfull for themselves sitting in an assembly , to indict a new assembly without Our consent , as they have now indicted a new assembly to bee held in July next ; or out of the assembly when they please , as they professed that now they would have done , if We had not indicted one , though this be directly and expresly against two Acts of Parliament before cyted . An eleventh position is this : If subjects bee called before Us and Our Councell for any misdemeanour , if they who are called doe any way conceive that the matter for which they are called , doth concerne the glory of God , or the good of the Church ( and a wonder it is if any cause can be found which doth not concerne one of these two ) then they may appeale from Us and Our Councell to the next generall Assembly and Parliament ; and in the meane time , before these appeales be either heard or discussed , they may disobey Us and Our Councell , although by an Act of Parliament before cyted , it is expresly made treason : and the Ministers who appealed from Our Royall Father and his Councell , were upon that Act arraigned and found guilty of treason . The twelfth position is this : That when We are intreated to indict a generall Assembly , it is not that there is any need of Our indiction , but rather to doe Us honour , and to beget some countenance to their proceedings ; alledging that the power of indiction is in Us but cumulativè , not privativè , which if We shall refuse , then that power is suppletivè in the collective bodie of the people , as it is alwaies ( say they ) in all other cases , if the Prince shall either neglect or refuse to doe his dutie : Nor are they ashamed to averre , that all Soveraigne authoritie was originally in the collective bodie of the people , by them conferred with their owne consent upon the Prince ; and therefore , if the Prince shall omit to doe his dutie , he either falls from his right , or his right is interrupted , untill he returne to his dutie : but that in the meane time the Soveraigne right and authoritie doth returne to , and remaine with the people , from whom it was at the first derived upon the Prince : A prettie matter it were if Princes Crownes and Soveraignties should depend upon such notionall and pedanticall distinctions , and wonder it is that these men who professe themselves to be the greatest enemies to Poperie in all the World , should borrow the very words and termes of this ridiculous distinction from the Jesuites ; which distinction , if it had ever been used in those primitive and purest Councels of the Church ; all of which were onely called by the Emperours , and in which all matters were ordered and disposed by their Presidents and Deputies , it would have made those Emperours out of love with the Councels and Assemblies of the Church : But they were never robbed of that speciall prerogative of their Crowne untill the Bishops of Rome by their tyrannie and usurpation , and by animating and arming their owne subjects against them , dispossessed them of it : And now We and Our Successors being repossessed of it againe by the Lawes of that Our Kingdome , and the usurpation of the Pope , in that very particular , being by many of Our Acts of Parliament excluded , wonder it is to see these men take upon themselves that usurped and cashiered Papall authoritie . The thirteenth position is this : If We or Our Commissioner sitting in Assembly shall denie Our voice to any thing , which to Us appeareth to bee unjust and repugnant to Our Lawes , yet if that shall be concluded by most voices of the Assembly , that then We are bound jure divino to see all these conclusions made in despight of Us , obeyed by all Our subjects , and by Our authoritie to inforce obedience to these Acts ; and if Our Councellers or Judges shall refuse to do the like , then they shall be lyable to the sentence of Excommunication , and so be deprived not onely of their places , but of their estates : A position to which We suppose they will never gaine the consent of Princes , or Magistrates put in authoritie under them . A fourteenth position is this : An Assembly may abrogate Acts of Parliament , and discharge Our subjects from obedience to them , if they any way reflect upon businesse of the Church ; which We wonder that the Nobilitie , Gentrie , and Burrowes can endure : for as it doth derogate principally from Our authoritie , so doth it proportionably from theirs when they are assembled in Parliament : and indeed it is to be wondred at , how any man that is acquainted with government can endure it : for it destroyeth not onely the nature , but the very name of the high Court of Parliament ; for how can that be called the Highest Court of the Kingdome , if a generall assembly may rescind the acts of it ? And that power which may repeale one act of it may repeale more , nay all acts of it , when it shall bee pleased to exercise that power , and say it is in order to the glory of God and the good of his Church . A fifteenth position is this : The Protestation of subjects against Lawes established , whether it be made coram Judice , or non Judice , before the Judges of the people , or the people themselves who are borne to be judged , doth void all obedience to these Lawes , and dischargeth all the protesters from any obligation to live under them , before ever these Protestations and the validitie of them shall come to be discussed before the competent Judges of them ; nay , although they bee repelled by the Judges before whom they are made : all which ( since these troubles begun in that Kingdome ) have been usually practised by the Covenanters , who having sometimes made Protestations against Our Lawes before Our Councell , sometimes before Our Commissioner , sometimes before the Lords of Our Session who repelled them all , then they made them before the people their owne associates in the publique Market-places , and by that meanes held these Protestations sufficiently admitted , and themselves discharged from obedience to all these Lawes against which they protested , alledging ( perhaps ) that they were unjustly and unduely enacted : which course , if it may be allowed in any Common-wealth , and that Protestations before they be discussed , may discharge subjects from obedience to Lawes , what subject will yeeld obedience to any Law , by which he findeth himselfe pressed or inconvenienced , when the remedie of a Protestation , whether admitted or not admitted , is so readie at hand ? A sixteenth and last position is this ; which indeed is the worst of all : for it is both the mother and nurse of all the rest , and is such a shamefull one , that they have not printed it in terminis ; but it followeth by an unavoidable consequence upon many of their printed positions , as all of them doe follow upon , and flow from it : And the practice of it is so current with them , as it appeareth almost in every one of their particular actions ; And it is thus : A number of men , being the greater part of the Kingdome , because they are the greater , ( and in that sense ( say they ) the more considerable part ) may doe any thing which they themselves doe conceive to be conduceable to the glory of God , and the good of the Church , notwithstanding of any lawes standing in force to the contrarie ; and that this greater part , especially met in a representative assembly , may , without the authoritie of Us , against the expresse commandement of Us and Our Councell , and Our Judges declaration of it to be against the lawes of Our Kingdome , chuse some few Noblemen , Gentlemen , Ministers and Burgesses , who , under the name of Committees or Commissioners from the generall assembly , to bee chosen from assembly to assembly , shall sit and determine of things concerning the Church and State , as if there were neither King , Councell , nor Judge in the land . They complaine of a High Commission erected by Us and Our authoritie , but whether this be not a higher Commission then that , We leave it to every impartiall judgement . They answer for themselves onely this , That they doe it as being put in authoritie by the generall assembly , which is ( say they ) a Court independent from Us , and therefore may erect what Court it will without Us , and may appoint what Commissioners it will to sit for that Court , so they meddle with nothing but Ecclesiasticall businesse : But let the Reader consider how many wicked and insufferable absurdities this their answer carrieth along with it . First , By what authoritie did they doe the same things which they now doe , before the assembly was indicted ? They could not bee then Commissioners from the generall assembly . Next , Who gave the generall assembly power to erect any such Table of Commissioners ? They found themselves aggrieved with the high Cōmission established by Us , upon this ground , that there was no such Court established either by acts of generall assembly or Parliament : And now Wee desire them to shew any act of Parliament giving the assembly power to erect any such Table of Commissioners . Thirdly , in the erection of this Table , they out-doe any thing which yet hath been either said or done by the Jesuites in defence of the Churches authoritie , and the authoritie of her visible Head over Kings and Princes : for they did never yet affirme , that the Ecclesiasticall authoritie could bee exercised but by Ecclesiasticall persons : but these men doe hold , that Noblemen , Gentlemen , and Burgesses may execute this authoritie : But they say , they doe not exercise it as any such lay-men , but as ruling-Elders , and so in the capacitie of Ecclesiasticall persons ; But can there any childe be found who will not laugh at this , if ever he have heard but the common names of Church-men and Lay-men ? Can these two be confounded ? Can the calling of a man by the name of an Elder make him an Ecclesiasticall person , if by his place and calling hee is never to discharge any office of a Church-man ? They have declared it to be unlawfull for Bishops to have voices in Parliament , Councell , or any secular Judicatorie , because these places are incompatible with the places of Ecclesiasticall persons : And shall not lay-persons be as incapable at least to meddle with Divine and Ecclesiasticall businesses ? Or if they shall , then let these Ecclesiasticall Elders renounce their places in Parliament and other secular Courts of justice , and become ruling-Elders onely . Fourthly , they alledge that they meddle onely in Ecclesiasticall causes ; Although it bee unlawfull for them to doe that , yet it were the more tolerable , if they did as they say : but they doe make good what they say , by telling the world what they meane by things Ecclesiasticall , and their meaning they doe expresse in the very termes of the Jesuites ; for by Ecclesiasticall , they meane , as their practice sheweth , any thing which is in ordine ad Ecclesiastica : nay more , in ordine ad Spiritualia , whatsoever may bee thought conducible to the good of the Church , or to any spirituall good , and yet more vastly to the glorie of God ; by which latitude of the word Ecclesiasticall , We would know what they have left without the compasse of their cognisance . Just nothing : For in this sense they may set the price on victuals , they may censure the actions of all men in what kind soever , because Saint Paul biddeth us , Whether we eate or drinke , or whatsoever we doe , doe it all to the glory of God. And truly , from this false and Jesuiticall interpretation of this word Ecclesiasticall , have issued most of all their acts of sedition and rebellion : They have provided armes for Our subjects , they first blocked up all Our Forts & Castles , and since have taken them , stopped Our Officers from carrying victualls or ammunition into them , they have raised Forts , taxed Our subjects , levied souldiers against Us , not onely turned Us out of the possession of Our Castles , but , so farre as in them lies , defeated Our title to them , by declaring that they are not Our Castles but the Kingdomes ; they have incroached upon the undoubted bounds and markes of Our Soveraigntie , by sending warrants to Our Sheriffes for chusing Commissioners for the Shires for the next Parliament ; they have discharged Our own Printer for printing any thing which concerneth these troubles , or may make against them , though commanded by Us and by Our Councell , so that if We have any thing to print there , We must first be a suiter to Jhonston their Clerke for his hand to it , else it cannot passe ; they have injoyned or at least suffered the Preachers of their owne side to pray and preach most bitterly against Us and Our authoritie : those Preachers who continued in their loyaltie towards Us , they have most unjustly against Our lawes deprived of their Benefices , and most unmercifully and unchristianlike exposed them to miserie and beggerie , they have most contemptuously and rebelliously used Our Councellours and Judges : When they are asked , why they doe these things , and by what authoritie they doe them : To the first they answer onely , That they doe them for the good of the Church , and the glorie of God , that Religion may bee preserved , the honour of God maintained , and his glorie increased : Who would thinke that there should bee men found in the world , who call themselves after the name of Christ , and invocate the name of God , and yet dare profane and abuse the names of Religion , God ; and his glorie , and to intitle those glorious names to such lewd actions of treason and rebellion , as can proceed from none but the Devill ? To the second : By what authoritie they doe these things , which are expresly against the Acts of Parliament , Acts of Councell , and Acts of generall Assemblies ? They answer , that these Acts of Assembly were unduely obtained , and that now they have rescinded them . For Acts of Parliament and Acts of Councell , they expresse great wonder and admiration , that any man should question their authoritie over them : For that question they use to answer with another of their owne , viz. Whether any man doth hold Christ or Us to be supreme ? and being answered that Christ is supreme , then they conclude , That they being his Councell must likewise be supreme ; That the Parliament is but the Councell of the Kingdome , That Our Privie Councellours and Judges are but the Councell and Judges of the King ; but that they themselves are the immediate and independent Councellours of , and Judges under Christ , who is the King of all kings and kingdomes ; and that therefore in all causes which they conceive to concerne Christ and his Kingdome , which is his Church , they are supreme and independent , above Us , Our Parliament , Our Councell , Our Judges : And that if Our Councellours or Judges doe not obey their commandements , they will proceed to the sentence of Excommunication against them , and by the same reason ( though as yet they have not said it ) they may proceed against Us with the same sentence : for We acknowledge Christ to bee the supreme King , as much as Our Councellours and Judges doe acknowledge him to be the supreme Lord and Judge . These furious frensies have not been heard of in the world , since the Anabaptists madnesse reigned in Germanie in Charles the fifth his time , which was most strongly and vehemently opposed by the Protestant Princes , who adhered to the Augustan confession , and if Luther and Melancthon , whom God used as the chiefe instruments in reforming the abuses of the Church of Rome , had not shewed themselves in their Sermons , Lectures in the Universities , and publique writings which they published , stout Champions against them , and thereby had drawne all Protestants to detest and persecute them , undoubtedly the Reformation of the Church , falling out to bee about the same time when these Anabaptists raged most in their madnesse , had laboured and suffered extremely under the scandall of their frensies , in the opinion of all those who were attending and looking after the issue of that Reformation : And yet these same fooleries and frensies are daily acted by these who call themselves Commissioners of the Table , and presented to the Readers of their Pamphlets and Protestations , with the titles of irrefragable , undeniable , convincing , unquestionable , Sun-shine truths , and twenty more such false impudent epithets , as one would wonder from whence they fetch the faces that can beare them out in saying so , when the whole Christian World who shall read them , upon the very first view or reading , must discerne that there is not the least step or shadow of truth to be found in them . We confesse We were amazed at , and aggrieved with their horrible impudence , expressed in their last Petition sent unto Us , in which they did invocate the name of God , calling him not onely as a witnesse , but as an approver of their actions ; at their pretended assurance of Our justification of them all , when they undoubtedly know , that We doe abhorre and detest them all as rebellious and treasonable ; at their shamelesse asseveration of their confidence that their neighbour Churches will approve all their proceedings ; that they are affraid they should bee thought to have offended in nothing so much as in lenitie , when they have proceeded to the deposition and excommunication of the Bishops and others their opposers , which is the utmost of that power which ever any Church did yet challenge to it selfe ; and many more such audacious untruths , which after We once heard read , We resolved never to answer , and now doe answer it onely thus , That in the maine points of it there is not one true word : To say nothing of the boldnesse of this petition , which expecteth Our answers in such termes , as it doth not onely seeme to require Our approbation of their wicked proceedings , but almost to command it : and lastly , it is subscribed onely by the hands of the Moderatour and Clerke of the Assembly , as if it were an ordinarie cytation served upon the meanest subject of that Our Kingdome . And besides all these , We would know what Ecclesiasticall assembly , just or pretended , did ever use any coercive power , but that which was Ecclesiasticall , viz. suspension , deprivation , degradation , or excommunication . But this pretended Assembly hath besides all these inforced her acts with armes , and all manner of violence both against the persons and fortunes of such as doe not agree unto them , but continue loyall to Us. BY this time We hope the Reader is well satisfied that We have been from time to time well acquainted with , and rightly informed concerning all the particular passages of these troubles : For since We produce their owne originall foule and blacke acts , and the counsels which We tooke , and courses which We held for meeting with them , and hindering them , so farre as then on the sudden We could , every man will now hold their ordinarie and so often repeated calumnie sufficiently confuted , viz. That all the proceedings and proffers on their parts were quite concealed from Us , That their petitions , remonstrances , and grievances were kept from Us , That We understood no more of the estate of the affaires of that Kingdome , then the malice of their adversaries and bad patriots were pleased to impart unto Us ; That Our Commissioner in his severall journies between Us and them never made Us acquainted with the true state of the businesse , or with their requests and protestations , That he at his severall returnes did do that which he thought fittest to be done , and not what We had commanded him , or that if We did command him , Our commandements were according to the information which hee had given unto Us of their counsells and courses ; which information was never true nor right , but onely such as hee and the Bishops had contrived for mis-informing of Us : All which most wicked calumnies , invented onely to keep Our people unsatisfied , as they are attended with want of truth , so they are accompanied with a most undeserved ingratitude . For We doe professe , that there was no man since the time of these troubles , who hath more zealously stood between Our wrath and them , then Our Commissioner , and who hath more constantly laboured Us to admit any probable construction which might be made of their actions , ever untill such time as they came to that height , that they could neither probably nor possibly receive any good construction ; and yet even then all his perswasions were to pardon and forgivenesse , if they should acknowledge their errours , and with a submissive humilitie returne to Our obedience . And here We must needs justifie all his proceedings with them , as being punctually and exactly ordered and performed according to Our instructions and commandements to him , and condemne their ingratitude to him , not doubting but ere long they will heartily wish that they had some such about Us , who might solicite Us for their peace and pardon so carefully as hee did , so long as hee had any hope of their amendment . The same course which they held with him their owne countrie-man , they held likewise with some of this Kingdome of great place , especially some of the Prelates neere Us , and intrusted with the greatest businesse of this Church and Kingdome : For , during the time of all these troubles , they have likewise slandered them amongst Our subjects of that Kingdome , both for mis-information of Us , and giving Us counsell and advice to shunne all waies of peace ; Whereas We must professe that those Prelates , whom ( in their last seditious and treasonable information to the good Christians of England ) they have traduced for their greatest enemies , & chiefly some of them whom they especially glance at with Our Cōmissioner , have bin their greatest friends , their counsells were alwaies counsells of peace , and their solicitations to Us were vehement and earnest for granting unto them those unexpected and undeserved favours , which We were graciously pleased to bestow upon Our people , published in Our Proclamation at Edinburgh the 22. of September 1638. and afterward made good to them in Our name by Our Commissioner at the Assembly in Glasgow : These Prelates and Our Commissioner advising Us rather to condescend to these particulars , then to be put to the effusion of any drop of Our subjects bloud . But the miserie and misfortune of many of Our well meaning subjects in that Kingdome , hath in all this businesse been this , That they trusted the mis-informations of their Leaders , even in those things of which their Leaders themselves did not beleeve so much as one word : Such were their false reports of Our inclination to Poperie , of Our intentions never to hold an Assembly , although We had indicted it , of Our intention of never performing any thing in that Assembly which We had promised in Our gracious Proclamation of the indiction of it : All which false reports We have since sufficiently confuted by Our commanding the renovation of the subscription of that Confession of faith which cannot subsist with Poperie , by Our indicting a free generall Assembly ( the freedome whereof they quite destroyed by their proceedings both before it and in it ) by Our making good in that Assembly ( such as it was ) all Our gracious promises ; and therefore We cannot now but hope and expect , that all Our good and loyall subjects of that Our ancient and native Kingdome will , by their former experience of the falshood of their Seducers and Leaders , learne to give no trust or credit to their posteriour and new mis-informations , which by their last seditious Pamphlets printed or written , and by many intercepted letters We find to be these three especially , but all of them most notoriously false . First , they goe about to perswade Our good subjects , that We intend an invasion of that Our Kingdome : But they must have a great power over the faith of such as they can make beleeve that a King would invade his owne Kingdome : Invasions made by Princes of other Princes dominions have been usuall ; but for a Prince to invade his owne Kingdome is a prodigious untruth . But they tell Our people that We are coming thither attended with English troupes : We wonder if they should bee affraid of them whom Our people in their Pulpits , and elsewhere , have been made beleeve were all of their owne partie , and would take armes with them in their defence against Us. But the truth is , these English troupes goe along to secure this Our Kingdome of England from invasion by them , which they have so frequently threatned ; and if for the securing of Our person they should offer themselves to bee Our guard wheresoever We goe ; what doe they else but shew themselves to be true and loyall subjects , and lay an obligation on Us to continue in Our breast that full assurance of their loyaltie and fidelitie towards Us , of which We have alwaies by unanswerable demonstrations been fully perswaded ; as also upbraid the disloyaltie of many of Our subjects of that Our native Kingdome , amongst whom they are loath to trust Us without offering their persons to be Our guard ? But these two things We doe desire all Our good subjects of that Kingdome firmly to beleeve : First , We are confident that We shall not much stand in need of English troupes to chastise the Heads of this late Rebellion , as being fully perswaded that Our loyall subjects , who have all this while adhered unto Us ; and Our mis-led subjects , who upon this Our Declaration wil adhere unto Us , but above all the justice of the cause of God and of Us his Anointed , shall be strength enough to bring those principall Rebells to undergoe the tryall of Our Lawes . Next , Wee desire all Our good subjects there , to beleeve that We are so farre from intending any invasion of that Our native Kingdome , as that according to Our dutie and oath taken at Our Coronation , We shall by the grace of God alwaies be ready with Our whole power , estate , and expense of Our bloud ( if the case shall so require ) to defend that Our Kingdome and subjects thereof against all invasions whatsoever . For We doe at this time onely intend to reduce the principall Heads of these tumults to the obedience of Us and Our Lawes , and in case of their Rebellious obstinacie , to bring them to those deserved punishments , which in such cases the Lawes of that Our Kingdome have provided : nor can this either bee called or accounted an invasion , more then the Judges sentencing malefactours to punishment , can bee called an invasion of them . The second mis-information whereby We find the Heads of this Rebellion goe about to keep Our people from returning to Our obedience , is this : They make them beleeve , that since they have not accepted of Our gracious offers made in Our Declaration at Edinburgh the 22. of September last , and made good by Our Commissioner in Our name at the Assembly in Glasgow , that now We will certainly performe none of them : But these wicked mis-reporters speake both according to their owne deserts ( as knowing that their rebellious misdemeanours have indeed deserved no such favour at Our hands ) and likewise , according to their owne desires ( as fearing that if We should make them good , then Our people might and must receive satisfaction thereby ) but they doe not speake according to Our Royall intentions , which are to assure Our subjects , that ( as We have before expressed in Our Preface ) their faults and disloyall courses shall not make Us goe backe from any thing which We have promised in either of those two Our gracious Declarations made at Edinburgh and Glasgow , but that We will performe them all for the securing of all Our good subjects from any further feares of these pretended innovations . The third mis-information whereby the Heads of this Rebellion goe about to continue Our people in disobedience to Us , is this : They would make them beleeve , that if they shall now yeeld , We doe intend to make that Our native Kingdome a Province , and to dispoile them of all their lawes and liberties , and to give them new lawes , as if they were a conquered Kingdome : A most divellish and false suggestion ; for We professe We never harboured any such thought in Our Royall breast , but doe intend by the grace of God to continue that Our native Kingdome in the government of Our lawes , and confirme unto them all their liberties , and when it shall please God to translate Us , to leave the same in charge to Our Successour . These foule but false aspersions being thus wiped off , We are now desirous to remove their grand and maine calumnie , whereby they doe at once endeavour both to disparage Our just , and to justifie their owne most unjust proceedings . They give out that We have no quarrell against them but Religion ; and when they are asked in what points of Religion We will not yeeld to them , they doe not name any one of which they have complained in their Petitions , and which in them they called innovations in Religion ( for they know , that in Our gracious Declarations We have given full satisfaction concerning them ) but they instance in other two particulars : First , Our not admitting the introducing of lay-Elders into their Presbyteries , and that in equall number with the Ministers , and that these lay-Elders shall have voices , and alwaies the casting voice in the election of the Ministers Commissioners from the Presbyteries to the generall Assembly . The second , That We will not give way to the abolishing of Episcopall government . For the former , We professe that We cannot give way to it , it being a course unheard of , not onely in that Church of Scotland , but in any Church in any age : for how can We yeeld that Noblemen , Gentlemen , Commoners shall be made Ecclesiasticall persons , which must needs bring in a confusion of these two , Ecclesiasticall and secular persons , which have alwaies been distinguished ? Next , how can We betray the Ministers of that Kingdome unto perpetuall slaverie ? for if Episcopall government should bee gone ( which they intend ) and the Ministers in their Presbyteries shall be over-swayed by the voices of the lay-Elders , what face of Ecclesiasticall government can remaine , when it shall be quite pulled out of the hands of Ecclesiasticall persons ? And therefore We cannot chuse but account it a great ingratitude in those Ministers who oppose Us , for whose maintenance as We first stood against the laitie , so We are now resolved to stand against them for their libertie . For the second , which is the abolishing of Episcopall government , We professe We cannot yeeld unto it ( though it were not warranted by Apostolicall institution at the first , and since by the perpetuall practice of the Church of Christ in all ages and places , as We hold it is warranted by both : ) First , because it is established in that Kingdome , and hath ever been by Acts of Parliament , and is so now , and hath been for many yeeres by Acts of the generall Assembly . Next , because of the course which they have taken to abolish it , to wit , by an Assembly , holding that an Assembly may abolish Acts of Parliament ; a proposition which must not bee endured in any Monarchie : for then the Convocation in England , or generall Assembly in Scotland , might introduce in either of these Kingdomes , Poperie , and the Popes authoritie if they had a mind to doe so , notwithstanding the Acts of Parliament in both Kingdomes which have ejected them , and which Acts of Parliament were posteriour to the Acts of these Ecclesiasticall Assemblies , and were confirmations of what was passed before in them . Thirdly , We cannot destroy Episcopall government without destroying one of the three Estates of Parliament , which Wee will not doe : but these men in an Ecclesiasticall Assembly , without Our consent , or consent of Parliament , have gone about to destroy the first of the three Estates of Parliament . But say that none of these things were so , yet Wee would be satisfied in this point , Whether Our refusing of the intrusion of lay-Elders , and the extrusion of Episcopall government , can bee to the conscience of any man a sufficient warrant or ground for his taking armes against his lawfull King and Soveraigne ? for now their very Leaders , acknowledging that We have given them satisfaction in the rest , make these two the onely ground of all their armes . And Wee appeale to the consciences of most of Our subjects Covenanters , if , when they entered into that Covenant at the first , they did ever imagine that they should be perswaded to take armes against Us , for these two points of lay-Elders and Episcopall government , if they should receive satisfaction from Us in their other grievances , and feared innovations , as We have before declared . Wee are confident that no such matter was then within the compasse of their thoughts : We then having fully removed those pretended feares which occasioned their Covenant , Wee cannot but hope that Our seduced subjects will returne to their former obedience ; but for their seducers , Wee know that some of them from the very first were resolved never to receive any satisfaction . This grand imposture and calumnie , with the other three , being removed , We will now declare fully and freely to all Our subjects of Our three Kingdomes , and to all forrainers besides , the true and onely causes which doe inforce Us at this time to use force for the repressing of the insolencies of such of Our subjects in that Kingdome as shall stand out against Us ; first protesting that none of the causes before mentioned , suggested by their Leaders , have settled in Us this resolution , but onely these causes which now follow . First , We will never endure that any of Our subjects , nay that all Our subjects ( if they could possibly bee all of one mind ) out of Parliament shall ever abolish or destroy any Act of Parliament , especially not Noblemen and others assembled in an Ecclesiasticall Assembly : for to hold that any Assembly of subjects out of Parliament , or in Parliament without Our consent , may abolish any Act of Parliament , destroyeth the very foundation of government and justice in all Monarchies ; and the doing of it by Ecclesiasticall persons in their Councells and Synods , hath been the cause of infinite calamities and miserable wars and devastation of Kingdomes in the Christian World , since the Pope and his Conclave did usurp that unlawfull and unlimited power ; which , being in that Our Kingdome in all these late troubles practised against the expresse lawes of the same , Wee are resolved to punish , unlesse the offenders betake themselves to Our mercie . Secondly , We are resolved not to endure that any of Our subjects , without Our consent , and the consent of the Parliament , shall destroy any of the three Estates of Parliament ; which they in their late pretended Assembly have gone about to doe . Thirdly , We are resolved not to endure that any generall Assembly shall be called but by Our indiction , according to an expresse Act of Parliament in that case provided ; or that it shall continue after that Wee by Our authority have dissolved it ; and are resolved to punish them who shall doe so , as Our Royall Father punished those who did the like at Aberdene . Fourthly , We are resolved to punish those who have imposed taxes upon Our subjects , levied men or armes , raised any fortifications in that Our Kingdome without Our leave , and first blocked up , and then taken Our Castles and Forts , and by violence dispossessed Our loyall subjects of their houses and castles , detaining them by force ; for all these , by the expresse Lawes of that Our Kingdome , are acts of treason and rebellion . Fifthly , We are resolved not to endure that the Protestations of subjects against Us , Our Councell , Our Judges and Lawes , shall discharge the obedience of the protesters unto these Lawes , unlesse they be admitted before the competent Judges , and legally discussed before them ; the contrarie whereof hath been practised by the Covenanters all the time of these tumults . Sixthly , We are resolved not to endure that Our subjects shall enter into any covenant or band of mutuall defence , without Our leave asked and obtained , it being expresly forbidden by divers Acts of Parliament of that Our Kingdome ; for this hath been , and still is , the ground of all this Rebellion . Seventhly and principally , We are resolved not to endure that any of Our subjects , under the name of a Table , or Committees of the generall Assembly , or under any other name , title or pretence whatsoever , shall sit without Our consent and authoritie , and order businesse of the Church and Kingdome at their pleasure ; and if they shall be called in question for the same by Us , Our Councell , or Judges , shall appeale from Us and them , and refuse to be judged by either , alledging that they will be judged by none but by the generall Assembly , which is Christs owne immediate Councell , and therefore hath no dependencie from , or subordination either to Our Councell or Judges , or Our Parliament , which is the Councell of Our Kingdome , and so that both Church-men and lay-men under Ecclesiasticall names shall exempt themselves from the authoritie of Us and Our Lawes , and the Assembly it selfe shall hold the members of it free from being judged in all matters of Assembly by any but by it selfe ; which by the Lawes of that Our Kingdome is treason , as appeareth by the Act cyted in the bodie of this narration : Now all this hath been practised , and is practised by those which call themselves of the Table . From all which We hope it is evident , that the offences which We resolve to punish in some of Our subjects , doe not concerne Religion : So that the question is not , Whether there shall be a Service Booke , Booke of Canons , high Commission , nay , nor whether there shall be no lay-Elders in Assemblies , or no Episcopall government , ( though We are resolved to reject the one , and retaine the other : ) But the question indeed is neither more nor lesse then this , Whether We and Our Successours shall be any more Kings of that Kingdome : for if these traiterous positions shall bee maintained and made good by force of armes , then We and Our Successours can bee no more Kings there , Our Parliament , Councell , and Judges have no more authoritie there ; So that unlesse We will give over to be King , and so betray and desert that charge wherewith God hath intrusted Us , We must use that power which God hath put in Our hands , and by faire , just and legall waies , to Our great griefe , force them to obedience . These are the true reasons which have forced Us to undertake this journey , and to make use of the armes and aide of Our loyall subjects here , for the securitie of this Kingdome , and safeguard of Our person , as likewise of the armes and aide of Our subjects of that Kingdome for the same purposes . And here first We call God to witnesse what an unwelcome journey this is unto Us , and how unwillingly We doe undertake it . Secondly , We doe professe and protest , that as We ( like God himselfe , whose Vicegerent We are ) have showne Our Selfe all this while slow to anger ; so now like him We shall shew Our selves ready to forgive , upon the repentance of such of Our subjects as have been mis-led , their deserting the Heads of their Rebellion , and returning to Our obedience . Thirdly , that We intend to use no armes against that Our Kingdome , but onely against some Rebells in it , for their apprehension and bringing them to justice . Fourthly , that such even of those who shall be apprehended , shall have their faire and legall tryalls according to the Lawes of that Our Kingdome , without the denyall of the least favour which can be allowed them by the course of justice , if they will offer and submit their persons to a legall tryall . Fifthly , that all Our subjects of that Kingdome ▪ who shall now adhere unto Us , shall be protected and defended by Us in their persons and fortunes , with the uttermost of Our power : For We professe that We doe not hold it a nationall defection , but a revolt of some Rebells , who have mis-led a great many of the rest , We having a great many subjects of all rankes in that Our Kingdome , who for their constancie in their loyaltie and fidelitie towards Us , shall justly expect both protection and reward from Us. Sixthly , that whosoever shall goe about to make any of Our subjects beleeve that this is a nationall quarrell between these two ancient Kingdomes , both now being under Our government , shall be punished as a disturber of the peace of both : and therefore We exhort and require all Our subjects of both Kingdomes , who shall accompanie Us in this journey , to live and converse peaceably and lovingly , whereby as they shall doe Us most singular and acceptable service , so they shall notably disappoint the Heads of that Rebellion , who now labour no point so much as this , to make Our subjects of that Kingdome beleeve , that this journey of Ours bringeth along with it a nationall invasion ; and if Our subjects of both nations shall keep that friendly and loving correspondence in their attendance upon Us in this journey , We doe not doubt but it will be a meanes to tye them in a stronger band of love for ever hereafter , when Our Scotish subjects shall here see the alacritie and forwardnesse of the English , and the English shall there perceive the alacritie and forwardnesse of the Scotish , both of them meeting in this point and center , viz. the defence of Our person , and of Our Royall Crowne and Dignitie . To conclude : As We have found the aide and assistance of Our loving subjects here towards this journey , so We doe heartily desire their prayers all the time of Our absence for a good successe unto it , and that if it be possible We may returne with peace , and without the effusion of any drop of Our subjects bloud : And We doe require all Our good subjects of that Our Kingdome of Scotland , especially the Ministers who should bee the messengers of peace , to frame and settle Our subjects minds to the courses and waies of peace , and to lead them on in the way of returning to Our obedience , who doth resolve to maintaine them in the Religion now established amongst them , that so We be not forced to draw Our sword of justice against any of them , which in case of their obstinacie how unwillingly We shall doe , We call the King of kings to witnesse : But if nothing else will serve it must be , and their bloud will rest upon their owne heads . FINIS . Imprinted by ROBERT YOUNG , His Majesties Printer for Scotland . Anno 1639. The High & mighty Monarch Charles by the grace of God King of Great Brittaine France & Ireland Defender of the Faith. Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A68707-e60 * Observe that the children as well as the rest considered this . * And yet these blessed Reformers of Religion in England were the very same men who compiled the English Service Book , which the Covenanters have printed and preached to be stuffed full of Idolatrie , superstition , and poperie . * It is not so : for the Councell never promised that the Bishops should be removed from the Table , but onely that they would make Us acquainted with their Petition . * Is it not rather an offence to God , to thrust men out of their places before they be tried ? * And yet afterward , in their last instructions they injoyned the severall Commissioners to bring Assessors with them , who were to have no voyce in the Assemblie . * The contrarie is most true . * Our Commissioner never heard any argument to that purpose which could convince a child . * Our Commissioner never accepted of it , nor conceived it could give satisfaction to any . * It doth most evidently tend to the dishonour of God. * We desire the Reader to observe , that they were affraid of being overthrown in a free generall Assembly , and therefore they tooke a course by these private instructions to prevent all freedome in the Assembly , and to make sure that none should be chosen a member of it , but such of whom they were sure . Intolerable presumption Most false . * Which offices were in the Church of Christ long before Popery was known or heard of in the world . * A pretty act , that We must print nothing concerning Ecclesiasticall policie and government , unlesse Johnston will give Us leave . * A most traiterous act , for the very terms and words of it containe high treason . * This Blair is he who was expelled the Universitie of Glasgow by the Professors there , many yeares since , for teaching his Scholars , in his Lectures upon Aristotle , that Monarchicall government was unlawfull . Now for this man to be made by them Professor of Divinitie in the prime Universitie of that Our kingdome , whether We can or ought to endure it , We leave to the Reader to judge . 〈…〉 * There is no divine commandement in Scripture , nor example of the Christian Church for ●●bscri●ing any confession without the consent of the supreame Magistrate if he be a Christian. Foure generall considerations of the Declaration . * The Lords of Councell did take and were to take this oath as well as any other in the knowne sense of us who commanded it , and therefore any Act of Councell for their explanation was unnecessary , and it is unjustly affirmed that this Declaration or explanation was made by Our Commissioner , for it was made by Vs , but published by him at Our Commandement , as is plainly expressed in the title of it . * But when shall they bee proved to bee contrarie to the word of God ? * They themselves doe know that this Confession was not framed at first by the Church as the positive Confession was , but by one Master Iohn Crage , and commanded by the Authoritie of our Royall Father , hee did advise with the Church concerning it , but they received it from him , not he from them . * That the supreame Magistrate should as the Sonne of the Church onely receive the meaning of the Church , and cause it to bee received by his subjects , is not only the Jesuiticall tenet , but their very words and syllables , and as they are alledged here very false , for the greatest part of this confession conteyneth not matters of faith , but of government , discipline and ceremonies : besides this confession was first injoyned by Our Royall Father and his Councell before it was approved by the Church : how then Our Royall father , if hee were now living , should receive the meaning of it from the Church after hee had subscribed it , and commaunded his houshould to doe so ; or we should now receive the meaning of it from the generall Assembly after it was subscribed by Our commaundement , wee cannot apprehend . * Nay the first should be preferred : for if our Commissioner and Councell had explained it contrarie to Our meaning , Our declaration comming after should be preferred to their misinterpretation . Answer to the first reason . * The last part of the first reason is quite omitted , though in it lyeth the principall explicatiō of this first reason . * How many of them have determined so ? they know that they are not cōparable in number to those who have determined the contrarie . * Most false . Answer to the second reason . * Because in the XXI . Article cited , the word Ceremonie is used , therefore they would inferre that this reason supposeth Episcopall government to be but a ceremonie : But weakly , for the reason consisteth in the word policie which they take no notice of , and Episcopall government being a part of Ecclesiasticall policie , they hold the one alterable , ( as all they doe who adhere to that XXI . article ) must needs hold the other so too : nor can it be inferred from any thing in this reason that Episcopall government is mainteyned by it to be alterable , but that they themselves , and that XXI . article doe hold it to be so . * The Assembly desired it , but did ever Our Royall Father doe so ? Answer to the third reason . * We defie any man living to produce from any Jesuit or the greatest patron of equivocation yet ever heard of , such a wicked position as this , that the swearer is neither bound to the meaning of the exacter of the oath , nor to his own meaning who takes the oath , but to the realitie of the thing sworne , as it shall be afterward explicated by the competent Judge : For then no man can tell what he sweareth , when he sweareth ; if the declaration of the competent Judge shall come after , it were to be wished that he who set downe this proposition , had set his hand to it , that the world might take notice of him for an ignorant foole and an arrand knave : In the meane time , till Iohnston finde out another , he must be taken for the man , because his hand is at this foolish Pamphlet . Answer to the fourth reason . * This is directly contrary to the words of their owne protestation against Our Proclamation , dated the ninth of September : see their ninth Reason in that Protestation against the subscription to our Covenant , and you shall finde it flatly contradictory to this which they affirme now . * They doe not meddle with the Church of England , but yet in all their Writings declare that the government of the Church of England is against the Word of God ; and the paterne shewed in the Mount : and that their new fancied government , conteined in their imaginarie books of discipline , is onely according unto it . Answer to the fifth reason . * But it is most notorious that at those Parliaments which were holden when the confession of faith was first sworne unto , Bishops had voyces and were present , and so then Episcopall government could not be abjured , for proofe whereof We refer the reader to the Parliament Roll inserted at the end of this answer . * Let any kingdome which is acquainted with Parliaments consisting of a Monarche and his three estates , digest this proposition , and then the Parliament can be no more the highest Court of the Kingdome . * A most false position : As if the convocation in England , or the generall Assembly in Scotland had power to reconcile the two kingdomes to the Church of Rome , to reduce Poperie into them , and to restore to the Church all the Abbey lands , notwithstanding many Acts of Parliaments in both kingdomes to the contrary . Conclusion . Anent acts of Parliament . * For the cavils here made against the Acts of Parliament , cited in the explanation , they will be sufficiently confuted , if the reader will take the paines to reade the acts ; for then he shall easily discover that these exceptions are not only weak , but none at all . Answer to the acts 1567. Anent the sixth act 1567 Anent the Kings oath . Anent the acts 1572. & 1573. Anent the acts 1578. & 1579 Anent the act 1581. Anent the act 1584. and the third Estate of Parliament . Anent the act 1587. Anent the act 1592. Anent the acts 1597. Anent the act 1606. Anent the act 1609. Anent the act 1617. Conclusion . * False : for there was not , after Our Commissioners leaving of the Assemblie , any one Commissioner from any Universitie of that Kingdome , which did not desert it . * False . * More false then the other , if it were possible . * False , and sufficiently before disproved * It is a wonder that men can be found who dare averre such an untruth , when the Proclamation at Glasgow is subscribed by the hands of our Councellours : let the Reader turne back to it and be judge . Anent our Protestation . Anent our watching the Castle of Edinburgh . * They confesse it within eight lines after this . * True : but We , and Our Councell , and Our Judges , and the rest of Our loyall subjects are the publike ; mutiners and rebels are but a private and schismaticall part , though never so many . * But not without or against the Kings command ; his Generall ( much lesse any Lievtenant of his ) cannot do that . * All this which followeth , concerning the guarding of Our Castles and Forts , and keeping Us out of them , containeth no lesse then treason , and is not to be answered with a pen. * Which the Covenanters are not . * Whether should the King or his subjects keep the keyes of his owne Kingdome ? * But the Covenanters are the worst part . * Wee do not take them to be such fooles as to expect thanks from Us for their proceedings ; if they do , they are like enough to go without them . * The worst and most disloyall part of all Our subjects . * In what historie be these words ? is it not Regi as well as conventui ordinum ? or can there bee a convention of the three Estates called without the King or his Authoritie ? Anent our meeting and alledged Councell Tables . * Many letters have been sent ▪ down from Commissioners of Shires then resident at Edinburgh to them living in the Countrie , requiring them to doe such things , as they would answer the contrary to the Table . † But was ever that previous meeting or contention of the Estates without the calling and authoritie of the King ? * Most false . Anent some members of the Assembly alledged to be under censure . * Who have made the Covenanters Judges of the lawfulnesse either of the judicatorie or the cause ? especially , what an intolerable presumption is it in them to judge Our judicatories in Ireland ? † But they know that many members of that Assembly were denounced Our rebells , and put to Our Horne , long before Our Assembly was thought on . Anent the alledged instruments sent from the Tables . * Not from their publick meetings ( for they durst not for feare it should be known ) but from a cabinet meeting , consisting of them who led the rest by the nose , & whose names We know , and shal be knowne to all in due time † If it be forged , it is forged by none but Covenanters , who from many severall shires in the kingdome did send copies of the same written in the same words to Our Commissioner and others , and yet those Covenanters did not know one of anothers sending . * There was no man in the Assembly who offered any such oath as is here alledged . Wee doubt not but there were many members of the Assembly who might have taken that oath safely , because they were indeed never acquainted with these papers ; but Our Commissioner ( if he had beene put to it by the Assembly ) could have named many , especially some of the Nobilitie , Gentrie , and Ministers , who could not have taken that oath without perjurie ; and since it is now denyed ; they shal be named in due time and place . * First , this ( nor the eighth ) was not published in their publicke instructions ( for it would have offended many Covenanters who were both Chapter-men and Chappel-men ) and therefore they acknowledging it to be one of their instructions , must needs confesse it to be amongst their private ones . But a wonder it is that men should not be ashamed to avow in print this their false and partiall dealing ; for this instruction concerning Chapter-men and Chappel-men was only given to barre some moderate covenanting Ministers from being chosen Commissioners ; for , notwithstanding this instruction , Master Ramsey , who both was one of the Chapter of Edinburgh , and Subdeane of Our Chappell , and Rollock , who was Prebend of the same Chapter , and one of our Chaplains , who duely preached his turnes in Our Chappell , and some others , fierce and fiery revolted Chaptermen and Chappel-men , were chosen Commissioners , though the reason here expressed was as strong against them as against the rest . Anent our going to Glasgow with alledged numbers and weapons . * Most false . Anent our refusall of Assessors , and of the Bishops Declinator . † It is a bold and impudent speech to affirm that Our royall Father kept unlawfull Assemblies , especially when some of them are confirmed by Parliament . Anent his Majesties declaration wherein it is not satisfactorie . * God never put it in their hands , but the Devill , who is the author of all sedition and rebellion . * But never without the authoritie of Us and Our Successours . † The confession of faith and band annexed , upon which their covenant is grounded , were injoyned at the first only by the authoritie of Our royall Father and his Councell , and so these Books were commanded by as good Authoritie as those . * It may not ; and the holding of the contrary is a false and Jesuiticall position . * A fearefull proposition in deed it is , to hold Episcopall government to be an uncontroverted government , which hath continued in the Church ever since the time of Christ and his Apostles , without the least suspicion of controversie until within these few yeeres . * But they do not declare all the truth ; for of twenty Lords of the Session , onely foure did it , but the rest who were present did the contrary . Anent Episcopall government , and the other generall reasons . * The reasons contained in that Act are infallibly false . Anent his Graces intention to returne . * Most false . Anent our sitting still after the Commissioners discharge . * That Assembly is but one instance and a very reprovable one . The Ministers of the pretended Assembly at Aberdene did the same , and were most severely punished for it . Anent our cytation of Councellours . Anent the injunctions and Proclamation , and our answer thereunto . a They should do well to try if they can answer it , and the Queries of Aberdene better ; for the common opinion is , that neither of them yet are answered at all . b All these texts of Scripture are prophaned and abused ; for no such thing can either possibly or probably be inferred from them . * It is well that they will cite the Pope his Law whom they call Antichrist ; for when any thing is objected against them out of the Canon Law , it is usuall with them to reject that as Popish and Anti-christian . † Nay , but the pretended Assembly hath erected a Popedome , and for their authority goe upon the same grounds , and use the very same arguments , and abuse the very same places of Scripture which the Pope and the learnedst Patrons of the Pope doe for robbing of Princes of their Authority over all Ecclesiasticall persons , and causes in their severall Dominions : The words which next follow are meere babling . * By the greatest , but the worst part of the Kingdome . * The sentences of this pretended Assembly were most unlawfull , light , and mad sentences . * It seemes indeed that these reasons are wrapped up in a cloud , for both they are so dark as they cannot be discerned , and they doe portend a storme , but have no weight in them at all . a These particular Protestations are the very same formerly made by them , and so often repeated even unto tediousnesse ; and therefore the Reader needeth not to be troubled any more with them . 
A31771	----	Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. 1687 Approx. 3619 KB of XML-encoded text transcribed from 375 1-bit group-IV TIFF page images. Text Creation Partnership, Ann Arbor, MI ; Oxford (UK) : 2006-02 (EEBO-TCP Phase 1). A31771 Wing C2076 ESTC R6734 12379651 ocm 12379651 60710 This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Early English Books Online Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal . The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission. Early English books online. (EEBO-TCP ; phase 1, no. A31771) Transcribed from: (Early English Books Online ; image set 60710) Images scanned from microfilm: (Early English books, 1641-1700 ; 652:7) Basiliká the works of King Charles the martyr : with a collection of declarations, treaties, and other papers concerning the differences betwixt His said Majesty and his two houses of Parliament : with the history of his life : as also of his tryal and martyrdome. Charles I, King of England, 1600-1649. Fulman, William, 1632-1688. Perrinchief, Richard, 1623?-1673. Gauden, John, 1605-1662. England and Wales. Sovereign (1625-1649 : Charles I) Second edition. [11], 720, [4] p. : coat of arms. Printed for Ric. Chiswell ..., London : 1687. Added engraved t.p. with portrait. "The life of Charles I" signed: Richard Perrinchiefe. "Perrinchief ... completed the edition prepared by William Fulman ... and compiled a life for it from Fulman's notes and some materials of Silas Titus." Cf. DNB. Special t.p. on p. [213]: A collection of declarations, treaties, and other principal passages concerning the differences betwixt King Charles I and his two houses of Parliament ... Eikon Basiliká (p. 647-720) has been attributed to Charles I, also to John Gauden. Reproduction of original in Huntington Library. Created by converting TCP files to TEI P5 using tcp2tei.xsl, TEI @ Oxford. Re-processed by University of Nebraska-Lincoln and Northwestern, with changes to facilitate morpho-syntactic tagging. Gap elements of known extent have been transformed into placeholder characters or elements to simplify the filling in of gaps by user contributors. EEBO-TCP is a partnership between the Universities of Michigan and Oxford and the publisher ProQuest to create accurately transcribed and encoded texts based on the image sets published by ProQuest via their Early English Books Online (EEBO) database (http://eebo.chadwyck.com). 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Keying and markup guidelines are available at the Text Creation Partnership web site . eng Charles -- I, -- King of England, 1600-1649. Great Britain -- History -- Civil War, 1642-1649. 2005-10 TCP Assigned for keying and markup 2005-10 Aptara Keyed and coded from ProQuest page images 2005-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Sampled and proofread 2005-11 Emma (Leeson) Huber Text and markup reviewed and edited 2006-01 pfs Batch review (QC) and XML conversion DIEU ET MON DROIT AETERNITATI SACRUM ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ THE WORKS of CHARLES . I. with his LIFE and MARTYRDOME Aly diutius Imperium tenucrunt , nemo tam Fortiter reliquit Tacit. Hist. Lib. i. ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΑ . THE WORKS OF King Charles THE MARTYR : With a COLLECTION of DECLARATIONS , TREATIES , and other PAPERS concerning the Differences BETWIXT His said Majesty AND HIS TWO HOUSES of PARLIAMENT . With the History of His LIFE ; as also of His TRYAL and MARTYRDOME . The Second Edition . LONDON , Printed for Ric. Chiswell , at the Rose and Crown in St Paul's Church-Yard , MDCLXXXVII . In the first PART ( from p. 1. to p. 212. inclusively ) are contained THE LIFE of CHARLES I. p. 1 PAPERS concerning CHURCH-GOVERNMENT V. p. 75 PRAYERS used by His MAJESTY VII . p. 93 MESSAGES for Peace , XXXVIII . p. 97 DECLARATIONS III. p. 130 LETTERS XLII . p. 138 SPEECHES LIX . p. 159 With the History of His TRYAL and DEATH . p. 189 , &c. In the Second PART ( from p. 213. to the end inclusively ) are contained I. HIS MAJESTY's Declarations concerning His proceedings in His Four first PARLIAMENTS . p. 217 II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His MAJESTY and His Fifth PARLIAMENT . p. 241 III. Declarations and Papers concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford , MDCXLII . III. p. 325. IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland : Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford . p. 401 V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge . p. 437 VI. Messages , Propositions and Treaties for Peace : With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon , MDCXLV . VI. VII . VIII . p. 547 VII . An Appendix containing the Papers which passed betwixt His MAJESTY and the DIVINES which attended the Commissioners of the Two Houses at the Treaty at Newport , concerning Church-Government . p. 611 VIII . ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ . p. 647 THE MORE PARTICULAR CONTENTS OF THE FIRST PART , ( Omitting the LIFE . ) THE Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and Mr Alexander Henderson concerning the change of Church-Government , Page 75 His Majesty 's Quaere concerning Easter , 91 His Majesty's first Paper concerning Episcopacy , ibid. Prayers used by King CHARLES in the time of His Troubles and Restraint . I. A Prayer used at His Entrance into Excester after the Defeat of Essex in Cornwall , 93 II. A Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty at Vxbridge , ibid. III. A Prayer for a Blessing on the Treaty at Newport , ibid. IV. A Prayer for Pardon of Sin , 94 V. A Prayer in times of Affliction , ibid. VI. A Prayer in time of Captivity , ibid. VII . A Prayer in time of imminent danger , 95 King CHARLES His Messages for Peace , XXXVIII . 1. His Message from Canterbury , January 20. 1641 , 2. For the Composing of all Differences , 97 2. His Message from Huntingdon , March 15. 1641 , 2. In pursuance of the former , ibid. 3. His Message from Nottingham , August 25. 1642. When he set up His Standard , 98 4. His Message from — Sept. 5. 1642. In pursuance of the former , 99 5. His Message from — Sept. 11. 1642. In Reply to the Answer of both Houses to the former , ibid. 6. His Message from Brainford Nov. 12. 1642. After the Defeat of the Rebels there , 100 7. His Message from Oxford , April 12. 1643. For the Disbanding of all Forces , and His Return to the Houses , ibid. 8. His Message from Oxford , May 19. 1642. In pursuance of the former , 101 9. His Message from Oxford , March 3. 1643 , 4. For a Treaty , 102 10. His Message from Evesholme , July 4. 1644. After the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy Bridge , ibid. 11. His Message from Tavestock , Septemb. 8. 1644. After the Defeat of Essex in Cornwall , 103 12. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 13. 1644. For a Treaty by Commissioners , ibid. 13. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 5. 1645. For a safe Conduct for Persons to be sent with Propositions , 104 14. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 15. 1645. In pursuance of the former , ibid. 15. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 26. 1645. For a Personal Treaty , 105 16. His Message from Oxford , Decem. 29. 1645. In pursuance of the former , 106 17. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 15. 1645 , 6. In pursuance of the former , ibid. 18. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 17 1645 , 6. For an Answer to His former Messages , 107 19. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 24. 1645 , 6. In further Reply to their Answer , 108 20. His Message from Oxford , Jan. 29. 1645 , 6. Concerning Ireland , 109 21. His Message from Oxford , Febr. 26. 1645 , 6. For an Answer to the former , 111 22. His Message from Oxford , March 23. 1645 , 6. Concerning his Return to the Houses , ibid. 23. His Message from Southwell , May 18. 1646. After His departure to the Scots , 112 24. His Message from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. For Propositions for Peace , and a Personal Treaty , 113 25. His Message from Newcastle , Aug. 1. 1646. For a Personal Treaty upon their Propositions , 114 26. His Message from Newcastle , Dec. 20. 1646. For a personal Treaty at or near London , ibid. 27. His Message from Holdenby , Feb. 17. 1646 , 7. For the Attendance of some of His Chaplains , 115 28. His Message from Holdenby , March 6. 1646 , 7. In pursuance of the former , 116 29. His Message from Holdenby , May 12. 1647. In answer to their Propositions , ibid. 30. His Message from Hampton-Court , Sept. 9. 1647. In Answer to the Propositions presented to Him there , 118 31. His Message left at Hampton-Court , Nov. 11. 1647. At His departure from thence , 119 32. His Message from the Isle of Wight , Nov , 17. 1647. For a Treaty ; With His Propositions , 120 33. His Message from Carisbrook , Decem. 6. 1647. For an Answer to the former , 122 34. His Message from Carisbrook , Decem. 28. 1647. In Answer to the four Bills , and Propositions , 123 35. His Message from Carisbro●k , Aug. 10. 1648. In Answer to the Votes for a Treaty , 124 36. His Letter to the Speakers , from Carisbrook , Aug. 28. 1648. With the Names of those He desired to attend him at the Treaty , 125 37. His Letter to the Speakers , From Carisbrook , Sept. 7. Concerning the Treaty , 126 38. His Message from Newport , Sept. 29. 1648. With His Propositions , ibid. His MAJESTY's Declarations . 1. His Majesty's Declaration after the Votes , for No further Address , Jan. 18. 1647 , 8. 130 2. His Majesty's Answer to their Reasons for the Votes for No further Address , 132 3. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty at Newport , and the Armies Proceedings , 136 4. Quaeries propounded by His Majesty , concerning the intended Tryal of His Majesty , 137 His MAJESTY's Letters , XL. To the Queen , XXI , p. 138 , 139 , 140 , 143 , 144 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 , 149 , 150 , 151 , 152 , 153 , 154. The Queen to the King , VII . 140 , 141 , 142 , 145 , 146. To the Prince , II. 156 , 158. The Prince to the King , 158 To the House of Peers , 138 To the Duke of York , 156 To the Prince Elector , 142 To Prince Rupert , 155 To the Duke of Richmond , 144 To the Marquess of Ormond , IV. 142 , 144 , 148 , 149. To the Earl of Essex , 141 To the Lord Mountague , 156 To the Lord Jermin , 153 To Secretary Nicholas , 155 To Sr Thomas Fairfax , II. 157 To Colonel Whaley , 156 To the Scots , 157 His MAJESTY's Speeches , LIX . 1. To both Houses , at the Opening of His first Parliament , at Westminster , June 18. 1625. p. 159 2. To both Houses in Christ-Church Hall at Oxford , Aug. 4. 1625. ibid. Another Copy of the two former Speeches 160 3. To the Speaker of the Lower House of His Second Parliament , 1625 , 6. ibid. 4. To both Houses at White-Hall , Mar. 29. 1626. 161 5. To the House of Lords at Westminster , May 11. 1626. ibid. 6. To the French Servants of the Queen , at Somerset House , July 1. 1626. 162 7. To both Houses , at the Opening of His Third Parliament , Mar. 17. 1627 , 8. ibid. 8. To both Houses at White-Hall , Ap. 4. 1628. ibid. 9. To the Speaker , and House of Commons , Apr. 14. 1628. 163 10. To both Houses , in Answer to their Petition , June 2. 1628. ibid. 11. To both Houses , in further Answer , June 7. 1628. ibid. 12. To the Lower House , at the Reading their Remonstrance at White-Hall , Jun. 11. 1628. ibid. 13. To both Houses , at the Prorogation , June 26. 1628. 164 14. To both Houses , at White-Hall , Jan. 24. 1628 , 9. ibid. 15. To both Houses , in Answer to their Petition for a Fast , Jan. 31. 1628 , 9. 165 16. To the Lower House , concerning Tonnage and Poundage , Feb. 3. 1628 , 9. ibid. 17. To the House of Lords , at their Dissolution , Mar. 10. 1628 , 9. 166 18. To the Speaker of the Lower House , 1640. ibid. 19. To the House of Lords , at Westminster , Apr. 24. 1640. ibid. 20. To both Houses , at the Dissolution , May 5. 1640. 167 21. To the Great Council of Lords at York , Sept. 24. 1640. ibid. 22. To both Houses , at the Opening His Fifth Parliament , Nov. 3. 1640. 168. 23. To the House of Lords at Westminster , Nov. 5. 1640. ibid. 24. To both Houses at White-Hall , Jan. 25. 1640 , 41. 169 25. To both Houses , in Answer to their Remonstrance concerning Papists , February 3. 1640 , 41. 170 26. To the House of Lords , at Westminster , Feb. 10. 1640 , 41. ibid. 27. To both Houses , at His passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments , Feb. 15. 1640 , 41. 171 28. To both Houses , about Disbanding the Armies , Apr. 28. 1641. ibid. 29. To the House of Lords , concerning the Earl of Strafford , May 1. 1641. 172 30. To both Houses , at His passing the Bill for Tonnage and Poundage , June 22. 1641. ib. 31. To both Houses , at His passing the Bills for taking away the High Commission , and Star-Chamber , and Regulating the Council-Table , July 5. 1641. 173 32. To the Scottish Parliament , at Edinburgh , Aug. 18. 1641. ibid. 33. To both Houses , after His Return from Scotland , Dec. 2. 1641. 174 34. To both Houses , concerning Ireland , Dec. 14. 1641. ibid. 35. To the Lower House , about the Five Members , Jan. 4. 1641 , 2. 175 36. To the Citizens of London , at Guild-Hall , Jan. 5. 1641 , 2. ibid. 37. To the Committee of both Houses , at Theobald's , March 1. 1641 , 2. ibid. 38. To the Committee of both Houses , at New-Market , Mar. 9. 1641 , 2. ibid. 39. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , Apr. 5. 1642. 177 40. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , May 12. 1642. ibid. 41. To the Inhabitants of Notting hamshire , at Newark , July 4. 1642. 178 42. To the Inhabitants of Lincolnshire , at Lincoln , July 15. 1642. ibid. 43. To the Inhabitants of Leicester , July 20. 1642. 179 44. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , Aug. 4. 1642. 180 45. To His Army at the Reading His Orders , Sept. 19. 1642. 181 46. To the Inhabitants of Denbigh , and Flint , at Wrexham , Sept. 27. 1642. ibid. 47. To the Inhabitants of Shropshire , at Shrewsbury , Sept. 28. 1642. 183 48. To the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire , at Oxford , Novem. 2. 1642. ibid. 49. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford , Jan. 22. 1643 , 4. 184 50. To the Primate of Ireland , at Christ-Church , 1643 , 4. 185 51. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford , Feb. 7. 1643 , 4. ibid. 52. To the Lords and Commons at Oxford , at their Recess , Apr. 16. 1644. ibid. 53. To the Inhabitants of Somerset , at Kingsmore , July 23. 1644. 186 54. To the Committee of both Houses , at Carisbrook , Aug. 7. 1648. 187 55. To the Commissioners of both Houses , at Newport , Novem. 4. 1648. 188 56. To the Lords Commissioners , at their taking leave at Newport , Nov. 1648. ibid. 57. His Majesty's Speeches to the Pretended High Court of Justice ; with the History of His Tryal , Jan. 1648 , 9. 189 58. His Majesty's Speeches to His Children , Jan. 29. 1648 , 9. 205 59. His Majesty's Speech upon the Scaffold , with the Manner of His Martyrdome , Jan. 30. 1648 , 9. 206 THE MORE PARTICULAR CONTENTS OF THE SECOND PART . I. His Majesty's Declarations concerning His Proceedings in His four first Parliaments . 1. A Declaration concerning His two first Parliaments , 1625 , 1626. 217 2. A Declaration concerning His Third Parliament , 1628 , 9. 222 3. A Proclamation for suppressing false Rumours touching Parliaments , March 27. 1629. 230 4. His Majesty's Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money , Feb. 2. 1636 , 7. With their Answer , 231 , 232. 5. A Declaration concerning His Fourth Parliament , 1640. 233 II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His Fifth Parliament . 1. A Petition of the House of Commons , 241. With a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , Dec. 1. 1641. 243 2. His Majesty's Answer to the Petition , 254 3. His Declaration in Answer to the Remonstrance , 255 4. The Petition and Protestation of the Bishops , Dec. 28. 1641. 258 5. Articles of High Treason against the Five Members , Jan. 3. 1641 , 2. 259 6. The Nineteen Propositions , June 2. 1642. 260 7. His Majesty's Answer , 262 8. His Majesty's Declaration to the Lords at York , June 13. 1642. 271 With their Promise thereupon . 272 9. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the scandalous Imputation of His raising War , June 16. 1642. 273. With the Declaration and Profession of the Lords , 276 10. A Proclamation forbidding Levies of Forces , June 18. 1642. 277 11. Votes for raising an Army against the King , July 12. 1642. 279 12. A Declaration of both Houses for raising Forces , Aug. 8. 1642. 280 13. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer , 281 14. A Proclamation against the Earl of Essex , Aug. 9. 1642. 283 15. His Majesty's Proclamation for the setting up His Standard , Aug. 12. 1642. 285 16. His Majesty's Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. 286 17. His Majesty's Declaration concerning His Messages for Peace , 315 18. His Declaration after the Battel at Edge-Hill , 323 III. Declarations and Papers concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford , MDCXLII , III. 1. His Majesty's Declaration concerning His Advance to Brainceford , 325 2. The Answer of both Houses to His Message of Nov 12. 1642. 327 3. His Majesty's Reply , 328 4. The Petition of both Houses , Nov. 24. 1642. 329 5. His Majesty's Answer , ibid. 6. The Proceedings in the Treaty at Oxford , 330. With a Declaration of both Houses thereupon , 372 7. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer , Jun. 3. 1643. 380 8. His Proclamation against the Votes , Orders , and pretended Ordinances of the Houses at Westminster , June 20. 1643. 397 IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland . Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford . 1. The Grounds and Motives of the Cessation in Ireland , Octob. 19. 1643. 401 2. A Proclamation for Assembling of the Members of Parliament at Oxford , December 22. 1643. 409 3. A Letter of the Lords at Oxford to the Scots , 410 4. Votes of the Commons at Oxford , Jan. 26. March 12. 1643. 411 5. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , of their Proceedings for a Treaty , March 19. 1643 , 4. 412 6. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , concerning their Endeavours for Peace , March 19. 1643 , 4. 422 7. The Petition of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , April 25. 1644. 433 8. His Majesty's Answer , 434 9. A Declaration to Forein Churches , May 13. 1644. 436 V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Uxbridge , MDCXLIV , V. 1. A Proclamation declaring His Majesty's Resolution for Peace , Sept. 30. 1644. 437 2. A Proclamation for a Fast upon occasion on the Treaty , Jan. 27. 1644 , 5. 439 3. A full Relation of the Treaty at Vxbridge , 440 Wherein are set down , 1. The Messages and Propositions sent by His Majesty , and brought to Him which preceded the Treaty , and were Inducements to it , from p. 440 , to p. 449 2. The Passages in the beginning of the Treaty preparatory thereunto ; wherein , 1. Of the several Commissions and Passages thereupon , from p. 449 , to p. 454 2. The Papers concerning the Manner and Order of the Treaty , 454 3. The Papers concerning a Scandalous Sermon Preached at Vxbridge , against the Treaty the first day of the Treaty , and before it began , ibid. & 455 3. The Papers concerning Religion , during the whole Treaty , collected together , from page 455 , to p. 469 4. The Papers concerning the Militia , during the whole Treaty , collected together , from p. 469 , to p. 487 5. The Papers concerning Ireland , during the whole Treaty , collected together , from p. 487 , to p. 507 6. The Papers concerning His Majesty's Propositions , and particularly for a Cessation of Arms , and touching His Majesty's Return to Westminster after disbanding of Armies , and further time for continuing or renewing the Treaty , collected together , from p. 507 , to p. 514 7. And lastly , an Appendix , wherein are concontained the following particulars : 1. His Majesty's Message from Evesham of the 4th of July , 1644. p. 514 2. His Majesty's Message from Tavestock of the 8th of Septemb. 1644. ibid. 3. The Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy , &c. 515 4. The Articles of the late Treaty of the date Edenburgh the 29th of Novemb. 1643. 519 5. The Ordinance for calling the Assembly of Divines , 521 6. The Votes and Orders delivered with it , 523 7. The Articles of the 6th of August , 1642. concerning Ireland , 524 8. The Ordinances of the 9th of March , and the 11th of April , touching the Forces in Ireland , 527 9 , 10. The Letters and Advices from the Lords , Justices , and Council of Ireland , ibid. Hereunto are added His Majesty's Answers to certain Papers delivered upon the close of the Treaty , one concerning the Militia , and two concerning Ireland , from p. 531 , to p. 545 VI. Messages , Propositions , and Treaties for Peace : With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon , MDCXLV , VI , VII , VIII . 1. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Decem. 5. 1645. p. 547 2. A Letter of the two Speakers to Sir Thomas Glemham , 548 3. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Decem. 15. 1645. ibid. 4. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , with Propositions , Dec. 26. 1645. 549 5. The Answer of both Houses to His Messages of Decem. 5. and 15. 550 6. His Majesty's Reply , Dec. 29. 1645. ibid. 7. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Jan. 15. 1645 , 6. 551 8. The Answer of both Houses to His Messages of Dec. 26 , and 29. 552 9. His Majesty's Reply , Jan. 17. 1645 , 6. 553 10. His Majesty's further Reply , Jan. 24. ibid. 11. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Jan. 29. 1645 , 6. 555 12. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Febr. 26. 1645 , 6. 556 13. His Majesty's Message from Oxford , Mar. 23. 1645 , 6. 557 14. His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland , April 13. 1646. ibid. 15. His Majesty's Message from Southwell , May 18. 1646. 558 16. His Majesty's Letter to the City of London , May 19. 1646. 559 17. His Majesty's Message from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. 560 18. His Majesty's Letter to the Governors of His Garrisons , June 10. 1646. 561 19. His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland . June 11. 1646. ibid. 20. The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Newcastle , July 24. 1646. 562 21. His Majesty's Answer , Aug. 1. 1646. 570. 22. His Majesty's Message from Newcastle , Decem . 20. 1646. 571 23. His Majesty's Quaeries to the Scots Commissioners , Jan. 14. 1646 , 7. p. 572. With their Answer , and His Reply , 573 24. His Majesty's further Answer to their Propositions , May 12. 1647. ibid. 25. The Petition and engagement of the City of London , 576 26. The Declaration of both Houses thereupon , July 24. 1647. 577 27. An Ordinance concerning the Declaration , July 26. 1647. ibid. 28. Votes for His Majesty's coming to London , July 26. 31. 1647. ibid. and 578 29. His Majesty's Profession disavowing any Intentions of War , 1647. 578 30. The Proposals of the Army , Aug. 1. ibid. 31. Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Hampton-Court , Sept. 7. 1647. 584 32. His Majesty's Answer , 585 33. His Majesty's Message left at Hampton-Court , Nov. 11. 1647. 586 34. His Majesty's Message from the Isle of Wight : With Propositions , November 17. 1647. ibid. 35. His Majesty's Declaration at the Isle of Wight , Nov. 19. 1647. 589 36. His Majesty's Letter to Sir Thomas Fairfax , from Carisbrook , Nov. 26. 1647. ibid. 37. His Majesty's Letter to both Houses from Carisbrook-Castle , Dec. 6. 1647. 590 38. The four Bills and Propositions sent to His Majesty in the Isle of Wight , December , 24. 1647. ibid. 39. The Scots Commissioners Paper to His Majesty at the same time . 594 40. His Majesty's Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions , Dec. 28. 1647. ibid. 41. Both Houses Declaration thereupon , with Votes for no further Address , 595 42. His Majesty's Declaration in Answer to the Votes for no further Address , Jan. 18. 1647 , 8. 596 43. Votes for a Treaty , 598 44. His Majesty's Message in Answer to the Votes , Carisbrook , 10. Aug. 1648. ibid. 45. Votes in order to the Treaty , 600 46. His Majesty's Answer to the Votes . 601 47. A Letter of both Speakers to His Majesty , Sept. 2. 1648. ibid. 48. His Majesty's Answer to both Speakers , 602 49. His Majesty's Propositions , 29. September , 1648. ibid. 50. Votes concerning His Majesty's Propositions and Concessions , 606 51. The Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army presented to the House of Commons , Nov. 20. 1648. 607 52. His Majesty's Quaeries concerning the Remonstrance 608 53. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty , and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings , ibid. An APPENDIX containing , I. His Majesty's Reason why He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopal Government , Octob. 2. 1648. p. 612 II. The Answer of the Divines to His Majesty's Reason , Octob. 3. ibid. III. His Majesty's Reply to their Paper , Octob. 6. 616 IV. The Rejoynder of the Divines to His Majesty's Reply , Octob. 17. 621 V. His Majesty's final Answer concerning Episcopacy , Nov. 1. 1648. 634 ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ . I. UPon His Majesty's calling this last Parliament , page 647 II. Upon the Earl of Strafford's Death 648 III. Upon His Majesty's going to the House of Commons , 650 IV. Upon the Insolency of the Tumults 651 V. Upon His Majesty's passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments : And after setling this , during the pleasure of the Two Houses , 654 VI. Upon His Majesty's Retirement from Westminster , 656 VII . Upon the Queens departure and absence out of England , 658 VIII . Upon His Majesty's Repulse at Hull ; And the Fates of the Hothams , 659 IX . Upon the Listing and Raising Armies against the King. 661 X. Upon their seising the King's Magazines , Forts , Navy and Militia , 665 XI . Upon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the King ; And more afterwards , 667 XII . Upon the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland , 671 XIII . Upon the calling in of the Scots ; and their coming , 674 XIV . Upon the Covenant , 677 XV. Upon the many Jealousies raised , and Scandals cast upon the King , to stir up the People against Him , 680 XVI Upon the Ordinance against the Common Prayer-Book , 684 XVII . Of the Differences between the King and the Two Houses in point of Church-Government , 687 XVIII . Upon Vxbridge Treaty ; and other Officers made by the King , 692 XIX . Upon the various Events of the War , Victories and Defeats , 694 XX. Upon the Reformation of the Times , 696 XXI . Vpon His Malesty's Letters taken and divulged , 699 XXII . Upon His Majesty's leaving Oxford , and going to the Scots , 701 XXIII . Upon the Scots delivering the King to the English , and His Captivity at Holdenby , 702 XXIV . Upon their denying His Majesty the Attendance of His Chaplains , 703 XXV . Penitential Meditations and Vows in the King's Solitude at Holdenby , 707 XXVI . Upon the Armies Surprisal of the King at Holdenby , and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses , the Army , and the City , 708 XXVII . To the Prince of Wales , 710 XXVIII . Meditations upon Death , after the Votes of Non-Addresses , and His Majesty's closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle , 716 THE LIFE OF CHARLES I. CHARLES I. King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , was the Son of James VI. King of Scots , and Anne his Wife a Daughter of Denmark . By His Father descended to Him all the Rights ( together with their blood ) of all our Ancicient both Saxon and Norman Kings to this Empire . For the Lady Margaret , Sister and sole Heir of Edgar Atheling the last surviving Prince of the English Saxons , being married to Malcolme Conmor King of Scots , conveyed to his Line the Saxon , and Margaret Daughter of Henry VII . married to James IV. did bring the Norman titles and blood . From this Imperial Extract He received not more Honour than He gave to it . For the blood that was derived to Him elaborated through so many Royal Veins , He delivered to Posterity more maturated for Glory and by a constant practice of Goodness more habituated for Vertue . He was born at Dunfermeling , one of the principal Towns of Fife in Scotland , on Nov. 19th An. 1600. An. 1600 in so much weakness , that his Baptism was hastened without the usual Ceremonies wherewith such Royal Infants are admitted into the Church . Providence seeming to consecrate Him to Sufferings from the Womb , and to accustome Him to the exchange of the strictures of Greatness for clouds of Tears . There was no Observation nor Augury made at His Birth concerning the Sequel of His Life or course of Fortune ( which are usually related of such whose lives have different occurrences from those in others of the same state . ) Either the fear of His Death made those about Him less observant of any Circumstances which curious minds would have formed into a Prediction , He appearing like a Star that rises so near the Point of his Setting , that it was thought there would be no time for Calculation . Or He being at distance by his Birth from the Succession to the Crown ( Prince Henry then having the first hopes ) made men less sollicitous to enquire of His future state , on whom , being born to a private Condition , the Fate of the Kingdom did not depend . But in the third Year of His age , when King James was preparing himself to remove to the English Throne , a certain Laird of the Highlands , though of very great age , came to the Court to take his leave of him , whom he found accompanied with all his Children . After his address full of affectionate and sage Advice ( to which his gray hairs gave authority ) to the King ; An. 1602 his next application was to Duke CHARLES ( for in the Second year of his Age he was created Duke of Albany , Marquess of Ormond , Earl of Rosse , and Baron of Ardmanock ) whose hands he kiss'd with so great an ardency of affection that he seem'd forgetful of a separation . The King , to correct his supposed mistake , advised him to a more present observance of Prince Henry , as the Heir of his Crown , of whom he had taken little notice . The old Laird answered that he knew well enough what he did , and that It was this Child ( who was then in His Nurses arms ) who should convey his name and memory to the succeeding ages . This then was conceived dotage ; but the event gave it the credit of a Prophecy , and confirmed that Opinion , That some long-experienced souls in the World , before their dislodging , arrive to the height of prophetick Spirits . When he was three years old He was committed to the Care and Governance of Sir Cary's Lady , An. 1603 as a reward for being the first Messenger of Queen Elizabeth's death , whose long life had worn the expectation of the Scotish Nobility into a suspicion , that the Lords of England would never acknowledge her to be dead as long as there was any old Woman of that Nation that could wear good cloaths , and personate the Majesty of a Queen . In the fourth Year , An. 1604 after he had wrestled with a Feaver , He was brought in October to the English Court at Windsor , where on the Jan. 6. following , having the day before been made Knight of the Bath , He was invested with the Title of Duke of York ; An. 1606 and in the sixth Year was committed to the Pedagogie of Mr Thomas Murray , a Person well qualified to that Office , though a favourer of Presbytery . Under this Tutor , and confined to a retiredness by the present weakness of his Body , He was so diligent and studious , that He far advanced in all that kind of Learning which is necessary for a Prince , without which even their natural Endowments seem rough and unpleasant in despight of the splendour of their Fortune . His proficiency in Letters was so eminent , that Prince Henry taking notice of it , to put a Jest upon Him , one day put the Cap of the Archbishop Abbot , ( who was then , with the Prince and the Duke and other of the Nobility , waiting in the Privy Chamber for the King 's coming out ) on his Brother's head ; adding , That if He continued a good Boy , and followed His Book , he would make him one Day Archbishop of Canterbury Which the Child took in such disdain , that He threw the Cap on the Ground , and trampled it under His Feet with so much eagerness , that he could hardly be restrained . Which Passion was afterward taken by some over-curious as a presage of the ruine of Episcopacy by His Power . But the event shewed it was not ominous to the Order , but to the Person of the Archbishop , whom in his Reign he suspended from the Administration of his Office. An. 1611 In his eleventh Year he was made Knight of the Garter : An. 1612 and in the twelfth Prince Henry dying Novemb. 6. He succeeded him in the Dukedome of Cornwal and the Regalities thereof ; and attended his Funeral as Chief Mourner , on Decemb. 7. On the 14th of Feb. following He performed the Office of Brideman to the Princess Elizabeth his Sister , who on that Day was Married to Frederick V. Prince Elector Palatine ; the Gayeties of which Day were afterwards attended with many fatal Cares and Expences . His Childhood was blemished with a supposed Obstinacy : for the weakness of his Body inclining him to retirements , and the imperfection of His Speech rendring Discourse tedious and unpleasant , He was suspected to be somewhat perverse . But more age and strength fitting Him for Manlike Exercises , and the Publick Hopes inviting Him from his Privacies , He delivered the World of such Fears : for applying Himself to Action , he grew so perfect in Vaulting , riding the great Horse , running at the Ring , shooting in Cross-bows , Muskets , and sometimes in great Pieces of Ordnance , that if Principality had been to be the Reward of Excellency in those Arts , He would have had a Title to the Crown this way also ; being thought the best Marks-man and most graceful Manager of the great Horse in the three Kingdoms . His tenacious humour He left with his Retirements , none being more desirous of good Counsel , nor any more Obsequious when he found it ; yea , too distrustful of his own Judgment , which the issue of things proved always best when it was followed . When he was sixteen Years old , An. 1616 on Nov. 3. He was created Prince of Wales , Earl of Chester and Flint , the Revenues thereof being assigned to maintain his Court which was then formed for Him. And being thus advanced in Years and State , it was expected that He should no longer retain the Modesty which the Shades of his Privacy had accustomed Him unto , but now appear as the immediate Instrument of Empire , and that by Him the Favours and Honours of the Court should be derived to others . But though Providence had changed all about , yet it had changed nothing within Him ; and He thought it Glory enough to be great without the diminution of others ; for He still permitted the Ministry of State to His Father's Favourites : which gave occasion of Discourse to the Speculativi . Some thought He did it to avoid the Jealousies of the Old King ( which were conceived to have been somewhat raised by the popularity of Prince Henry , whose breast was full of forward Hopes . ) For Young Princes are deemed of an impatient Ambition , and Old ones to be too nice and tender of their Power ; in which though they are contented with a Successor ( as they must have ) yet are afraid of a Partner . And it was supposed , that therefore King James had raised Car and Buckingham , like Comets to dim the lustre of these rising Stars . But these were mistaken in the nature of that King , who was enclined to contract a private friendship , and was prodigal to the Objects of it before ever he had Sons to divert his Love , or raise his Fears . Some that at a distance looked upon the Prince's actions , ascribed them to a Narrowness of Mind , and an Incapacity of Greatness : while others , better acquainted with the frame of his Spirit , knew His prudent Modesty enclined Him to learn the Methods of Commanding by the practice of Obedience ; and that being of a peaceful Soul , He affected not to embroil the Court ( and from thence the Kingdom in Factions , the effects of impotent minds ) which He knew were dangerous to a State , and destructive to that Prince who gives Birth unto them ; that therefore He chose to wait for a certain , though delayed , Grandeur , rather then by the Compendious way of Contrasts get a precocious Power , and leave too pregnant an Example of Ruine . Others conceived it the Prudence of the Father ( with which the Son complyed ) who knew the true use of Favourites was to make them the objects of the People's impatience , the sinks to receive the Curses and Anger of the Vulgar , the Hatred of the Querulous , and the Envy of unsatisfied Ambition : which he would rather have fall upon Servants , that His Son might ascend the Throne free and unburthened with the discontents of any . This was the rather believed , because He could dispence Honours where and when He pleased ; as He did to some of His own Houshold ; as Sir Robert Cary was made Lord Cary of Lepington , Sir Thomas Howard Viscount Andover , and Sir John Vaughan Lord of Molingar in Ireland . The Evenness of His Spirit was discovered in the loss of His Mother , An. 1618 whose Death ( presaged , as some thought , by that notorious Comet which appeared Nov. 18. before ) happened on March 2. Anno 1618. which He bewailed with a just measure of Grief , without any affected Sorrows , though she was most affectionate to Him above all her other Children ; and at her Funeral he would be chief Mourner . The Death of the Queen was not long after followed with a sharp Sickness of the King : wherein his Life seeming in danger , the consequences of his Death began to be lamented . Dr Andrews , then Bishop of Ely , bewailed the sad Condition of the Church , if God should at that time determine the days of the King. The Prince being then only conversant with Scotch - men , which made up the greatest part of his Family , and were ill-affected to the Government and Worship of the Church of England . Of this the King became so sensible , that he made a Vow , If God should please to restore his Health , he would so instruct the Prince in the Controversies of Religion , as should secure His affections to the present Establishment . Which he did with so much success , as he assured the Chaplains who were to wait on the Prince in Spain , that He was able to moderate in any emergent Disputations ( which yet he charged them to decline , if possible . ) At which they smiling , he earnestly added , That CHARLES should manage a Point in Controversy with the best-studied Divine of them all . In His 19th Year , An. 1619 on March 24. which was the Anniversary of King James's coming to the Crown of England , He performed a Justing at White-hall , together with several of the Nobility , wherein He acquitted Himself with a Bravery equal to his Dignity . And on the Sunday following , attending His Father to the Sermon at St Paul's Cross , and to the Service inthe Quire , He shewed as much humble Devotion there , as He had manifested Princely Gallantry in his Justs , admired and applauded by the People for His Accomplishments in the Arts both of War and Peace : That he could behave Himself humbly towards His God , and bravely towards his Enemy ; pleased with the hardiness of His Body , and ravished with his more generous Mind ; that the Pleasures of the Court had not softned one to Sloth , nor the supremest Fortune debauched the other to Impiety . Confident in these , An. 1622 and other evidences of a wise Conduct , the King ( without acquainting his Counsel ) sends the Prince into Spain , there to Contract a Marriage with the Infanta , and , as a part of the Portion , to recover the Palatinate , which His Sisters Husband had lost , and was by the Emperour cantel'd to the Duke of Bavaria and the King of Spain . And herein ▪ He was to Combate all the Artists of State in that Court , the practices of that Church , and put an Issue to that Treaty wherein the Lord Digby , though much conversant in the Intriegues of that Council , had been long cajoled . To that Place he was to pass Incognito , accompanied only with the Marquess of Buckingham , Mr Endymion Porter , and Mr Francis Cottington , through France ; where , to satisfy His Curiosity , and shew Himself to Love , He attempted and enjoyed a view of the Court at Paris , and there received the first Impression of that Excellent Princess who was by Heaven destined to His Chast Embraces . Satisfied with that sight , no lesser enjoyments of any Pleasure in that great Kingdom , nor Vanity of Youth , which is hardly curbed when it is allyed to Power , could tempt His stay , or a discovery of His Greatness ; but with a speed answerable to an active Body and Mind , He out-stripped the French Posts which were sent to stop Him , although that King had intelligence of His being within his Dominions immediately after their departure from the Louvre . The certain news of His safe arrival at Madrid drew after Him from hence a Princely Train , and raised the Censures of the World upon the King ; As being too forgetful of the Inhospitality of Princes to each other , who , when either Design , Tempests or Necessity have driven their Rivals in Majesty upon their Coasts without a Caution , they let them not part without some Tribute to their Interest : and a fresh Example of this was in the King 's own Mother , who seeking Refuge in England with her Sister Queen Elizabeth from a Storm at Home , did lose both her Liberty and Life . This none daring to mind the King of , his Jester Archee made him sensible , by telling him , He came to change Caps with him . Why , said the King ? Because ( replyed Archée ) Thou hast sent the Prince into Spain , from whence He is never like to return . But ( said the King ) what wilt thou say when thou seest Him come back again ? Mary , says the Jester , I will take off the Fools Cap which I now put upon thy Head for sending Him thither , and put it on the King of Spain's for letting him return . This so awakened the King's apprehension of the Prince's danger , that it drove him into an exceeding Melancholy , from which he was never free till he was assured of the Prince's return to his own Dominions , which was his Fleet in the Sea : and that was not long after . For notwithstanding the contrasts of his two prime Ministers there , Buckingham and Bristol , ( which were sufficient to amaze an ordinary Prudence , and disturb the Counsels of so young a Beginner in the Mysteries of Empire , and the Arts of Experienced Conclaves ; ) the impetuous attempts of the Spanish Clergy , either for a change of His Religion , or a Toleration of theirs ; the Spleen of Olivares , whom Buckingham had exasperated ; He so dexterously managed the Treaty of Marriage , that all the Articles and Circumstances were solemnly sworn to by both Kings . By a civil Letter to the Pope ( which His Enemies Malice afterwards took as an occasion of Slander ) He procured a civil return , with the grant of a Dispensation ; baffled the hopes of their Clergy by his Constancy in his own Profession , and vindicated it from the odious aspersions of their Priests , by causing our Liturgy to be translated into the Spanish Tongue ; and by His generous mien enthralled the Infanta , for whom He had exposed His Liberty . Yet having an insight into the practices of that Court , that they would not put the Restitution of the Palatinate into the consideration of the Portion , but reserve it as a Super-foetation of the Spanish Love , and as an opportunity for the Infanta to reconcile the English Spirits , who were heated by the late Wars into an hatred of the Spaniards ; and that this was but to lengthen out the Treaty till they had wholly brought the Palatinate under their Power ; He conformed His mind to the resolves of His Father , who said , He would never marry his Son with a Portion of His only Sister's Tears ; and therefore inclined to a Rupture . But concealing His Purpose , and dissembling His Knowledge of their Designs , He consulted His own Safety and Return , which His Father's Letters commanded : which He so prudently acquired , that the King of Spain parted from Him with all those endearments with which departing Friends ceremoniate their Farewells ; having satisfied him by a Proxie left with the Earl of Bristol , to be delivered when the Dispensation was come . Which as soon as He was safe on Shipboard , by a private Express , He commanded him to keep in his hands till further Order . His return to England , An. 1623 which was in October 1623. was entertained with so much joy and thanksgiving , as if He had been the happy Genius of the whole Nation ; and his entrance into London was as a triumph for His Wisdom , their Bonfires lengthned out the day , and their Bells by uncessant ringing forbad sleep to those Eyes which were refreshed with His sight . Nor could the People by age or sickness be confined at home , but despising the prescriptions of their Physicians , went to meet Him as restored Health . When He had given the King an account of His Voyage , and the Spanish Counsels not to restore the Palatinate , a Parliament was summoned , which was so zealous of the Honour of the Prince , that both Houses voted an Address to his Majesty , that he would no longer treat , but begin a War with Spain ; and desiring the Prince's mediation ( who was always ready to gratifie the Nation ) therein to his Father , they assured Him they would stand by Him with their Lives and Fortunes : but yet when the War , with the Crown , descended unto Him , they shamefully deserted Him in the beginning of His Reign , When neither a Wife nor Peace was any longer to be expected from Spain , both were sought for from France , by a Marriage with Henrietta Maria , the youngest Daughter of Henry the IV. The Love of whom the Prince had received by the Eye , and She of Him by the Ear. For having formerly received impressions from the relations of His Gallantry ; when she was told of His passing through Paris , She answered ( as it is reported ) that if He went to Spain for a Wife , He might have had one nearer hand , and saved Himself a great part of the labour . In the midst of these Preparations for War and Love , An. 1625 King James died at Theobalds , Sunday March 27. An. 1625. and Prince CHARLES was immediately proclaimed at the Court-Gate King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , and so throughout all the three Kingdoms , with infinite Rejoycings . The people expecting all the benefits of the happiest Government under Him , whose private and youthful part of Life had been so spent , that it had nothing in it to be excused , and where the eager Inquisitors for matter of Reproach met with no satisfaction . An argument of a solid Vertue , that could hold out against all the Vices of Youth , that are rendred more impetuous by Flatteries and Plenty , which are continually resident in great Courts . For had any Debauchery polluted His earlier Days , it had been published by those who in scarcity of just Accusations did invent unimaginable Calumnies . Nor could it have been hid , for in a great Fortune nothing is concealed , but Curiosity opens the Closets and Bed-chambers , especially of Princes , and discovers their closest Retirements , exposing all their Actions to Fame and Censure . Nor did the King deceive their hopes , they being the happiest People under the Sun while he was undisturbed in the administration of Justice . His first publick Act was the Celebrating His Father's Funeral , whereat He Himself was Chief Mourner , ( contrary to the Practice of His Royal Predecessors , and not conformable to the Ceremonies of State ; ) Either preferring Piety to an unnatural Grandeur ; or urged by some secret Decree of Providence , that in all the Ruines of His Family He should drink the greatest Draught of Tears ; or His Spirit presaging the Troubles of the Throne , He would hallow the Ascent to it by a Pious Act of Grief . When He had pay'd that Debt to His Deceased Father , He next provided for Posterity , and therefore hastened the coming over of His Dearest Consort , whom the Duke of Chevereux had in His Name Espoused at the Church of Nostre-Dame in Paris ; and He receiving Her at Dover the next Day after Trinity-Sunday ; at Canterbury began his Conjugal Embraces . A Lady of most excellent Endowments , who assumed to Her self nothing in His Good Fortune but the Joy ; and in His Evil bore an equal share , for She reverenced Him , not His Greatness . Thus having dispatched the Affairs of His Family , He applies Himself to those of His Kingdoms , which too much Felicity had made unmanageable by a moderate Government . And He seemed not so much to ascend a Throne , as enter upon a Theatre , to wrestle with all the difficulties of a corrupted State ; whose long Peace had softned almost all the Nobless into Court-pleasures , and made the Commons insolent by a great Plenty . The Rites and Discipline of Religion had been blotted out by a long and uninterrupted Prosperity , and Factions crept from the Church into the Senate , which were made use of by those that endeavoured the alteration of Government ; and the Resolves of that Council were the Dictates of some heady Demagogues , who fed the Vulgar with hopes of Novelty under the name of Liberty , so that the King could not endure their Vices , nor they His Vertues , whence came all the Obstructions to His Designs for Glory and the Publick Good. The Treasury had been exhausted to satiate the unquiet and greedy Scots : and the People were taught not to supply it , unless they were bribed with the blood of some Minister of State , or some more advantages for Licentiousness . Each of these single would have ennobled the Care of an Ordinary Prudence to have weathered out ; but when all these conspired with the Traiterous Projects of Men of unbounded and unlawful hopes , they took from Him His Peace , and that which the World calls Happiness , but yet they made Him Great , and affording Exercises for His most excellent Abilities rendred Him Glorious . The different states of these Difficulties , when like Clouds they were gathering together , and when they descended in showres of Blood , divide the King's Reign into two parts . The first could not be esteemed days of Peace , but an Immunity from Civil War. The other was when He was concluded by that Fatal Necessity , either to part with His Dignity , and expose His Subjects to the Injuries of numerous Tyrants ; or else to exceed the calmer temper of His peaceful Soul , and make use of those necessary Arms , whereby he might hope to divert , if possible , the Ruine of Church and State which He saw in projection . In the first part He had no Wars at home but what was in the Houses of Parliament ; which though their first Institution designed for the production of just Counsels , and assistances of Government , yet , through the just Indignation of Heaven , and the practices of some unquiet and seditious Persons , became the Wombs wherein were first conceived and formed those monstrous Confusions which destroyed their own Liberty , caused our Miseries , and the King's Afflictions . His first Parliament began June 18. At the opening of which the King acquainted them with the necessity of Supplies for the War with Spain , which they importunately had through His Mediation engaged His Father in , and made it as Hereditary to Him as the Crown . His Eloquence gave powerful Reasons for speedy and large summs of Money ; did also audit to them the several disbursements relating both to the Army and Navy , that He might remove all Jealousies of misimployment , and give them notice how well He understood the Office He had newly entred upon , and how to be a faithful Steward of the Publick Treasure . But the Projectors of the alteration of Government brought into Debate two Petitions , one for Religion , the other for Grievances , formed in King James's time , which delayed the Succours , and increased the Necessities , which at last they answered but with two Subsidies , too poor a stock to furnish an Army with ; yet was kindly accepted , in expectation of more at the next Session . For the Infection seising upon London , the Parliament was adjourned till August , when they were to meet at Oxford : and at that time He passed such Acts as were presented to Him. At the next Session he gave a complying and satisfactory answer to all their Petitions , and expected a Retribution in larger Subsidies towards the Spanish War. But in stead of these , there were high and furious Debates of Grievances , consultations to form and publish Remonstrances , Accusations of the Duke of Buckingham : Which the King esteeming as reproaches of His Government , and assaults upon Monarchy , dissolves that Assembly , hoping to find one of a less cholerick complexion after His Coronation . This inauspicious Meeting drew after it another Mischief , the miscarriage of the Designs upon Spain . For the Supplies of Money being scanty and slow , the Fleet could not go forth till Octob. 8. an unseasonable time in the British Seas ; and their first contest was with Winds and Tempests , which destroying some , scattered all the Ships . When they met , a more dangerous Storm fell among the Souldiers and Seamen , where small Pay caused less Discipline , and a Contempt of their General , the Lord Wimbleton , rendred the attempt upon Cades vain and fruitless . This was followed by a Contagion ( to which some conceive discontented minds make the Bodies of Men more obnoxious ) in the Navy , which forced it home , more empty of Men , and less of Reputation . The Infection decreasing at London , the King performed the Solemnities of His Coronation Feb. 2. with some alterations from those of His Predecessors : for in the Civil He omitted the usual Parade of riding from the Tower through the City to White-Hall , to save the Expences that Pomp required , for more noble undertakings . In the Spiritual there was restored a Clause in the Prayers which had been pretermitted since Henry VI. and was this ; Let Him obtain favour for this People , like Aaron in the Tabernacle , Elisha in the Waters , Zacharias in the Temple ; give Him Peter ' s Key of Discipline , Paul ' s Doctrine . Which though more agreeing to the Principles of Protestantism , which acknowledgeth the Power of Princes in their Churches , and was therefore omitted in the times of Popery ; yet was quarrelled at by the Factious Party , ( who take advantages of Calumny and Sedition from good as well as bad circumstances ) and condemned as a new invention of Bishop Laud , and made use of to defame both the King and him . After this He began a second Parliament Feb. 2. wherein the Commons voted Him four Subsidies , but the Demagogues intended them as the price of the Duke of Buckingham's Blood ; whom Mr Cook and Dr Turner with so much bitterness inveighed against , as passing the modesty of their former dissimulation they taxed the King's Government . Sir Dudley Digges , Sir John Elliot and others carried up Articles against him to the Lords House , in which , to make the Faction more sport , the Duke and the Earl of Bristol did mutually impeach each other . By these contrasts the Parliament were so highly heated , that the Faction thought it fit time to put a Remonstrance in the Forge , which according to their manner was to be a publick Invective against the Government . But the King having notice of it , dissolves the Parliament June 18. An. 1626. and the Bill for the Subsidies never passed . An. 1626 This misunderstanding at home produced another War abroad . For the King of France taking advantage of these our Domestick embroilments begins a War upon us , and seiseth upon the English Merchants Ships in the River of Bourdeaux . His pretence was , because the King had sent back all the French Servants of the Queen , whose insolencies had been intolerable . But the World saw the vanity of this pretext in the Example of Lewis himself , who had in the like manner dimitted the Spanish Attendants of his own Queen : and that truly the unhappy Counsels in Parliament had exposed this just Prince to Foreign Injuries . Which He Magnanimously endeavoured to revenge , and to recover the Goods of His abused Subjects ; and therefore sent the Fleet designed for Justice upon Spain to seek it first in France . But the want of Money made the Preparations slow ; and therefore the Navy putting out late in the Year was by Storms forced to desist the Enterprize . So that what was the effect only of the malice of His Enemies , was imputed by some to a secret Decree of Heaven , which obstructed His just Undertakings for Glory . The next Year the King , An. 1627 quickened by the Petitions of the Rochellers , who now sued for His Protection , as well as by the Justice of His own Cause , more early prosecuted His Counsels , and sent the Duke of Buckingham to attach the Isle of Rhe ; which though alarmed to a greater strength by the last Year's vain attempt , yet had now submitted to the English Valour , had not the Duke managed that War more with the Gayeties of a Courtier than the Arts of a Soldier . And when it was wisdom to forsake those Attempts which former neglects had made impossible , being too greedy of Honour , and to avoid the imputation of fear in a safe retreat , he loaded his overthrow with a new Ignominy , and an heavier loss of Men , ( the common fate of those Who seek for Glory in the parcels , lose it in the gross . ) Which was contrary to the temper of his Master , who was so tender of humane Blood , that therefore He raised no Wars , but found them , and thought it an opprobrious Bargain to purchase the fruitless Laurels , or the empty name of Honour , with the Lives of Men , but where the publick Safety required the hazard and loss of some particulars . This Expedition being so unhappy , and the Miseries of Rochel making them importunate for the King's Assistance , His Compassionate Soul was desirous to remove their Dangers , but was restrained by that necessitous condition the Faction had concluded Him under . To free Himself from which , that He might deliver the oppressed , he doth pawn His own Lands for 120000 Pounds to the City , and borrows 30000 l. more of the East-India Company : but this was yet too narrow a Foundation to support the Charges of the Fleet , and no way so natural to get adequate supplies as by a Parliament ; which He therefore summons to meet March 17. intending to use all Methods of Complacency to unite the Subjects Affections to Himself . Which in the beginning proved successful , for the modesty of the Subjects strove with the Piety of the King , An. 1628 and both Interests contended to oblige , that they might be obliged . The Parliament granted the King five Subsidies , and He freely granted their Petition of Right , the greatest Condescension that ever any King made , wherein He seemed to submit the Royal Scepter to the Popular Fasces , and to have given Satisfaction even to Supererogation . These auspicious beginnings , though full of Joy both to Prince and People , were matter of Envy to the Faction : and therefore to form new Discontents and Jealousies , the Demagogues perswaded the Houses that the King 's Grant of their Petition extended , ( beyond their own hopes and the limits themselves had set , and what He had expresly mentioned and cautioned ) even to the taking away His Right to Tonnage and Poundage . Besides this they were again hammering a Remonstrance to reproach Him and His Ministers of male-administration . Which Ingratitude He being not able to endure , on June 26. adjourns the Parliament till Oct. 20. and afterward by Proclamation till Jan 20. following . In the interim the King hastens to send Succours to Rochel : and though the General , the Duke of Buckingham , was at Portsmouth Assassinated by Felton , armed ( as he professed ) with the publick Hatred ; yet the Preparations were not slackned , the King by His personal Industry doing more to the necessary furnishing of the Fleet in ten or twelve Days then the Duke had done in so many Months before . But in the mean while Rochel was barricadoed to an impossibility of Relief . Therefore the Earl of Lindsey , who commanded the Forces , after some gallant , yet fruitless , attempts returned to England , and the Rochellers to the Obedience of the French King. As Providence had removed the great Object of the Popular hate , and ( as was pretended ) the chief Obstruction of the Subjects Love to their King , the Duke of Buckingham ; so the King Himself labours to remove all other occasions of quarrel before the next Session . He restores Archbishop Abbot , who for his remissness in the Discipline of the Church had been suspended from his Office , and was therefore the Darling of the Commons because in disgrace with the King , ( so contrary are the affections of a corrupted State to those of their Governours ) to the administration of it again . Dr Potter , the great Calvinist , was made Bishop of Carlisle . Mr Mountague's Book of Appello Caesarem was called in . Proclamations were issued out against Papists . Sir Thomas Wentworth , an active Leader of the Commons , was toward the beginning of this Session , as Sir John Savil had been at the end of the last , called up into the Lord's House , being made Viscount Wentworth , and Lord President of the North. But the Honours of these Persons ( whose Parts the King , who well understood Men , thought worthy of His Favour and Employment ) seeming the rewards of Sedition and the spoils of destructive Counsels , the Demagogues were more eager in the pursuit of that which these had attained unto , by the like arts . And therefore despising all the King 's obliging Practices , in the next Session they assumed a Power of reforming Church and State , called the Customers into question for Levying Tonnage and Poundage , made now their Invectives , as they formerly did against the Duke , against the Lord Treasurer Weston ; so that it appeared that not the Persons of Men , but the King's trust of them , was the object of their Envy , and His Favour , though never so Vertuous , marked them out for Ruine . And upon these Points they raised the Heat to such a degree , that fearing they should be dissolved e're they had time to vent their Passions , they began a Violence upon their own Body ( an Example which lasted longer then their Cause , and at last produced the overthrow of all their Priviledges . ) They lock'd the Doors of the House , kept the Key thereof in one of their own Pockets , held the Speaker by strong Hand in the Chair , till they had thundred out their Votes like dreadful Anathemaes , against those that should levy , and , which was more ranting , against such as should willingly pay the Tonnage and Poundage . This Force the King went with His Guard of Pensioners to remove ; which they hearing , adjourned the House ; and the King in the House of Lords declaring the Injustice of those Vipers who destroyed their own Liberties , dissolved the Parliament . While the Winds of Sedition raged thus furiously at home , more gentle gales came from abroad . The French King's Designs upon other Places required Peace from us , and therefore the Signiory of Venice by her Ambassadors was moved to procure an Accord betwixt Charles and Lewis ; An. 1629 which the King accepted . And not long after the Spaniard pressed with equal necessities desired Amity ; which was also granted . The King being thus freed from His Domestick Embroilments and Foreign Enmities , soon made the World see His Skill in the Arts of Empire , and rendred Himself abroad more considerable then any of His Predecessors . And He was more glorious in the Eyes of the good , and more satisfied in His own Breast , by confirming Peace with Prudence , then if He had finished Wars with destroying Arms. So that His Scepter was the Caduceus to arbitrate the differences of the Potentates of Europe . His Subjects likewise tasted the sweetness of a Reign which Heaven did indulge with all its favours , but only that of valuing their Happiness . While other Nations weltred in Blood , His People enjoyed a Profound Peace , and that Plenty which the freedom of Commerce brings along with it . The Dutch and Easterlings used London as the surest Bank to preserve and increase their Trading . The Spanish Bullion was here Coined , which advantaged the King's Mint , and encreased the Wealth of the Merchants , who returned most of that Money in our Native Commodities . While He dispensed these Blessings to the People , An. 1630 Heaven was liberal to Him in giving Him a Son to inherit His Dominions , May 29. An. 1630. which was so great matter of rejoycing to the People of uncorrupted minds , that Heaven seemed also concerned in the Exultation , kindling another Fire more than Ordinary , making a Star to be seen the same day at noon . ( From which most men presaged that that Prince should be of high Undertakings , and of no common glory among Kings : which hath since been confirmed by the miraculous preservation of Him , and Heaven seemed to conduct Him to the Throne . ) For this great Blessing the King gave publick Thanks to the Author of it , Almighty God , at St Paul's Church ; and God was pleased in a return to those thanks with a numerous Issue afterwards to increase this Happiness . For neither Armies nor Navies are such sure props of Empire as Children are . Time , Fortune , private Lusts , or Errors may take off , or change Friends : but those that Nature hath united must have the same Interest , especially in Royal Families , in whose Prosperities strangers may have a part , but their Adversities will be sure to crush their nearest Allies . Prospering thus in Peace at home , a small time assisted His frugality to get such a Treasure , and gave Him leasure to form such Counsels as might curb the Insolence of His Enemies abroad . He confederated with other Princes to give a check to the Austrian Greatness , assisting by his Treasure , Arms and Counsel , the King of Sweden , to deliver the oppressed German States from the Imperial Oppressions . And when Gustavus's Fortune made him Insolent , and he would impose unequal Conditions upon the Paltsgrave , the King's Brother-in-law , He necessitated him notwithstanding his Victories to more easie Articles . The next year was notorious for two Tryals ; An. 1631 one of the Lord Audley Earl of Castlehaven , who being accused by all the abused parts of his Family of a prodigious wickedness and unnatural uncleanness , was by the King submitted to a Tryal by his Peers , and by them being found guilty , was condemned , and his Nobility could be no patronage for his Crimes ; ( but in the King's eyes they appeared more horrid , because they polluted that Order ) and was afterwards executed . The other was of a Tryal of Combate at a Marshal's Court , betwixt Donnold Lord Rey , a Scottish High-lander , and David Ramsey , a Scottish Courtier . The first accused the last to have sollicited him to a Confederacy with the Marquess Hamilton , who was then Commander of some Forces in assistance of the King of Sweden : in which Ramsey said all Scotland was ingaged but three ; and that their friends had gotten provision of Arms and Powder out of England that the Court was extreamly corrupted ; and that the matters of Church and State were so out of frame as must tend to a Change. ; There were no Witnesses , and the Defendant denying what the Appellant affirmed , the Tryal was thought must be by Duel . In order to which the King grants a Commission for a Court-Marshal ; where though the presumptions of Ramsey's guilt were more heightned , yet the King hinders any further process by Combat , which is doubted whether it be lawful ; either thinking none so foolish as to strive for Empire which He found so full of Trouble ; or knowing that Magistracy being the sole Gift of Heaven , it was vain to commit a Crime in hope of enjoying it , or in fear of losing it : ( which was the Principle upon which Excellent Princes have neglected the diligent Inquisition of Conspiracies ) and fatally continues Hamilton in that favour as did enable him afterwards more falsly to act that Treason of which he was then accused . Some Tumults in Ireland shewed a defect in that Government which made the King send over as Deputy thither the Lord Wentworth , An. 1632 a most accomplished Person in affairs of Rule , of great Abilities equal to a Minister of State. The King 's choice of him he soon justified , by reducing that tumultuary people to such a condition of Peace and security as it had never been since its first annexion to this Crown , and made it pay for the Charges of its own Government , which before was deducted out of the English Treasury : their Peace and Laws now opening accesses for Plenty . This enjoyment of Peace and Plenty through all the King's Dominions made Him mindful of employing some fruits of it to the Honour of that God that caused it ; and not to let so great a Prosperity wholly corrupt the minds of men to a neglect of Religion , ( which is usual ) He shewed his own Zeal for the Ornaments of it , and spent part of His Treasure towards the repair of St Paul's Church , and by His Example , Admonitions and Commands drew many of His Subjects to a Contribution for it ; and had restored it to its primitive lustre and firmness , adorned it to a magnificence equal with the Structure , which is supposed the goodliest in the Christian World , had not the Malice of His Enemies forced him to Arms , mingled His Mortar with the blood of innocent people , and sacrilegiously diverted all the Treasure and Materials gathered for this pious design , to maintain an impious and unjust War : and afterwards to dishonour His cares for Religion , they barbarously made it a Stable for their Horse , and Quarters for their unhallowed Foot. Some reasons of State drew the King from London , An. 1633 May 13. to receive the Imperial Crown of Scotland . Himself professed that He had no great stomach to the Journey , nor delight in the Nation , being a race of men that under the Scheme of an honest animosity and specious plain-dealing were most perfidious . A full Character of their great Movers . Yet as He had been nobly treated all along His Journey by the English Nobility , so was He there magnificently received and crowned at Edinburgh June 10th . But the King soon found all those Caresses false . For the Nobility and Laick Patrons could not concoct His Revocation ( though legal and innocent ) of such things as had been stoln from the Crown during His Father's Minority , with a Commission for Surrendry of Superiorities and Tithes to be retaken from the King by the present Occupants ( who could as then pretend no other Title than the unjust usurpation of their Ancestors ) on such conditions as might bring some Profit to the Crown , ( to which they justly belonged ) some Augmentation of the Clergy , and far more ease and benefit to the common People , whom by advantage of those illegal Tenures they oppressed with a most bitter Vassalage . This Act of His Majesty being so full of equity and publick good , those whose greatness was builded upon Injustice did not bare-facedly oppose it , but endeavoured to hinder that and all the other designs of Peace and Order , by opposing in the Parliament next after the Coronation the Act of Ratification of all those Laws which King James had made in that Nation for the better regulating the affairs of that Church , both as to the Government and Worship of it . This was highly opposed by such as were sensible of their diminution by a legal restitution of their unrighteous Possessions . And although the King carried it by the major part of Voices ; yet to prevent their own fires with the publick Ruine , they did most assiduously slander it among the People as the abetting of Popery , and the betraying their Spiritual Liberty to the Romish yoke . These Calumnies received more credit by the King's Order for a more decent and reverend Worship of God at His Royal Chappel at Edinburgh , conformably to the English Usage . Their noise grew lowder by the Concent of their party of Malecontents in England ; who also took advantage to diffuse their poison from the King's Book of Sports , which King JAMES had in his time published in Lancashire , and was now ratified by King CHARLES for a more universal Observance . The Occasision of which was the Apostasie of many to Popery , ( whose Doctrines and Practices are more indulgent to the licentious ) through the rigid Opinion of some Preachers , who equall'd all Recreations on the Sabbath ( as they call'd it ) to the most prodigious transgressions . On the contrary , some of the ignorant Teachers had perverted many to down-right Judaisme , by the consequence of so strict an Observance of the Sabbath . And some over-busie Justices of Peace had suppressed all the ancient Feasts of the Dedications of Churches . The King therefore intended by this Edict to obstruct the success of the Enemies on both sides , and to free His People from the yoke of this Superstition . But ( such is the weakness of Humane Prudence , that the Remedies it applies to one Inconvenience are pregnant of another ; and whereas the Generality of men seldom do good but as necessitated by Law , when Liberty is indulged all things are soon filled with Disorder and Confusion . And so ) it happened in this , that the Vulgar abusing the King's Liberty , ( which was no more than is granted in other Protestant Churches ) and committing many undecencies , made many well-temper'd Spirits too capable and credulous of those importunate Calumnies of the Faction that His Majesty was not well-affected to Religion . The boldness of the Pickeroons , An. 1634 Turks , and Dunkirk-Pirates infesting our Coasts , damaging our Traffique , the Usurpation of the Holland Fishers on the King's Dominion in the Narrow Seas , and His Right disputed in a Tract by the Learned Grotius , call the King 's next Cares for His own Honour , and the People's Safety . But the Remedy appeared exceeding difficult ; the furnishing of a Navy for so honourable an undertaking being too heavy a burden for His Exchequer ; which ( although not emptied by any luxuriant Feasts , nor profusely wasted on some prodigal and unthirsty Favourite , nor lavished on ambitious designs , from all which destructions of Treasure no King was more free ) was but just sufficient for ordinary and necessary Expences of State and Majesty . And though it was most just for Him to expect the Peoples Contribution to their own Safety , who were never richer than now , nor had they ever more Security for their Riches than they now had by his Concessions of Liberty : yet knowing how powerful the Faction alwaies was to disturb the Counsels of Parliament , He feared that from their Proceedings the common Enemies would be incouraged ( as formerly ) to higher Insolencies , and the envious Demagogues would contemn their own safety to ruine His Honour . He also accounted it a great unhappiness to be necessitated to maintain His State by extraordinary waies , and therefore refused to renew Privie Seals and Loans , the use of which He debarred Himself of in granting the Petition of Right . Therefore consults His Atturney-General Noy , whether the Prerogative had yet any thing left to save an unwilling people . Noy acquaints Him with Ancient Precedents of raising a Tax upon the Nation for setting forth a Navie in case of danger , and assures Him of the Legality of the way in proceeding by Writs to that effect . Which Counsel being embraced , there were Writs directed to the several Counties for such a Contribution that in the whole might build , furnish and maintain Forty Seven Ships for the safety of the Kingdom . And by these the King soon secured and calmed the Seas ; but the Faction endeavoured to raise a Tempest at Land. They complained of Invasions on their Spiritual Liberties , An. 1635 because the Bishops endeavoured in these years to reduce the Ceremonies of the Church to their primitive Observance , of which a long Prosperity had made men negligent : and time had done that to the Spiritual Body which it doth to the Natural , dayly amassed those Corruptions which at length will stand in need of cure . Therefore when they took this proper Method of reforming a corrupted State in bringing things back to their Original Institution , both His Majesty and they were defamed with designs of Popery . This Tax of Ship-money was pretended a breach to their Civil Liberties , and contrary to Law , because not laid by a Parliament . Therefore those who sought the People's favour to alter the present Government , by seeming the singular Patrons of their Rights , An. 1636 refused to pay the Tax , and stood it out to a Trial at Law. The Just Prince declined not the Tryal , and permitted Monarchy and Liberty to plead at the same Bar. All the Judges of the Land did justifie by their Subscriptions , that it was legal for the King to levy such a Tax ; and their Subscriptions were enrolled in all the Courts of Westminster-Hall . And when it came to be argued in the Exchequer-Chamber , ten of them absolutely declared for it ; only two , Crook and Hutton , openly dissented from that Opinion to which they had formerly subscribed , not without the ignominy of Levity unbeseeming their places . And as the King was thus victorious in the Law , so was He at Sea ; and having curbed the Pirates , He also reduced the Hollanders to a precarious use of His Seas . Amidst all these Difficulties and Calumnies the King hitherto had so governed , that sober men could not pray for , nor Heaven grant in Mercy to a People any greater Happiness than what His Reign did afford . The British Empire never more flourished with Magnificent Edifices ; the Trade of the Nation had brought the Wealth of the Indies home to our doors ; Learning and all good Sciences were so cherished , that they grew to Admiration , and many Arts of the Ancients , buried and forgotten by time , were revived again . No Subjects under the Sun richer , and ( which was the effect of that ) none prouder . Security increased the Husband-mans stock , and Justice preserved his Life ; none being condemned as to Life , but by the lawful Verdict of those of an equal Condition , the Jury of his Peers . The poor might Reverence , but needed not Fear the Great : and the Great though he might despise , yet could not injure his more obscure Neighbour . And all things were so administred , that they seemed to conspire to the Publick good ; except that they made our Happiness too much the cause of all Civil Commotions , and brought our Felicity to that height , that by the necessity of Humane Nature , which hath placed all things in motion , it must necessarily decline . And God provoked by our sins did no longer restrain and obstruct the arts and fury of some wicked men , who contemning their present certain enjoyments , hoped for more wicked acquisitions in publick Troubles ; to overwhelm every part of the King's Dominions with a Deluge of Blood and Misery , and to commence that War , which as it was horrid with much slaughter , so it was memorable with the Experiences of His Majesties Vertues ; Confusions , like Winds , from every Coast at once assaulting and trying His Righteous Soul. The first Storm arose from the North , and the flame first broke out in Scotland , where those Lords who feared they should lose their spoils of Religion and Majesty , took all occasions to hasten the publick Misery ( which at last most heavily lay upon their Country , the hands they had strengthned and instructed to fight against their Prince , laying a more unsupportable slavery upon them then their most impious Slanders could form in the imaginations of the credulous that they might fear from the King ) by calumniating the King's Government , raising fears of Tyranny and Idolatry , forming and spreading seditious Libels . The Author , or at least the Abettor , of one of which was found to be the Lord Balmerino , a Traitor by Nature , being the Son of one who had before merited Death for his Treasons to King James , yet found that mercy from him as the Son now did from King Charles , to have his Life and Estate continued after condemnation . Yet this perfidious man interpreted the King's Clemencie for his own Vertue ; and he that had dared such a Crime , could not be changed by the Pardon of it ; and as if he had rather received an Injury than Life , he was the most active in the approaching Rebellion . For the Rabble , An. 1637 that delights in Tumults , were fitted by this and other Boutefeus for any occasion of contemning the King's Authority ( though His designs , that were thus displeasing to the Noblefs , were evidently for the benefit of the Populacy ) and at last took fire from the Liturgie , something differing from ours , ( lest a full consent might argue a dependency upon the Church of England ) which some Scotish Bishops had composed and presented to the King for the use of their Church ; which the King who was desirous that those who were united under His Command might not be divided in Worship , confirmed , and appointed to be first read July 13. at Edinburgh , a City always pregnant with suspicions and false rumours . But it was entertained with all the instruments of Fury that were present to a debauched multitude : for they flung Cudgels and Sticks at the Dean of Edinburgh while he was performing his Office ; and after that was done , re-inforced their assault upon the Bishops , whom the Earls of Roxbrough and Traquaire pretended to protect , who indured some affronts , that their Patience might provoke a greater rage in the Multitude , which a vigorous punishment had easily extinguish'd . For they that are fierce in a croud , being singled , through their particular fears become obedient . And that Rabble that talks high against the determinations of their Prince , when danger from the Laws is within their ken , distrust their Companions , and return to subjection . But it soon appeared that this was not the bare effort of a mutinous Multitude , but a long-formed Conspiracy ; and to this Multitude , whose present terrour was great , yet would have been contemptible in a short space , there appeared Parties to head them of several Orders . Who presently digested their Partisans into several Tables , and concocted this Mutiny into a formal Rebellion . To prosecute which they mutually obliged themselves and the whole Nation in a Covenant to extirpate Episcopacy , and whatsoever they pleased to brand with the odious names of Heresie and Superstition , and to defend each other against all Persons , not excepting the King. To reduce this people to more peaceful Practices , the King sends Marquess Hamilton ( one who being caressed by His Majestie 's Favour had risen to such a degree of Wealth and Greatness , that now he dreamed of nothing less than Empire , to bring his Power to perfection , at least to be Monarch of Scotland , to which he had some pretensions by his birth ) as His Commissioner . Who with a species of Loyalty dissembled that pleasure which he took in the opposition of the Covenanters , whose first motions were secretly directed by his Counsels , and those of his Dependents , Traquair and Roxbrough , for all his Allies were of that Party , contrary to the custom of that Country , where all the Members of a Family espouse the part of their Head though in the utmost danger : ) and his Mother rid armed with Pistols at her Saddle-bow for defence of the Covenant . By his actings there new seeds of Discontents and War were dayly sown , and his Oppositions so faint , that he rather encreased than allayed their fury : By several returns to His Majesty for new Instructions he gave time to the Rebels to consolidate their Conspiracy , to call home their Exiles of Poverty that were in Foreign Armies , and provide Arms for open Force : By his false representations of the state of things , he induced the King to temporize with the too-potent Corruption of that Nation ( an Artifice King JAMES had sometimes practised ) and by granting their desires , to make them sensible of the Evils which would flow from their own Counsels . Therefore the King gave Order for revoking the Liturgy , the High-Commission , the Book of Canons , and the Five Articles of Perth . But the Covenanters were more insolent by these Concessions , because they had gotten that by unlawful courses and unjust force which Modesty and Submission had never obtained ; and imputing these Grants to the King's Weakness , not His Goodness , they proceeded to bolder Attempts : Indicted an Assembly without Him , in which they abolished Episcopacy ; excommunicated the Bishops and all that adhered to them . Afterwards they seised upon the King's Revenue , surprised His Forts and Castles , and at last put themselves into Arms. Provoked with these Injuries the King amasses a gallant Army , in which was a very great appearance of Lords and Gentlemen , and with these marches , and incamps within two miles of Berwick , within sight of the Enemy . But their present Condition being such as could endure neither War nor Peace , they endeavoured to dissipate that Army , which they could not overthrow , by a pretence to a Pacification . For which they petitioned the King , who yielded unto it out of His innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood. So an Accord was made June 17. An. 1639 and the King disbands His Army , expecting the Scots should do the like , according to the Articles of Agreement . But they being delivered from Fear , would not be restrained by Shame from breaking their Faith. For no sooner had the King disbanded , but they protested against the Pacification , printed many false Copies of it , that might represent it dishonourable to the King , retained their Officers in pay , changed the old Form of holding Parliaments , invaded the Prerogatives of the Crown , and sollicited the French King for an aid of Men and Money . This perfidious abuse of His Majestie 's Clemency made those that judge of Counsels by the issue to censure the King's Facility . Some wondred how He could imagine there would be any Moderation in so corrupt a Generation of Men , and that they who had broken the Peace out of a desire of War , should now lay aside their Arms out of a love to Quiet . That there would be alwaies the same causes to the Scots of disturbing England , and opposing Government , their unquiet Nature and Covetousness : therefore unless some strong impression made them either unable or unwilling to distract our quiet , the King was to look for a speedy return of their Injuries . Others attributed the Accord to the King's sense that some eminent Officers in his own Camp were polluted with Counsels not different from the Covenanters : and that Hamilton His Admiral had betrayed the seasons of fighting by riding quietly in the Forth of Edinburgh and had secret Conference with his Mother , the great Nurse of the Covenant , on Shipboard . But most referred it to the King 's innate tenderness of His Subjects Blood , and to His Prudence not to defile His Glory with the overthrow ( which seemed probable ) of a contemptible Enemy , where the gains of the Victory could not balance the hazards of attempting it . ; While Men thus discourse of the Scots Perfidiousness , An. 1640 the King prepares for another Army , and in order thereto calls a Parliament in Ireland , and another in England , for assistances against the Rebels in Scotland . The Irish granted Money to raise and pay Eight Thousand Men in Arms , and furnish them with Ammunition . Yet this Example , with the King's account of the Injuries done to Him and this Nation by the Scots , and his promise of for ever acquitting them of Ship-money if now they would freely assist Him , prevailed nothing upon the English Parliament , whom the Faction drew aside to other Counsels . And when the King sent Sr Henry Vane to remind them of His desires , and to demand Twelve Subsidies , yet to accept of Six ; but he industriously ( as was collected from his own and his Sons following practices ) insisted upon the Twelve , without insinuation of the lesser quantity His Majesty would be contented with ; which gave such an opportunity and matter for seditious Harangues , that the House was so exasperated , as that they were about to Remonstrate against the War with Scotland . To prevent this ominous effect of the falseness of His Servant , the King was forced to dissolve the Parliament May 5. yet continued the Convocation which granted Him Four Shillings in the Pound for all their Ecclesiastical Promotions . But the Laity that in the House had not time to declame against His Majestie 's Proceedings , did it without doors ; for being dispersed to their homes , they filled all places with suspicious rumours and high discontents : and in Southwark there was an open Mutiny began , which was not pacified without much danger , and the Execution of the principal Leaders . The King thus betrayed , defamed and deserted by those who should have considered that in His Honour their Safety was embarqued , though He had no less cause to fear secret Conspiracies at Home , which were more dangerous because obscure , than the Scots publick Hostility ; yet vigorously prosecuted his undertaking , and raised a sufficient Army : but could not do it with equal speed to His Enemies , who had soon re-united their dispersed Forces ; and incouraged by the Faction , with whom they held Intelligence in England , contented not themselves to stand upon the defence , but invaded us , and advanced so far before all the King's Army could be gathered together , that they gave a defeat to a Party of it ere the Reer could be brought up by the Earl of Strafford , who was appointed General , or the King could come to incourage them with His Presence . He was no sooner arrived at his Army , but there followed Him from some English Lords a Petition , conformable to the Scotch Remonstrance , which they called the Intentions of the Army . So that His Majesty might justly fear some attempts in the South , while He was thus defending Himself from the Northern injuries . The King answered the Petitioners , That before their Petition came He had resolved to summon all the Peers to consult what would be most for the Safety of the Nation and His own Honour . Who accordingly met Sept. 24. Where it was determined that a Parliament should be called to meet Nov. 3. and in the mean time a Cessation should be made with the Scots , with whom some Commissioners from the Parliament should treat . Nov. 3. began that Fatal Parliament which was so transported by the Arts of some unquiet persons , that they dishonoured the name and hopes of a Parliament , ingulfed the Nation in a Sea of Blood , ruined the King , and betrayed all their own Priviledges and the People's Liberty into the power of a phanatick and perfidious Army . And although His Majesty could not hope to find them moderate , yet He endeavoured to make them so ; telling them at their meeting , that He was resolved to put himself freely upon the Affections of His English Subjects ; that He would satisfie all their just Grievances , and not leave to malice it self a shadow to doubt of His desire to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom . He commended to their care the chasing out of the Rebels , the Provisions of His own Army , and the Relief of the oppressed Northern Counties . But the Malignity of some few ; and the ignorance of more , employed that Assembly in other matters : first , in purging their House of all such as they conceived would not comply with their destructive Enterprises ; and for such men they either found some fault with their Elections , or made them Criminals in some publick Grievance ; though others of a deeper guilt they kept among them , that their Offences might make them obnoxious to their power , and obsequious to their commands . Then with composed Harangues they declamed upon the publick Grievances , and reckoned up causal Misfortunes amongst designed Abuses of Government , every way raising up Contumelies against the present Power : and that which was fullest of Detraction and Envy was applauded as most pregnant with Liberty . Thus pretending several Injuries had been done to the People , they raised the Multitude to hopes of an unimaginable Liberty , and a discontent with the present Government . After this they set free all the Martyrs of Sedition , that for their malignant Libels had been imprisoned , and three of them were conducted through London with such a company of people adorned with Rosemary and Bayes , as it seemed a Triumph over Justice and those Tribunals that sentenced them . Then they fell upon all the chief Ministers of State : they impeached the Earl of Strafford , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland ; after him the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Lord Finch , Keeper of the Great Seal , the Judges that according to their Oath had determined Ship-money legal , and others ; some of which fled , those that were found were clapt in Prison : so that the King was soon despoiled of those that were able or faithful to give Him Counsel , and others terrified in their Ministry to Him. While the Factious thus led the House , their Partisans without by their Instructions formed Petitions against the Government in Church and State ; to which they seduced the ignorant Rabble in the City and several Counties to subscribe , and in a tumultuous manner to present them to their Patriots . Who being animated by the success of their Arts , fell to draw up a Bill for Triennial Parliaments , wherein the Power of calling that great Council of the Nation was , upon the refusal of the King , and the neglect of others , devolved upon Constables , which prophanation of Majesty though the King disswaded them from , yet they persisted in ; and He passed it . After five Months time ( for so long a space they took to rake up Matter and Witnesses to justifie their accusation , An. 1641 and to give leisure to the Court for Overtures of gainfull Offices to the great Sticklers against him ; which not appearing ) the Earl of Strafford is brought to his Triall in Westminster-Hall before the Lords as His Judges : ( the King , Queen and Prince sitting behind a Curtain in an adjoyning Gallery ) and round about the Court stood the Commons . His Accusers and Witnesses were English , Scotch and Irish , ( and indeed so brave a Person could not be ruined but by the pretended hatred of the whole Empire . ) The English were such as envied his Vertues , and greatness in the King's Favour . The Scotch , because they knew his Prudence able to counterwork their Frauds , discover their impudent Cheats , and his wise management to overthrow their Force . The Irish hatred arose from his just and necessary Severity in his Government , whereby he had reduced them from so great a Barbarousness that was impatient of Peace , to a Civility that was fertile of Plenty ; and by Artifices , Husbandry and Commerce had rendred that tumultuary Nation so rich , that they were now able to repay to the English Treasury those great Debts which their former Troubles and Commotions had contracted . Although those of this Nation were Papists , and sworn Enemies both of the English name and State , and were even then practising and meditating their Rebellion , ( which they hoped more easie when so wise a Governour was removed ) and so prone enough of themselves to the Crime ; yet were they much caressed by the Faction , that these in the name of the whole Kingdom should press the Earl with envy to the Grave . His Charge consisted of twenty eight Articles ( that their number might cover their want of Evidence . ) To all which the Lieutenant ( whose Patience was not overcome , nor his nature changed by the Reproaches of his Accusers ) answers with so brave a Presence of Spirit , such firm Reasons , and so clear an Eloquence , that he whom the mercenary Tongues of their Lawyers had rendred as a Monster of men , could not be found guilty of Treason , either in the particulars or the whole . So that his Enemies were filled with madness that their Charge of Crimes appeared no other then a Libel of Slanders ; and the dis-interessed Hearers were ( besides the pleasure they received to find so great Endowments polluted with no hainous Crimes ) sensible of the unhappiness of those who are Ministers of State among a Factious people , where their prosperous Counsels are not rewarded , and unsuccessfull , though prudent , are severely accused : when they erre , every one condemns them , and their wise Advices few praise ; for those that are benefitted envy , and such as are disappointed hate those that gave them . And such seemed the Fate of this Excellent Counsellour , whom nothing else but his great Parts , his Master's Love and Trust had exposed to this Danger . The Faction being obstructed this way , by the Earl's Innocency and Abilities , from taking away his Life , move the House to proceed by a Bill of Attainder , to the making a Law after the Fact , whereby they Vote him guilty of High Treason : yet adde a Caution , that it should not be drawn into a Precedent , seeking to secure themselves from a return of that Injustice upon themselves which they acted on him , intending to prosecute what they falsly charged him with , the Alteration of Government . Which yet passed not without a long debate and contention : for many that had none but honest hopes , disdained to administer to the Interest of the Faction in the blood of so much Innocent Gallantry ; and those that were prudent saw how such an Example opened the avenues to ruine of the best Persons , when once exposed to publick hatred . Therefore they earnestly disswaded such a proceed . And fifty nine of the most eminent openly dissented when it came to the Vote ; whose Names were afterwards posted , and marked for the fury of the Rabble , that for the future they might not oppose the designs of the Factious , unless they desired to be torn in pieces . In two dayes the Lower House past the Bill , so swift were the Demagogues to shed blood : but the Lords House was a little more deliberative ( the King having amongst them declared His sense of the Earl's Innocency : ) of whose slow Resolves the Faction being impatient , there came a seditious rabble of about 5 or 6000 of the dreggs of the people , armed with Staves and Cudgels , and other Instruments of Outrage , ( instigated by the more unquiet Members both of the House of Commons and the City ) to the Parliament doors , clamouring Justice , Justice : and the next day , to raise their Fury , there was a report spred among them of some endeavours to prepare an Escape for the Lieutenant of Ireland ; therefore with more fierceness they raised their clamours , some objecting Treason to him , others their Decay of Trade , and each one either as he was instructed ( for some of the House of Commons would be among them , to direct their Fury , and to give some order to their Tumult , that it might appear more terrible , ) or the sense of his own necessities and lusts led him , urged his different motives for Justice : and at last , heated by their own motion and noise , they guard the doors of the House of Peers , offer insolencies to the Lords , especially the Bishops , as they went in , and threaten them if their Votes disagree from their clamours . And when they had thus made an assault on the Liberty of the Parliament ( which yet was pretended to be so Sacred ) they afterward set upon the neighbouring Abbey-Church ; where forcing open the doors they brake down the Organs , spoiled all the Vestments and Ornaments of the Worship : from thence they fly to Court , and disturb the Peace of it with their undecent and barbarous clamours : and at last were raised to that impudency , as to upbraid the King , ( who from a Scaffold perswaded them as they passed by to a modest care of their own private affairs ) with an unfitness to reign . When some Justices of the Peace , according to the Law , endeavoured to suppress those Tumults by imprisoning the most forward and bold Leaders , they themselves were imprisoned by the Command of the Commons , upon pretext of an injury offered to the Liberties of the Subject ; of which one was ( as they then dictated ) That every one might safely petition the Parliament : yet when the Kentish men came to petition for something contrary to the Gust of the Faction , they caused the City Gates to be shut upon them ; and when other Counties were meditating Addresses for Peace , by threatnings they deterred them from such honest undertakings . And when some prudent Persons minded the Demagogues how dishonourable it was for the Parliament not to suppress such Mutinies , they replied , that their friends ought rather to be thanked and caressed . By these and other Arts having wholly overthrown the freedom of that Council , and many withdrawing themselves from such Outrages , when scarce the third part of the Peers were present , the Faction of that House likewise passed the Bill , the Dissenters being out-voted only by seven Voices . Yet all this could not prevail upon the King , though the Tumults were still high without , and within He was daily sollicited by the Lords of his Palace ( who now looked upon the Earl as the Herd doth on an hurt Deer , and they hoped his Blood would be the Lustration of the Court ) to leave the Earl as a Sacrifice to the Vulgar rage . Nor did the King any ways yield , till the Judges ( who were now obsequious to the pleasures of the Parliament ) declared he might do it by Law , and the Earl by his own Letters devoted himself as a Victime for the publick Peace and His Majesty's safety : and then overcome with Importunities on all hands , and being abused by bad dealing of the Judges ( as Himself complained to the Bishop of London , who answered , That if the King in Conscience found him not guilty , He ought not to pass the Bill ; but for matter of Law , what was Treason , he referred Him to the Judges , who according to their Oath ought to carry themselves indifferently betwixt Him and His Subjects : but the other four Bishops that were then consulted , Durham , Lincoln , Carlisle , and the Archbishop of Armagh , were not so free as the Bishop of London was , and therefore the King observed a special blessing of God upon him . ) He at last with much reluctancy signed a Commission to some Lords to pass that Bill of Attainder , and another for Continuation of the Parliament during the pleasure of the Two Houses . The passing of these two Bills , as some thought , wounded the King's Greatness more than any thing He ever did . The first , because it cut off a most exquisite Instrument of Empire , and a most faithful Servant : and none did more make use of this to pollute His Honour , than those who had even forced Him to it ; like those malignant and damned Spirits who upbraid unhappy Souls with those Crimes and ruines to which they themselves have tempted and betrayed them . But the heaviest Censor was Himself , for he never left bewailing His Compliance , or rather Connivence , with this Murder , till the issue of his Blood dried up those of His Tears . By the other Bill He had , as some censured , renounced His Crown , and granted it to those men who at present exercised so Arbitrary a Power , that they wanted nothing but length of time to be reputed Kings , and this they now had gotten . But the more Speculative concluded it an act of especial Prudence , for the King made that an evidence of His sincere intention to oblige His people , and overcome the Malice of His Enemies with Benefits : which the Faction would have usurped , and by the boldness of the attempt ingaged the People to them as the only Patrons of their Liberty . And they were furnished with an Example for it by their Confederates in Scotland , who indicted an Assembly without the King's leave , and continued it against His pleasure ; and ( as all imitations of Crimes exceed their first pattern ) it was conceived these men whose furies were more unjust , and so would be more fierce , intended to improve that Precedent to the extreamest guilt . The Bill was no sooner signed , but they hastened the Execution ; and so much the more eagerly , because the King desired , in a most passionate Letter delivered by the Prince to the Lords , that the Excellent Soul which found so much Injustice on Earth , might have the more time to fit it self for the Mercy of Heaven . But this favour which became Christians to grant , agreed not with the Religion of his Adversaries , and therefore the second day after he was brought to the Scaffold on Tower-Hill , ( in his Passage thither he had a sight of the Archbishop of Canterbury , whose Prayers and Blessing he with a low Obeisance begged , and the most pious Prelate bestowed them with Tears , ) where with a greater presence of mind than he had looked his Enemies in the face , did he encounter Death , and submitted his neck to the stroke of the Executioner . He was a person of a generous Spirit , fitted for the noblest enterprises , and the most difficult parts of Empire . His Counsels were bold , yet just , and he had a Vigour proper for the Execution of them . Of an Eloquence , next to that of his Master's , masculine , and most excellent . He was no less affectionate to the Church than to the State , and not contented while living to defend the Government and Patrimony of it , he commended it also to his Son when he was about to die , and charged his abhorrency of Sacriledge . His Enemies called the Majesty of his Miene in his Lieutenancy , Pride , and the undaunted execution of his Office on the contumacious , the insolency of his Fortune . He was censured for committing that fatal Errour of following the King to London and to the Parliament after the Pacification with the Scots at York and it was thought that if he had gone over to his charge in Ireland , he might have secured both himself and that Kingdom for his Majesty's Service . But some attributed this Counsel to a necessity of Fate , whose first stroke is at the brain of those whom it designs to ruine , and brought him to feel the effects of Popular Rage , which himself in former Parliaments had used against Government , and to find the Experience of his own advices against the Duke of Buckingham . Providence teaching us to abhor over-fine Counsels by the mischiefs they bring upon their Authors . ; The Fall of this Great Man so terrified the other Officers of State , that the Lord High Treasurer resigned his Staff to the Hands from whence he received it ; the Lord Cottington forsook the Mastership of the Court of Wards ; and the Guardian of the Prince returned Him to the King : These Lords parting with their Offices , like those that scatter their Treasure and Jewels in the way , that they might delude the violence of their greedy pursuers . But the King was left naked of their faithful Ministery , and exposed to the Infusions and Informations of those who were either Complices or Mercenaries to the Faction , to whom they discovered his most private Counsels . When the Earl of Strafford was dead , then did the Parliament begin to think of sending away the Scots , who hitherto had much impoverished the Northern Counties , and increased the charges of the Nation : but now they were voted to receive 300000 l. under the notion of a Brotherly assistance , but in truth , designed by the Faction , as a reward for their Clamours for the Earl's Blood ; yet were they kept so long till the King had passed away more of His Prerogative , in signing the Bills to take away the High-Commission and the Star-Chamber . After which spoils of Majesty they disband the English and the Scotch Armies , August 6. and on the 10th of that Month the King follows them into Scotland , to settle , if it were possible , that Kingdom . But the King still found them as before : when he satisfied their greedy appetites , then would they offer Him their Lives and Fortunes ; but when gain or advantage appeared from His Enemies , they appeared in their proper nature ungrateful , changeable and perfidious , whom no favours could oblige , nor any thing but Ruine was to be expected by building upon their Love. While the King was in Scotland labouring to settle that Nation by granting all that the Covetousness and Ambition of their Leaders pretended was for the Publick good , and so aimed at no less than a Miracle , by His Benefits to reduce Faith ( which , like Life , when it is once departed doth never naturally return ) into those perfidious breasts ; the Parliament adjourns , and leaves a standing Committee of such as were the Leaders or the Servants of the Faction . These prepared new Toils for His Majesties return , and by them was the Grand Remonstrance formed : in it were reckoned for Grievances all the Complaints of Men that were impatient of Laws and Government ; the Offences of Courtiers , the unpleasing Resolves of Judges , the Neglects or Rigours of the Ministers of Justice , the undigested Sermons of some Preachers , yea the Positions of some Divines in the Schools , were all exaggerated to defame the present Government both in Church and State , and to magnifie the skill of these State-Physicians that offered Prescripts for all these Distempers . Beside , more easily to abuse the Vulgar , who reckon Misfortunes as Crimes , unpleasing accidents were represented as designs of Tyranny ; and those things which had been reformed , were yet mentioned as continued burthens . From which the People were assured there could be no deliverance but by the Wisdom and Magnanimity of the Remonstrants . To prepare the way for this , the most opprobrious parts of it were first whispered among the Populacy , that by this seeming suppression men impatient of Secrets might more eagerly divulge them , and the danger appear greater by an affected silence . Then prodigious Calumnies ( which none but souls prone to any wickedness could believe of so Great a Man ) were formed of the King , and such suspicions raised of Him and His Friends , as might force them to some Injuries which hitherto they forbore , and by securing themselves increase the Publick fears . For Slanders do rather provoke most men , than amend them ; and the provoked think more of their safety , than to adjust their actions against their malicious Slanderers . And when the minds of Men were made thus sollicitous concerning Dangers from the King , to make them more pliable and ductile , there was represented to them an inevitable anger of Heaven against the present state of things both in Church and State , testified by many Prodigies that were related , and portentuous Presages of Ruine . Certain Prophecies ( for a credulity to which the English Vulgar are infamous ) from unknown Oracles are divulged , which aenigmatically describe the King as a Monster , and from such a Prince must proceed a change of Government . Some vain persons also , that gave themselves up to the Imposture of Astrologie , were hired to terrifie the People with the unsignificant Conjunctions of Stars , and from them to foretel Ruines to the better part of the World , and an imminent destruction of Men of the long Robe , and Alterations of States . These were done to temper the minds of Men by a superstition for a guidance of their Ministers , who being conceived to be the Ambassadours of Heaven , were supposed to have it in their Commission , to declare the Conditions of War and Peace : and these , either through the same weakness capable of the like terrours , with the Vulgar , or ( which is more to be abhorred ) corrupted , as some were , by the Caresses and gainful hopes that the Faction baited them with , did justifie their Fears , and increase them by applying some obscure Prophecies in Scripture to the present times and People ; compared the pretended Corruptions of our Church with the Idolatries of Israel , and whatsoever was condemned in the Holy Records , was parallel'd with the things they disliked here , and all the Curses that God poured upon His irreconcileable and obdurate Enemies , were denounced against such as differ'd from them , or would not joyn with the Faction . To make these Harangues more efficacious , the Authors of them received the Reverence of the Demagogues , who ( despising , questioning and exposing to Affronts such sober Divines as would have cured the madness of the People , ) appropriated to such Teachers the Titles of Saints , Faithful Ministers , Pretious Men ; and they on the other side made a return of Epithets to their Masters , of the Servants of the Most High , such as were to do the Work of the Lord ; That by their Counsels men were to expect new Heavens and a new Earth ; that they were Men that should prepare the Kingdom for Jesus Christ , and lay the Foundations of the Empire of the Saints which was to last a Thousand years . To make the Cry yet louder , they permitted all Sects and Heresies a Licence of publick profession , ( which hitherto Discipline , the Care of the Common Peace and Religion had confined to secret Corners ) and permitted the Office of Teaching to every bold and ignorant Undertaker ; so that at last the dreggs of the People Usurped that Dignity , and Women , who had parted with the Natural Modesty of their Sex , would not only speak , but also rule in the Church . All these , in gratitude for their Licentiousness , still perswaded to their Hearers the admiration of the Authors of it , and bitterly inveighed against those whom the Care both of the Souls and Fortunes of Men would excite to repress them , in many of their Raptures denouncing Wo and Judgment to the lawful Governours in Church and State. While all these Methods of Ruine were preparing here , the same anger of God , the same madness of men raised up another Tempest in Ireland . For the Popish Lords and Priests of Ireland ( who were the prime Composers of the Tragedies there , ) were incouraged by the Success of the Scots , who by a prosperous Rebellion ( as the Historian of those Troubles writes ) had procured for themselves such large Priviledges , to an imitation , which the present Jealousies in England ( where mutual Contrasts would employ all their force upon one another , ) promised to be secure . And they had an happy opportunity by the Vacancy in Government through the slaughter of the Earl of Strafford , with whom the Irish Lords ( while they prosecuted him in England ) had removed all those other inferiour Magistrates that were most skilful in the Affairs of that Kingdom , by accusing to the Faction some of them of Treason , and others of an inclination to the Earl , and had got preferred to their charges such as were either altogether unacquainted with the Genius of that People , or favourers of the Conspiracy . A strength they had also ready ; for those Eight Thousand which had been listed for the Scotish Expedition were unseasonably disbanded , and the King in foresight they might cause some mischief in their own Countrey , had therefore promised Four Thousand of them to the King of Spain : yet would not the Parliament consent to their departure , because ( as the Irish Lords suggested ) it would displease the King of France ; and when the King promised to send as many to the French Camp , that likewise was not relished . The Common Souldiers of that Army being thus made useless , and therefore like Men of their employment , most fierce when they were to be dismissed from the dangers of War , were easily drawn into the Rebellion , although very few of their Officers were polluted with the Crime . The Irish Lords and Priests being allured by these our Vices and these several opportunities , began their Rebellion Octob. 23. The Irish throughout that whole Kingdom on a sudden invading the unprovided English that were scattered among them , despoiling them of their Estates , Goods , and many thousands of their Lives , without any respect of Sex , Age , Kindred , or Friendship , and made them as so many Sacrifices to their bloody Superstition . They missed but a little to have surprised Dublin . But their Conspiracy being detected there and in some few other places , the English name and interest was preserved in that Kingdom , till they could receive Succours from hence . The King had the first Intelligence of it , in its very beginnings , in Scotland , and thereupon sent Sr James Stuart to the Lords of the Privie Council in Ireland , to acquaint them with His Knowledge and Instructions , and to carry all that Money that His present Stores could supply . Besides , He moves the Parliament of Scotland , as being nearest , to a speedy help ; who decline their Aids , because Ireland was dependent upon the Crown of England . At the same time also He sends post to the Parliament of England ; who less regard it , the Faction applauding their Fortune , that new Troubles were arisen to molest the King , and that the Royal Power being thus assaulted in all three Nations , there must shortly arise so many new Commonwealths . Besides that it yielded fresh matter of reproach to His Majesty , to whose Councils at first secretly they whispered , and at last publickly imputed that horrid Massacre . Which Slanders were coloured by the Arts of the Irish Rebels , who , to dishearten the English from any resistance , bragged that the Queen was with their Army ; That the King would come amongst them with Auxiliary Forces ; That they did but maintain His Cause against the Puritans ; That they had the King's Commission for what they did , shewing indeed a Patent that themselves had drawn , but thereto was affixed an Old broad Seal that had been taken from an obsolete Patent out of Farnham Abbey , by one Plunckett , in the presence of many of their Lords and Priests , as was afterwards attested by the Confession of many . That the Scots were in Confederacy with them , to beget a Faith of which , they abstained from the Lives and Fortunes of those of that Nation among them . On the other side , to incourage the Natives of their own Party , they produce fictitious Letters , wherein they were informed from England that the Parliament had passed an Act , that all the Irish should be compelled to the Protestant Worship ; that for the first offence they should forfeit all their Goods , for the second their Estates , and for the third their Lives . Besides they present them with the hopes of Liberty : That the English Yoke should be shaken off ; that they would have a King of their own Nation ; and that the Goods and Estates of the English should be divided among the Natives . And with these hopes of Spoil and Liberty and Irish were driven to such a Fury , that they committed so many horrid and barbarous Acts as scarce ever any Age or People were guilty of . In the mean while nothing was done for the relief of the poor English there , but only some Votes passed against the Rebels , till the King returned to London , which was about the end of November ; where He with the Queen and the Prince were magnificently feasted by the Citizens , and the chief of them afterwards by Him at Hampton-Court . For he never neglected any honest Arts to gain His Peoples love ; to which they were naturally prone enough , had not His Enemies methods and impulses depraved their Genius . But this much troubled the Faction , who envied that Reverence to Majesty in others which was not in themselves , and they endeavoured to make these loves short and unhappy ; for they discountenanced the prime advancers of this Honour of the King , and were more eager to render Him odious . For having gotten a Guard about them , they likewise insinuated into the people dangerous apprehensions as the cause of that Guard , and every day grew more nice , and jealous of their Priviledges , and Power . The King's advices to more tenderness of His Prerogative , or His Advertisements of the scandalous Speeches that were uttered in their House , they interpret as encroachments upon their Grandeur , and upbraided the King for them in their Petitions to Him. But their greatest effort upon Majesty was the Remonstrance : after which they took all occasions to magnifie the apprehensions of those Fears which they had falsly pretended to in it . This the Faction had before formed , and now brought into the House of Commons ; where it found a strong opposition by those wise men that were tender of the publick Peace and Common Good : though those who preferred their Private to the General Interest , and every one that was short-sighted and improvident for the future , were so fierce for it , that the Debates were continued all Night till ten a Clock the next Morning , so that many of the more aged , and Persons of best Fortunes ( not accustomed to such watchings ) were wearied out , and many others , not daring to provoke the Faction in this their grand Design , left the House , so that at last they carried it , yet but by eleven Votes . Which they presented with a Petition to take away the Votes of Bishops in the House of Lords , and the Ceremonies in the Church , and to remove those Persons from His Trust which they could not confide in ; yet named none , but only accused all under the name of a Malignant Popish Party . Which they had no sooner delivered than they caused it to be published in print . To which the King answers in another publick Declaration , but so much to the Discontent of the Demagogues , to find their Methods of Ruine so fully discovered as they were in His Majesties Answer , that they had recourse to their former Sovereign Remedy , which sober men accounted a Crime , and an indignity to Government , the Tumults of the Rabble . Who in great numbers and much confusion came up to Westminster , some crying out against Bishops , others belching their fury against the Liturgy , and a third Party roaring that the Power of the Militia should be taken out of the King's hands . To their Clamours they added rude Affronts to those Lords whom their Leaders had taught them to hate , and especially to the Bishops , at their going in , or coming out of the House : and afterwards drawing up to White-Hall , they appeared so insolent , as it was evident they wanted only some to begin , for there were enough to prosecute an assault upon the King in His own Palace . The Bishops thus rudely excluded from their Right and Liberty of coming to the Parliament , Twelve of them afterwards protest against the Proceedings of it , during their so violent Exclusion . Which Protestation the Commons presently accused of High Treason , and caused their Commitment to the Tower ; where they continued them till the Bill against their Votes in the Lord's House was past , that they might not produce their Reasons for their Rights , and against the Injustice offered unto them , and then afterwards released them . The King also saw it necessary to take a Guard of such Gentlemen as offered their Service for His Safety , and to prevent the prophaning of Majesty by the rude fury of the People , who used to make their Addresses acceptable at Westminster , by offering in their passage some base Affronts at White-Hall . But when the terrour of this Guard had reduced them to some less degree of Impudencie , they then , instructed by their Heads , laboured to make it more unsafe to the King , by seeking to raise the Rage and Jealousie of the whole City against Him. For at Midnight there were cries out in the Street , that all People should arise to their defence ; for the King with His Papists were coming to fire the City , and cut their Throats in their Beds . Than which though nothing was more false , yet it found the effects of truth ; and the People by such Alarms being terrified from sleep , the impressions of those nightly fears lay long upon their Spirits in the day , and filled them almost with Madness . The King therefore , not alwaies to incourage these Violences with Patience , but at last by a course of Justice to take off those whom He had found to be the Authors of these destructive Counsels , the grand Movers of these Seditious practices , and , which was more , the Inviters of a Foreign Force , the Scotch Army , into this Nation ; commands His Atturney-General to accuse Five Members of the House of Commons , and one of the Lords , upon Articles of High Treason , to be tried according to the Laws of the Land : And He also sends some other Officers to seal up their Trunks and Cabinets in their several Lodgings , and to secure their Persons . This being related to the House of Commons ( wherein the Faction was now grown more powerful , and with whom did joyn many men of Integrity in this Occurrence , being too careful of the Priviledges of their House , which yet secure none of the Members against Justice for Murder , Felony , or Treason ) they were so far from admitting the King's Charge against them , that they accused the King of breach of Priviledge , and Vote all those guilty of Enmity to the Commonwealth that shall obey the King in any of His Commands concerning them . This obstruction of Justice so far moved the King , together with the Advice of some of His Council that were also of the House of Commons , as also an hope of rooting up the Faction this way , that none through the hope of Concealment should be incouraged to conspire the publick Ruine , that He Himself , with about an hundred Lords and Gentlemen and their followers , went to the House of Commons : Where commanding His Attendants to move no further than the Stairs , to offer no violence , nor return any uncivil Language to any , although provoked , Himself with the Paltzgrave only enters the House , and demands that the Incendiaries might be delivered into His hands , with whom he promises to deal no otherwise than according to the Law. But they whom He sought , being before informed ( as it is reported ) of the King 's coming by the secret Intelligence of Marquess Hamilton , and a Court Lady ( who having lost the Confluence of Servants with her Beauty , sought now to prevent a solitude by politick Ministeries ) had forsook the place , and withdrawn themselves into the Sanctuary of the City . Wherefore the King having renewed His Charge , without injury to any , immediately departs . But the Faction would not let Him so rest , but prosecuted this attempt of His with all the Clamours that they possibly could raise , spread the sparks of Dissension far and wide , make the common People mad with Fears and Distractions , stir up some in several Counties to bring Petitions for the Impeached Members and their Violated Priviledges ; and at last prepare an armed Rabble disposed into Order to bring the accused Demagogues to the House from their Coverts in London . This coming to the knowledge of the King , although many Gallant and Faithful Persons proffered their Service by mingling with the Rout , or by being as Spectators , to curb any Insolencies that should be attempted on Him ; yet was He resolved to withdraw Himself with the Queen and their Children to Windsor , that He might permit their Fury to languish when it had no opposition , and to give time for their jealousies and rumours to wax old and perish . For the first Indignation of a mutinous Multitude is most fierce , and a small delay breaks their consent ; and Majesty would have a greater Reverence , if any , at a distance . The King's Wisdom was perceived by His Enemies , and therefore to counterwork it , and not to let the People sleep without fear , lest they should come to be sober , and return to the love of Obedience , strange reports were every day brought of dangers from the King : That Troops of Papists were gathered about Kingston upon the Thames , where the County Magazine was lodged , under the command of the Lord George Digby , who was then famed to be a Papist , ( though at that time he was an elegant Assetor of the Protestant Faith , ) and Col. Lunsford , who was characterised to be of so monstrous an Appetite that he would eat Children . And Parties were sent to take them both , which found no such dreadful Preparations . At other times , when the People on the Lord's days were at Divine Worship , they were distracted from it by Alarms , that the Papists ( who and from whence none could tell ) were up in Arms , and were just then about to fire their Houses , and mix their Blood with their Prayers ; That there were Forces kept in Grotts and Caves under Ground , that should in the Night break out into the midst of the City , and cut all their Throats : And what was more prodigious , and though ridiculous , yet had not a few Believers in London , That there were Designs by Gunpowder to blow up the Thames , and choak them with the Water in their Beds . Thus were the people taught to hate their Prince , and by bloody News from every Quarter they were instructed to that Cruelty which they vainly feared , and to adore those by whose Counsels they were delivered from so unexpected Dangers . By all this the Faction gained the repute of Modesty inferiour to their supposed Trust , when they demanded nothing else but the Command of the Tower , and the Militia of all the Counties in England , together with the Forts and Castles of the same . For all which they moved the House of Commons to petition : who desiring the Conjuncture of the Lords in the same , were wholly refused by them . Therefore stemm'd by the Faction they petition alone . Which unlimited Power the King absolutely refused to grant unto them , who He foresaw would use that , as they had all His other Concessions , to the ruine of the Author of their Power . Yet was pleased to consent , after He had demonstrated the Prejudice they required to the English Nation , that they might send over an Army of 10000 Scots into Ireland , and deliver unto them the strong Town and Port of Carickfergus , one of the chief Keys of that Kingdom : which was done to oblige the Scots to them in their future Designs . And also He was pleased to wave the Prosecution of the Impeached Members , and was willing to grant a Free and General Pardon for all His Subjects , as the Parliament should think convenient . But all this could not content them who had immoderate Desires , and they were more discontented that they could not usurp the King 's Right , than if they had lost their own Privileges : therefore to bring the Lords to a Concurrence with them , the hitherto prosperous art of Tumultuous Petitions was again practised , and great Numbers from several Counties were moved to come as Earthquakes , to shake the Fundamental Constitutions of their House , and to require that neither the Bishops nor the Popish Lords should continue in their ancient Right to Vote among the Peers . By this means they should weaken the King in the Voices of that House , and whosoever they could not confide in , they could fright Him from Voting against them , by exposing him as Popish to the Popular Fury . For this was the method of using the Petitions . The most common Answer was with Thanks , and that the House of Commons were just now in consideration thereof . The Petitioners were taught to reply , that They doubted not of the Care of the Commons House , but all their Distrust was in the House of Lords , where the Popish Lords and Bishops had the greatest Power , and there it stuck , whose Names they desired to know : And in this they were so earnest , that they would not willingly withdraw whilest it was debated , and then they had leave to depart with this Answer , That the House of Commons had already endeavoured Relief from the Lords in their Requests , and shall so continue till Redress be obtained . Such Petitions as these were likewise from the several Classes of the inferiour Tradesmen about London , as Porters , Water-men , and the like : and that nothing of testifying an universal Importunity might be left unattempted , Women were perswaded to present Petitions to the same effect . While the Faction thus boasted in the success of their Arts , Good men grieved to see these daily Infamies of the Supreme Council of the Nation , all whose Secrets were published to the lowest and weakest part of the People : and they who clamoured it as a breach of their Privilege , that the King took notice of their Debates , now made them the subjects of discourse in every Shop , and all the corners of the Street ; where the good and bad were equally censured , and the Honour and Life of every Senator exposed to the Verdict of the Rabble . No Magistrate did dare to do his Office , and all things tended to a manifest Confusion : So that many sober Persons did leave the Kingdom , as unsafe , where Factions were more powerful than the Laws . And Just Persons chose rather to hear than to see the Miseries and Reproaches of their Country . On the other side , to make the King more plyable , they tempt him by danger in His most beloved Part the Queen , concerning whom they caused a Rumour , that they did intend to impeach Her of High Treason . This Rumour made the deeper Impression , because they had raised most prodigious Slanders ( which are the first Marks for destruction of Princes ) on Her ; and when they had removed all other Counsellors from the King , She was famed to be the Rock upon which all hopes of Peace and Safety were split : That She commanded no less His Counsels than Affections , and that His Weakness was so great , as not to consent to or enterprise any thing which She did not first approve . That She had perverted Him to Her Religion , and formed Designs of overthrowing the Protestant Profession . These and many other of a portentuous falshood were scattered among the Vulgar , who are always most prone to believe the Worst of Great Persons : and the uncontrolled Licence of reporting such Calumnies is conceived the first Dawning of Liberty . But the Parliament taking notice of the Report , sent some of their House to purge themselves from it , as an unjust Scandal cast upon them . To which the Queen mildly answers , That there was a general Report thereof , but She never saw any Articles in writing , and having no certain Author for either , She gave little Credit thereto ; nor will She believe they would lay any Aspersion upon Her , who hath been very unapt to misconstrue the Actions of any One Person , and much more the Proceedings of Parliament , and shall at all times wish an Happy Vnderstanding between the King and His People . But the King knowing how usual it was for the Faction by Tumults and other Practices to transport the Parliament from their just Intentions in other things , and that they might do so in this , resolved to send Her into Holland , under colour of accompanying their eldest Daughter , newly married to the Prince of Orange ; but in truth to secure Her ; so that by the fears of Her danger ( who was so dear unto Him ) He might not be forced to any thing contrary to His Honour and Conscience , and that Her Affections and Relations to Him might not betray Her Life to the Malice of His Enemies . With Her He also sent all the Jewels of the Crown , that they might not be the Spoils of the Faction , but the means of the support of Her Dignity in Forein Parts , if His Necessities afterwards should not permit Him to provide for Her otherwise . Which yet She did not so employ , but reserved them for a supply of Ammunition and Arms , when His Adversaries had forced Him to a necessary Defence . It was said , that the Faction knew of this Conveyance , and might have prevented it , but that they thought it for their greater advantage that this Treasure should be so managed , that the King in confidence of that Assistance might take up Arms , to which they were resolved at last to drive Him. For they thought their Cause would be better in War than Peace , because their present Deliberations were in the sense of the Law actual Rebellions ; and a longer time would discover those Impostures by which they had deluded the People , who would soon leave them ( as many now did begin to repent of their Madness ) to the Vengeance which was due to their Practices , unless they were more firmly united by a communion of Guilt in an open assaulting their Lawful Prince . The King hastens the Security of the Queen , and accompanies Her as far as Dover , there to take His Farewel of Her ; a Business almost as irksom as Death , to be separated from a Wife of so great Affections and eminent Endowments : and that which made it the more bitter , was , that the same Cause which forced Her Separation from Him , set Her at a greater distance from His Religion , ( the onely thing wherein their Souls were not united ) even the Barbarity of His Enemies who professed it , yet were so irreconcileable to Vertue , that they hated Her for Her Example of Love and Loyalty to Him. While He was committing Her to the mercy of the Winds and Waves , that . She might escape the Cruelty of more unquiet and faithless men , they prosecute Him with their distasteful Addresses , and the Canterbury present Him with a Bill for taking away Bishops Votes in Parliament . Which having been cast out of the House of Peers several times before , ought not by the Course and Order of Parliament to have been admitted again the same Session . But the Faction had now used their accustomed Engine , the Tumult , and it was then passed by the Lords , and brought hither together with some obscure Threats , that if it were not signed , the Queen should not be suffered to depart . ( By such impious Violences did they make way for that which they call'd Reformation . ) This His Majesty signs , ( though after it made a part of His penitential Confessions to God ) in hopes that the Bill being once consented to , the Fury of the Faction , which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government , would be abated , as having advanced so far in their Design to weaken the King's Power in that House by the loss of so many Voices , which would have been always on that side where Equity and Conscience did most appear . But He soon found the Demagogues had not so much Ingenuity as to be compounded with , and they made this but a step to the Overthrow of that which He designed to preserve . When His Majesty was come back as far as Greenwich , He met with many Informations how averse the Faction was to Peace , and that their Proceedings were raised to a Level with their Principles , which some of them published , That the Alteration they did intend , and which was necessary both in Church and State , must be made by Blood. Therefore they endeavoured by their Calumnies to create an Hatred of Him , and to despoil Him of all the hopeful Effects of His Condescensions . For when a Prince is once hated , his Benefits do him no less hurt than Injuries . In order to this , Mr. Pym had publickly charged Him with a Connivence at least , if not with the Contrivance of the Irish Rebellion : because many Papists had His Majesties immediate Warrant for their transport thither . This the King requires satisfaction for , shewing the Falshood and Malice of the Defamer , by giving an Account of the date of the several Warrants . But the Faction so far prevailed as to make it a Publick Sin , and the House was perswaded to believe and acknowledge it to be their common sense . Many others had uttered seditious Speeches in the House , especially Mr. Marten , a man of all Uncleannesses , a publick contemner of Religion and Honesty , that had wasted a large Patrimony ( which he had likewise unjustly mortgaged to several and different Creditors ) in the most infamous Lusts , and sought a greater licence and fresh supplies for them by the ruine of the State ; at which he was powerful , being of as impure and lascivious a Wit as he was of Life , wherewith he used to prophane God and His Vicegerents : yet serving the ends of Confusion , had his name among the Catalogue of those that were to do the Work of the Lord. Besides the attempts upon His Honour , they endeavour another upon His Family , and to seize upon the Prince . Which the King , hearing , sends for Him and the Duke of York , and immediately removes to Theobalds in order to His journey towards the North , where He intended to settle His abode , till he saw what Issue this Storm would have . This removal of the King was variously censured . Some thought it unadvisedly done , to withdraw so far from London , to leave His chief City wholly to the practices , and expose His Friends there to the Impostures and Injuries of his Enemies . Others , especially the friends of the Faction , defamed it as a preparing Himself for that War which followed . But others concluded it as an act of Necessity , and where there was no choice for Prudence . For when He had passed more obliging Acts , and parted with so much of His Prerogative and so many undoubted Rights of His Crown , as could not be equalled by the Grants of all His Predecessors , yet He found that He had effected nothing more by giving , than to make the Faction more eagerly desire what they knew He must in Honour and Conscience deny ; and that the People were so bewitched as not to see , it is safer to trust Him who was contented with a less degree of Power , than those whose ambition and avarice knew no bounds : Who being thus deluded as so far to administer to the Lusts of their Disturbers , would not fail their assistance to seize upon His Person , unless in time He did provide for His Liberty . Nor could it be imagined that He meditated a War , who to make His people happy ( if they had not despised their own Mercies ) had deprived Himself of a power to manage it . For besides those Acts formerly mentioned , He had signed many other as prejudicial to such an undertaking . For He had passed Acts against His own power of Impressing Souldiers , His right to Tonnage and Poundage , the Stannary Courts , Clerk of the Market , the Presidial Courts in the North , and Marches of Wales whereby He had not only diminished His Greatness , and that Reverence which was due to the Crown , but also so streightned His Revenue as it was not able to maintain Discipline , without which no hopes of Victory , especially in a Civil War. Besides , His Enemies in every County had injured His Fame , which is of great moment in the deciding Controversies by the Sword and the City of London , which is the grand Treasury of the Wealth and Strength of the whole Nation , was now enslaved by the Rabble to their commands . All which considerations as they could not escape so Wise a Prince , so would they not permit the Designs of War , especially in that Breast , to which it was equally miserable to suffer the spilling of His Subjects blood , as to expose Himself to Ruine . So that His departure from London was not of Design , but Necessity , nor was there in it more of Fear than Shame ; for He could not longer endure those detestable Spectacula , in which Tumults like Beasts were let loose to assault the Majesty of Government . ; ; While the King thus provides for His Liberty , the Faction proceed to usurp the Militia , which His Majesty had denied , and the Lords were ashamed to ask : therefore they privately incourage their Partisans in all the Cities and Boroughs where they were most powerfull , to appoint Musters , to arm and train their youth , and module them into Companies ; which afterwards ( though contrary to the Law ) they move the Lower House to vote Legal , and to make an Order in the name of the Parliament for the constituting of Deputies to the same purpose in every County : and at last , by the Tumults which they raised , the Threats they used to divulge the names of the dissenting Lords , and secret promises to some others ( for Mr. Pym told the Earl of Dover , he must look for no Preferment unless he joyned with them ) they prevailed upon the House of Peers , when many of the most eminent were absent , to joyn in a Petition for the Militia , upon pretence of great Dangers at home , and more prodigious terrors from abroad , pretending that by Intelligence from Paris , Rome and Venice , they were assured of great designs to overthrow the Parliament , together with the Protestant Religion ; ( whose fate and Interest they would have it imagined , was so twisted with theirs , that like those Twins they could not laugh nor grieve but in Conjunction . ) This Paper being presented to His Majesty , whose Soul was wholly devoted to Peace , when it did not betray Religion and the Trust Heaven had committed unto Him , He proposes to them Expedients whereby they might be associated with Him in the Power of the Militia , which Honour and Conscience forbad Him to devest Himself wholly of , and passionately adjures them to lay aside their vain and empty Terrors , whereby they distracted and divided the People , not suffering them to enjoy the Peace and Gracious Concessions wherein He had exceeded the Goodness of all His Predecessors . But they , who had projected to themselves the whole Power , would not be contented with a Partner in it , and therefore despising His Indulgence , and neglecting His Admonitions , the next day in furious Votes declared themselves sole Masters of the Militia : and to make the People believe there was truth in their false Fears , they command strict Watches to be kept in all suspected places , Beacons to be new set up , the Sea-marks to be watched , and the Navy to be new rigged and fitted for the Sea. New Plots were also discovered , and strange and unheard-of Counsels to murder the most Eminent Patriots are brought to light . A Taylor in a ditch hears some desperate Cavaliers contriving the Death of Mr. Pym. A Plaister also taken from a Plague-sore was sent into the House to the same person , that the Infection first seising on a Member of the quickest senses , might thence more impetuously diffuse it self upon all the most Grave Senators . Such like plots as these , and whatsoever could be devised , were published to make the Vulgar think those demands of the Faction seem modest , ( their dangers being so great ) which were very unjust . And lest the King should at His coming into the North make use of that Magazine at Hull ( which at His own Charges He had provided for the Scotch Expedition ) for His own defence , the Faction , to secure that and the Town for their future purposes , send down Sir John Hotham , without any Order or Commission from either House of Parliament , to seise on them . This man of a fury and impudence equal to their commands , when the King , petitioned by the Gentlemen of Yorkshire to employ those Arms and that Ammunition for the Safety and Peace of that County , ( where some of the Factious Members of Parliament had begun to form the like Seditions with those of London , ) An. 1642 would have entred Hull , April 23. insolently shut the Gates upon Him , and would not permit Him , though with but twenty Attendants , for He offered to leave the Guard of Noblemen and Gentlemen which followed Him without . The King thereupon proclaims him Traitor , and by Letters complains of the Indignity , and requires Satisfaction . But the Faction rendred the Act so glorious , that the House of Commons by their Votes approved what he had done without their Command , and clamoured that the King had done them an injury , in proclaiming so innocent a Member , Traitor : Ordered the Earl of Warwick , to whom they had committed the Command of the Navy , to land some men out of the Ships at Hull , and to transport the Magazine there from thence to London . An Order of Assistance was also given to several of their Confidents , as a Committee of both Houses to reside at Hull , and the Counties of York and Lincoln were commanded to execute their commands . Besides , they sent a Commission to Hotham , to prosecute the Insolencies he had begun , and kindle that War which took fire on the whole Nation , and in a short space consumed him and his Son , who were executed by the Instructors of his Villany : For he fell under the same Fate which attends all the Instruments of Great Crimes , to be Odious and suspected by those that made use of them . Therefore they gave such a power to the Lord Fairfax in Yorkshire as did conclude the diminution , and submission of Hotham to his Commands . This caused him to reflect with grief and madness upon his first ministery to the Faction , which appeared every day more monstrous to his Conscience , being now spoiled of that Grandeur that he hoped would have been its reward , and awakened by those Desolations in the whole Kingdom which followed it , and were but as the Copies of his Original Treason . Therefore he thought to expiate his former guilt by surrendring the Town to Him from whom he had detained it . But his practices were discovered to the Faction by One whom they had sent thither in pretence to preach the Gospel , but in truth secretly to search into the intrigues of his Counsels : so that he perished in his design , being neither stout nor wise enough in just enterprises , nor of a pertinancy sufficient for a prosperous Perfidiousness . And although in his Ruine the King observed how great a draught was offered to the highest thirst of Revenge , yet He did truly bewail him : and indeed he was so much the more to be pitied , because his cruel Masters deluded him to a silence of their black Secrets with a false hope of Life till the Ax was upon his Neck . So betraying his Soul to a surprise by his Spiritual enemies , as his pretended Spiritual Guides had done his Body to them . The Insolency of Hotham , who acted according to his Instructions and late Commission , beginning acts not usual in Peace , nor justifiable by Law , ( for he issued out Warrants for the Trained Bands to march into Hull with their Arms , where he forced them to leave them , and nakedly return to their homes , that so they might be obnoxious to his Violence ) and the practices of the Committee which were sent down into the North , to debauch the People in their Loyalty , made the King intend His own Security by a Guard ; which the Gentry and Commonalty of Yorkshire , that were witnesses of the Injury offered to their Prince , did willingly and readily make up . No sooner had the King expressed His intention of such a Guard , but the Faction , who were watchful of all opportunities of beginning a War , and ingaging those that either through Fear or Weakness had hitherto submitted to their Impostures , in a more obliging guilt , ( for now the greatest part of the Peers , who were of the most ancient Families and noblest Fortunes , and a very great number of the House of Commons , Persons of just hopes and fair Estates , who perceiving the designs of the Disturbers , scorned any longer to be their Slaves , yet not thinking it safe to provoke the fury of the Vulgar Tumults by a present opposition , had withdrawn from the Parliament to follow the King and His Fortune , and every day some more were still falling off ) took this occasion to commence our Miseries , and open those Sluces of Blood which polluted the whole Kingdom . For upon the first Intelligence of it they filled the House of Commons and the City with Clamours , that His Majesty had now taken Arms to the overthrow of them and the Protestant Religion ; and that they were not any longer to think the Happiness of the Kingdom did depend upon the King , or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock ; that it would argue no want either of Duty or Modesty , if they should depose Him. By these Harangues they so heated the Parliament , that was now more penurious than before in persons of Honour and Conscience , to such a degree of Fury , that unmindful how they themselves for eight months before upon impossible Fears and improbable Jealousies had taken a Guard , they Resolved upon the Question , that the King by taking to himself such a Guard did intend to levy War against the Parliament . With an equal fury they issue out Commissions into all parts of the Kingdom , and appoint certain days for all the Trained Bands to be put into a posture of War , sending down some of their Members to see to the execution of these Commands , and to seise on the Magazines in the several Counties . To all these their violent and unjust attempts the King first opposes the Law , in several Declarations manifests the Power of Arms to be the ancient and undoubted Right of the Crown , by many Proclamations charges all men under the Crime and Penalties of Treason to forbear the Execution of those Ordinances which were published to license their Rebellion , and answers with a wonderful Diligence and Eloquence all the fictious Pretensions of the Parliament to that Power , in their several Remonstrances . But though the King had in the judgment of all understanding and uninteressed persons the Juster Cause , and the more powerful Pen , yet the Faction's Hast , which is most essicacious in civil Discords , the Slanders they had raised of Him , and impressed in the minds of the People , the terrors of that Arbitrary Power which the House of Commons had a long while exercised in the vexatious prosecution of all such as did oppose their imperious Resolves , ( for they would by their Messengers send for the Great Earls and Prime Barons of the Kingdom as Rogues and Felons , and weary them and others with a tedious and chargeable Attendance , oppress them with heavy and unproportionable Censures , and restrain them by Illegal Imprisonments ) and the hopes of licence and spoil in the ruine of Church and State , had so preoccupied the Minds of the inferiour Multitude , that neither Law nor Religion could have the least consideration in their practices ; and those Persons whom His Majesty appointed as Commissioners of Array , in few places found that Obedience which was due to the just Commands of a Gracious Prince , who vainly expected that Reverence to Justice in others which Himself gave . After the experience of their Power in these their Successes at Land , and having gotten the whole Navy at Sea , being made Masters of the most and greatest Strengths of the Kingdom , they then thought it might be safe for them to publish the aims and ends of their most destructive designs ; which if sooner manifested , when the King by his Message of the 20th of Jan. from Windsor-Castle , advised them to prescribe the limits of their Privileges , give full Boundaries to His own Power , and propose what was in their judgments proper to make the People happy ; and most religiously promised an equal tenderness of theirs and the Peoples Rights as of His own , and what was for the Publick good should not be obstructed for His Particular Emolument ; they had justly drawn upon themselves all that popular hatred which they endeavoured to fling upon the King , and had been buried under those ruines which they projected for the Grave of Majesty . But then the Faction confided not so much in their own force , nor were the Vulgar then so blinded with fury as to chuse their own destruction : and therefore to that Message of Peace nothing was returned but Complaints , that by such Advisoes their Counsels were disturbed , that it was contrary to their unbounded Privileges to be minded of what was necessary . But now they were furnished with a Power equal to their Ambition , they thought it expedient to confirm their newly-gotten Empire with some pretensions to Peace ; but with a great deal of Caution , that the affectation of it might not disappoint them of their hopes , which were all built upon War and Confusion . Therefore they formed the Conditions such as the King could not in Honour or Conscience grant them , nor expect Peace by them . Or if He did , they should be instated in such a Grandeur , that they might reap for themselves all the reproachful Honours and unlawful gains of an Arbitrary Power , the thing they aimed at , and leave the King overwhelmed with shame and contempt for their miscarriages in Government . These Conditions were digested into Nineteen Propositions ; which when presented to the King , He saw by an assent to them He should be concluded to have deposed Himself , and be but as an helpless and idle Spectator of the Miserie 's such Tyrants would bring upon the People whom God had committed to His Trust . Therefore He gave them that denial which they really desired and expected , and adjusts His refusal in a Declaration , wherein He sets forth the Injustice of each Proposition . His Answer He sent by the Marquess of Hertford and Earl of Southampton , Persons of great Integrity and Prudence , with Instructions to treat in the House of Peers upon more equal Conditions . But it behoved the Faction not to let the Kingdom see any way to Peace , therefore denying any admittance to those Lords , before ever the King's Answer could publickly discover who were the obstructours of the Peoples quiet , they Ordered a Collection to be made of Money and Plate , to maintain Horse , Horse-men and Arms for the ensuing War. The specious Pretences for which were the Safety of the King's Person , and the taking Him out of the hands of Evil Counsellors , the Defence of the Privileges of Parliament , the Preservation of the Protestant Religion , and the maintenance of the ancient Laws of the Land. Such inviting causes as these inflamed the Minds of the Multitude , and filled them with more aiery hopes of Victory than the noise of Drums and Trumpets . But that which was most powerful were the Sermons of such who , being displeased with the present Ecclesiastical Government , were promised the richest Benefices , and a partage of the Revenues which belonged to Bishops , Deans and Chapiters . These from their Pulpits proclaimed War in the Name of Christ the Prince of Peace , and whatsoever was contributed to the spilling of the Blood of the Wicked , was to build up the Throne of the meekest Lamb ; and besides the satisfaction they were to expect from the Publick Faith , which the Parliament promised , there was a larger Interest to be doubled upon them in the Kingdom of Saints that was now approaching . Deluded by these Artifices and Impostures , People of all Conditions and all Sexes , some carried by a secret Instinct , others hurried by some furious Zeal , and a last sort led by Covetousness , cast into this Holy Treasury the Banck for Blood , all the Ornaments of their Family , all their Silver Vessels , even to their Spoons , with the Pledges of their first Love , their Marriage-rings ; and the younger Females spared not their Thimbles and Bodkins , the obliging Gifts of their Inamorato's , from being a part of the Price of Blood. But while these Preparations were made at London , the King at York declares against the Scandal , that He intended to Levy War against the Parliament , calling God to witness how far His desires and thoughts were from it ; and also those many Lords who were Witnesses of His Counsels and Actions , do publish to the World by a Writing subscribed with all their Names , to the number of Forty and odd , that they saw not any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design , and were fully perswaded that He had no such intention . But all was in vain , for the Faction chose that the People should be rather guilty of committing Rebellion , that only of favouring the Contrivers of it , and decreed to try whether by a prosperous Success they could change their Crimes to Vertue . Therefore they hastened all they could to raise Horse and Foot to form an Army equal to their Usurpation : which was not difficult for them to do , for they being Masters of London , whose multitudes desirous of Novelty , were easily amassed for any enterprise , especially when the entring into this Warfare , might make the Servant freer than his Master , ( for such was the Licence was indulged to those Youths that would serve the Cause ) 20000 were sooner gathered that the King could get 500. The City also could afford them more Ordnance than the King could promise to Himself common Muskets : and to pay their Souldiers , besides the vast summs that were gathered for Ireland ( which though they by their own Act had decreed should not be used for any other enterprise , yet now dispense with their Faith , and imploy it to make England as miserable as that Island ) and the Contributions of the deluded Souls for this War ; they seized also upon the Revenues of the King , Queen , Prince , and Bishops , and plunder the Houses of those Lords and Gentlemen whom they suspected to be Favourers of the King's Cause . And in contemplation of these advantages , they promised their credulous Party an undoubted Victory , and to lead Majesty Captive in Triumph through London within a Month , by the Conduct of the Earl of Essex , whom they appointed General . Thus did they drive that Just and Gracious Prince to seek His Safety by necessary Arms , since nothing worse could befall Him after a stout , though unhappy Resistance , than He was to hope for in a tame Submission to their Violence . Therefore though He perfectly abhorred those Sins which are the Consequences of War , yet He wanted not Courage to attempt at Victory , notwithstanding it seemed almost impossible against so well-appointed an Enemy . Therefore with an incredible diligence moving from place to place , from York to Nottingham , from thence to Shrewsbury and the Confines of Wales , by discovering those Abilities with which His Soul was richly fraught unto His deluded Subjects , He appeared not only worthy of their Reverence , but of their Lives and Fortunes for His Defence ; and in all places incouraging the Good with His Commendations , exciting the fearful by His Example , dissembling the Imperfections of His Friends , but alwaies praising their Vertues , He so prevailed upon those who were not Men of many Times , nor by a former Guilt debauch'd to Inhumanity , that He had quickly contracted an Army greater than His Enemies expected , and which was every day increased by those Lords and Gentlemen who refused to be polluted any longer with the practices of the Faction by sitting among them , and being Persons of large Fortunes had raised their Friends and Tenants to succour that Majesty that now laboured under an Eclipse . Most Men being moved with Pity and Shame to see their Prince , whose former Reign had made them wanton in Plenty , to be driven from His own Palaces , and concluded under a want of Bread , to be necessitated to implore their Aid , for the Preservation of His and their Rights . So that notwithstanding all the Impostures of the Faction and the Corruptions of the Age , there were many great Examples of Loyalty and Vertue . Many Noble Persons did almost impoverish themselves to supply the King with Men and Money . Some Private Men made their way through numerous dangers to joyn with the fight under His Colours . Many great Ladies and vertuous Matrons parted with the Ornaments of their Sex to relieve His wants , and some bravely defended their Houses in His Cause when their Lords were otherwhere seeking Honour in His service . Both the Universities freely devoted their Plate to succour their Prince , the Supreme Patron and Incourager of all Learning ; and the Queen pawned Her Jewels to provide necessaries for the Safety of Her Husband . Which Duty of Hers , though it deserved the Honour of all Ages , was branded by the Demagogues with the imputation of Treason . This sudden and unexpected growth of the Strength of the King after so many years of Slanders , and such industrious Plots to make him odious and contemptible , raised the admiration of all Men , and the fears of the credulous Party who had given up their Faith to the Faction , when they represented the King guilty of so much Folly and Vice ( and some corrupted Citizens had represented Him as a Prodigie of both in a Scene at Guild-Hall in London , an Art used by Jesuites to impress more deeply a Calumny , ) that they could not imagine any Person of Prudence or Conscience would appear in His Service , and they expected every day when , deserted by all as a Monster , He should in Chains deliver Himself up to the Commands of the Parliament . Some attributed this strange increase in power to the natural Affection of the English to their Lawful Sovereign , from whom though the Arts and Impulses of Seditiouc Demagogues may a while estrange and divorce their minds , yet their Genius will irresistibly at last force them to their first Love and therefore they urged the saying of that Observing States-man , that if the Crown of England were placed but on a Hedge-stake , he would be on that side where the Crown was . Others referred it to the full evidence of the wickedness of His Adversaries , for their Counsels were now discovered , and their Ends manifest , not to maintain the common Liberty , which was equally hateful to them as Tyranny when it was not in their hands , but to acquire a Grandeur and Power that might secure and administer to their Lusts : and it was now every where published what Mr Hambden answered to one who inquired What he did expect from the King ; he replied , That He should commit Himself and all that is His to our Care. Others ascribed it to the fears of ruine to those numerous Families and Myriads of People which the change of Government designed by the Parliament must necessarily effect . But this , though it argued that Cause exceeding bad by which so great a part of a Community is utterly destroyed , without any absolute necessity for preserving the whole yet made but an inconsiderable Addition to the King , whose greatest Power was built upon Persons of the Noblest Extract and the fairest Estates in England , of which they could not easily suspect to be devested without an absolute overthrow of all the Laws of Right and Wrong , which nevertheless was to be feared by their invasions on the King's most undoubted Rights . For when Majesty it self is assaulted , there can be no security for private Fortunes ; and those that decline upon design from the paths of Equity , will never rest till they come to the Extremity of Injustice as these afterwards did . Besides those that imputed the speedy amassing of these Forces to the Equity of the King's Cause , His most Powerful Eloquence , indesatigable Industry , and most Obliging Converse ; there were another sort that , suspending their Judgments till all the Scenes of War were passed , resolved all into the Providence of God : Who though He were pleased to single Him out of all the Kings of the Earth as the fittest Champion to wrestle with Adversity , and to make Him glorious by Sufferings , which being well born truly prove men Great yet would He furnish Him ( almost by a Miracle ) likewise with such Advantages , in the conduct of which His Prudence and Magnanimity might evidence that He did deserve Propserity , and by clearing up even this way His eminent Vertues , warn the following Ages from a Credulity to unquiet Persons , since the best of Princes was thus infamously slandered . ; ; ; ; From all these concurring Causes , each one in their Way and Order , did the King's Strength so far increase , as that He won many Battles , and was not far from Conquest in the Whole War ; had not God seen fit to afflict this sinful Nation with Numerous and most Impious Tyrants , and make us feel , that no Oppressions are so unsupportable as those which are imposed by such as have made the highest Pretensions to Liberty : of which we had bitter experience after the War was finished that was now begun . For there had been some slight Conflicts ere this in the several Countries betwixt the Commissioners of Array and the Militia , with various Successes ; which require just Volumes and compleat Histories to relate , and cannot be comprehended in the short View of the King's Life , where it is only intended to speak of those Battles in which the King in Person gave sufficient evidence of His Wisdom and Valour . The first of which was at Edge-Hill on Oct. 23. For the King had no sooner gotten a considerable Force , though not equal to those of His Enemies , but He matched towards London , and in His way thither met with Essex's Army that were come from thence to take Him. The King having viewed their Army by a Prospective-glass from the top of that Hill , and being asked afterwards by His Officers what He meant to do , To give them battle ( said He with a present Courage ) it is the first time I ever saw the Rebels in a Body : God , and good Mens Prayers to Him , assist the Justice of My Cause : and immediately prepared for the Fight ; which was acted with such a Fury , that near 6000 were slain ( according to the common account , but some say a far less number ) were slain upon the place . Night concluded this Battle , which had comprehended the whole War , had not the King 's prevailing Horse preferr'd the Spoils to Victory , and left the Enemy some advantage to dispute for her . But the King had all the fairest marks of her Favour . For though He had lost His General , yet he kept the Field , possessed the dead Bodies , opened His way toward London , and in the sight of some part of the Army of Essex , ( who accounted it a Victory that He was not totally routed and killed , ) took Banbury , and entred Triumphantly into Oxford ( which He had designed for His Winter-quarters ) with 150 Colours taken in fight . And having assured that place , He advances towards London , whither Essex had gotten before Him , and disposed his baffled Regiments within 10 Miles of the City ; yet the King fell upon two Regiments of them at Brainford , took 500 Prisoners , and sunk their Ordnance . From thence intending to draw nearer London , He had intelligence , that the City had powred forth all their Auxiliaries to re-inforce Essex's Troops ; to which being unwilling to oppose His Souldiers wearied with their March , nor thinking it safe to force an Enemy to fight upon Necessity , which inspires a more than Ordinary Fury , He retreats to Oxford , having taught His Enemies , that He was not easily to be overcome . For in the management of this Battle He did not only undeceive the abused World of those Slanders which His Enemies had polluted Him with , but He exceeded that Opinion His own Party had of His Abilities , and though He parted from London altogether unexperienced in Martial Affairs , yet at Edge-Hill He appeared a most Excellent Commander . His Valour was also equal to His Prudence , and He could as well endure Labours as despise Dangers . And by a communication of toils , encouraged His Souldiers to keep the Field all the Night , when they saw He refused the refreshments of a Bed ; for He sought no other Shelter from the injuries of the Air than His own Coach. These Vertues and this Success made such an impression on the Parliament , that though they took all courses to hide the Infamy of their worsted Army , yet in more humble Expressions than formerly they Petitioned the King for a Treaty of Peace , which His Majesty very earnestly embraced . But the Faction , who were frighted with these Tendencies to an Accommodation , cause some of the City to Petition against it , and to make proffer of their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of the War. Encouraged by this , they form their Propositions like the Commands of Conquerours , and so streighten the Power and time of their Commissioners , that the Treaty at Oxford became fruitless , which there had taken up all the King's Employment this Winter , though abroad His Forces were busie in several Parts of the Nation , not without Honour . At the Opening of the Spring the Queen comes back to England , An. 1643 bringing with Her some considerable Supplies of Men , Money and Ammunition , and Her coming was entertained with such a Series of Successes , that the King that Summer was Master of the North and West , except some few Garrisons . Which so dismaied the Parliament , that very many of them were preparing to quit the Kingdom : and had the King followed His own Counsels , to march immediately towards London , and not been fatally over-born at a Council of War , ( which it is said , His Enemies at London did assure their Party would so be ) first to attempt Gloucester , He had , in the judgment of all discerning men , then finished the War with Glory . But here He lay so long till Essex had gotten a Recruit from London , and came time enough to Relieve the Town ; though in his Return the King necessitated him to fight , worsted him near Newbery , and so bravely followed him the next day , that He forced the Parliaments Horse which were left in the Reer to seek their safety by making their way over a great part of their Foot ; yet lost on His side much Noble Blood , as the Earls of Carnarvan and Sunderland , and Viscount Falkland . This last was lamented by all , being equally dexterous at the Pen and Sword , had won some Wreaths in those Controversies that were to be managed by Reason , and was eminent in all the Generous parts of Learning , above any of his Fortune and Dignity . After this Encounter the King returns to Oxford , to consult with those Members of both Houses that had left the Impostures and Tumults at London , to joyn with Him for the Common Benefit , who being as to the Peers the far greater , and as to the Commons an equal Number with those at Westminster , they assumed the Name and Authority of Parliament , and deliberated of the ways of Peace , and means to prevent the Desolations which the Faction so furiously designed , who were now resolving to encrease our Miseries by Calling in the Scots to their assistance . For though they pretended so highly to God's Cause , as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation , yet they would not trust Him for their Preservation , notwithstanding their Pretences to his Cause had furnished them with so vast a Treasure and so mighty a Strength ; but would invite others to the Violation of most Sacred Oaths , to sin against all Laws and every Rule of Justice , that themselves might be secure in their Usurpations . And that perfidious Party that then ruled in Scotland , hoping for as great Advantages as their former Wickedness had yielded , contrary to all Obligations which the King's Goodness had laid on them , and their free and voluntary Execrations , ( as was that of Alexander Lesley , who lifting up His arms and hands to Heaven , wished they might rot to his body before he died , if ever he should heave them up hereafter , or draw his Sword , against so gude a King , ) drew that people once more into Rebellion against their Prince ; and to make them more eager , and think the Enterprize easie , they first raised a Report that the King was deserted by most of His Nobility . The Parliament at Oxford having by a Letter moved the Earl of Essex to endeavour Peace , did also declare against this Invasion of the Scots by another Letter sent to them , in which also they acquaint them with the falseness of their officious Lye , and shew how inconsiderable a Number of Lords were with those that invited them in . The King Himself writes also to put them in mind of their several Ingagements to be Quiet . But with an Insolency fit for most perjured Souls , they commanded the Letters to be burned by the hand of the Hangman . A more secret falshood He also found in the Marquess Hamilton , whose Treasons now came to be more suspected . For His Majesty having written to him , to use all his Power and Interest to keep his Country-men at home , ( which had not been difficult for one of his Grandeur in that unquiet Nation ) he by some secret arts doth more inflame them ; and to cover his Perfidiousness , flies from Scotland to Oxford , as seeking a shelter for his Loyalty ; but indeed to be a Spy in the King's Counsels . But his Treasons had out-stripp'd him and his Brother , the Earl of Lanerick who came with him , therefore they were both forbidden the Court. Lanerick not willing to tarry till a further Discovery , gets out of Oxford , flies to those at London , and by them was employed in the Scotch Army ; which made Hamilton's Treachery more evident , and he was sent Prisoner to Pendennis Castle . But the dishonour of that Nation was in a great measure repaired by the Gallantry and Faithfulness of the Marquess Montrosse , who being Commission'd by the King , with an incredible Industry by small numbers of men won many Battels , and overthrew well-formed Armies : and had not the Fate of his Master , which was to be betrayed by those He trusted , been likewise common to him , he had forced that Nation to Justice and Quiet . But ere Montrosse could get his Commission , the Scots were entred into England : whose coming that it might be less odious to the People , who now grew cold in their Zeal to the Cause , and saw themselves deluded into so continued Dangers , the Faction make use of such Frauds as should make the People either think them necessary Assistances , or might divert their Thoughts from apprehending the Miseries they brought with them to this Nation ; therefore they invent new Slanders of the King and His Party . That His Majesty did intend to translate Monarchy into a Tyranny : that He would seize upon all their Estates who had any way opposed Him , and make their Persons Slaves : and that there was no hope of Pardon from Him , who was so merciless : that He would take away all their Liberties and Privileges as forfeited , destroy the Protestant Religion , and introduce Popery , which at Oxford He did practise Himself , and that all men must be forced to go to Mass . As for His Party , they set them out to be such Monsters , that the lower sort of People doubted whether the Cavaliers had the shapes of men . For sad Relations were Printed and Published of their Inhumanity and barbarous Murders : That they did feast upon the Flesh of Men , and that they fed their Dogs and their Horses with the same Diet , to make them more fierce for the blood of the Godly Party : that no man's house was so poor and mean that a Cavalier would think beneath his Rapine . Thus they wrought upon the Melancholy Spirits of some by Fear . For those of a Morose and Cholerick temper they had proper Divertisements : they permitted to them a tumultuary Reformation , to pull down the Pictures and Images of Christ , the Virgin Mary , and the Saints ; which with great Solemnity they committed to the Flames , that they might suffer as it were another Martyrdom . All Crosses , though set up for Ornament and Use in the Streets of London , and other places , they pulled down : they invade the Churches , and there deface what their Humour or Rapine would call Superstition , pull down the Organs , tear the Surplices ; and all this was suffered to please the Rabble , who delight in Violences and such Ostentations of their Fury , and to make them in something or other guilty , that they might despair of Pardon . For others , who were to be wrought upon by Religion , they entertain them with Fasts , publick Thanksgivings for slight Victories , and solemn Spiritual Meetings ( as they called them ; ) where whatsoever the Faction dictated , was commended by the Speakers to their unwary Hearers as the Oracles of Heaven : and being thus wrapp'd up in those true Delights which accompany the Worship of God , they were securely swallowed by them , as Poyson when it is offered in a Sacramental Chalice . To please their Ministers whom hitherto they had used as their Properties and Instruments of their Arts , Presbytery is set up , that they also might have an Imaginary Empire : but it was not intended they should exercise it . For the Pretensions of that to a Divine Right , did so terrifie them who were resolved against all Government that was not subject unto or dependent on theirs , that they presently raised all the other Sects , Independents , Erastians , ( who for the most part were Lawyers , that could not endure to hear of any Thunderbolts of Excommunication , but what was heated in their own Forges ) Anabaptists , Seekers , and Atheists , ( of which there were many sprung up , who seeing how Religion was abused to carnal and unjust Ends , began first to despise that , and afterwards to deny God ) to write and declame against this new Polity , as the most severe and absolute Tyranny under the Sun , and the Tenth Persecution . But this seeming Modesty of admitting a Church Government served their Ends for the present , till they could acquire a greater strength ; in confidence of which they might slight the Terrors of the Law , and the Anathema's of the Church . The Liturgy also was abolished , under pretence of a Spiritual Liberty , for it was accused of putting a restraint upon the Spirit ; but in truth because it had so frequent Offices for the King. To these were added the Covenant , the Fetters of the Scotish Slavery : this was to bind the whole Nation to the Interest of the Faction , and was used as the Water of Jealousie , to discover those whom they did suspect . Therefore all the Conspirators , of what Sect soever , whether Independents or Anabaptists , though they refused to take it themselves , ( because it did oblige to the Preservation of the King's Person and Authority ) yet were as eager Imposers of it as the Presbyterians ( who in simplicity urged it as the Fundamental Constitution of their Empire ) upon all who they thought would not prostitute their Souls to their Designs , or had any thing fit to be made their Spoils . And by this onely Engine , many thousand Persons and Families were miserably ruined , especially of the Clergy . To oblige more fastly those that had no patience to expect , nor hopes to receive any Reward for their Service against their Prince in the other life , and so would not be satisfied with the shews of Religion , but sought more solid Encouragements in the Spoils of it ; the Lands of the Bishops were exposed to Sale , and that at such easie Rates as might invite the hazard of the Purchase , satiate their boundless Covetousness , and engage them in a pertinacious Faith to their Merchants . To cement all these distinct Humours in one common Pleasure , the Archbishop of Canterbury was prepared for a Sacrifice , and about this time began his Tryal , which continued a whole Year , being when the Houses were at leisure called by several Months and Weeks to answer to his Charge , that by his frequent Passages , as a Prisoner , he might give a pleasant Diversion to the Rabble , who are delighted with the Ruines and Misfortunes of Great Persons , and by their Injuries and Reproaches he might be reduced to such a weakness of Spirit as was not competent with the defence of his Cause . But his Cause and his Conscience were impregnable , and he overthrew their Slanders , though he could not their Power . By these Arts and Ways was the Winter spent to prepare for the Attempts of the following Summer , An. 1644 wherein , though the Parliaments Forces encreased by the Scotish Succours had the Success over several bodies of the Royallists , yet that small Number that followed the King's Person , and were guided by His own Counsels and Example , obtained two great Victories . For His Majesty having once more provided for the Safety of the Queen , ( in sending Her to Excester , there to lay down the burden of Her Love , and from thence to seek for Shelter in France ) taken ( contrary to their hopes ) His last Farewel of Her , and left Oxford strengthned against the Siege which the Earl of Essex and Sir William Waller threatned that Place with , He with a small Party draws out , intending to form His Counsels according to the future Occurrences . This made the Enemy divide , and Essex was designed to reduce the West . But Waller , with whom usually went Sir Arthur Hasilrigge ( a Person fitter to raise Seditious Tumults than manage Armies ) was to hunt the King upon the Mountains of Wales , towards which He seemed to direct His Course . But hearing of the Resolutions of these two jealous Generals , He wheels about to Oxford , and from thence drew the greatest strength of that Garrison , and with that falling upon Waller at Cropredy-bridge , obtained a great Victory ; which would have been more prejudicial to the Enemy , had not the Tenderness of His Subjects Blood restrained Him from prosecuting His Success to a greater Slaughter . But contenting Himself to have diverted Injuries from His own Breast , He only used this Victory for an advantage to Peace , which in a Letter from Evesham , July 4. He moves the Parliament unto . But the unquiet Criminals rendred it vain and fruitless , and represented to the People their yet prevailing Forces in the North , and their Army in the West , which had now taken in some considerable places to their obedience . Therefore to remove their Confidence in Essex's power , the King follows him , and so closely pursues him , that He drove him up into Cornwall , and there did as it were besiege him . During which He sent a Letter to him , which was seconded by another from the Lords and Gentlemen in His Army , to sollicite His endeavours for the Peace and Quiet of the bleeding and wasted Kingdom . But it met not its desired effect : Because that Earl either valued not that solid Glory of being the happy Author of a Nation 's Settlement ; or feared that his past Actions had wholly despoiled him of hopes of Security in a return to Obedience , or knew that his Authority was not so great to put an issue to those Crimes which he had led others to commit . ( For every inconsiderable person may be powerful at Disturbances , but to form Peace requires much Wisdom and great Vertues . ) Which last was generally believed , for he had found and complained that his Credit declined with the Faction , that they were distrustful lest their own Arts might teach him to have no faith to them , because he often sollicited them to a composing of the Kingdoms Distractions . Therefore making no return to those Letters , he provided for his own safety in a Cock-boat , and ignominiously deserted his Army ; of which the Horse , taking the advantage of a dark night , made their escape , but the Commanders of the Foot did capitulate for their Lives , and left their Arms , Cannon , Baggage and Ammunition , to the Disposal of the King. The speedy and prudent acquisition of these two Victories shewed the King had those Abilities that might have inserted Him in the Catalogue of the Bravest Commanders ; and had not want of Success in His following Enterprises clouded the Glory of this Summer , He had been as eminent among the Masters of War as He was among the Sons of Peace , the Honour of which last He most eagerly thirsted , as rendring Him most like that Majesty He did represent . Therefore after this Victory , by a Letter from Tavestock , Sept. 8. He re-inforces that from Evesham for an Accord with the Parliament , being not transported from His Lenity by the Violence with which Victory uses to hurry humane breasts to an insolence . But He knew that Peace , though it is profitable to the Conquered , yet it is glorious for the Conquerour . To busie His Army while He expected their Answer , and formed an Association in the Western Counties , He sits down before Plymouth ; but finding this Message had an equal reception with the former , and that the Faction intended not to sacrifice their ill-acquired Power and usurped Interests to the publick Tranquillity , He rises from thence , and marches towards London , from whence were by this time in the way to meet Him Essex and Waller recruited , and joyned with the Earl of Manchester's Forces that were now returned from their Northern Services . And at Newbery both sides joyn in an eager Fight , which being varied with different successes , in the several divisions , each party drew off by degrees , and neither found cause to boast of a Victory . The King being returned to Oxford , the Parliament wearied with the Complaints of the oppressed Nation , who now grew impatient under the Distractions , take into Consideration His Majesty's two Messages for Peace , and sent Propositions for it in the name of the two Parliaments of England and Scotland , united by Solemn League and Covenant . Which though they seemed the desires of minds that intended nothing less than the common Tranquillity , yet the King neglects them not , but hoping that in a Treaty Commissioners might argue them into Reason , offers it , which with much difficulty the Houses are drawn to accept ; but yet would have it at Vxbridge , a place but about fifteen miles distant from London , and above twice that distance from Oxford . And accordingly Commissioners from both Parties met on Jan. 30. While the King was providing for the Treaty , and forming Instructions for His Ministers , the Faction found the Parliament other work by new designs ; and to habituate the People to an abhorrency of Peace , fed them with blood . The two Hothams first were to be the Sport of the Multitude : and that the Father might have more than a single death , he was drawn back in his journey to the Scaffold , Decemb. 31. that his Son might be executed before him , as he was Jan. 10. when after he had expressed his fury to those Masters whom they had served to their ruines , his Head was chopt off . And on Jan. 20. the Father is brought to the place that was defiled with his Son's blood , and had his own added to it . These were not much lamented by any , for the memory that they first kindled the Flame of the Nation kept every eye dry . The People thus fed with courser blood , a cleaner Sacrifice was afterwards presented , William Laud Archbishop of Canterbury , and Primate of all England . He had indured Imprisonment four years , and passed through a Trial of many months , in which he had acquitted himself with such a confidence as became the Innocency and Constancy of a Christian Bishop and Confessor , but yet must fall to please the Scots , and those merciless men who imputed God's anger in the difficulties of Success against their Prince , to the continuance of this Prelate's life : therefore he was voted guilty of High Treason by the House of Commons , and was condemned in the House of Peers , ( though they have no power over the life of the meanest Subject without the concurrence of the King ) when there were but seven Lords present , and all those not consenting to the Murder , to be drawn , hanged and quartered . And this was the first Example of murdering men by Votes , of killing by an Order of Parliament , when there is no Law. It was moved ( they say ) by some that he might be shipp'd over to New-England , to die by the Contempt and Malice of those People . But this seemed too great an Honour , because it would make his end as his life was , much like that of the Primitive Bishops , who for their Piety were banished to Barbarous Coasts , or condemned to the Mines . Or else it would be like an Athenian Ostracism , and confess him too great and good to live among us . Therefore this motion was rejected ; yet the Lords upon his Petition , to the distaste of some Commons , changed the manner of that vile Execution to that more generous of being beheaded . To the Scaffold he was brought Jan. 10. after he had endured some affronts in his Antichamber in the Tower by some sons of Schism and Sedition , who unseasonably that morning he was preparing himself to appear before the great Bishop of our Souls , would have him give some satisfaction to the Godly ( for so they called themselves ) for his Persecutions , ( which he called Discipline . ) To whom he answered , That he was now shortly to give account of all his Actions at an higher and more equal Tribunal , and desired he might not be disturbed in his Preparations for it . When he came to the Scene of his death , he appeared with that chearfulness and serenity in his face , as a good Conscience doth beautifie the owners with : and it was so conspicuous , that his Enemies , who were ashamed to see his Innocency pourtraited in his Countenance , did report he had drunk some Spirits , to force his nature from a paleness . He preached his own Funeral Sermon on that Text Heb. 12. 2. and concluding his life with Prayer , submitted himself to the stroke of the Ax. He was a Person of so great Abilities ( which are the Designations of Nature to Dignity and Command , ) that they raised him from low beginnings to the highest Office the Protestant Profession acknowledges in the Church . And he was equal to it . His Learning appear'd eminent in his Book against Fisher , and his Piety illustrious in his Diary ( although published by One that was thirsty of his blood , and polluted with many malicious comments and false Surmises to make him odious . ) He was of so Publick a Spirit , that both the Church and State have lasting Monuments of the Vertuous use of his Prince's favour ; at his Admittance into which he dedicated all the future Emoluments of it to the Glory of God and the Good of Men , by a Projection of many noble Works : most of which he accomplished , and had finished the rest had not the Fate of the Nation checked the current of his Designs , and cut off the Course of his Life . He was not contented by himself only to serve his Generation , ( for so he might have appeared more greedy of Fame , than desirous of the Universal Benefit ) but he endeavoured to render all others as Heroick , if they aimed at a Capacity for his Friendship : for ( I have heard it from his Enemies ) no great man was admitted to a confidence and respect with him , unless he made his Address by some Act that was for the Common Good , or for the Ornament and Glory of the Protestant Faith. Learned men had not a better Friend , nor Learning it self a greater Advancer ; he searched all the Libraries of Asia , and from several parts of the World purchased all the Ornaments and Helps of Literature he could , that the English Church might have ( if possible ) by his Care as many Advantages for Knowledge as almost all Europe did contribute to the Grandeur of that of Rome . The Outward Splendour of the Clergy was not more his Care than their Honour by a grave and pious Conversation ; he would put them into a power of doing more good , but was severe against their Vices and Vanities . He scorned a private Treasure , and his Kindred were rather relieved than raised to any greatness by him . In his Election of Friends , he was determinated to the Good and Wise , and such as had both Parts and Desires to profit the Church , had his closest Embraces ; if otherwise it happened , their frauds , not his choice , deserved the blame . Both Papists and Sectaries were equally his Enemies ; one Party feared , and the other hated his Vertues . Some censured him of too much Heat , and a Zeal for Discipline above the Patience of the Times . But his greatest unhappiness was that he lived in a Factious Age , and Corrupt State , and under such a Prince , whose Vertues not admitting an immediate approach for Accusations , was to be wounded in those whom He did Caress . But when Faction and Malice are worn out by time , Posterity shall ingrave him in the Albe of the most Excellent Prelates , the most indulgent Fathers of the Church , and the most injured Martyrs . His blood was accompanied with some tears that fell from those Eyes which expected a pleasure at his Death , and it had been followed with a more general mourning , had not the Publick Miseries and present fears of Ruine exacted all the Stock of Grief for other objects . About this time the Faction clove into two Sects , the Presbyterian and Independent , which hitherto had been united under one name of Patriots , or Godly , had joyntly conspired War and disturbed the Peace , and by various arts had acted all their lusts under the name and Authority of Parliament . For they would either early in the morning before the House was full , or late at night , when those whose cares were most for the Publick were absent , being assured of the Speaker , propose and vote what served for their Design . IF any thing contrary to it was about to be resolved in a full Assembly , they by multitude of Scruples would so disturb the Debates , that the determination was deferr'd to a desired Opportunity . But if these failed , then would they surprise the House with another Vote that should weaken and hinder the Execution of the former . When the most consciencious were too numerous for them , then would they make necessities to send the less pliant to their wills into the Country . Thus the Lesser , but more industrious , Party did circumvent the Greater , that were not so wary nor diligent . While they thus joyntly contrive the Publick Ruine , they had gotten themselves into the most considerable and profitable Offices of the Kingdom . But the Presbyterians having the advantage in Number and Power , and the dissension in their Opinions growing still higher , by the Animosities of the inferiour and obscurer parts of their Sects , there was neither Faith nor Love among them , but what Fear and Necessity did force them unto . The Independents , who comprehended all the several herds of Hereticks , Anabaptists , Seekers , Millenaries , &c. though they were the Disciples of the other , yet excelled their Masters in Art and Industry , had their private Junto's and Meetings apart to mould their Projects , and assign to each of their Confidents their several Scenes and Methods ; and , by proper Applications to mens several humours , had exceedingly encreased their strength in the multitude , only they wanted the Power of the Sword and the most useful Offices to perfect their Empire . This they effected by those very practices they had learned from the Presbyterians : and by procuring the Ordinance of Self-denial , ( as they called it ) they turned out Essex ( whom they had before secretly caused to be suspected , and who had neither glory in his War , nor security or quiet in his Peace ) from his Generalship , and with him also the other Leaders that were favourers of the Presbytery , under pretence that it was not fit that any Members of Parliament should be encouraged to a continuance of the War , by enjoying the profitable and powerful Offices in the Army , to which they would now give a new Module . Having by this artifice displaced those whose power they feared , they brought in as many Candidates of their own Sect as they could to be Colonels , and Sir Thomas Fairfax was appointed General . This man both Parties did the more easily consent in , because he was known to be of sufficient Personal Valour , and of no private Designs , obstinate by a natural Melancholy rather than pertinacious in any Interest , and rather free from Baseness , than ambitious of Vain-glory ; by all these Qualities they supposed he would be obedient to the Resolves of his Masters . But the Independents , that were better informed of his ductile Spirit , and how easily he might be imposed upon by a Species of Religion , got the great Patron of all the wildest and most unreasonable Sectaries , Oliver Cromwell , at first to be admitted into his Counsels , and afterwards to be the Director of all his actions , under the Title of Lieutenant General . For although he likewise by the Self-denying Ordinance was made incapable of any Office in the Army , being a Member of the Parliament ; yet those Troops of Fanaticks whom he had amassed , and formerly lead under the Command of the Lord Grey of Wark and the Earl of Manchester , ( both which he had cast off ) were instructed to refuse the Conduct of any one but him . He was therefore permitted by the Parliament , as the General desired , for a time to continue in the Army ; but he never left it till he had changed that , ruined the Parliament , and turned out the General , that thus was the Author of his unlawful Power . For this Man , having a long time been poor and necessitous , the Patrimony that was left him being profusely spent , and nothing remaining but the Instruments of his Crimes , a bloody and fierce Nature , a greedy Soul full of bold and unjust hopes , yet able to conceal them with a profession of Modesty , a contempt of Religion and Friendship , yet highly pretending to both till he had smote under the fifth rib those credulous hearts that trusted him ; he was fitted for the most impious Enterprises , for vexed by a pressing and tedious Poverty , he resolved to indeavour the utmost distance from such a Condition , though by the greatest wickedness , therefore used the Power he had now gotten to overthrow the whole State , and establish himself in an absolute and unsupportable Tyranny , which is the common issue of assaulting a Just and Lawful Prince with Arms. With these Tragedies and Changes was the Winter spent at London , while the King at Oxford waits for the Issue of the Treaty at Vxbridge , which , as all other Consultations for Peace , was vain and fruitless . For the Faction would alwaies obstruct those endeavours by their proper Methods . If the Condition of their Affairs were prosperous , then would they make their Demands like Impositions on conquered Slaves , detesting to supplicate that the acquisitions of their Swords and Blood should be confirmed by a worsted Enemy . In a more humble fortune they would deprecate their drooping Party , not then to think of a Reconciliation which their unprosperous Arms must necessarily render harder than their hopes ; and that it was not for the Honour of a Parliament to seem to yield to any thing by fear or compulsion . Besides these devices , many fictitious Letters were composed , false Rumours divulged , and witnesses suborned , to make Men suspect that many dangerous Plots and portentous Designs were disguised in these Overtures of Accord . Therefore the Commissioners of Parliament were instructed to offer no Expedient for an Accommodation , nor hearken to such as were tendred to them in the name of the King. His Majesty seeing and bewailing His Condition , that He must still have to do with those that were Enemies to Peace , prepares Himself for the War at the approaching Spring : and although this Winter was infamous with many losses , either through the neglects or perfidiousness of some Officers ; yet before the season for taking the Field was come , His Counsels and Diligence had repaired those Damages . In April he sends the Prince to perfect the Western Association , An. 1645 and raise such Forces as the necessities of the Crown , which was His Inheritance , did require : with Him is sent , as Moderator of His Youth and prime Counsellor , Sr Edward Hide , now Lord High Chancellor of England , whose faithfulness had endeared Him to His Majesty , who also judged his Abilities equal to the Charge ; in which He continued with the same Faith , through all the Difficulties and Persecutions of his Master , till it pleased God to bring the Prince back to the Throne of His Fathers , and Him to the Chief Ministery of State. After their departure the King draws out His Army to relieve His Northern Counties and Garrisons . But being on His march , and having stormed and taken Leicester in His way , He was called back to secure Oxford , which the Parliament Army threatned with a Siege . But Fairfax having gotten a Letter of the Lord Goring's ( whom a Parliament Spy had cajoled to trust him with the delivery of it ) to His Majesty , wherein he had desired Him to forbear ingaging with the Enemy , till he could be joyned with Him ; he leaves Oxford , and made directly towards the King that was now come back as far as Daventry , with a purpose to fight Him before that addition of strength , and at a place near Naseby in Northampton-shire both Armies met on Saturday , June 14. Cromwell having then also brought some fresh Horse to Fairfax ; whose absence from the Army at that time the King was assured by some ( who intended to betray Him ) should be effected . Nevertheless the King would not decline the Battle , and had the better at first , but His vanquishing Horse following the chase of their Enemies too far ( a fatal errour that had been twice before committed ) left the Foot open to the other Wing , who pressing hotly upon them put them to an open rout , and so became Masters of His Canon , Camp and Carriage , and among these of His Majesties Cabinet , in which they found many of His Letters , most of them written to the Queen : which , not contented with their Victory over His Forces , they print as a Trophee over His Fame , that by proposing His secret Thoughts , designed only for the Breasts of His Wife , to the debauched multitude , and they looking on them through the Prejudices which the Slanders of the Faction had already formed in their minds , the Popular hatred might be increased . But the publication of them found a contrary effect , every one that was not barbarous abhorred that Inhumanity among Christians which Generous Heathens scorned to be guilty of , and the Letters did discover that the King was not as He was hitherto characterized ; but that He had all the Abilities and Affections , as well as all the Rights that were fit for Majesty : And ( which is not usual ) He grew greater in Honour by this Defeat , though he never after recovered any considerable power . For the Fate of this Battle had an inauspicious influence upon all His remaining Forces , and every day His losses were repeated . But though Fortune had left the King , yet had not His Valour ; therefore gathering up the scattered remains of His broken Army , He marches up and down to encourage those whose Faith changed not with His Condition . At last attempting to relieve Chester , though He was beset behind and before , and His Horse wearied in such tedious and restless Marches ; yet at first He beat Poyntz off that followed ; but by being charged by fresh Souldiers from the Leaguer , and a greater Number , He was forced to retreat , and leave some of His gallant Followers dead upon the place . After this He draws towards the North-East , and commands the Lord Digby with the Horse that were left to march for Scotland , and there to join with Montross , who with an inconsiderable company of Men had got Victories there so prodigious that they looked like Miracles . But this Lord was surprised before he could get out of Yorkshire ; for His Horse having taken 700 of the Enemies Foot , were so wanton with their Success , that they were easily mastered by another Party , and he himself was compelled to fly into Ireland . These several overthrows brought another mischief along with it ; for the King's Commanders and Officers broke their own Peace and Agreement , which is the only Comfort and Relief of the Oppressed , and which makes them considerable , though they are spoiled of Arms , by imputing ( as it useth to be in unhappy Councils ) the criminous part of their Misfortunes to one another . But many gallant Persons , whom Loyalty and Religion had drawn to His Service , endured the utmost hazards before they delivered the Holds He had committed to their trust ; and by that means employing the Enemies Arms , gave the King time , who was at last returned to Oxford , to provide for His Safety . Hither every day sad Messages of Ruines from every part of the Nation came , which though they seemed like the falling pieces of the dissolved World , yet they found His Spirit erect and undaunted . For He was equal in all the Offices of His Life , tenacious of Truth and Equity , and not moveable from them by Fears , a Contemner of worldly Glory , and desirous of Empire for no other reason , but because He saw these Kingdoms must be ruined , when He relinquished the care of them . But that which most troubled Him were the Importunities of His own disconsolate Party to seek for Conditions of Peace , which He saw was in vain to expect would be such as were fit to accept ; for His former experience assured Him , that these Men would follow the Counsels of their Fortune , and be more Insolent now than ever . And for Himself , He was resolved not to Sacrifice His Conscience to Safety , nor His Honour to Life . This He often told those that thus pressed Him , and did profess in His Letter to Prince Rupert , ( who likewise moved Him to the same , ) that He would yield to no more now than what He had offered at Uxbridge ; though He confessed it were as great a Miracle His Enemies should hearken to so much Reason , as that He should be restored within a Month to the same Condition He was in immediately before the Battle at Naseby . But yet to satisfie every One how tender He was of the Common Safety , He sent several Messages to the Parliament for a Treaty , and offers to come Himself to London , if He may have security for Himself and Attendants . All which were either not regarded , or answered with Reproaches . And because the people began to murmure at so great an earnestness of the Faction to continue the Wounds of the Nation open and bleeding , ( since there were many Forts yet held out for the King by Gallant Persons , besides the Lord Hopton had an Army yet unbroken , and Ormond and Montross had considerable Interests in Ireland and Scotland , all which might be perswaded in a Treaty to part with those Arms which could not be taken from them without much blood ; ) and it was the common belief that these Men sought for Victory , not Peace and Liberty , which was now tendred : therefore to raise suspicions in the Vulgar , it is suggested that the Cavaliers who came to Compound would take the advantage of the King's Presence , if he were permitted to be there , and kindle a new Flame and War in the City . And that it might be thought they had real grounds for these fears , the disarmed Compounders were commanded to depart above twenty Miles from London ; and to injealous the People more , all the transactions of the King in the Irish Pacification were published , and amplified with the malicious Slanders and Comments of the implacable and conscious Demagogues , that so the terrours of the Vulgar being augmented , they might be frighted into a longer patience . The King finding these men irreconcileable to Peace , and that they had declared against His Coming , though without a Caution , tries the Leaders of the English Army ; but they proved no less pertinacious , and were now approaching to besiege Oxford . Providence not leaving any more Choice , but only shewing Him a way for a present Escape , He goes in a Disguise ( which when Necessity cloaths Royal Persons with , seems like an Ominous Cloud before the Setting of the Sun , ) to the Scottish Camp that was now before Newark , where the Ambassadour of the King of France , who was then in the Leaguer , had before covenanted for His Majestie 's Safety and Protection ; and the Scottish Officers had engaged to secure both Him and as many of His Party as should seek for Shelter with them , and to stand to Him with their Lives and Fortunes . The King being come thither May 4. made a great alteration in Affairs ; An. 1646 Newark was surrendred by the King's Command , and St Thomas Glemham having gallantly defended Oxford till the Besiegers offered Honourable Conditions , delivered up that also . But the greatest Change of Counsels were at London , where when it was related , among whom the King had sought a Sanctuary , various and different Discourses were raised . Some wondred that His Majesty had sought a refuge there where the Storm began , and how He could apprehend to find Relief from those that were not only the Authors of His Troubles , but now the great Advancers of His Overthrow : And they conceived no Promises or Oaths can be a sufficient Caution from those People that have been often Persidious . Others judged that in those Necessities wherein the King was concluded , it was as dangerous not to trust as to be deceived ; no Counsel could be better , than to try whether a Confidence in them would make them faithful , and whether they would then be honest , when they had the Critical Opportunity to testifie to the World , that they intended not what they did , but what they said ; That they fought not against Him , but for Him. But a last sort bewailed both the greatness of the King's Dangers , that should make Him seek for Safety in a tempestuous Sea and false bottom ; as also the debaucheries of the English Genius , which was now so corrupted , that their Prince was driven to seek an Asylum from their injuries among a People that were infamous and polluted with the Blood of many Kings . While others discoursed thus of the King's journey , the Parliament heated by the Independents fiercely declared against the Scots , who were removing the King to Newcastle , and used several methods to make them odious and drive them home . For they kept back their Pay , that they might exact free-Quarter from the Countrey ; then they did extenuate their Services , derogate from their famed Valour , upbraid them as Mercenaries , threaten to force them out by the Sword. All which while the English Presbyterians , though they wish'd well to their Brethren , yet lest they should seem to indulge the Insolencies of a strange Nation , did not dare to plead in their defence . But the Scots themselves for a time did justifie their Reception and Preservation of His Majesty by the Laws of Nature , Nations , and Hospitality , which forbid the delivery and betraying of those that have fled to any for Succour . The Democratick Faction urged that it was not lawful for the Scots , their Hirelings , and in their Dominion , to receive the King into their Camp without the leave of their Masters , and keep Him without their Consent . These Debates were used to raise the King's price . Which when the Scots were almost assured of , to make their ware more valuable , they sollicit the King , in hopes of their Defence , to command Montross to depart-from his noble Undertakings in Scotland , where he had almost recovered the Overthrow Roxbrough and Traquaire had betrayed him unto , and was become formidable again ; as also the Loyal Marquess of Ormond to desist from his gallant Oppositions both of the Irish Rebels , and English Forces . Which when the King had done , being not willing those Gallant Persons should longer hazard their brave Lives , and after both these Excellent Leaders had more in anger than fear parted with their unhappy Arms : that they might have a colour of betraying Him , whom the General Assembly of Scotland ( which useth to hatch all the Seditions to the heat and strength of a seeming Authority ) had forbid to be brought into His Native and Ancient Kingdom ( as He affectionately call'd it ) they tender Him the Covenant ; pretending without that Chain upon Him they did not dare to lead Him into Scotland . This His Majesty refused not , if they would first loose those Scruples of Church-Government which lay upon His Conscience : Therefore to untie those Knots , Mr. Henderson , that was then the Oracle of the Kirk , and the great Apostle of the Solemn Covenant , was employed to converse with Him. But the Greatness of the King's Parts and the Goodness of His Cause made all his attempts void ( for the Papers being published , every one yielded the Victory to His Majesty ) and unfortunate ; for he returned home , and not long after died , as some reported , of a Grief contracted from the sense of his Injuries to a Prince whom he had found so Excellent . While these things were acting at Newcastle , the bargain was stroke at London , and for 200000 l. His Majesty , stripp'd of those Arms He had when He came among them , was deliver'd up , as it were , to be scourged and crucified , to some Commissioners from the Parliament : But to honest their Perfidiousness , they add this Caution , That there should be no attempt made upon the King ' s Person , but being entertained at one of His own Palaces , He should there be treated with upon Propositions from both Nations , which should speedily be sent to Him. But the Parliament never though of sending any Propositions till He came under the Power of the Army , who had malicious Designs upon His Person . The Commissioners receiving Him , convey Him to His own House at Holmeby . This was a very curious and stately Building , yet was not therefore chosen because it might be a Majestick Prison ; but because it was within Ken of Naseby , which was infamous with His Overthrow , that so the Neighbourhood to it might more afflict His grieved Spirit . To this unpleasingness of the Place they added other discomforts , by making the restraint so strict that they suffered none to come near Him , that by owning His Cause were assured of their Welcome ; yea even His Chaplains ( which most troubled Him ) were debarred from their Ministery . But God supplied this Want by more plentiful Assistances of His Holy Spirit , and made Him , like the Ancient Patriarchs , both a King and a Priest ( at least for Himself : ) and here He sacrificed Praises even to that God that hid himself , and composed those most Divine Meditations and Soliloquies that are in His Book , spending that time in Converse with Heaven , which He was not suffered to employ with Men in whom He delighted . While the King's Soul was thus winged above the Walls of His Prison and the Fortune of His Enemies , they that had put an end to the War , yet could not find the way to Peace ; for their Souls were unequal to the Victory , and could not temper their Success , the two Sects falling to dissension , and turning all their arts and arms one against another . The Presbyterians had the richer and more splendid followers , but the Independents the most fierce , subtle , and most strongly principled to Confusion ; the first was powerful in the Parliament , but the latter in the Army . After they had a long time practised on one another the very same Methods they had acted against the King , and such as favoured Him in the Parliament ( of which there were always some Number among them ) the Independents still gained upon their Opposites , making the Presbyterians odious , by Libels composed to render their Government ridiculous and tyrannical , by putting them upon all the most envious Employments , as Reforming the Universities , and Sequestring Ministers that refused to take the Covenant . Not contented thus to deal with their elder Brethren , by spoiling them of their Honour , they proceeded to strip them of the relicks of their armed Power , surprising them in Parliament with a Vote to disband all the Souldiers that were not in Fairfax's Army : then the General turns out those Commanders of Garrisons that were any way inclined to them . Besides this , they either corrupted with Gifts or frighted some of the most busie , yet obnoxious , Presbyterians either wholly to come over to them , or be their Instruments in disturbing and revealing the Counsels of that Party ; which was done under the Scheme of Moderation , and Reconciling the Godly one to another . The Presbyterians at last awakened with the daily wounds of their power , An. 1647 and the dishonour of their party , began now to be more afraid of their Stipendiaries than they were of their Sovereign ; for they found that they lost all that by the Victory which they sought by the War : therefore to break the confidence of the Independents , and make themselves free , they Vote in the Parliament , where they had most Voices , That to ease the Commonwealth of the Charges in maintaining the Army , 12000 of the Souldiers should be sent over to Ireland , and all the rest to be disbanded , except 6000 Horse , 2000 Dragoons , and 6000 Foot , who should be disposed in different and distant places in the Nation , to prevent any Rising . The Commanders and Independents soon discovered the Artifice , that it was not to ease the Nation , but weaken them ; therefore they employ the Inferiour Officers ( being persons that by dissimulation and impudence having accustomed themselves to much speaking , did at last imagine their Vices were Gifts of the Holy Ghost , and so were fit to disquiet the minds of men , ) to possess the common Souldiers with a fear of Disbanding without their Arrears , or else to be sent into that unquiet Island to perish with hunger and cold , and the surprises of a treacherous Enemy . This presently set the Army to Mutiny , which while it was in the Beginnings , the Commanders make semblance of Indignation at it , seem very busie to compose it ; and Cromwell , to make the Parliament secure , calls God to witness , that he was assured the Army would at their first Command cast their Arms at their Feet ; and again solemnly swears , that he had rather himself with his whole Family should be consumed than that the Army should break out into Sedition . Yet in the mean time he and his Creatures in the Army administer new fuel to the flames of it ; and when they had raised their Fury to such heat that it was at last concocted to a perfect defection from all obedience to the Parliament , they lay aside their disguises , and post from London to the Head Quarters , where the Synagogue of Agitators was seated , and to whom was committed the management of this Conspiracy . This Conventicle was made up of two of the most unquiet and factious in every Regiment of Foot , and each Troop of Horse : their business was to consult the Interests of the whole Army , and when they had moulded their Pretences and Arts to their grand Design , to instruct the ruder part of it in their Clamours and Injuries , and to corrupt all the Garrisons by Emissaries to the same enterprises . At last they extended their Cares to the whole British Empire , and dictate what their pleasures are concerning England and Ireland . Which was in both Kingdoms to establish the Power and Liberty of the People ; for they openly professed an intent for Democracy . And because about an hundred Officers in the Army would not be forward in the Sedition , they were by this Committee of Adjutators , and the secret intimations of the Commanders , cashiered . Thus the Counsels of both Parties being directed to overthrow their contrary , each thought the Person and Presence of the King would be no vain advantage to their Designs , for they would Honest their actions with a care of Him : therefore the Presbyterians had it in Consultation to Order Col. Greves , who had the Command of the Guard about the King at Holmeby , to remove His Majesty to London ; the Intelligence of which coming to the Army by the treachery of a certain Lord , they immediately send a body of Horse to prevent them , and to force Him into their own Quarters . Thus was that Religious Prince made once more the mock of Fortune , and the sport of the Factions , and was drawn from His peaceful Contemplations , and Prospect of Heaven , to behold and converse with men set on Fire of Hell. These , to tempt Him to a Confidence in their integrity , ( that they might the more easily to His disgrace ruine Him , and murder Him by His own Concessions , if He would be deluded by them ) highly pretend to a Compassionate Sense of His Sufferings , and complain of the Parliaments Barbarous Imprisoning Him in His own Palaces , wondering they had no more Reverence for Majesty ; and to beget a belief of this , they profess ( which they would have to be conceived with them was more sacred than any Oaths ) that they will never part with their Arms till they have made His way to His Throne , and rendred the Condition of His Party more tolerable . Besides these Promises and Compassions , they permit Him the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God , ( which , it is said , He took with so great a Joy , that He almost believed Himself free and safe , it being His most heavy burden while He was the Parliaments Captive ) the Commerce of Letters with the Queen , the Visits of His own Party , and the Service of His Courtiers ; some of whom they also admitted to their Council of War , mould Propositions which they will urge in His behalf , and alter them to the King's Gust and at His Advice . In their publick Remonstrances against the Covetousness , Ambition , Injustice , Cruelty and Self-mindedness of the Parliament , they do sometimes obliquely , sometimes plainly , profess , that the King , Queen , and the Royal Family must be restored to all their Rights , or else no hope of a solid Peace ; but then they would intermix such Conditions as argued they sought Reserves for a perfidious escape . For Cromwell did among his Confidents boast of his fine arts , and that by these Indulgences was intended nothing but His Destruction . By all these Impostures they prevailed nothing upon the Hopes or Fears of the King ; nor did He commit any thing unworthy His former Fortune , and the Greatness of His Integrity and Wisdom , or which any of the Disagreeing Factions could use to His reproach . But they found another kind of Success upon the Parliament , for they sacrificed to the commands of their Stipendiaries eleven Members of the House of Commons , and seven of the Peers , causing them to forbear sitting among them , because they had been accused by the Army in a very frivolous Charge . All men wondering at the inequality of those mens Spirits , who had so furiously rejected the Articles of their lawful Sovereign against five or six of their Body , and yet did now so tamely yield to the slight Cavils and dislike of their Mercenaries above thrice that Number . They therefore concluded that neither Religion , Justice , or the Love of Liberty , which are always uniform , but unworthy Interests and corrupt Souls , which vary with fears and hopes , had been the Principles and first Movers of their attempts . Besides this , they were so prone to Slavery , that they had gone on to Vote all the lusts of the Army , had not a Tumult ( their arts being now turned upon their own heads , ) from London stopp'd them in their violent speed , and kept the Speaker in his Chair till they had voted more generously , that it was neither for their Honour nor Interest to satisfie the demands of the Souldiers ; and that the King should come to London to treat . These contrary desires of the divided Faction , which had joyntly oppressed their Sovereign , shewed that Ill men will more easily conspire together in War , than consent in Peace : and that Combinations in Crimes will conclude in Jealousies , each Party thinking the advantages of the other too great ; and that Power is never thought faithful which is accounted excessive . Therefore both prepare for War. With the 140 Members that sate in Parliament were joyned the City , and the cashiered Souldiers and Officers that had served in their pay . With the Army were the Speakers of both Houses ; who had fled to them with about 50 of their Members that projected the Change of Government , being either for an Oligarchy or Democracie , yet left some of the same judgment behind , to betray and disturb the Councils at London . To these did adhere the Neighbouring Counties , who were cajoled by the splendid Promises of the Army , of Restoring the King , ( which they much boasted ) Dissolving the Parliament , and Establishing Peace and Government : and they more willingly credited these , because they had conceived an hatred of the Parliament and City , both for beginning the War , and now obstructing Peace . The Army intitle their attempts for King and People : Their Adversaries for bringing the King to His Parliament . The Commanders were greedy of that War which promised an easie Victory , and made the poor Souldiers hope for the Plunder of the City . For the advantage was clear on the Army's side , which consisted of veterane Souldiers , united among themselves by a long Converse , and known Commanders : but the force of the other was made up of a tumultuary Multitude , gathered under new Leaders , and so had no mutual confidence : their meetings were full of doubts and fears , none could determine in private , nor in publick consult , because they dared not trust one another ; and it was observed that those who were most treacherous talk'd most boldly against the Enemy . Therefore in the very beginnings the Parliament and City desert their Enterprise , treat with , and open their Gates to the Army , who march in Triumph through London , bringing the Speakers and their Fellow-Travellers to their Chairs , seize upon the Tower , dismantle the Fortifications , pull down all the Chains and Posts of the City , send the Lord Mayor and the chief Citizens to the Tower , and reduce all the power of the Nation in Obedience to the Commanders . For Fairfax is made General of all the Forces both in England and Ireland , and Rainsbrough , a Leveller , and a violent Head of the Democraticks , High Admiral . The impeached Presbyterians fled beyond Sea , others of that Sect drooping complyed with the Fortune of the Conquerours ; and that which grieved good Men most , was , a Publick Thanksgiving ( which is not to be observed but for the happy endeavours of a Nation in their vertuous and glorious undertakings for Liberty and Safety , but now was prophaned for our Slavery and Misery ) to God was appointed for the Army , and they were entertained now at a Feast , whom before the City would have forced from their Walls . While these things were in Motion , the King consults Heaven for Direction , and His Party modestly abstain from either side , thought both to be abhorred , and knew that Party would be the worst which should overcome . The Army having now the greatest strengths of the Nation , the Parliament and City at their Obedience , make no mention of their former promises to the King ; only the Adjutators were fierce for breaking that Parliament , and calling another , as they call'd it , more equal Representative . But both their Synagogue and the Council of War being now delivered from fear of the Presbyterians , began to contrive the destruction both of the King and Monarchy . As for the King , whom they had now brought to Hampton-Court , some that had before contrived His Death , and to murder Him while he was in the Scotch Camp , ( so at once to satisfie their own Revenge , and load their Enemies with the Infamy of the Murder , ) yet could not then perform it , were now fierce for a speedy and secret Assassination by Pistol or Poison . Others would have Him tryed and condemned by their Council of War. But the Chiefs thought fit to proceed more artificially in their Crime , and when they should get more Authority , destroy Him by a Parliamentary way of Justice . To bring this about , they must proceed to make Him more odious , that the People might be patient while they kill Him , and undoe them . To proceed therefore to their Impiety , Cromwell and his Creatures stickle fiercely in the House of Commons , and cause the Parliament to send , not Conditions of Peace to be treated on , but Propositions like Commands that admitted no Dispute : which if the King had yielded unto , He had despoiled Himself of Majesty , and been thought guilty of so much want of Spirit as would conclude an unfitness for Empire ; besides such a voluntary Diminution would have been equally unsafe , as unglorious : And if he did not , then He was to be esteemed the only Obstacle of the Universal Peace . And lest the King should put them to more tedious arts by signing them , they themselves to divert Him privately promised to procure more soft Articles , and professed to be sorry the Presbyterian Sowreness and Rigour did yet leaven the House , which made these Propositions so unpleasant . The King could not but perceive the practices of the Army , yet being resolved that no Dangers whatsoever should make Him satisfie those unreasonable Demands of the Parliament , which granted would have been the heaviest oppression on His Subjects , and the greatest injury to His Posterity He could possibly be guilty of ; For to good Princes the Safety of their People , and their own Memory , which is built upon the Happiness of Posterity through their Counsels , are more pretions than Life and Power ; and although Providence and the Malice of His Enemies had obstructed His way to Glory by Victories and Success , yet He would trace it in the unenvied and unquestionable paths of Constancy and Justice : Therefore to make His denial of them advantageous to Himself , by a seeming confidence in the Army's proffers , thereby to oblige , if it were possible , those that had no sense either of Faith or Honour , or at least to injealous those two Rivals for His Power , and commit them , the King absolutely rejects the Parliaments Propositions , and requires the Demands of the Army as more equal , and fit for a Personal Treaty , and that the Army also should nominate Commissioners . Cromwell and his Complices seemed to be joyful for this Answer of His Majesty , which had preferred them before their Competitiors to the Honour of Justice and Moderation in the Eyes of the People ; but yet secretly did they exasperate the minds of the more short-sighted Commons against the King for this Affront . And to the King they profess a shame and trouble upon their Spirits ( for so they loved to speak ) that they could not now perform their Promises : sometimes they excused themselves by a Reverence to the Parliament , at other times by the fierceness of the Adjutators ; and when by these excuses they had coloured their delayes to some length , they began to interpret their sayings otherwise than the King apprehended them , to forget what they had assured Him of , and at last openly to refuse any performance . To all these Perfidies they add other Frauds to beget a fear in Him of the Adjutators and the Levellers , who they informed Him meditated His Murder , professed they could not for the present moderate their bloody and impetuous Consultations , but when they should recover the lost Discipline of their Army , then they might easily and speedily satisfie their engagements to Him. To give credit to their words , the Fury of the Adjutators was blown to a more conspicuous Flame , their Papers were published for a change of Government call'd The Case of the Army , and , The Agreement of the People ; the animations of Peter's , and another of the same Diabolical Spirit , saying , His Majesty was but a dead Dog , were divulged , and all were communicated to some Attendants about the King , with an Advice from the Chiefs of the Army to escape for His Life , for they were unwilling He should be killed while they helplessly look'd on . The Fury and Threatnings of Men of such destructive and bloudy Principles , who accounted all things lawful that they could do , that Providence administring Opportunity did invite and license their Impieties , and who imputed all their lusts , that had no colour from Justice , to the Perswasions of the Holy Spirit , were not to be despised ; nor was the King to abandon His Life , if He could without sin preserve it to a longer waiting upon God. Therefore with three of His most trusty Attendants , in the dark , tempestuous and ominous night of Nov. 11. He leaves Hampton-Court , some say , uncertain where to seek safety ; others , that he intended to take Ship , but being disappointed in his Expectation , He was at last fatally led into the Power , and , when He could not escape , committed Himself to the Loyalty and Honour of Col. Hammond , ( a Confident of Cromwell's , who had been but a little before made Governour of the Isle of Wight for this very purpose , ) and was by him conveyed to Carisbrook Castle , the very Pit his Enemies had designed for Him. For it was discoursed in the Army above a fortnight before , that the King e're long would be in the Isle of Wight : and the very night He departed from Hampton-Court , the Centinels were withdrawn from their usual Posts , on purpose to facilitate His Flight . The all-wise God not permitting Him to fly from those greater Trials , and more Glorious Acts of Patience He had designed for Him. Being here in this false Harbour , He minds that business which lay most upon His Heart , the Settlement of the Nation ; He sends Concessions to the Parliament more benign and easie than they could desire or hope , together with His Reasons why He could not assent to their Demands ; and earnestly sollicites them to pity the Languishing Kingdom , and come to a Personal Treaty with Him , on His Concessions and the Army's Demands . But the Conspirators , to cut off all hopes of a Treaty , take this Occasion to send Four Preliminary Articles , which if He would pass as Acts , they would treat of the rest . These were so unjust , that the Scotch Commissioners in the Name of their Kingdom declare against them in publick Writings , and following the Messengers of Parliament to the Isle of Wight , do in the presence of His Majesty protest against them as contrary to the Religion , the Crown , and Accords of both Kingdoms . The King , according to His wonted Wisdom and Greatness of Mind , presently returns them an Answer , to shew the Injustice of having Him grant the chief things before the Treaty , which should be the Subject of it , and to give them such an Arbitrary Power , to the ruine of all the People . This Answer He delivered sealed to their Messengers , who desired that they might hear it read , and that they might be dealt with as Commissioners , not as bare Carriers , ( a greater trust than which their Masters had not committed unto them ) and promise upon their Honour that it should not be any prejudice to Him. But His Majesty had no sooner read it , than they finding it not to the Gust of those that sent them , notwithstanding the Faith they had given , cause their Just Soveraign to be kept close Prisoner , force away His Chaplains , Dr. Sheldon , now Lord Bishop of London , and Dr. Hammond , both which He highly valued for their Integrity , Wisdom , Piety and Learning , and His other Servants , even those whom the Parliament had placed formerly about Him , and in whom His Goodness had wrought both an Affection and Admiration of Him , and permit none about him but such as they hoped would be a Watch upon Him , and whose barbarous Souls might trample on His Fortune . Besides they set strict Guards at His Doors and Windows , lest any Letters might come to Him , or be sent from Him. The like reception His Letter found with the Parliament . For Cromwell and his Officers were resolved to go on with their Design , and having so long used the Adjutators , as served to frighten the King into the Toils they had set , they soon quiet them , ( which was not difficult , being a Company of hot-headed Fellows , that could only talk , not form a Counsel or a Party , to endure a Storm , ) by executing some of their most pertinacious Leaders ; and being free of that Care , applied their Practices wholly to the Destruction of His Majesty . To this purpose they mould the Four Votes for No Addresses to the King ; but before they bring them into Publick , they send into their several Counties about Forty or Fifty of the Principal Members , who they thought would oppose them , to raise Money for the Souldiers . Nevertheless the first of those Votes was contested against so strongly , that the Debates lasted from Ten of the Clock in the Morning till Seven in the Evening ; and though they thus wearied the more Honest Party , yet could it not pass till the Conspirators had engaged that no worse thing should be done to the King. The remaining Votes were dispatched in half an Hours time , when those of the most sober Principles were gone forth to refresh themselves , and the Conspirators still kept their Seats . The House of Peers were not so hasty in them as the Commons had been , and their Debates vexed the Conspirators with Delays , till those who were sent by the Army to thank the Lower House for their Consent to these Desires of the Souldiers , did also threaten the Upper for their long Deliberations : some new Terrors were also added , for they quartered two of their Regiments at White-Hall , under colour of guarding the Parliament , but in truth to work upon the Lords ; which had its effect , for many that had the most Honourable thoughts in this Business , forsook the Parliament , and then three or four ( which often was the fullest Number about those times in that House , ) joyn with the Commons in their Votes for no Addresses . This prodigious Perfidiousness in Parliament and Army , both which had so frequently declared and engaged themselves by Oaths and Promises to preserve the King in his Just Rights , fill'd all men with amazement and indignation , to see how little they valued their Faith , who pretended so high to Religion ; therefore each of them were put to satisfie the Common Fame . Cromwell to some would have cover'd this Impiety with another , that as He was praying for a Blessing from God on his Vndertakings , to restore the King to His Pristine Majesty , his Tongue cleaved to the roof of his mouth , that he could not speak one word more ; which he took as a return of Prayer , and that God had rejected Him from being King. To others he did impudently assert , That it was lawful to circumvent a wicked man with deceit and frauds . The Conspirators in the Parliament strove to honest their Proceedings by a Declaration , and assign in it for Causes of their Perjuries , all the Calumnies that had been raised against the King by His most professed Enemies , or from those uncertain Rumours which themselves had invented , adding and repeating others which had even in the Parliament House been condemned as Forgeries , ( yet now were used as necessary Veils for a more execrable Falshood . ) Which infamous Libel they caused to be sent to all the Parishes of the Kingdom , to be divulged , supposing that none did dare to refute their black and most malicious Slanders , or that none could publickly do it , because they set strict Watches upon all the Printing-Presses . They likewise commanded the Curates to read it in their several Churches , and commend it to the People . And that these might the more readily observe their Orders , they at the same time strictly enjoyn the payment of Tithes , and Vote that the Dean and Chapiter's Lands ( which they had designed for profane Uses , and never intended they should be for the Emolument of Church-men ) should be set apart for Augmentations for their Preachers , pretending a servent zeal for the propagation of the Gospel , when they did most dishonour it . By their Agents and the Anabaptists , with other Hereticks and Schismaticks , they sollicite the unacquainted Rabble to sign to Gratulatory Addresses to approve what they had already done , and petition for a speedy progress in the Ruine of His Majesty . But all these their cursed Projects failed , for several Answers to their Defamations were published , One writ by the King Himself , another by * Sir Edward Hyde , and a third by † Dr. Bates : all which proved the Monstrous Falshoods of their Paper , and that the Faction were guilty of what they imputed to the King ; and this with such Evidence , that none of their most mercenary Writers , or the most foul-mouthed Conspirators , did dare or hope with Success to reply unto . The Curates coldly , if at all , observed their Orders , and there came so few Petitions , and those signed by such contemptible and lewd persons , as they rather loaded the Faction with more hatred , than gave them any credit . While generally in every place none of the People could contain their Fury against these Impostors , but publickly cursed them and their Infamous Adherents . For their Miserie 's made them sensible of the want of that Prince , whose gentle and just Rule had brought them to such an inebriating Prosperity , that they had forgot the Minister of their Happiness . But now they found Government when it was out of His hand , like Moses's Rod cast on the ground , transformed to a Serpent ; and that those who pretended to free them from Tyranny had deluded them into the most insufferable Slavery : wherein they were either totally despoiled of all things that render our Being comfortable , or they were not secure in the use of them . Religion , the Ornament of the present , and the Pledge of a future Life , was so dishonoured by Schisms and Heresies ( somented to weaken the People by Divisions , to a tameness under their Oppressors ) by Fasts for the most impious Designs , and Thanksgivings for prosperous Crimes ; that some men concluded it to be nothing else but the Invention of Tyrants , and the Disguise of Villains , and therefore did forsake it , and turn Atheists . Others that did still find the Inward Consolations of it , yet feared openly to profess it , lest they should be taken for those that pretended a Love to God , that they might more securely destroy men . Liberty also was now but an empty name : for all the Common Prisons were too narrow to receive even those that did not dare to break the Laws ; so that the Houses of Noble men were converted to Gaols , for those that were unfortunate in honest Enterprises ; where they were to languish with want and sickness , and not be called to know their Offence or their Accusers , because they had not guilt enough for a publick Condemnation . Some were put a Ship-board in the midst of Summer , there to contract Diseases : Others were sold Slaves to forein Plantations . Many to escape such nasty Confinements , or an ignominious Torture , fled from their Native Soil either to the Neighbouring Countries , where they were the Evidences of the Infamy and Barbarousness of our Nation ; or seeking for Shelter in the Isles and Deserts of America , polluted those Rocks and Seas with English Blood. Propriety was no longer hedged up by Law ; but whom the Violence of the Souldier did not impoverish , the Frauds of Committee-men would , from whose Rapines none were secure that had not been as criminal as themselves , and few safe that did not seek their favour , and bow down to their Greatness : These men taking advantage of the common evils , to satisfie either their private revenge , or lusts : for their Proceedings were not regulated by the known Laws ; but the secret Instructions of their Masters in Parliament and Army , or their own Pleasures , were the Rules of administring Justice . An honest Fame likewise was a Mark for Ruine : for if any by just Arts had got the Esteem of the People and the Affections of His Neighbourhood , and did not comply with their Interest , first he was vexed with Slanders and Reproaches , and afterwards with Sequestration ; especially if he were a Minister : and it was their common Principle , that an Honest Cavalier was the worst Enemy , and a Cavalier Saint did the most hurt ; so that both their Vices and Vertues were equally hated . Common Converse was dangerous ; for they had Informers in every place , and Spies almost in every Family of Note : Servants were corrupted to accuse their Masters , and the Differences in Religion did injealous and arm the nearest Relations one against another : Men out of a mutual distrust would hasten from Company , to consult in private their peculiar Safety , for they knew their Words were observed , and their Secrets sought after . Few Families but had by the Civil War some Loss to bewail ; some mourned over their disagreeing Members in different Camps , and had cause to fear which side soever prospered they must be miserable in some part . These and many more Miseries were more highly embittered by the uncertainty of a Remedy : For the Parliament , that had the name of Government , were guilty of all these Reproaches of a Community , being Slaves to those whose interest it was to keep us thus miserable ; and if at any time they were free from the yoke of the Army , the two Sects kept them so divided , each Party labouring by Votes and Counsels to circumvent the other , that they could not mind the Universal Benefit . Besides the power they exercised was too much to be well used , for they engrossed the Legislative Authority and the Exercise of Jurisdiction . So that they would make Laws according to their Interest , and execute them according to their Lust ; this day's Vote should contradict the former day's Order , and to morrow we must violate what to day we solemnly swore to observe : so that men knew not what to obey , nor where to rest : Thus all hopes of Liberty and Peace were lost in the Confinement of the King , who only was found able and willing to determine our Miseries . For His Principles were Uniform , and His Endeavours for a Settlement constant ; besides His Adversities had illustrated , if not calcined , His Endowments . For now when He had no Friends , Counsellors , or Secretaries , His Discourses with Commissioners upon their several Addresses , and His Declarations of His own Injuries , the Nations Slavery , the Injustice of His and their Adversaries , were so excellently and prudently managed , that they undeceived the greatest part , and reconciled many of His bitter Enemies : therefore the whole Nation now panted for a Return to the Obedience of such an inestimable Prince . These Considerations caused several attempts for His Deliverance , some Private , and others more Publick . The first was managed by those Servants whom the Parliament had placed about Him ; for these won by His Goodness , of which they were daily witnesses , twice plotted His Escape , and ventured their Lives for His Liberty , but failed in both designs : and the last being discovered before it could be put into action , One Rolfe , a bloody Villain , ( that had also endeavoured to poison Him , for which though he was publickly accused , yet was acquitted by that Judge whom the Conspirators had employed to hear that Cause ) waited to kill Him as He should descend from His Chamber . The more publick was that of the whole Nation ; An. 1648 for inraged with their own Oppressions and the Miseries of their Prince , men in most Counties , even of those that had adhered to the Parliament , but now vexed that they had been so basely deluded , draw up Petitions for a Personal Treaty with the King ; that the Armies Arrears being paid , they should immediately be disbanded ; that Relief should be sent into Ireland , and England quite eased of the Contribution , which they could no longer bear . To these Petitions there were such innumerable Subscriptions , that the Officers of the Army , and Parliament were mad to see their Threats of Sequestration , Imprisonment and Death , to make no Impression ; and the Promises they likewise made were slighted , because discredited by their former Perjuries . The first Petitioners were the Essex men , who came in such Numbers as had not been seen before , as if they would force , not intreat for , what was necessary . After them those of Surrey , whom , by the command of the Officers and Parliament-men , the Souldiers assault at the Parliament-Doors , kill some , wound more , and plunder all : and for this brave Exploit upon unarmed Petitioners , they have the Thanks of the Commons , and a Largess for their Valour ; that so the People might be affrighted from offering Petitions , which before the very same men had declared to be the Birth-right of every English-man . While men see and admire the Returns of the Divine Justice , and the reciprocal motions of the Popular heat , that the very same Parliament that first stirr'd up this way of tumultuary Petitions against the King , now complained that the Honour and Safety of Parliaments was indangered by Petitions . But all their Tyranny upon the complaining Nation prevailed nothing but to provoke them to a higher Indignation and more frequent Petitions . And when they perceived they dealt with men obstinate to their own Interests , which were not to be gained but by the Publick Ruine , they fly from Prayers to Arms , and intitle their just War , For the Liberty of King and People . And in several places , as in Kent , Essex , Suffolk , Norfolk , Cornwall , Yorkshire , Wales , and at last in Surrey , multitudes take Arms for this Righteous Cause . The Navy also fall off , and setting Rainsbrough their levelling Admiral on Shore , seventeen Ships deliver themselves up to the Prince of Wales . The Scots likewise by an Order of their own Parliament send into England ( to recover the Liberty and Majesty of the King ) an Army under Hamilton . But all was in vain , God had decreed other Triumphs for His Majesty , and to translate Him to another Kingdom . For the English being but tumultuarily raised , having no train of Artillery nor Ammunition considerable , were soon supprest by a veterane Army provided with all necessaries . The Scots , either through weakness or wickedness of their Commanders , who made so disorderly a March , that their Van and Reer were forty miles asunder , were easily worsted by Cromwell , who surprised their main Body , and Hamilton was taken Prisoner . Cromwell follows the scattered Parties into Scotland , where they were likewise assaulted by Argyle , a domestick Enemy , and forced to submit those Arms the Parliament had put into their hands to the Faction of that false Earl ; who calls another Parliament , from which all were excluded that in the former Voted for the King's Delivery , and all the Orders of that Convention made void . Cromwell had the Publick Thanks , and the private Faith of Argyle to endeavour , as opportunity permitted , the extirpation of Monarchy out of Scotland . The Navy also deserts the Prince , being corrupted by the Earl of Warwick , who was appointed for this Service ; and when he had ingloriously bought off their Faith to their lawful Prince , himself was ignominiously cashiered by the Conspirators . These great disappointments and overthrows of just Enterprises men variously attributed to different Causes . Some to the Perfidiousness , others to the Weakness of those that managed them ; as also to the Treachery of some Presbyterians , who in hatred to the Army first incouraged , and then in Jealousie of the Royalists basely deserted them . For the Rabbies of the Kirk cursed Hamilton in the beginning of his Enterprise . Another sort thought them unhappy , because the greatest part of the Undertakers were such that formerly had either fought against the King , or else had betrayed Him , and God would not now bless their unexpiated Arms. And some to the Fate of the Kingdom , which God had decreed to give over to numerous and impious Tyrants , because of their unthankfulness and impatience under so Incomparable a Prince . But while these things were managed by the Army that were now at a distance , and Cromwell's Terrors were greater in Scotland than here , the less guilty Parliament-men seriously considering how impatient the People ( who in London and other places had gotten innumerable Subscriptions to a Petition for a Personal Treaty ) now were of those Injuries that were done to their Sovereign , how hateful themselves grew , because they had betrayed and inslaved their own Privileges together with the Liberties of the Subject to an insatiable and Phanatick Army , and how an evident Ruine attended even their Conquests of Him whom it was unlawful to assault , did at last ( though too late ) contrary to the clamours of their factious and Democratick Members , Repeal those Votes which they had formerly made , of No more Addresses to the King. This being passed in both Houses , they afterwards with a strong Consent vote a Treaty with the King , in Honour , Freedom , and Safety . The factious Party in the Parliament found themselves too few and weak to oppose this impetuous tendency of the Two Houses and the whole Kingdom to Peace . But yet they endeavoured to frustrate the labours of their more sincere Members , and to baffle the People's just desires of it , by imposing many unequal Conditions and obstructive restrictions . For they procured that the Treaty should be in the Isle of Wight , and not at London ; that it should be by Commissioners , and not immediately with the two Houses , as was petitioned . The Propositions that were sent to be treated were the same which had before been offered to the King at Hampton-Court , and were then rejected by Him , and also condemned by the Army it self as too unjust . The Commissioners were so streightned in Power , that it was not lawful for them to soften any one of the Conditions of Peace , not to alter the Preface , or change the Order of the Propositions , nor to debate a Subsequent till the Precedent were agreed on . They could conclude nothing ; they were only to propose the Demands , urge Reasons for the Royal Assent , receive the King's Answer , and refer all in writing to the Parliament , whose slow Resolves and the delays of sending were supposed would consume that narrow measure of time which was appointed to debate so many and so different things , for they were limited to forty days . The Commissioners they sent were five of the Lord's House and twelve of the Commoners , and with them some of their Presbyterian Ministers , who were to press importunately for their Church-government , to elude the King's Arguments for Episcopacy , and only to impose , not to dispute , their own . With all these , upon so many several and different Propositions , some relating to the Law of the Land , others to Reason of State , and some to the practice of the Apostolical Primitive Churches , the King was to deal without publick assistance . For though He was permitted the ministry of some Officers of State , Counsellours and Divines , yet were they but of private advice , and to stand behind the Curtain ; He only Himself was to speak in the debate , and singly to manage matters of Policy with their most exercised Statists , and the points of Divinity with their best-studied Divines . The Vulgar , to whom the arts of these men were not so obvious , were much pleased with the Name of a Treaty , and now hoped to exchange their Servitude under so many importunate Tyrants , for the moderate and easie Government of one Lawful King. Others that had a clearer insight , and observed with what difficulties it was burthened , hoped for no benefit from it . Because that if His Majesty should not consent , as they believed he would not , then He would be the object of the popular impatience : And if He should consent , He that now was thought to be most injuriously dealt with , would then be conceived not to deserve the Pity even of his Friends ; nor could He gain any other thing by His Concessions , than to be ruined with more Dishonour . So that considering both the inviolable Integrity of His Majesty , and the implacable Malice of His Enemies , they despaired of any happy Issue . But beyond the Faith of these men , and the Hopes of the other , the King 's incredible Prudence had found Temperaments for their most harsh Propositions . And by a present Judgment and commanding Eloquence did so urge His own , and refel their Arguments , that He forced an Admiration of Himself , and , which was a Testimony of the Divine Assistance , drew many of the unwilling Commissioners to His own Opinion ( though their Commission , and the danger of their Lives , necessitated them , contrary to the dictates of their own Consciences , to prolong the Debates ; ) with a wonderful Lenity proved their Demands unjust , yet granted what was not directly against his Honour and Conscience : thus devesting Himself of His own Rights , He demonstrated that He had those Affections which might justly style Him the Father of His Country . For He endeavoured by His own Losses to repair the damages of His People . Yet the King saw by the Obstinacy of the most powerful of those He treated with , that they intended nothing less than Peace , nor any thing more than His Destruction ; which that it might be adequate to their Malice , they would have it accompanied with the damnation of His Soul ( as He Himself in bitterness complained to One of His Servants ) pressing Him to do those things which they themselves acknowledged sinful , as the Alienation of Church-Lands . Although His Majesty was thus sensible of their insatiable thirst for His blood , yet because He had passed His Royal Word not to stir out of that Island , He did not hearken to the same Servant , who perswaded Him to provide for His Safety by flight , which He assured Him was not difficult , and in administring to which He offered to hazard his own blood . But the King always thought His Life beneath the Honour of Faithfulness , and would not give His Enemies that advantage over His Fame , which their unjust Arms and Frauds had gotten upon His Person , chusing rather to endure whatsoever Providence had allotted for Him , than by any approach to Infamy seek to protract those days which He now began to be weary of : For that life is no longer desirable to Just Princes , which their People either cannot or will not preserve . And He thought it more Eligible to die by the Wickedness of Others , than to live by His own . While the Treaty thus preceeded , the Army under the Command of the Lord Fairfax and Ireton , ( this last was bold , subtle , perfidious and active in all designs ; so that his Soul being congenial with that of Cromwell , had been the cause of an Alliance betwixt them , for he had married one of Cromwell's Daughters , and therefore was left to hover about the General as an evil Genius , that he might do nothing contrary to their Impious Design , ) drew towards London , and quartered within half a days march from the City ; that , if their Interest did require , they might the more suddenly oppress those who were less favourable to their Enterprises . The Officers did at first publickly profess a great Modesty , as that they would quietly submit to the Orders of the Parliament ; that they did prefer the Common Peace to their own private Advantages , and should be glad to be dismissed from the toyls of War : yet in private practised an universal Confusion , for mingling counsels with their Factious party in the two Houses , they set up again the meetings of their Adjutators , framed among themselves Petitions against the Treaty , and to require that all Delinquents without difference ( wherein they included the Person of the King ) might be brought to Tryal ; and by their Emissaries abroad drew some inconsiderable and ignominious persons , ( by representing large spoils in the subversion of Monarchy , and imaginary advantages by the change of Government , ) to subscribe to them . When they thought these practices had produced their desired effect , and they had infected most of the Souldiers in the several Garrisons , and that more parties of their Army were gathered to their Quarters about London ; Ireton , under pretext of a Contrast betwixt him and Fairfax , withdraws himself privately to Windsor-Castle , where being met by some of his Complices in the Parliament , they joyntly frame a Declaration in an imperious and affected Style . Wherein in the name of the Army he maliciously declaims against all Peace with the King , and His Restitution to the Government : afterwards he impiously demands that he may be dealt with as the Grand and Capital Delinquent : with these he mingles some things to terrifie the Parliament , some to please the Souldiers , and others to raise hopes of Novelty in the Rabble . This being prepared , and the Treaty now drawing towards an End ( which those of the Faction had prolonged and disturbed , that the Army might have more time to gather together ) and the Commanders having a perfect Intelligence how all things in the Isle of Wight and in the Parliament did strongly tend to an Accommodation , they thought it now seasonable to begin their intended Crime . Therefore they speedily call a Council of War , at which met the Colonels , and other inferiour Officers , all men of Mercenary souls , seditious , covetous , and so accustomed to Dissimulation , that they seemed to be composed by nature to frame and colour impostures . They began their Meeting with Prayers and Fasting , pretending to inquire and seek the Will of God concerning the Wickedness they had predetermined to act . This is the constant practice of such who would most securely abuse the Patience of the People , while they commit the most horrid Crimes . For not being able to honest their Iniquities by any colour of Reason , or any Command of the known Will of God , they pretend to a guidance by Revelation and Returns of Prayer . This Imposture they had hitherto successfully used ; and the credulous Rabble of the common Souldiers were drawn to a perswasion , that God did counsel all the Designs of these armed Saints . Thus having prefaced their Villany , Ireton produces his Remonstrance , which being read among them , was received by the Souldiers ( who , through a pleasure in blood , and hopes of Spoil , are used to praise every thing of their Chiefs , whether good or bad , that tends to disturbance , and continuance of War , ) with as great an Applause as if it had been an Oracle from Heaven ; and to make it the more terrible , they styled it the Remonstrance of the Army , and order it to be presented to the Parliament in the name of the Army and People of England . When this Remonstrance was published , the minds of men were variously affected . Some wondred that persons of so abject a Condition should dare to endeavour the alteration of an ancient Government , an attempt so far above their fortune ; and to design against the Person of their Sovereign , who by the Splendour of His former Majesty , and by a continued Descent from so many Royal Progenitors , had derived all that challenges the Reverence of the People . And they thought the act so full of a manifest Wickedness , that the Contrivers could not really intend the Execution , but only used it as a Mormo to frighten the King and Parliament to hearken to their Pretensions of a lesser guilt . Others considering their former Crimes and Injuries both to King and People , and their damnable blasphemies of the Almighty God , did truly judge that their preceding Iniquities had now habituated and temper'd them for the extremest mischiefs ; and that having proceeded thus far , they would think their Safety consisted in an accumulation of their Sins . Only they admired that these men would discredit their ancient Arts of pretending to God's Direction , ( in which they could not so easily by every Vulgar judgment be deprehended , ) by boasting of the Concurrence of the People , which was too evident a Cheat , for not one in a thousand through the whole Nation but did abominate their practices . But others more Speculative knew it was the accustomed Method of the Subverters of a lawful Magistracy and Invaders of a Tyranny , first to seek the favour of the Rabble by high pretences of Liberty and Justice , and then to boast of it as though they had it , and were entrusted by the People to recover what they presented to their hopes and desires and that these men following the same practices , would be the greatest Oppressors of those whom they pretended to vindicate . ; The Parliament though hitherto they had been very obsequious to the Army , yet the Members now meeting in greater Numbers than usually , and preferring the utmost hazards to a Compliance with this Remonstrance , laid it aside , and fell to debate the King's Concessions which then lay before them . This free and stout Carriage of theirs was much resented by the Souldiers , who stormed at the contempt of those whose grandeur depended upon their Arms. And lest they should miscarry in their chief design , and lose the Sacrifice to their Ambition , they immediately sent a party of their Army into the Isle of Wight , to secure the King : these laying hold upon Him , with a most Insolent Rudeness , not permitting the delay of a Breakfast , forced Him from the Island into Hurst Castle , an unwholesome and sordid place . The other part of their Army they cause to march towards London , with all the imaginable signs of terror , as if they went to sack and plunder an Enemies Town . When they had entred , they were quartered in those Houses of the King and Nobility which were nearest the Parliament-House , hoping by the greatness and nearness of the danger , so to affright those Members who were not so wicked as to comply with them , that they should voluntarily withdraw , and hiding themselves , leave the possession to their own scanty party . For then the violence would seem less , and give more Authority to their unjust Decrees . But the honest Members were more in love with Justice , and therefore not terrified with the Menaces and Clamours of the Souldiers , but as inspired with some unaccustomed Courage at this time , and thinking themselves guarded by the Priviledges of Parliament , with a greater boldness than usually they did upon just designs , they appear in the House . Where the Commoners re-assuming the consideration of the King's Concessions , continued that Debate till past Midnight ; the Factious party and the Creatures of the Army still raising new Doubts and Scruples , multiplying Cavils , and by tedious Harangues wasting the time , that the most just party , which consisted most of Gentlemen of Fortunes , not accustomed to such Watchings and Fastings , might be wearied out and leave them to their own Resolves : and also that they might give time to the whole Army to march into the City that Night . Among the rest , Sir Henry Vane , ( who was born to disquiet the World , and to be a firebrand of Communities , yet still carrying the designs of Confusion under a feigned meekness and simplicity of the Gospel ) This man in the Isle of Wight had perswaded the King not to be prodigal in His Concessions ; that He had already yielded more than was fit for them to ask , or Him to grant , and undertook to make it evident to the whole World : yet now did most fiercely and perfidiously inveigh against the Concessions , as designed by the King under the species of Peace to ruine the Parliament and Commonwealth . Yet at last , notwithstanding those terrours without and troubles within , the House came to this Resolve , that The King's Concessions were a sufficient ground for Peace . Which was carried by 200 Voices , and there were scarce 60 dissenters . The next day the same Resolve was passed by the Lords in the very same terms , not one dissenting . Who immediately adjourned for a week , to wait whether this fury of the Army would spend it self after so generous an opposition . And the House of Commons sent some of their own Members to acquaint the Lord Fairfax and his Officers of this their Vote . This free and publick detestation of the Crime , that was designed , did extremely enrage the Projectors of it , and the Democratick party in the House mingled Threatnings with their Advices . For one of the Chiefs of the Faction could not forbear to assure them , that If they continued in this their Resolve , they should never after have Liberty of meeting there again . Which accordingly was executed : for the next day they were to meet there , the Colonels had placed a guard of two Regiments of Foot and one of Horse upon the House of Commons , who strictly keeping all the Avenues thereto , that none might enter without their Licence , laid hold upon forty Members that were Persons of the most known Integrity and highest Resolution ; they denied admission to 150 more , and suffered none to enter of whose servile compliance they were not well assured . Some that had escaped their observation and got into the House , by tickets , as from Friends or Servants , they invite forth ; whom being once without doors they violently force away , while they in vain pleaded the Priviledges of Parliament . The imprisoned Members they vex and torture with great Indignities , exposing them to the mockeries and insolencies of the Common Souldiers : although there were among them many that had before Commanded Armies , Brigades and Regiments in the Parliament's cause against the King ; and others that had been most importunate assertors of their first injustice to their Prince . Those that beheld these vicissitudes wondred , and acknowledged the just Judgement of God , that had thus visibly and properly punished the Injustice of these men against their Lawful Sovereign , by the ministry of their own more vile and mercenary Souldiers , and did thus upbraid them with the falseness of their Principles by which they acted against the King the very same now serving to honest this violence that was committed on them : for both equally pretended to a Necessity of Reformation , and Self-preservation . Others were inquisitive for the faith of these men , who taking up Arms for the Sacred Priviledges of Parliament , had now left nothing but the Walls of that House . ; For the Number that would serve them was not equal to the Name of a Parliament , being scarce the eighth part of that Convention , and not much above forty in all , and others that did abhor the Conditions of sitting there withdrew themselves to their own homes . And many of those who formerly deluded by their pretensions to Religion , Justice and Liberty , had hitherto been of the Faction , yet now awakened by these clamorous Crimes , forsook their bloody Confederacy . Yet did not this contemptible Number , of which in most Votes there were Twenty Dissenters , blush to assume the Authority of managing the weightiest affairs of the English Empire , to alter and change the Government , to expose His Majesty to a violent Murder , and to overthrow the Ancient Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom . For being wholly devoted to the service of the Army , they communicated counsels with them ; and whatsoever was resolved at the Council of War , passed into a Law by the Votes of this Infamous remnant of the House of Commons , who now served the Souldiers in hopes of part of the Spoil , and a precarious Greatness , which being acquired by so much Wickedness could not be lasting . In order therefore to the Army's design they revive those Votes of No Addresses to the King ; ( which had at first but surreptitiously and by base practices passed , and had been afterwards repealed by a full House . ) Those Votes of a Treaty with the King , and of the Satisfactoriness of His Concessions , with scorn they rased out of the Journal-Book . And then proceeded to Vote , 1. That the People under God are the Original of all Just Power . 2. That the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , being chosen by and representing the People , have the Supreme Authority of this Nation . 3. That whatsoever is enacted and declared for Law by the Commons of England assembled in Parliament ( by which they understood themselves ) hath the force of a Law. 4. That all the People of this Nation are concluded thereby , although the Consent and Concurrence of the King and House of Peers be not had thereunto . 5. That to raise Arms against the People's Representative or Parliament , and to make War upon them , is High Treason . 6. That the King Himself took Arms against the Parliament , and on that account is guilty of the blood shed throughout the Civil War , and that He ought to expiate the crime with His own blood . Those that were less affected with the common Fears and Miseries could not temper their mirth and scorn at such ridiculous Usurpers , that thought to adjust their Crimes by their own Votes ; that in one breath would adorn the People with the Spoils of Monarchy , and in the next rob the People to invest themselves . And ( it is said that ) even Cromwell ( who intended to ruine our Liberty , ) was ashamed , and scorned their so ready Slavery , and afterwards did swear at the Table of an Independent Lord , that he knew them to be Rascals , and he would so serve them . Others of more melancholy Complexions , considering the baseness of these servile Tyrants , and the humours of their barbarous masters the Souldiers , all whose inhumanities they were to establish by a Law ; and that Power gotten by Wickedness cannot be used with the Modesty that is sit for just Magistrates justly feared that as under the King they had enjoyed the height of Liberty , so under these men they were to be overwhelmed in the depth of Slavery : and that these Votes which overturned the very Foundation of our Laws , could not be designed but for some horrid Impiety and our lasting Bondage , which came so to pass . ; For in their next Consultations they constitute a Tribunal to sentence their Sovereign ( which afterwards they used as a Shambles for the most Loyal and Gallantest of the Nobless and People ) of the most abject Subjects ; and to procure a Reverence to the Vilest of men , they give it the specious name of The High Court of Justice . For which they appoint 150 Judges ( that the Number might seem to represent the whole Multitude ) of the most violent and heady of all the Faction : To whom they give a power of citing , hearing , judging and punishing CHARLES STUART King of England . To make up this Number they had named six Peers of the Upper House , and the twelve Judges of the Land. But the greatest part were Officers of the Army ( who having confederated against His Majesty , and publickly required His Blood , could not without a contempt to the light of Reason be appointed His Judges ) and Members of the Lower House , who were most violent against Monarchy , and indeed all Government wherein themselves had no share . The rest were Persons pick'd out of the City of London and Suburbs thereof , who they imagined would be most obsequious to their Lusts . Those that surveyed the List , and knew the men , deemed them most unfit for a Trust of Justice , and proper Instruments for any wicked undertaking ; for of these Judges one or two were Coblers , others Brewers , one a Goldsmith , and many of them Mechanicks . Such among them as were descended of ancient Families , were Men of so mean worth that they were only like the Statues of their Ancestors , had nothing but their Names to make them knownunto the World. Some of them were Spend-thrifts , Bankrupts , ( such as could be neither safe nor free , unless the Kingdom were in Bondage ) and most notorious Adulterers , whose every Member was infamous with its proper Vice ; Vain and Atheistical in their Discourse , Cowardly and Base in Spirit , Bloody and Cruel in their Counsels , and those Parts that cannot honestly be named were most dishonest . One of them was accused of a Rape ; Another had published a Book of Blasphemies against the Trinity of the Deity . Some of them could not hope to get impunity for their Oppressions of the Country and Expilations of the publick Treasure , but by their ministry to this Murther . Others could not promise themselves an advancement of their abject or declining Fortune but by this Iniquity . Yet all these by the Faction were inrolled in the Register of Saints , though fitter to standas Malefactors at the Bar , than to sit upon Seats of Judgment . And notwithstanding their diligent search for such a Number of Men , who would not blush at nor fear any guilt , some of those whom they had named , in abhorrencie of the Impiety , refused to sit ; and some that did , yet met there in hopes of disturbing their Counsels . All this while the House of Peers were not consulted , and it was commonly supposed that most of them terrified with those Preparations against the King ( the only defence of the Nobless against the Popular Envie ) would absent themselves from that House , except four or five that were the Darlings of the Faction ; and they deemed the Names and Compliance of those few were enough to give credit and Authority to their bloody Act. But in them they were disappointed also ; for some of the Peers did constantly meet , and on that day wherein the Bill for Trial of the King was carried up to that House , there were Seventeen then present ( a greater Number than usual , ) who all Unanimously ( even the Democratick Lords not dissenting ) did reject the Bill as Dangerous and Illegal . This so highly provoked the Fury of the Faction , that they meditated a severe revenge , and for the present blotted out those Peers , whose Names they had before put into their Ordinance , to make the Court more splendid . After this they did also rase out the names of the Judges of the Land ; for they being privately consulted concerning these Proceedings against the King , ( although they had been all raised to that Dignity and Trust by the Faction , yet ) answered that It was contrary to the known Laws and Customs of England , that the King should be brought to Tryal . To heal these two wounds which the Lords and Judges had branded their Cause with , they use two other Artifices to keep up the Spirits and Concurrence of their Party . First , they bring from Hertfordshire a Woman ( some say a Witch ) who said , that God by a Revelation to her did approve of the Armie's Proceedings . Which Message from Heaven was well accepted of with thanks , as being very seasonable , and coming from an humble Spirit . A second was the Agreement of the People , which was a Module of a Democratical Polity , wherein those whose abject Condition had set them at a great distance from Government , had their hopes raised to a share of it , if they conspired to remove the great Obstruction , which was the Person and Life of the King. This was presented to the House of Commons by Sr Hardress Waller and sixteen other Officers , as a temporary remedy ; for when they had perpetrated their Impiety , they discountenanced and fiercely profecuted those that endeavoured it . In confidence of these their Arts and their present Power , notwithstanding all these publick Abhorrencies and Detestations by all Persons of Honour and Knowledge , they enacted their Bill . And for President of this Court , they chose one of the Number , John Bradshaw ; A person of an equal Infamy with his new employment , a Monster of Impudence , and a most fierce Prosecutor of evil purposes . Of no repute among those of his own Robe for any Knowledge in the Law : but of so virulent and petulant a Language , that he knew no measure of modesty in Speaking ; and was therefore more often bribed to be silent , than fee'd to maintain a Client's cause . His Vices had made him penurious , and those with his penury had seasoned him for any execrable undertaking . They also had a Sollicitor of the same metal , John Cook. A needy Man , who by various Arts and many Crimes had sought for a necessary Subsistence , yet still so poor , that he was forced to seek the shelter of obscure and sordid Corners to avoid the Prison . So that vexed with a redious Poverty , he was prevailed upon through the hopes of some splendid booties to venture on this employment , which at the first mention he did profess to abhorr . These were their chief Agents : other inferiour Ministers they had equally qualified with these their prime Instruments , as Dorislaus a German Bandito , who was to draw up the Charge ; Steel another of their Counsel , under pretence of sickness covered his fear of the Event , though he did not abhor the wickedness of the Enterprise , having before used his Tongue in a cause very unjust , and relating to this , the Murther of Captain Burleigh . The Serjeants , Clarks and Cryer were so obscure , that the World had never taken notice of them , but by their subserviency to this Impiety . These were the publick Preparations ; In private they continually met to contrive the Form of their Proceedings , and the Matter of their Accusation . Concerning the first they were divided in Opinions . Some would have the King first formally degraded and devested of all His Royal habiliments and Ensigns of Majesty , and then as a private person exposed to Justice . But this seemed to require a longer space of time than would comport with their project , which , as all horrid acts , was to be done in a present fury , lest good Counsels might gather strength by their Delay . Others rejected this course as too evidently conforming with the Popish procedure against Sovereign Princes , and they feared to confirm that common Suspicion , that they followed Jesuitical Counsels ( whose Society ( it is reported ) upon the King's offering to give all possible Security against the Corruptions of the Church of Rome , at a Council of theirs did decree to use their whole Interest and Power with the Faction to hasten the King's death . ) Which sober Protestants had reason enough to believe , because all or most of the Arguments which were used by the Assertors of this Violence on His Majesty were but gleanings from Popish Writers . These Considerations cast the Determination on their side who , designing a Tyrannical Oligarchy , whereby they themselves might have a share in the Government , would have the King proceeded against as King , that by so shedding His Blood they might extinguish Majesty , and with Him murther Monarchy . For several of them did confess , that indeed He was guilty of no Crime more than that He was their King , and because the Excellency of His Parts , and Eminent Vertues , together with the Rights of His Birth , would not suffer Him to be a private Person . In their second debate about the Matter of Accusation , all willingly embraced the Advice of Harrison ( who was emulous of the Power of Cromwell , and though now his Creature , yet afterwards became the Firebrand and Whirlwind of the following Times ) to blacken Him as much as they could ; yet found they not wherewith to pollute His Name . For their old Scandals which they had amassed in their Declaration for no more Addresses to the King had been so publickly refuted that they could afford no colour for His Murther . Therefore they formed their Accusation from that War to which they had necessitated Him. And their Charge was , that He had levied War against the Parliament ; that He had appeared in Arms in several places , and did there proclaim War , and executed it by killing several of the Good People ; for which they impeached Him as a Tyrant , Traytor , Murderer , and an implacable Common Enemy . This Charge , in the Judgment of Considering Men argued a greater guilt in those that prosecuted it , than in Him against whom it was formed : for they seemed less sensible of the instability and infirmities of Humane Nature , than those that had none but her light to make them generous , for such never reproached their conquered Enemies with their Victory ; but these Men would murther their own Prince , against whom they had nothing more to object than the unhappy issues of a War , which leaves the Conquered the only Criminal , while the names of Justice and Goodness are the spoils of the Conquerour . How false those Imputations of Tyranny , Treason and Murther were , was sufficiently understood by those who considered the peaceful part of the King's Reign ; wherein it was judged , that if in any thing He had declined from the safest arts of Empire , it was in the neglect of a just Severity on Seditious Persons whom the Laws had condemned to die . And in the War it was known how often his Lenity had clipped the Wings of Victory . But it appeared that these Men , as they had broken all Rights of Peace , so they would also those of Conquest , and destroy that which their Arms pretended to save . How little Credit their Accusation found , appeared by the endeavours of all Parties to preserve the King's Person from Danger , and the Nation from the guilt of His Blood. For while they were thus ingaged to perpetrate their intended Mischiefs , all Parties declare against it . The Presbyterian Ministers , almost all those of London , and very many out of the several Counties , and some , though few , also of the Independents , did in their Sermons and Conferences , as also by Monitory Letters , Petitions , Protestations and Remonstrances , publickly divulged , adjure the Assassinates not to draw so great a Guilt upon themselves and the whole Nation by that Murder . For it was contrary to those numerous and fearful Obligations of their many Oaths ; to the Publick and Private Faith , which was exprest in their Protestations and many Declarations ; to the Laws of the Land , those of Nature , and Nations , and the Commands of Scripture . That it was to the dishonour of our Religion , and against the publick good of the Kingdom . But all was fruitless , for they had lost their Ministerial Authority by serving the Faction so long , till they needed not their assistance , and despised their admonitions : Besides the very same Principles they preached to kindle the War were now beat back into their faces , and made use of against them to adjust the Murder . The people also contemned them for their short-sightedness , in that they would be the heady and indiscreet Instruments of such men , and in such practices as must of necessity at last ruine them and all Ministers , as well as the King and Bishops . The Scots also by their Commissioners declare and protest against it . The States of Holland by their Ambassadors ( if they were faithful in their trust ) did intercede , and deprecate it as most destructive to the Protestant Interest . Some of the most eminent of the Nobility , as the Earl of Southampton , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hertford , the Earl of Lindsey , and others , neglect no ways , either by Prayers or Ransom to save the King. Yea they offered themselves , as being the prime Ministers of the King's Commands , as Hostages for Him , and if the Conspirators must needs be fed with blood , to suffer in His stead for whatsoever he had done amiss . The Prince piously assays all ways and means to deliver His Father from the danger . For besides the States Ambassadors ( whom He had procured ) both He and the Prince of Orange did daily send as Agents the Kindred , Relations , and Allies of Cromwell , Ireton , and the other Conspirators , with full power to propose any Conditions , make any Promises , and use all Threatnings to divert them , if it were possible , from their intended Cruelty , or at least to gain some time before the Execution . But all was in vain , for no Conditions of Peace could please them who were possessed with unlawful and immoderate desires : their Ambition ( that is more impetuous than all other affections ) had swallowed the hopes of Empire ; therefore they would remove the King to enthrone themselves . Some thought that their despair of Pardon had hardened them to a greater Inhumanity , for if after all these attempts they continued the King's Life , they must beg their own ; which they knew Justice would not , and they resolved Mercy should not give ; for this is reckoned among the benefits which we hate to receive , and Men are usually ashamed to confess they deserved death . Whatsoever it was that truly made them thus cruel , they publickly pretended no other Motive than the Calls and Ducts of Providence , and the Impulses of the Blessed Spirit . To carry on this Cheat , Hugh Peters ( the Pulpit-Buffoon , of a luxuriant Speech , skill'd to move the Rabble by mimical Gestures , Impudent , and Prodigal of his own and others fame , Ignominious from his Youth , for then suffering the contumely of Discipline , being publickly whipt , at Cambridge , he was ever after an Enemy my to Government , and therefore leagued himself with unquiet Sectaries ) Preaches before these fictitious Judges upon that Text , Psalm 149. 8. To bind their Kings in chains , and their Nobles in fetters of iron . He assures them undoubtedly that this was prophesied of them , that they were the Saints related to in that Scripture , that they should judge the Kings of the Earth , often calling them in his profane Harangue the Saint-Judges . Then he professed that he had for a certain found upon a strict Scrutiny , that there were in the Army 5000 Saints , no less holy than those that now in Heaven conversed with God. Afterwards kneeling in his Pulpit , weeping and lifting up his hands , he earnestly begs them in the Name of the People of England , that they would execute Justice upon that Wretch CHARLES , and would not let Benhadad escape in Safety . Then he inveighs against Monarchy , and wrests the Parable of Jotham to his purpose , wherein when the Trees would chuse a King , the Vine and the Olive refused the Dignity , but the Bramble received the Empire , and he compared Monarchy to the Bramble . And all the while of contriving and executing this Murder he preached to the Souldiers , and in some places about the City , bitterly and contemptuously railing against the King. Others also of the Congregational perswasion acted their parts in this Tragedy , but more closely , and not so much in the face of the Sun. The Conspirators taking heat from their infamous Preachers , whom they themselves had first kindled , and somewhat doubting that these several strong Applications from all Parties to save the King , and the Universal Discontents , might take some advantage from their delay , with more speed hasten the Assassination . In order to which they send a Serjeant of Arms with a Guard of Horse ( lest the People should stone him for his Employment ) into Westminster-Hall , and other places in London , to summon all that could lay any Crime to the King ' s charge , to come , and give in their Evidence against Him. Having proclaimed their wicked purposes , and dress'd up a Tribunal at the upper end of Westminster-Hall , with all the shapes of Terrour , where the President with his abject and bloody Assistants were placed , thither afterwards they bring this most Excellent Monarch , whom having despoiled of three Great Kingdoms , they now determined also to deprive of Life . Into which Scene the King enter'd with a generous Miene , shewing no signs of discomposure , nor any thing beneath His former Majesty ; but as if He were to combate for Glory the Monsters of Mankind , He undauntedly took the Seat which was set for Him , with scorn looking upon the fictitious Judges , and with pity upon the People , who crouding in ( the great Gates of the Hall being flung open ) did bewail in Him the frailty of our Humane condition , whose highest Greatness hath no Security : A sad Spectacle even to those that were not in danger . He being set , the Charge against Him was read , with all those reproachful terms of Tyrant , Traytor , and Murderer ; after which He was impleaded in the name of the People of England . This false Slander of the People of England was heard with Impatience and Detestation of all , and stoutly attested against by the Lady Fairfax , Wife of the Lord Fairfax , who by this act shewed her self worthy of her Extract from the Noble Family of the Veres : for from an adjoyning Scaffold where she stood , she cried out with a loud Voice ( but not without danger ) that It was a Lye , not the Tenth part of the People were guilty of such a Crime , but all was done by the Machinations of that Traytor Cromwell . But the King after the Charge was read , with a Countenance full of Majesty and Gravity , demands by what Authority they proceeded with Him thus contrary to the Publick Faith , and what Law they had to try Him that was an absolute Sovereign . Bradshaw replying , that of the Parliament ; His Majesty shewed the detestable Falsehood in pretending to what they had not , and if they had it , yet it could not justifie these Practices . To which Reply when they could not answer , they force Him back to the place of His Captivity . The Magnanimity of the King in this Days Contest with these inhumane Butchers did much satisfie the People , and they were glad ( while they thought not of His Danger ) that He wanted not either Speech or Courage against so powerful Enemies ; that He had spoken nothing unworthy of Himself , and had preserved the Fame of His. Vertues even in so great Adversities . For He seemed to triumph over their Fortune whose Arms He was now subject to . The Parricides sought to break his Spirit by making His appearances frequent before such contemptible Judges , and often exposing Him to the contempt of the Armed Rabble ; therefore four days they torture Him with the Impudence and Reproaches of their Infamous Sollicitor and President . But He still refused to own their Authority , which they could not prove lawful , and so excellently demonstrated their abominable Impiety , that He made Colonel Downes , one of their Court , to boggle at and disturb their Proceedings . They therefore at last proceeded to take away that Life which was not to be separated from Conscience and Honour , and pronounced their Sentence of Death upon their Lawful and Just Sovereign , Jan. 27. not suffering Him to speak after the Decree of their Villany , but hurrying Him back to the place of His Restraint . At His departure He was exposed to all the Insolencies and Indignities that a phanatick and base Rabble , instigated by Peters and other Instructors of Villany , could invent and commit . And He suffer'd many things so conformable to Christ His King , as did alleviate the sense of them in Him , and also instruct Him to a correspondent Patience and Charity . When the barbarous Souldiers cried out at His departure , Justice , Justice , Execution , Execution , as those deceived Jews did once to their KING , Crucisie Him , Crucifie Him ; this Prince , in imitation of that most Holy King , pitied their blind fury , and said , Poor Souls ! for a piece of Money they would do as much for their Commanders . As He passed along , some in defiance spit upon His Garments , and one or two ( as it was reported by an Officer of theirs , who was one of their Court , and praised it as an evidence of his Souldiers Gallantry , while others were stupefied with their prodigious baseness ) polluted His Majestick Countenance with their unclean spittle : the Good King , reflecting on His great Exemplar and Master , wiped it off , saying , My Saviour suffer'd far more than this for me . Into His very Face they blowed their stinking Tobacco , which they knew was very distasteful to Him ; and in the way where He was to go , just at His Feet , they flung down pieces of their nasty Pipes . And as they had devested themselves of all Humanity , so were they impatient and furious if any one shewed Reverence or Pity to Him as He passed . ( For no honest Spirit could be so forgetful of humane fruilty , as not to be troubled at such a sight ; to see a Great and Just King , the rightful Lord of three flourishing Kingdoms , now forced from His Throne , and led captive through the Streets . ) Such as pull'd off their Hats , or bowed to Him , they beat with their Fists and Weapons , and knock'd down one dead but for crying out , God be merciful unto Him. When they had brought Him to His Chamber , even there they suffered Him not to rest , but thrusting in and smoaking their filthy Tobacco , they permitted Him no Privacy to Prayer and Meditation . Thus through variety of Tortures did the King pass this Day , and by His Patience wearied His Tormentors : nothing unworthy His former greatness of Fortune and Mind by all these Affronts was extorted from Him , though Indignities and Injuries are unusual to Princes , and these were such as might have forced Passion from the best-tempered meekness , had it not been strengthned with assistance from Heaven . In the Evening the Conspirators were acquainted by a Member of the Army , of the King's desire , that seeing His Death was nigh , it might be permitted him to see His Children , and to receive the Sacrament ; and that Doctor Juxon , then Lord Bishop of London , ( now Arch-Bishop of Canterbury ) might be admitted to pray with Him in His private Chamber . The first they did not scruple at , the Children in their power being but two , the Lady Elizabeth , and the Duke of Glocester , and they very young . The second they did not readily grant . Some would have had Peters to undertake that Employment for which the Bishop was sent for : But he declined it with some Scoffs , as knowing that the King hated the Offices of such an unhallowed Buffoon . So that at last they permitted the Bishop's access to the King , to whom his eminent Integrity had made him dear . For with so wonderful a Prudence and uprightness he had managed the envious Office of the Treasury , that that accusing age especially of Church-men , found not matter for any Impeachment , nor ground for the least Reproach . The next day being Sunday , the King was removed to St. James's , where the Bishop of London read Divine Service , and preached before Him in private on these words , In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel . While the King and the Bishop at this time , and also at other times , were performing the Divine Service , the rude Souldiers often rushed in and disturbed their Offices with vulgar and base Scoffs , vain and frivolous Questions . The Commanders likewise and other impertinent Anabaptists did interrupt His Meditations , who came to tempt and try Him , and provoke Him to some unnecessary disputations . But He maintained His own Cause with so irrefragable Arguments , that He put some to silence , the petulancy of others He neglected , and with a modest contempt dissembled their Scoffs and Reproaches . In the narrow space of this one Day , and under so continued Affronts and Disturbances , the King ( whose whole Soul was totally composed to Religion , ) applied Himself , as much as was possible , to the Reading Holy Scriptures , to Prayer , Confession of Sins , Supplications for the forgiveness of his Enemies , the receiving the Eucharist , holy Conferences , and all the Offices of Piety : so under the utmost Malice and Hatred of men , He laboured for the Mercy of God , and to fit Himself for His last victory over Death . While the King thus spent this day , the Ministers in the several Churches in London , and in those parts of the Kingdom where His danger was known , were very earnest in their Prayers to God for His Diliverance and Spiritual Assistance . Some of them in their Sermons declared the horrour of that sin that was about to be committed , detested the Impiety of the Parricides , and denounced the heavy Judgments which such a sinful Nation polluted with their Prince's blood were to expect . The Congregations were dissolved into Tears . Some bewailed the sad Condition of the King , as the effect of the Sins of the Nation . Others cursed their damnable Credulity of the Slanders of that Just man , and the promises of Liberty by their Impostors . And another sort wept , because their Fears did prognosticate those Miseries which the Issue of His blood would let in upon them . And every one found matter of grief , fear , and indignation in the loss of so Excellent a Prince . All countenances were full of sadness and astonishment , there was no Tumults nor any Quiet , every one listning and hearkning , either as impatient to know the greatness of their Misery , or greedy to receive some hopes of Comfort in their Sovereign's Safety ; otherwise there was a stilness like that which too strong Passions effect , and might be thought a Stupidity rather than a Calmness . The next day , being Jan. 29. the King was permitted the sight of His Children . His conference and words with them was taken in writing and communicated to the World by the Lady Elizabeth His Daughter , a Lady of most eminent Endowments ; who though born in the supremest Fortune , yet lived in continual Tears , the passages of her Life being spent in beholding the Ruines of her Family , and the Murther of her dear Father , whom she not long survived , but died in that Confinement to which they had cheated His Majesty , in Carisbrook Castle in the Isle of Wight . While these things were done in publick , the Conspirators meet in private in a Committee , to appoint every one their part in this Tragedy , determine what Gestures they were to affect , what Words they were to use , as also for the manner , place and time of the Murther . In which Consultations , both now and before the Sentence , each one , according to the bloodiness of his temperament , or servilely to flatter Cromwell , by their Cruelty to Him that did obstruct his Ambition , did propose several ways either of contempt or hatred in killing their sentenced , yet anointed , Sovereign . Some would have His Head and Quarters fastned upon Poles ( as it is usual with Traitors ) that the marks of their Curelty might out-last His Death . Others would have Him hanged , as they punished Thieves and Murtherers . Others gave their Vote that He should suffer in His Royal Habiliments with His Crown , and in His Robes , that it might be a Triumph of the Peoples power over Kings . At last they think it sufficient that He should lose His Head by the stroak of an Ax on a Scaffold near White-Hall Gates before the Banqueting-House , that so from thence where He used to sit on His Throne , and shew the Splendour of Majesty , He might pass to His Grave ; there parting with the Ensigns of Royalty , and laying them down as Spoils , where He had before used them as the Ornaments of Empire . Thus did they endeavour to make their Malice ingenious , and provided Triumphs for their revenge . And because they suspected , or were informed , that as the King had not owned their Authority , so He would not submit to their Execution , not willingly stoop to the Block , they caused to be fastned in it some Iron Staples and Rings , that by them with Cords they might draw Him down , if He would not comply . But His prudent Meekness prevented this Inhumanity ; and He died disowning their Authority , though He could not escape their Power . In the midst of these Preparations , they cause some Souldiers to offer to His Majesty certain Articles and Conditions , to which if He would subscribe , they promise Life , and the continuance of a precarious Empire : either out of a Terrour and Fear of the consequents of their Impieties ; for the confidence of contriving great Crimes is often turned into a sollicitude when they come to be acted : or out of Design to ruine His Conscience and Honour together with His mortal Life , if He should consent . But when one or two of them had been read to Him , He refused to hear any more , saying , I will suffer a thousand deaths ere I will so prostitute my Honour , or betray the Liberties of my People . Thus mindful of Justice , He would not deface the Splendor of His former Vertues with a too impotent desire of Life . At last that Fatal Day Jan. 30. approached : and that morning , a little before His Death , the Conspirators ordered some of their Ministers , viz. Marshall , Nye , Caryl , Salway and Dell , to pray with Him , as they said , in order to His passage out of this Life ; but when these sent to let Him know the end of their coming , He returned answer that He was busie : they sent a second time , and He replied that He was at His Devotions : they importunately sent a third time , and my Lord of London then desiring to know what answer he should give to satisfie them ; His Majesty then as unconcerned in their Ministery said , My Lord , you may give them what answer you please , but I am resolved that they who have so often and so causelesly prayed against Me , shall not in this My Agony pray with Me , they may pray for Me if they please . Therefore the King arming Himself with His own Devotions in the Offices of the Church of England , in them found an unexpected Comfort ; for the Gospel for that Day being the History of the Passion of our Saviour , did by that Example strengthen the King to follow Jesus , and to take up His Cross ; and His Majesty was thankful for that Pattern . Being thus confirmed by the Blood ( for He took the Sacrament that Morning ) and Sufferings of His LORD ( whose Vicegerent He was ) together with His own Innocency , against the Terrors of Death , He was brought from St James's through the Park to White-Hall , walking very fast , and with as chearful a Countenance as if He were going to Hunting , ( a Recreation He was much pleased with , ) often advising His slow guards to move faster , adding , I now go before you to strive for an Heavenly Crown , with less sollicitude than I formerly have led My Souldiers for an Earthly Diadem . And being come to the end of the Park , He with much Alacrity went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall , and so into the Cabinet-Chamber , where He continued some time in Devotion , while they were fitting the Theatre of His Murther . While these things were acting , the Lord Fairfax , who had always forborn any publick appearance in the practices of this Murther , had taken up ( as is credibly reported ) some Resolutions , ( either in abhorrency of the Crime , or by the Solicitations of others ) with his own Regiment , though none else should follow him , to hinder the Execution . This being suspected or known , Cromwell , Ireton and Harrison coming to him , after their usual way of deceiving , endeavoured to perswade him , that the LORD had rejected the King , and with such like Language as they knew had formerly prevailed upon him , concealing that they had that very morning signed the Warrant for the Assassination ; they also desired him with them to seek the LORD . by Prayer , that they might know his mind in the thing . Which he assenting to , Harrison was appointed for the duty , and by compact to draw out his profane and blasphemous discourse to God in such a length as might give time for the Execution , which they privately sent to their Instruments to hasten ; of which when they had notice that it was past , they rose up , and perswaded the General that this was a full return of Prayer , and God having so manifested his pleasure they were to acquiesce in it . There was likewise another attempt made by Col. Downes , who had disturbed them in their Court , to obstruct them in their Execution ; for it is said that he endeavoured to make a Mutiny in the Army to hinder the Wickedness , but the hast of the Assassinates prevented him . While these men acted their Wickedness by Prayers , to the lasting reproach of Christianity , the King , after He had finished His Supplications , was through the Banqueting-House brought to the Scaffold , which was dress'd to terrour , for it was all hung with Black , where were attending two Executioners in Disguises , and the Ax and the Block prepared . But it prevailed not to affright Him whose Soul was already panting after another Life . And therefore He entred this ignominious and gastly Theatre with the same mind as He used to carry to His Throne , shewing no fear of death , but a Solicitude for those that should live after Him. Looking about He saw divers Companies of Horse and Foot so placed on each side of the Street and about the Scaffold , that the People could not come near Him , and those that saw could not be Hearers ; therefore omitting that Speech which it was probable He would have spoken to the People , He spoke to the Officers , and those that were then about Him , that which is now printed among His Works . Having ended His Speech , He declared His Profession of Religion ; and while He was preparing for the Block , He expressed what were His Hopes ( for all the Righteous have such ) in Death , saying , I have a good Cause and a Gracious God on my side ; I go from a Corruptible to an Incorruptible Crown , where no disturbance can be , no disturbance in the world . After this composing Himself to an address to God , having His Eyes and Hands like fore-runners lifted up to Heaven , and expressing some short and private Ejaculations , He kneeled down before the Block as at a Desk of Prayer , and meekly submitted His Crowned Head to the pleasure of His God , to be profaned by the Axe of the disguised Executioner : which was suddenly severed from His Body by one strong stroke . So fell CHARLES the First , and with Him expired the Glory and Liberty of Three Nations . Thus the King finished His Martyrdom , but His Enemies not their Malice , who extended their Cruelty beyond His Life , and abused the Headless Trunk . Some washed their hands in the Royal Blood , others dipt their staves in it ; and that they might indulge their insatiate Covetousness as well as their boundless Inhumanity , they sold the chips of the Block , and the sands that were discoloured with His Blood , and exposed His very Hairs to sale : which the Spectators purchased for different uses . Some did it to preserve the Relicks of so Glorious a Prince , whom they so dearly loved . Others hoped that they would be as means of Cure for that Disease which our English Kings ( through the Indulgence of Heaven ) by Their touch did usually heal : and it was reported that these Reliques experienced failed not of the effect . And some out of a brutish malice would have them as spoils and trophies of their hatred to their Lawful Sovereign . Cromwell , that he might feed his Eyes with Cruelty , and satisfie his sollicitous Ambitions , which aspired at Monarchy when the Lawful King was destroyed , curiously surveyed the murthered Carcass when it was brought in the Coffin into White-Hall , and to assure himself the King was quite dead , with his fingers searched the Wound , whether the Head were fully severed from the Body or no. Afterwards they delivered the body to be unbowelled to an infamous Empirick of the Faction , together with the rude Chirurgions of the Army ( not permitting the King 's own Physicians to this Office ) who were all most implacable Enemies to His Majesty , and commanded them to search ( which was as much as to bid them so report ) whether they could not find in it Symptoms of the French disease , or some evidences of Frigidity , and natural impotency : that so they might have some colour to slander Him who was eminent for Chastity ; or to make His Seed infamous . But this wicked Design was prevented by a Physician of great Integrity and Skill , who intruding himself among them at the Dissection , by his Presence and Authority kept the obsequious Wretches from gratifying their Opprobrious Masters . And the same Physician also published that Nature had tempered the Royal Body to a longer life than commonly is granted to other men . And as His Soul was fitted by Heroick Vertues to Eternity , so His Body by a Temperament almost ad pondus made as near an approach to it as the present Condition of Mortality would permit . Failing in these Opportunities of Calumny , with more Impudence and Rancor they use other waies to make Him odious , and rase the Love of Him out of the People's hearts . They conclude from the outward unhappinesses of His Reign unto an hatred of God against Him ; and with the same Confidence as they inrolled themselves in the List of the Saints , and entred their own names in the Book of Life , they blotted His out , and placed Him in some of the dark and comfortless Cells of the damned : and they commonly professed it among the Disciples of the Faction as an Article of their belief , that it was impossible for Him or any of His Party to be saved . Not content with these Injuries to His Body and Soul , they endeavour likewise to murther His Memory . For they pull'd down His Statue which was placed at the West end of St Paul's Church , and that other in the Old Exchange , and leaving the Arch void , they writ over , Exit Tyrannus Regum ultimus . But the Providence of God hath shewed them to be not only deceivers , but also deceived . For that Just Prince hath of His own seed to sit upon His Throne . And Posterity shall wonder at the Vanity as well as the Falseness of those men , that they should think to destroy the Memory of that Prince whose true and lasting Glory consisted not in any thing wherein it was possible for Successors to shew the Power of their Malice , but in a solid Vertue , which flourisheth by Age , and whose Fame gathers strength from multitude of Years , when Statues and Monuments are obnoxious to the flames of a Violent Envy and the Ruines of Time. Besides this , they take care to suppress all those more Lively figures of Him and more lasting Statues , His Writings , and therefore force from my Lord of London , whom they kept Prisoner , all those Papers His Majesty had delivered to him , and make a most narrow search of his Cloaths and Cabinets , lest any of those Monuments of Piety and Wisdom should escape to the Benefit of Mankind . Yet by the gracious Goodness of the Almighty God , to their Eternal Infamy , and for a perpetual record of the King 's great Vertues , there escaped their Search , and was published to the World , The Book of His Meditations and Soliloquies . In the Composition of which a Sober Reader cannot tell which to admire most , either His incredible Prudence , His ardent Piety , or His Majestick and truly Royal Style . Those parts of it which consisted of Addresses to God corresponded so nearly in the Occasions , and were so full of the Piety and Elegancie of David's Psalms , that they seemed to be dictated by the same Spirit . His very Assassinates confessed the goodness of the Book , though they were ashamed He whom they had murthered should be the Author . For Bradshaw in his examination of Royston who printed it , asked him , How he could think so bad a man ( for such would that Monster have this Excellent Prince thought to be ) could write so good a Book . Therefore they laboured by all waies and means to suppress it , as the greatest Witness against them to Posterity , and which would make them odious in all Generations . For the Blood of the Holy , Wise and Eloquent , leaves eternal stains of Infamy upon those that spill'd it ; because no man reads their Works , but they curse those cruel hands which cut the Veins and stopp'd the streams of so much Goodness : and we esteem them barbarous and inhumane Monsters who did not Reverence the Persons of those whose Writings we admire . But their fury became ridiculous , while they thought by their present power to corrupt His Memory , and take off the admiration of the following Ages ; for the more they hindred the publication , the more earnestly it was sought after : yet they endeavoured it another way , and therefore hired certain mercenary Souls to despoil the King of the Credit of being the Author of it . Especially one base Scribe , naturally fitted to compose Satyrs and invent Reproaches , who made himself notorious by some licentious and infamous Pamphlets , and so approved himself as fit for their service . This Man they encouraged ( by translating him from a needy Pedagogue to the office of a Secretary ) to write that Scandalous Book 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , ( an Invective against the King's Meditations ) and to answer the Learned Salmasius his Defence of Charles the First . But all was in vain , for those that were able to judge of Styles found it must be the same Pen which wrought these Meditations , and drew those Letters which the Faction had published for His. Others , that were not able to satisfie themselves by such a Censure , were assured of it by the Relations of Col. Hammond that was His Keeper , who did attest to several Persons that he saw them in the King's hand , heard Him read them , and did see Him to correct them in his presence . The Arch-Bishop of Armagh did also affirm to those he conversed with , that he was employed by a command from the King to get some of them out of the hands of the Faction , for they were taken in His Cabinet at Naseby . And Royston that printed them did testifie to those that enquired of him , that the King had sent to him the Michaelmas before His death , to provide a Press for some Papers He should send to Him , which were these , together with a design for a Picture before the Book ; which at first was Three Crowns indented on a Wreath of Thorns , but afterwards the King recalled that , and sent that other which is now before His Book . Thus these several Testimonies did secure the faith of the World against the Slanderers , and made their endeavours as contemptible as themselves were hateful . While the Parricides were seeking for fresh occasions to express their Malice , the whole Kingdom was composed to Mourning and Lamentation ; for never any King , not only of the English , but of whatsoever Throne , had His Death lamented with greater Sorrows , nor left the World with a higher regret of the People . When the news of His Death was divulged , Women with Child for grief cast forth the untimely fruit of their Womb , like Her that fell in travel when the Glory was departed from Israel . Others , both Men and Women , fell into Convulsions and swounding Fits , and contracted so deep a Melancholy as attended them to the Grave . Some unmindful of themselves , as though they could not , or would not , live when their beloved Prince was slaughtered , ( it is reported ) suddenly fell down dead . The Pulpits were likewise bedewed with unsuborned Tears ; and some of those to whom the living King was for Episcopacie's sake less acceptable , yet now bewailed the loss of Him when dead . Children ( who usually seem unconcerned in publick Calamities ) were also affected with the news , and became so prodigal of their Tears , that for some time they refused comfort ; even some of those who sate as Judges could not forbear to mingle some Tears with His Blood when it was spilt . Many composed Elegies and serious Poems to preserve the memory of His Vertues , to express their own Griefs , and to instruct the Mournings of others , and their Passions made them above their usual strain more elegant . Many who writ the Acts of His time did vindicate His Honour , and divulged the base Arts of His Enemies , even while their Power was dreadful . Men of all Sorts , Degrees and Sects ( there being none among which He had not some Admirers ) then freely and without Envy recounted His several Vertues , which now appeared as great as Mortality refined by Industry was capable of . For though Prosperity makes the Severest Tryals of Vertues , yet Adversity renders them most Orient . As the Night best acquaints us with the Splendor of the Stars . That which first challenged their Wonder , was the composure and Inclination of His Soul to Religion , which He used not as an Artifice of Empire , but as the Ornament and Comfort of a private breast ; for He never affected a Magnifick Piety nor a Pompous Vertue , but laboured to approve Himself in secret to that God who rewardeth openly . All His Offices in this were , like His Fortune , far above those of other men ; His Devotion in Prayer was so raised , that His Soul seemed to be wholly swallowed up in the Contemplation of that Majesty He did adore , and as in an Ecstasie to have left His senses without its Adsistencie . An instance of this was given at the Death of the Duke of Buckingham , the news of whose Murther being whispered to the King while He was at Prayers , He took no notice of it ( although it was so weighty an Occurrence to have His prime Minister cut off in the busie Preparations for a great Design ) till He had finished His Addresses to Heaven , and His Spirit was dismissed from the Throne of Grace to attend the Cares of that on Earth . This was so clear an Evidence of a most fixed Devotion , that those who built their Hopes upon His Reproaches , slanderously imputed it to a secret Pleasure in the fall of him whose Greatness was now terrible to the Family that raised it ; which both His Majesties care of the Duke's Children afterwards , as also the Consideration of His Condition , did evince to be false , and that the King neither hated him , nor needed to fear him whom He could have ruined with a Frown , and have obliged the People by permitting their Fury to pass upon him . Besides , His Majestie 's constant Diligence in those Duties did demonstrate , that nothing but a principle of Holiness , which is alwaies uniform , both moved and assisted Him in those sacred Performances , to which He was observed to go with an exceeding Alacrity as to a ravishing pleasure , from which no lesser Pleasures nor Business were strong enough for a Diversion . In the morning before He went to Hunting ( His beloved Sport ) the Chaplains were before Day call'd to their Ministry : and when He was at Brainford among the Noise of Arms , and near the Assaults of His Enemies , He caused the Divine that then waited to perform his accustomed Service , before He provided for Safety , or attempted at Victory ; and would first gain upon the Love of Heaven , and then afterwards repel the Malice of Men. Those that were appointed by the Parliament to attend Him in His Restraints wondred at His constant Devotions in His Closet ; and no Artifice of the Army was so likely to abuse Him to a Credulity of their good Intentions , as the Permission of the Ministery of His Chaplains in the Worship of God , a Mercy He valued to some of His Servants , above that of enjoying Wife and Children . At Sermons He carried Himself with such a Reverence and Attention ( that His Enemies which hated , yet did even admire Him in it , ) as if He were expecting new Instructions for Government from that God whose Deputy He was , or a new Charter for a larger Empire : and He was so careful not to neglect any of those Exercises , that if on Tuesday Mornings , on which Dayes there used to be Sermons at Court , He were at any distance from thence , He would ride hard to be present at the beginnings of them . When the State of His Soul required , He was as ready to perform those more severe parts of Religion which seem most distastful to Flesh and Blood. And He never refused to take to Himself the shame of those Acts wherein He had transgressed , that He might give Glory to His God. For after the Army had forced Him from Holmeby , and in their several removes had brought Him to Latmas , an house of the Earl of Devonshire , on Aug. 1. being Sunday in the Morning before Sermon He led forth with Him into the Garden the Reverend Dr Sheldon ( who then attended on Him , and whom He was pleased to use as His Confessour ) and drawing out of His Pocket a Paper , commanded him to read it , transcribe it , and so to deliver it to Him again . This Paper contained several Vows , which He had obliged His Soul unto for the Glory of His Maker , the advance of true Piety , and the emolument of the Church . And among them this was one , that He would do Publick Penance for the Injustice He had suffered to be done to the Earl of Strafford , His consent to those Injuries that were done to the Church of England ( though at that time He had yielded to no more than the taking away of the High Commission , and the Bishops power to Vote in Parliament ) and to the Church of Scotland : and adjured the Dr , that if ever he saw Him in a Condition to observe that or any of those Vows , he should solicitously mind Him of the Obligations , as he dreaded the guilt of the breach should ly upon His own Soul. This voluntary submission to the Laws of Christianity exceeded that so memorable humiliation of the good Emperour Theodosius , for he never bewailed the Blood of those seven thousand Men which in three hours space he caused to be spilt at Thessalonica , till the resolution of St Ambrose made him sensible of the Crime . But the Piety of King Charles anticipated the severity of a Confessor for those Offences to which He had been precipitated by the Violence of others . This Zeal and Piety proceeded from the Dedication of His whole Soul to the Honour of His God , for Religion was as Imperial in the Intellectual as in the Affectionate Faculties of it . This Profession of the Church of England was His not so much by Education , as Choice , and He so well understood the Grounds of it , that He valued them above all other Pretensions to Truth , and was able to maintain it against all its Adversaries . His Discourse with Henderson shews how just a Reverence He had for the Authority of the Catholick Church , against the Pride and Ignorance of Schismaticks ; yet not to prostitute His Faith to the Adulterations of the Roman Infallibility and Traditions . Nevertheless the most violent Slanders the Faction laboured to pollute Him with , were those that rendred Him inclinable to Popery . From which He was so averse , that He could not forbear in His indearments to the Queen , ( when He committed a secret to Her Breast which He would not trust to any other , and when He admired and applauded Her affectionate Cares for His Honour and Safety ) in a Letter , which He thought no Eye but Hers should have perused , to let Her know that He still differ'd from Her in Religion ; for He says , It is the only thing of Difference in Opinion betwixt Vs. Malice made the Slanderers blind , and they published this Letter to the World , than which there could not be a greater Evidence imaginable of the King 's most secret thoughts and Inward Sincerity , nor a more shameful Conviction of their Impudence and damnable Falshood . Nor did He only tell the Queen so , but He made Her see it in His Actions . For as soon as His Children were born , it was His first Care to prevent the satisfaction of their Mother in baptizing them after the Rites of Her own Church . When He was to Die , a time most seasonable to speak Truth , especially by Him who all His Life knew not how to Dissemble , He declares His Profession in Religion to be the same with that which He found left by His Father King James . How little the Papists credited what the Faction would have the World believe , was too evident by the Conspiracies of their Fathers against His Life and Honour , which the Discovery of Habernefield ( to whose relations the following practices against Him and the Church of England gained a belief ) brought to light . They were mingled likewise among the Conspirators , and both heated and directed their Fury against Him. They were as importunate in their Calumnies of Him , even after His Death , as were the vilest of the Sectaries ; which they had never done , could they have imagined Him to be theirs ; for His Blood would in their Calendar have out-shamed the Multitude of their fictitious Saints . For His sake they continued their hatred to His Family , abetted the Usurpations of the following Tyrant , by imposing upon the World new Rules of Obedience and Government , invented fresh Calumnies for the Son , and obstructed by various Methods His return to the Principality , because He was Heir as well of the Faith as of the Throne of His Father . Although this Honour is not to be denied to many Gallant Persons of that perswasion , that their Loyalty was not so corrupted by their Faith to Rome , but that they laboured to prevent the Father's Overthrow , and to hasten the Son's Restitution . He was not satisfied in being Religious as a particular Christian , but would be so as a King , and endeavoured that Piety might be as Universal as His Empire . This He assayed by giving Ornaments and Assistances to the External Exercise and Parts of it , ( which is the proper Province of a Magistrate , whose Power reaches but to the Outward man ) that so carnal minds , if they were not brought to an Obedience , might yet to a Reverence , and if men would not honour , yet they should not despise Religion . This He did in taking Care for the Place of Worship , that Comeliness and Decency should be there conspicuous where the God of Order was to be adored . And it was a Royal Undertaking to restore Saint Paul's Church to its primitive strength , and give it a beauty as magnificent as its Structure . He taught men not to contemn the Dispensers of the Gospel , because He had so great an esteem for them , admitting some to His nearest Confidence and most Private Counsels , as the Archbishop of Canterbury ; and the greatest Place of Trust , as the Bishop of London to the Treasury : consulting at once the Emolument of Religion , whose Dictates are more powerfully impressed when the Minister is honoured by the Magistrate , and the Benefit of the State , which wise Princes had before found none to seek more faithfully , if any did more prudently , than Church-men . Though a Voluntary Poverty did much contribute to the lustre and increase of the Church in the Purer times , yet a necessitated would have destroyed it in a Corrupt age ; therefore the King , to obstruct all access of Ruine that way , secured her Patrimony , and recovered as much as He could out of the Jaws of Sacrilege , which together with time had devoured a great part of it . His endeavours this way were so strong , that the Faction in Scotland found no Artifice able to divert them but by kindling the flame of a Civil War ; the Criminals there seeking to adjust their Sacrilegious Acquisitions by Rebellious practices , and to destroy that Church by force which His Majesty would not suffer them to torture with famine . In Ireland the Lord Lieutenant Wentworth , by His Command and Instructions , retrived very great Possessions , which the tumults of that Nation had advantaged many greedy Persons to seise upon , and would not suffer Sedition to be incouraged with the hopes of Impiety . In England He countenanced those just Pleas which Oppressed Incumbents entred against Rapacious Patrons ; and this way many Curates were put into a Condition of giving Hospitality , who before were contemptible in their Ministry , because they were so in their Fortune . His Enemies knew how Inviolable was the Faith of His Majesty in this , and therefore pressed Him with nothing more to obstruct Peace than the Alienation of Church-Lands , rather than which He did abandon His Life , and parted sooner with His Blood than them . He used to say , Though I am sensible enough of the Dangers that attend My Care of the Church , yet I am resolved to defend it or make it My Tomb-stone , ( alluding to a Story which He would tell of a Generous Captain , that said so of a Castle that was committed to his trust . ) He had so perfect a Detestation of that Crime , that it is said He scarce ever mentioned Henry VIII . without an Abhorrency of His Sacriledge . He neglected the Advices of His own Party , if they were negligent of the Welfare of the Church . Those Concessions He had made in Scotland to the prejudice of the Church there , were the subject of His grief and penitential Confessions both before God ( as appears in His Prayers ) and men . For when the Reverend Dr Morley , now Lord Bishop of Winchester , ( whom He had sent for to the Treaty in the Isle of Wight , where he employed his diligence and prudence to search into the Intrigues and Reserves of the Commissioners ) had acquainted Him how the Commissioners were the more pertinacious for the abolishing of Episcopacy here , because His Majesty had consented to it in Scotland , and withal told Him what Answer he himself had made to them , That perchance the King was abused to those Grants by a misinformation that that Act which was made in King James ' s Minority against Bishops was yet unrepealed , and that His Concession would but leave them where the Law had ; The King answered , It is true , I was told so , but whenever you hear that urged again , give them this Answer , and say that you had it from the King Himself ; That when I did that in Scotland , I sinned against My Conscience , and that I have often repented of it , and hope that God hath forgiven Me that great Sin , and by God's grace for no Consideration in the World will I ever do so again . He was careful of Uniformity , both because He knew the Power of Just and Lawful Princes consisted in the Union of their Subjects , who never are cemented stronger than by a Unity in Religion ; but Tyrants , who measure their greatness by the weakness of their Vassals , work that most effectually by caressing Schisms , and giving a Licence to different Perswasions ( as the Usurpers afterwards did : ) Besides , He saw there was no greater Impediment to a sincere Piety , because that Time and those Parts which might improve Godliness to a growth , were all Wasted and Corrupted in Malice and Slanders betwixt the Dissenters about forms . He was more tender in preserving the Truths of Christianity , than the Rights of His Throne . For when the Commissioners of the Two Houses in the Isle of Wight importunately pressed him for a Confirmation of the Lesser Catechism which the Assembly at Westminster had composed , and used this motive , because it was a small matter ; He answered , Though it seem to you a small thing , it is not so to Me : I had rather give you one of the Flowers of My Crown , than permit your Children to be corrupted in the least point of their Religion . Thus though He could not infuse Spiritual Graces into the minds of His Subjects , yet He would manage their Reason by Pious Arts ; and what the Example of a King ( which through the Corruptions of men is more efficacious to Impiety than to Vertue ) could not do , that His Law should , and He would restrain those Vices which He could not extirpate . Religion was never used by Him to veil Injustice ; for this was peculiar to . His Adversaries , who when they were plotting such acts as Hell would blush at , they would fawn and smile on Heaven ; and they used it as those subtle Surprisers in War , who wear their Enemies Colours till they be admitted to butcher them within their own Fortresses . But His Majesty consulted the Peace of His Conscience not only in Piety to God , but also in Justice to Men. He was , as a Magistrate should be , a speaking Law. It was His usual saying , Let me stand or fall by My own Counsels . I will ever , with Job , rather chuse Misery than Sin. He first submitted His Counsels to the Censure of the Lawyers before they were brought forth to Execution . Those acts of which the Faction made most noise , were delivered by the Judges to be within the Sphere of the Prerogative . The causes of the Revenue were as freely debated as private Pleas , and sometimes decreed to be not good ; which can never happen under a bad Prince . The Justice of His Times shewed that of His Breast , wherein the Laws were feared and not Men. None were forced to purchase their Liberty with the diminution of their Estates , or the loss of their Credit . Every one had both security and safety for His Life , Fortune , and Dignity ; and it was not then thought , as afterwards , to be a part of Wisdom to provide against Dangers by obscurity and Privacies . His Favours in bestowing Great Offices never secured the Receivers from the force of the Law , but Equity overcame His Indulgences . For He knew that Vnjust Princes become Odious to them that made them so . He submitted the Lord Keeper Coventrey to an Examination when a querulous person had accused him of Bribery . He sharply reproved one whom He had made Lord Treasurer , when he was petitioned against by an Hampshire Knight , on whose Estate , being held by Lease from the Crown , that Treasurer had a design ; and He secured the Petitioner in his right . The greatest Officer of His Court did not dare to do any the least of those injuries which the most contemptible Member of the House of Commons would with a daily Insolency act upon his weaker Neighbour . In the Civil Discords He bewailed nothing more , than that the Sword of Justice could not correct the illegal Furies of that of War. Though by His Concessions and Grants He diminished His Power , yet He thought it a Compensation , to let the World see He was willing to make it impossible for Monarchy to have an unjust Instrument , and to secure posterity from evil Kings . Although He proved to a Leading Lord of the Faction , That a People being too cautious to bind their King by Laws from doing Ill , do likewise fetter Him from doing Good , and their fears of Mischief do destroy their hopes of Benefit . And that such is the weakness of Humanity , that he which is intrusted only to Good , may pervert that Power to the extremest Ills. And indeed there is no security for a Community to feel nothing in Government besides the Advantages of it , but in the Benignity of Providence , and the Justice of the Prince , both which we enjoyed while we enjoyed Him. Though He was thus in Love with Justice , yet He suffered not that to leven His Nature to Severity and Rigour , but tempered it with Clemency , especially when His Goodness could possibly find out such an Interpretation for the Offence , that it struck more at His Peculiar than the Publick Interest . He seemed almost stupid in the Opinion of Cholerick Spirits as to a sense of His own Injuries , when there was no fear lest His Mercy should thereby increase the Miseries of His People . And He was so ambitious of the Glory of Moderation , that He would acquire it in despight of the Malignity of the times . For the Exercise of this Vertue depends not only on the temper of the Prince , but the frame of the People must contribute to it ; because when the Reverence of Majesty and fear of the Laws are proscribed , sharper Methods are required to from Obedience . Yet He was unwilling to cut off , till He had tried by Mercy to amend , even guilty Souls . Thus He strove to oblige the Lord Balmerino to peaceful practices , by continuing that Life which had been employed in Sedition , and forfeited to the Law. Soon after His coming into the Isle of Wight ( by which time He had experienced the numerous Frauds and implacable Malice of His Enemies ) being attended on by Dr Sheldon and Dr Hammond ( for they were the earliest in their duties at that time ) a discourse passed betwixt His Majesty and the Governour , wherein there was mention made of the fears of the Faction that the King could never forgive them . To which the King immediately replies , I tell thee , Governour , I can forgive them with as good an appetite as ever I eat My Dinner after an hunting , and that I assure you was not a small one ; yet I will not make My self a better Christian than I am , for I think if they were Kings I could not do it so easily . This shewed how prone His Soul was to Mercy , and found not any obstruction but what arose from a sense of Royal Magnanimity . He sooner offered and gave life to His captive Enemies than their Spirits debauched by Rebellion would require it , and He was sparing of that blood of which their fury made them Prodigal . No man fell in battel whom He could save . He chose rather to enjoy any Victory by Peace ( and therefore continually sollicited for it when He seemed least to need it ) than make one triumph a step to another ; and though He was passionate to put all in Safety , yet He affected rather to end the War by Treaty than by Conquest . The Prisoners He took He used like deluded men , and oftener remembred that God had made them His Subjects , than that the Faction had transformed them to Rebels . He provided for them while in His Power , and not to let them languish in Prison , sent them by Passes to their own homes , only ingaging them by Oath to no more injuries against that Sovereign whom they had felt to be Gracious : for so He used those that were taken at Brainford . But yet the Casuists of the Cause would soon dispense with their Faith , and send them forth to die in contracting a new guilt . Those whom the fury of War had left gasping in the Field , and fainting under their wounds , He commends in His Warrants , ( as in that to the Mayor of Newbury ) to the care of the Neighbourhood , either tenderly to recover , or decently bury : and His Commands were as well for those that sought to murther Him as those that were wounded in His Defence . This made the Impudence and Falshood of Bradshaw more portentous , when in his Speech of the Assassination he belch'd out those Comparisons of Caligula and Nero : the first would kill numbers of Senators to make himself Sport , and the last thought it just enough that Paetus Thraseas should die , because he look'd like a School-master . But this Prince's Anger was without Danger to any , His Admonitions were frequent , Corrections seldom , but Revenge never . He grieved when His Pity had not Power or Skill to save Offenders , and then He punished the bad , but yet gave them space to repent , and make their Execution as near as He could like a natural Death , to translate them from hence to a place where they could not Sin. He had nothing of the Beast in Him , which Machiavel requires in such Princes as make Success the only end of their Counsels , and consult a prosperous Grandeur more than an unspotted Conscience . He scorned to abuse the Character of God upon Him by turning a Fox to dissemble , and abhorred to think that He whom Heaven had made above other men , should degenerate to the Cruelty of a Lion. He sooner parted with Mortality than Mercy ; for He ended His days with a Prayer for His Enemies , and laboured to make His Clemency immortal , by commanding the practice of it to His Son. None of His Vertues were in the Confines of Vice , and therefore this Admirable Clemency proceeded not from a defect of Spirit , as His Detractors imputed it , and the Vulgar , who mistake Cruelty for Valour , imagined ; but like the Bowels of the Supremest Mercy which are incircled with an Infinite Power , so this Pity to guilty and frail men was attended with an Incomparable Fortitude . For this Vertue consisting in despising Dangers and Enemies in those Causes that render Death comely and glorious , the King gave several Evidences of a Contempt of all Power beneath that of Heaven . When the Lord Rey first acquainted Him with the Conspiracy of Ramsey and Hamilton , He was upon a Remove to Theobalds , where the Marquess was to wait upon Him as Gentleman of the Bed-Chamber ; who having some notice given him of the Discovery , besought His Majesty to spare his attendance till he could clear his innocence , and return the Treason upon the Accuser . The King answered , that He would therefore make him wait , to let him see He did as little fear his strength as distrust his Loyalty ; for He knew he durst not attempt His Life , because He was resolved to sell it so dear . And to make good His Confidence , He made him ride alone with Him in His Coach to Theobalds , and lie in His Chamber that Night : while the sollicitous Court admired , and even censured , His Magnanimity , for it went beyond His pattern , and did more than that Emperour who was stiled the Delight of Mankind , who being informed of a Conspiracy against him , invited the two Chiefs of it to accompany him to the Spectacula , and caused them both to sit next on each side to him in the Theatre ; and to give them more advantage for their design , put the swords of the Gladiators ( under colour of enquiring their judgments concerning their sharpness ) into their hands , to shew how little dread he had of their fury . But the British Prince's Magnanimity exceeded that of the Excellent Roman's , as much as the privacies of a Bed-chamber and the darkness of Night make up a fitter Scene for the Assassination of a beloved Sovereign than a publick Theatre . As He never provoked War , so He never feared it ; and when the miserable Necessity lay upon Him to take up Arms to preserve Himself from an unjust Violence , He shewed as much if not more Valour than those can boast of that with equal force finished Wars with Conquest : in the success of these , Fortune , the Vanity of an Enemy , and the assistances of Friends may challenge a part of the Praise , but in that none but His own brave Soul had the Glory . For to attempt at Victory against an Enemy that had almost more Forts and Garrisons than He had Families to joyn with Him , that with Cannon out-vied the number of His Muskets , that had gotten from Him a Navy which His Care had made the most formidable in the World , and not left Him the command of a Cock-boat , that were prodigal with the Treasure of a Nation and His Revenues , when He begged for a subsistence ; was such a Courage that would have made that Senate of Gallant Persons , who were the most competent Judges of Valour , and never censured Vertue by the Success , but thanked their Imprudent Consul for not despairing of the Common-wealth , when he gathered up those broken Legions which his Rashness had obtruded to an Overthrow , to have decreed a Triumph for CHARLES , had His life been an Honour to that Age , or could those Generations have reckoned Him among their great Examples . Most Men indeed thought the King's side most glorious , yet they concluded the other more terrible : those that minded their Duty were in the Royal Camp , but such as cared for Safety took part with the Faction , or at least did not oppose them . As He first entred the War , so did He continue in it . His moderation alwaies moved Him to desire Peace , and His Fortitude made them sometimes sue for it . His Adversaries never prevailed upon His Fears , but upon the Treachery and Covetousness of some of His Party , who could not endure an Honourable Want : and on such their Gold was stronger than their Iron on Him , and He was rather Betray'd than Overcome . His Greatness of Mind forsook Him not with His Fortune , Arms and Liberty , it being Natural , and not built upon them ; this made Him tenacious of Majesty when His Power was gone . For when Whaley , that had the Command of the Guards upon Him while He was in the Army , insolently intruded into His Presence to hear His Discourse with a Foreign Minister of State , and being bold in His Power and Office , refused to obey the Command for a greater Distance , the King caned him to an Observance . When the Parricides sent their party of Souldiers to force Him from the Isle of Wight to the Slaughter , Cobbet that commanded them thrust himself into the Coach with Him : but the King sensible that the nearness of such a Villain was like a Contagion to Majesty , with His Hand forced him away to herd among his bloody fellows . His Spirit alwaies kept above the barbarous Malice of His Enemies , and of their rudest Injuries would seem unsensible . He told a faithful Servant of His that the Conspirators had kept Him for two Months under a want of Linnen and Shirts : But ( said He ) I scorned to give them that pleasure ac to tell them I wanted . Thus all the strokes of Fortune upon His Magnanimous Soul were but like the breaking of Waves upon a Rock of Diamonds , which cannot shake , but only wash it to a greater Brightness . But though He knew not how to submit to the Power of men , yet He would tremble under the Frowns of God. His great Spirit made Him not unquiet or furious under the Corrections of the Almighty : But with a wonderful Patience ( a Vertue not usual with Kings , to whom the bounds of Equity seem a restraint , and therefore are more restless in Injuries ) He did submit to the Will of His Eternal Soveregin . He never murmured nor repined at that Providence which had given Him plenty of tears to drink : But His Meditations still breath the Justice of God and the Holiness of all His waies with Him. He would take Occasions from displeasing Occurrences to thank God that had fitted Him for the Condition he had brought Him unto . For when he marched after His Carriage in pursuit of Essex into the West , one of them broke in a very narrow Lane , which made Him stop till an intolerable Showre of Rain came pouring upon Him ; from which that He might seek for a Shelter in the Neighbouring Village , His Courtiers offered to hew Him out a way through the Hedge with their Swords , but He refused : and when they wondred at it , He lifting up His Hat and Eyes to worship the Fountain of All Grace , said , As God hath given me Afflictions to exercise My Patience , so He hath given me Patience to bear My Afflictions . The Indignity He received from Hotham provoked no Curse from Him , nor could the Injuries from Scotch and English move Him to any thing more than Prayers for God's sanctifying them to Him. He wanted not Temptations to Passion from His own Party ; for in a Letter to the Queen , He tells Her that She could not but pity Him in His Condition as to them : yet He so managed their several Humours , and so cherished their Expectations with Patience and Meekness , that they quietly waited for a return of His Fortune . When He was in His Captivity at Carisbrook under the strictest Restraint , those that attended Him never almost observed Him but chearful and pleasant in His Discourses , and sometimes breaking out into pleasing Reparties and Jests . When in the Treaty at Newport , ( where he had occasions of Passion daily administred by the Perverseness to Peace of the Party He was to deal with ) one of the Commissioners was importunate with Him for more Concessions , and minded Him of His saying , That if there were another Treaty , it should not lie in the power of the Devil's Malice to hinder Peace : the King answered , It would be so when there was a Treaty , but as for this it could not be thought a Treaty , but He was like the man in the Play , that cried out he had been in a Fray , and when they asked him what Fray , he replied there was a Fray and no Fray , for there were but three blows given , and He took them all : so this is a Treaty and not a Treaty , for there be many Concessions , but I have made them all . Another time , when He met one of the Presbyterian Ministers near his Chamber enquiring for Captain Titus , ( who then waited on Him , and had been faithful to Him in that Service ) the King told him , He wondred he would have any more to do either with Titus or Timothy , since he fared so ill in medling with them in his Disputes about Episcopacy the day before . These shewed how free His Soul was , and uncontrolled in the greatest and most displeasing perplexities . He would never take any indirect courses to avoid the Cross , nay , He scrupled at such expedients as some deemed most conducing to His great end . For at the Treaty in the Isle of Wight there being offered to Him an expedient , to secure His Conscience , and satisfie the Commissioners in the Propositions about the Church , and it being urged by a great and faithful Counsellor , that He must grant what possibly He could to preserve His own Life for the good of the Church , for ( it was said ) her safety depended on His ; with a present and pious indignation He replied , Tell not Me what I should do for saving of My Life , but what I may do with a safe Conscience : God forbid that the Life or Safety of the Church should depend upon My Life or upon the Life of any mortal man ; and I thank God I have a Son whom I have reason to believe will love the Church as well as I do . Another time , a little after the Treaty was ended , Dr Morley shewing to Him a Billet he had received by the Lady Wheeler the King's Laundress ( who often conveyed much Intelligence ) from an Officer of the Army , that the King's Death was resolved on ; His Majesty answered , I have done what I can to save My Life without losing of my Soul. I can do , I will do no more : God's will be done . In the Pomp of His Murther , wherein He was made a Spectacle to the World , Angels and Men , no Trials were ever greater , nor ever were any better born : the Parricides found it was easie to take away His Life , but impossible His Honour and Patience ; His Passions being then so low and quiet , that the natural Infirmity of His Speech did not in the least measure appear , which uses to be most evident in the smallest discomposure of the Spirit . After the Regicides had passed their Decree for His Assassination , and caused Him to be persecuted with all the Indignities of the fanatick Souldiers , there fell from Him nothing like Passion or Indignation , but that He gave the Authors of those Impieties the Title that was due to them : for when my Lord of London came to Him , ( which was not till eight a Clock on Saturday Night , ) He told him , My Lord , that you came no sooner I believe was not your fault ; but now you are come , because these Rogues pursue My Blood , you and I must consult how I may best part with it . Yet even this was spoken without any Fury or Violence ; for though all about Him was tumultuous with Horrour , Destruction and Contempt , His Soul seemed unconcerned , enjoyed a Calm Serenity , and was full of its own Majesty . This Vertue made Him forget He was a Prince born to command , and only consider that He was a Christian whose Calling obliges to Suffer . He had found out a way to Glory by Humility . For the Supream Power , to which nothing can be added , hath no better way to encrease , than when secured of its own Greatness it humbleth it self . And the Dignity of Princes is in nothing farther from Envy and Danger than in Humility . He despised the converse of none , though poor , if honest : He shewed to Sr Philip Warwick ( who had much of His Trust and Affections ) in the Isle of Wight , a poor ragged Old Man , and told him he was a very honest fellow , and had been His best Company for two months together . He would have those about Him converse rather with Himself than with His Majesty , and with them would He mingle Discourses as One of the People : none made an end of speaking till His own Modesty , not Pride in the King , thought it was enough : and He never did contradict any Man without this mollifying Preface , By your favour , Sir. His Discourse as it was familiar , so it was directed to raise those that heard it to a nearer approach to Himself by perfection ; for He did not proudly scoff at , but gently laboured to mend the defects of His Subjects . When Doctor Hammond had in some degree lost the Manage of His Voice , His Majesty shewed him his Infirmity , and taught him to amend it ; which that Excellent Person often mentioned as an instance of a Gracious Condescension of Majesty . When Noble Youths came to take their leaves of Him before they went to foreign travel , He would not let them go without His Instructions , of which this was one , My Lord , Keep always the best Company , and be sure never to be Idle . Thus He would confer the Vertues as well as the Titles of Nobility , He laboured to keep them as Majesty had made them , and that that blood might not be tainted in them which was honoured in their Ancestors . Nor did He desire that they should be otherwise than He directed , as Tyrants and weak Princes will commend those Vertues which they are afraid of , for they dread or envy their Subjects Parts and Abilities . Aristotle observes that a Tyrant cares not to hear his Vassals speak any thing that is either Grave or Generous ; and it is reckoned among the Usurpations of such Monsters , that they would have the opinion to be the Only Wise and Gallant . Plato indangered his Life when he conversed with the Sicilian Tyrant , because he was thought to understand more than his Host . It was observed of Cromwell , ( by one of his confident Teachers ) that in the time of his Tyranny he loved no man that spoke Sense , and had several Artifices to disparage it among his Slaves that attended him ; and he would highly extol those Pulpit-Speakers that had most Canting and least Reason . But the King thought it the Honour of Principality to rule over Excellent Persons , and affected to be Great only by being Better ; and to raise their Spirits would stoop with His own . Of these He always chose the most accomplished that He knew , to be His Ministers of State and closest Confidents : for as the fortune of Princes stands in need of many Friends , which are the surest supports of Empire ; so He would always seek the Best , and those He thought fittest for His Employments , which a bad or weak King would hate or fear . Therefore He had always the finest Pens and ablest Heads in His Cause , and Persons likewise of Integrity in His Service : for the Archbishop and Earl of Strafford , that were clamoured against as the greatest Criminals , were not guilty enough , even by those accusations which they were loaded with , and yet not proved , to receive the Censure of the Law , but were to be condemned in an unaccustomed way of spilling English blood . When some discovered their Abilities even by opposing His Counsels , He preferr'd the Publick Benefit which might be by their Endowments to His private Injuries ; He would either buy them off to His Service by some Place of Trust , or win them to His Friendship ; unless He saw them to be such whose Natures were corrupted by their Designs , ( for He had a most excellent Sagacity in discerning the Spirits of men ) or they were such who polluted their parts by prostituting Religion to some base ends ( the injuries of which He could never neglect : ) and such He neither conceived Honourable in a Court , nor hoped they would ever be faithful and quiet in a Community . Among these Purchaces were reckoned the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , the Lord Falkland , and others now living , whose Perfections honoured His Judgment and justified His Choice . He had no Favorite , as a Minister of Pleasures , to gratifie whose Lusts and Vanities He might be sollicited to do things contrary to the benefit of the Community ; but all were Instruments of Government , and must be able to serve the Publick , whom He took to serve Himself . For no Prince was ever more affectionate of His People than He was , nor did He think His Interest separate from theirs . Those nice distinctions and cautious limits of Prerogative and Liberty which the Faction invented to enjealous the People with , were all indistinctly comprised by Him in an Uniform and Constant care of a just Government : none dared to advise Him to attempt at a power His Predecessors had parted with , or the Laws had concluded Him from . For He told the Lords , when He purged the Earl of Strafford from the Accusation of Sir Henry Vane , ( that He had advised His Majesty to make use of some Irish to reduce this Kingdom ; on which , though it had but a single and various testimony , the Faction built their Practices against His Life ) I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it ; for if they had , I should have made them such an Example , and put such a mark upon them , that all Posterity should know my Intentions by it . For my Intention was ever to govern by the Law , and not otherwise . He thought He could not be happy unless His People were so ; as we found our selves miserable when He was not prosperous . Therefore He parted with so much of His Prerogative to buy our Peace , and purchase our Content . He sought their Love by affecting them , the only way of gaining it , because that Passion only is free and impatient of Command . Nor was He ever more pleased than in the enjoyment of it : When His Third Parliament granted five Subsidies , and it was told Him that there was not One Voice dissenting , it is said , He wept for joy ; and it had been happy for the People , if the King had always had such cause of Tears , and His Eyes had been always wet with the same . Contests for Liberty could never have been more unseasonable than under this Prince , for He never denied His Subjects the removal of any just Grievance , yea He parted sometimes , through their own importunity deluded by the Faction , with that which should have kept them Free : And when He made such Concessions , which tended to the prejudice of those that desired it , He would say to some about Him , that He would never have granted these things , but that He hoped they would see the Inconvenience of that Power which they begg'd from Him , yet themselves could not manage , and return it to its proper place , before it became their Ruine . He was far from the ambition of Ill Princes to seek an unlimited Power ; but He thought it the Office of the best Sovereign to set bounds to Liberty . He despised His Life if it were to be bought by the Misery of the Nation , and therefore rejected the Propositions of the Army as the Conditions of His Safety , when tendred to Him the day before His Murther , because they would inslave the People . Neither would He expose particular persons to an evident and inevitable danger , though it were to secure Himself : for when my Lord Newburgh and his Noble Lady , at whose house in Bagshot He did stay as He was removed from Carisbrook to Windsor , proposed to Him a way to escape from that bloody Guard that hurried Him to the Slaughter , He rejected it , saying , If I should get away , they would cut you in pieces ; and therefore would not try their design , though it seemed feasible . With these arts He did seek to oblige the Community ; but the Faction's Slanders hindred the Success : which they the more easily obstructed , because the King never affected Popularity , for that consists in an industrious pleasing of the People in minute and ordinary Circumstances , but He always endeavoured by a solid Vertue their real Happiness , and therefore in confidence of that neglected a specious Compliance with the less beneficial Humours of the Vulgar : so that the Multitude , who are taken with things of the lightest consideration , could not sufficiently value Him , being not able to apprehend His Worth : for a Statist observes , Moderate Princes are always admired , but Heroick are never understood . On particular Persons ( if not the sworn creatures of the Conspirators , and by Treason made inhumane ) He feldom failed by conversing to take them . His Trophies in this kind , even when He was despoiled of means to bribe their hopes , were innumerable ; and those that engaged against Him ere they knew Him , after the Knowledge of Him did curse their Credulity and their prosperous Arms. A clear instance of this ( to mention no more ) was in Mr Vines , one of the Presbyterian Ministers ( who are conceived to be too tenacious of a prejudice against those that dislike their Government ) that were sent to dispute against Episcopacy : for he admiring the Abilities of the King which He manifested in asserting of it , professed to Mr Burroughs , ( one whose Attendance the King required , and found him faithful to the extremest dangers in those enterprises in which he several times engaged for His Safety , ) how he had been deluded to unworthy thoughts of the King , but was now convinced to an exceeding Reverence of Him , and hoped so of others ; and earnestly solicited those that attended on Him , to use all means to rescue Him from the intended Villany of the Army ; saying , Our happiness was great in such a Prince , and our Misery in the Loss of Him would be unspeakable . Yet He never courted , although He won them , but His passage to their hearts was through their brain , and they first Admired and then Loved Him. As He was powerful to gain , so He was careful to keep Friends . Fidelity to the Publick and Private was His chiefest Care ; for He knew how necessary it is for Princes to be faithful , because it is so much their Interest that others should not be false . Though it is a Mystery of Empire with other Kings to proportion their Faith to their Advantage , yet He abhorred to promise any thing which He could not Religiously observe . Some over-fine Politici would have had Him grant all the Desires of the Faction as the most immediate way to their Ruine ; for it was supposed they could never agree in dividing the Spoil , and their dissensions would have opened a way for the recovery of His abandoned Rights . But He was so constant in all that was good , that He thought the purchase of Greatness too vile for the breach of His Faith , and He hated those acquisitions which would give Him cause to blush . This Heroick Expression often fell from Him , Leave Me to My Conscience and Honour , and let what will befal Me. His Enemies knew this so natural , that if they could make their Propositions repugnant to His Conscience , they were sure no Peace should obstruct their Designs . Nay , He was faithful in those Stipulations wherein their first Breach would have justified a departure from His Promise ; though He saw this Vertue would be rewarded with His Murther . For when some of His Attendants at Carisbrook daily importuned Him to provide for His Safety from the perfidious Violence of the Army , which every day they had informations of , He made this return ; Trouble not your selves , I have the Parliaments Faith and Honour engaged for My remaining here in Honour , Freedom , and Safety , and I will not dishonour My self by Escaping . As He was to the Publick so to His Private Obligations . No assaults could take the Duke of Buckingham from His Protection : for though His forein Enterprises required supplies of Money , and the Faction would not let the Bills for Subsidies pass unless they might be gratified with the Dukes blood , or Degradation from His Trust , the King would not buy them with the Life or Dishonour of His Friend . And although he fell afterwards as a Sacrifice to the Common hate , ( for so the Assassinate pretended , that he might give a Splendor to his Crime , It being more specious to revenge the Publick than private Injuries , ) yet was he not the King 's Offering . In the case of the Earl of Strafford this Honour seemed to be clouded : But Posterity will see that that Noble Person was rather ravished from Him , ( on design by his Enemies to rob him of the Glory of Fidelity , ) than deserted by Him ; for He never left him till the Earl did abandon himself . And a Penitence for a Submission ( not Consent ) to the Rape made a Satisfaction for the Offence , and repaired the damage of the Injury . For His Majesties Tears over him will emblam and preserve his name and blood to the honur of Following Ages , more than the remnant of his days would have administred to his glory . It would be an Injury to His other Vertues to mention His Chastity and Temperance , because it is an Infamy to be otherwise ; unless to let Posterity know , that no injured Husband nor Dishonoured Family conspired to His Ruine , but such who were engaged to Him for preserving all their Rights in those Relations unattempted , and securing them by His own example . He witnessed His Conjugal Chastity the day before His Death , ( a time not to be spent in falsities , which was too little for necessary Preparations to appear before the God of Truth ; ) when He commanded the Lady Elizabeth to tell her Mother , that His thoughts had never strayed from Her , and His Love should be the same to the Last . The purity of His Speech likewise testified the Cleanness of His Heart , for He did abhor all Obscene and wanton Discourse . And He was so far from defiling the Beds , that He would not pollute the Ears of His Subjects . This Chastity found no Assaults from Intemperance , for He never fed to Luxury but Health . His strong Constitution required large Meals , but His Vertue took care they should not be gluttonous ; for He delighted not in Sawces or Artifices to please the Palate and raise the Lust , but all was sincere and solid , and therefore he never was subject to a Surfeit . He always mingled Water with His Wine , which He never drank pure but when He eat Venison ; and He was so nice in observing the bounds of Sobriety , that most times Himself would measure and mingle both together . He did usually at every Meal drink one Glass of Beer , another of wine , and a third of Water , and seldom drank between His Meals . These though Ordinary Vertues , were yet eminent in Him , since they could not be corrupted by the Power nor the Flatteries of Fortune . And they are therefore mentioned to gratifie Posterity ; for men are curious to know all even the minute Passages of Great and Vertuous Persons . Being free from Incontinency and Intemperance , the gulphs of Treasure and Drayners of the Largest Exchequer , He had no other Vice to exhaust the Publick Stock , and so necessitate Him to fill it up by Oppressions , but He would by Frugality make His Revenue sufficient for the Majesty of the Crown , and the Necessities of the State. His own Nature indeed inclined Him to Magnificence , but the Vices of others did instruct Him to moderate Expences . For He had found the Treasury low , and the Debts great , in His beginnings : He was assaulted with two expensive Wars from the two great Potentates of Europe , and the Faction had obstructed the usual way of Supplies by Parliaments . Therefore He was to find a Mine in Vertue ; and by sparing from Vanities , make provisions for necessary and glorious Enterprises , which He did effect : for in that short time of Peace which He enjoyed He satisfied all the Publick Debts , so furnished and increased His Navy , that it was the most considerable in the whole World , supported His Confederate the King of Sweden , and by Money inabled him for the Victories of Germany , and so fill'd His own Treasury , that it was able of it self to bear the weight of the first Scotch Expedition without the Aids of the Subject , who were never more able to contribute to their own safety , nor ever had more reason , the swellings of that Nation breaking all the Banks and Fences of their Liberty and Happiness . But the King would let them see that as by His Government He had made them rich , He would also keep them so by His Frugality . But those whose first care was to make Him necessitous , and the next odious , did brand it with the name of Covetousness , which was as False as Malicious ; for He never spared when Just Designs call'd for Expences , and was magnificent in Noble Undertakings , as in the Repair of Paul's . He was always Grateful , although those men who measured their Services not by their Duties , or their Merits , but by their Expectations from His Fortune , thought Him not Liberal . He chose rather not to burthen His People by Subsidies , than load particular Servants with unequal Bounties . For Good Princes chuse to be loved rather for their Benefits to the Community than for those to private persons . And it may be Vanity and Ostentation , but not Liberality , when the gifts of the Prince are not proportioned to the Common Necessity . His sparings were like those of Indulgent Fathers , that His Subjects as Children might have the more . He never , like subtle and rapacious Kings , made or pretended a Necessity for Taxes , but was troubled when He found it . The Contributions of Parliament He esteemed not the increase of His peculiar Treasure , but the Provisions for the Common Safety , of which He would rather be accounted a Steward than a Lord. When Faction and Sedition so deluded the People that they could not see the preservation of the whole consisted in contributing some small part , He freely parted with His own Inheritance to preserve intire to them the price of their Sweat and Labour . As He had these Moral Vertues , which are both the signatures of Majesty and the Ornaments of a Royal Spirit , so He was no less compleat in the Intellectual . His Understanding was as Comprehensive as His Just Power , and He was Master of more sorts of Knowledge than He was of Nations . How much He knew of the Mysteries and Controversies of Divinity was evident in His Discourses and Papers with Henderson , and those at the Isle of Wight , where He singly Disputed for Episcopacy one whole day against Fifteen Commissioners and their Four Chaplains , ( the most experienced and subtle members of all the Opposite Party ) with so much Acuteness and Felicity that even His Opposers admired Him. He so dexterously managed His Discourse with the Ministers , that He made it evident they perswaded Him to that which they themselves judged unlawful , and had condemned as Sacriledge , when they pretended to satisfie the Scruples of His Conscience , and to assure Him He might safely alienate the Church-Lands . And the Commissioners sensible how unequal their Ministers were to discourse with Him , for ever after silenced them , and permitted no Disputes but by Papers . At that time He exceeded the opinion of His friends about Him. One of them said in astonishment , that Certainly God had inspired Him. Another , that His Majesty was to a Wonder improved by His Privacies and Afflictions . But a third , that had had the Honour of a nearer Service , assured them that the King was never less , only He had now the opportunity of appearing in His full Magnitude . In the Law of the Land He was as knowing ( as Himself said to the Parricides , yet was no boaster of His own Parts ) as any Gentleman in England , who did not profess the Publick Practice of it : especially those Parts of it which concerned the Commerce between King and People . In that Art which is peculiar to Princes , Reason of State , He knew as much as the most prosperous Contemporary Kings or their most exercised Ministers , yet scorned to follow those Rules of it which lead from the Paths of Justice . The Reserves that other Princes used in their Leagues and Contracts , to colour the breaches of Faith , and those inglorious and dark Intrigues of subtle Politicians , He did perfectly abhor : but His Letters , Declarations , Speeches , Meditations , are full of that Political Wisdom which is consistent with Christianity . He had so quick an Insight into these Mysteries , and so early arrived to the Knowledge of it , that when He was young , and had just gotten out of the Court and Power of Spain , He censured the Weakness of that Mysterious Council . For He was no sooner on Shipboard , but the first words He spake were , I discovered two Errors in those great Masters of Policy ; One that they would use Me so Ill , and another that after such Vsage they permitted Me to Depart . As those former parts of Knowledge did enable Him to know Men , and how to manage their different humours , and to temper them to a fitness for Society , and make them serviceable to the Glory of that God whose Minister He was : so His Soul was stored with a full Knowledge of the Nature of Things , and easily comprehended almost all kinds of Arts that either were for Delight or of a Publick Use ; for He was ignorant of nothing but of what He thought it became Him to be negligent , ( for many parts of Learning that are for the Ornament of a Private person are beneath the Cares of a Crowned Head. ) He was well skilled in things of Antiquity , could judge of Meddals whether they had the Number of years they pretended unto ; His Libraries and Cabinets were full of those things on which length of Time put the Value of Rarities . In Painting He had so excellent a Fancy , that He would supply the defect of Art in the Workman , and suddenly draw those Lines , give those Airs and Lights , which Experience and Practice had not taught the Painter . He could judge of Fortifications , and censure whether the Cannon were mounted to Execution or no. He had an excellent Skill in Guns , knew all that belonged to their making . The exactest arts of building Ships for the most necessary uses of strength or good sailing , together with all their furniture , were not unknown to Him. He understood and was pleased with the making of Clocks and Watches . He comprehended the Art of Printing . There was not any one Gentleman of all the three Kingdoms that could compare with Him in an Universality of Knowledge . He incouraged all the Parts of Learning , and He delighted to talk with all kind of Artists , and with so great a Facility did apprehend the Mysteries of their Professions , that He did sometime say , He thought He could get His Living , if Necessitated , by any Trade He knew of , but making of Hangings : although of these He understood much , and was greatly delighted in them ; for He brought some of the most curious Workmen from Forein Parts to make them here in England . His Writings shew what Notions He had gathered from the whole store of Learning , which He cloathed with a Wonderful and most charming Eloquence . Which was unquestionably so great , that those who endeavoured to despoil Him of His Civil Dominions granted Him a deserved Empire among famous Writers . The Book of His Meditations is alone sufficient to make His Assassinates execrable to all that in any Age shall have a sense of Piety , or a love to Wisdom and Eloquence . For so great an affection in the Breasts of men do excellent Writings acquire for their Authors , that though they may be otherwise blameable , yet their Works render their Memories precious ; and the violent Deaths of such increase their Glory , while they load their Murtherers with Ignominy . All men , especially among Posterity , deeming so great Wits could not be cut off but to the Publick Injury , and by Persons brutishly mad , or by some horrid sins debauched to an Enmity with mankind . So that all future times shall admire and applaud His Writings against them , and curse their Injustice to Him. His Wisdom was not only Speculative in His Writings , but also Practical in His Counsels . None found out better means for accomplishing a Design , provided safer expedients for the Ressorts of Difficulties , or more clearly foresaw the Event at a Distance ; nor were any Counsels so prosperous as His own , when they were vigorously prosecuted by those whom He intrusted with the Execution ; and He seldom miscarried but when He inclined to follow the Advices of others ; as He did in that inauspicious Attempt to take Gloucester , wherein He forsook His own Reasons , which He urged with all possible Evidence of Success , to march towards London . He saw into the Intrigues of His Enemies ; and had not the Treacheries ( which being secret are above the Caution of Humane Nature ) of some that followed Him opened to them His Designs , He had ( by the Ordinary Course of Providence ) covered them with the shame both of Imprudence and Overthrow . Those Miseries that the Faction after they got into Power brought upon the Nation , and the Events of their destructive Enterprises , were discovered and foretold by Him in the very beginnings to the deluded World , who notwithstanding were Fatally blinded to chuse their own Ruine . Whensoever His Secretaries had drawn up , by the Direction of the Council , Declarations or any other Papers , and offered them to His perusal , though both they and the Council had done their parts , yet He would always with His own hand correct them both as to Matter and Form. He commonly using these words when He took the Pen in His hand , Come , I am a good Cobler : and the Corrections were acknowledged by them all to be both for the greater lustre and advantage of the Writings . His Instructions to His Ambassadors , Commissioners , Deputies , were so full of Wisdom , and such prudent provisions for all the Ressorts of those they were to treat with , that there was nothing to be supplied on their parts to make their Negotiations happy , but seasonable Applications , or a fortune to deal with reasonable men . It was the Observation of a Noble Person ( who was dear to Him for his Wisdom and Faithfulness , and was of His Council in all His Troubles ) that had the King been a Counsellor to any other Prince , He would have gained the Esteem of an Oracle , all His Proposals being grounded upon the greatest Reason , and proper to the Business consulted about . Those that have been forward to interpret His Actions by the Success , and from thence have proceeded to the Censure of His Prudence , considered not the numerous Difficulties in forming any Resolution , nor the fallacious representations of Affairs to Him , but only looked upon His unprosperous Resolves according to the Fate of unhappy Counsels , which is to have that condemned which was put in Execution , and that praised as best which was never tried . Thus was He made for Empire as well as born unto it ; and had all those Excellencies which , if we had been free to chuse , must have determined our Election of a Sovereign to Him alone , there being nothing wanting in Him that the severest Censors of Princes do number among the Requisites of a compleat Monarch . It was therefore the wonder of those who conceive every man to be the Artificer of His own Fortune , how it came to pass that He had not that 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , an uninterrupted current of Success ( which some men reckon among the constitutives of Happiness ) in all His Enterprises . To Others that impute all our affairs here below to an inviolable Method of the Decrees of Heaven , which yet they acknowledge just , though dark , it seemed one of the Riddles of Providence , that a King of so great Vertues should yet be calamitous : for let Posterity judge how great and how good this Prince was , that could not be ruined even after a War ( which usually imbitters the Spirits of those that are molested by it ) and a total Overthrow ( whose common Consequent is Contempt ) but by so various and such wicked Arts ; and was judged by all men , though He wanted , yet to deserve Prosperity ( as to humane judgment , ) which ( as some think ) is the truest Happiness . To these Doubts there appears no Resolution so obvious as that into the Pleasure of the Divine Majesty , who provoked by our sins , which had profaned his Mercies , and abused the Peace and Plenty he gave us , would chastise us by the scourge of Civil War , the corrective of too much felicity , and taking away the best of Kings , leave us to the Pride and Violence of the basest of men . And that it was a wrath directed against us was apparent , because the misfortunes and fall of that Incomparable Prince opened upon us an avenue for all those miseries that a Community is obnoxious unto in the want of a lawful Government , while the Almighty secured the Glory of the King even in His Sufferings , provided for the Support and Honour of the Royal Family in its lowest Estate , and miraculously preserved the Chief of it from innumerable dangers , and made us to see afterwards in the Series of his Providences that he had not withdrawn his loving-kindness from the House of King CHARLES , by restoring it to its primitive Grandeur . And this he was pleased to signifie to the King by a Passage that appeared little less than a Miracle . For while He was at Oxford , and the Earl of Southampton , now Lord High-Treasurer of England , ( a Person of unquestionable Honour and Veracity , of an eminent Integrity , above the Flattery of Princes , who doth attest this Occurrence ) as Gentleman of the Bed-chamber lay one Night in the same Chamber with Him , the Wax - Mortar , which according to Custom the King always had in His Chamber , was in the night , as they both conceived and took notice of , fully extinguished . But my Lord rising in the Morning found it lighted , and said to the KING , Sir , this Mortar now burns very clearly : at which they both exceedingly wondred , as fully concluding it had been out in the Night , and they could not imagine how any of the Grooms or any other could possibly light it , the Door being locked with a Spring within . This busying the wonder of both for the present , the King afterwards when He saw the Malice of His Enemies press hard upon His Life and Ruine , reflecting upon this Occurrence , drew it into this Presage , That though God would permit His Light to be extinguished for a time , yet He would at last light it again ; which was verified in the Event : for though God suffered the Faction to spill His blood , yet after many years of Troubles , and when he had permitted those Monsters to bring us to the brinks of destruction , he restored His Son to the Crown in as much Splendour and Greatness as any of His Predecessors . As His Abilities for the Publick administration of Government were all apt to raise Admiration ; so His Recreations and Privacies gave a Delight to such as communicated in the sight of them , and there needed no more to beget an Honour of Him than to behold Him in His Diversions , which were all serious , and there was no part of His time which either wanted benefit or deserved not Commendation . In His younger days , His pleasures were in Riding , and sometimes in breaking the great Horse ; and He did it so gracefully , that He deserved that Statue of Brass which did represent Him on Horse-back . Besides this He delighted in Hunting , an active and stirring Exercise to accustom Him to toils , and harden that body whose mind abhorred the softness of Luxury and Ease , which Vicious Princes think a part of Power and the Rewards of Publick Cares : but He used this as the way whereby the Antient Heroes were habituated to Labours , and by contending with some beasts in Strength , and others in Swiftness , first to rout , then to chase their flying Enemies . When the season of the year did not permit this sport , then Tennis , Gough , Bowls were the ways of His Diversions , and in all these He was wonderfully active and excellent . His softer pleasures were Books , and of His time spent in these there were many Monuments . In His Library at St James's there was kept a Collection of His , of the excellent Sayings of Authors , written with His own hand , and in his Youth , presented to His Father King JAMES : and there is yet extant in the hands of a Worthy Person , His Extracts written with His own hand , out of My Lord of Canterbury's Book against Fisber , of all the Arguments against the Papists , digested into so excellent a Method , that He gave Light and Strength to them even while He did epitomise them into a sheet or two of Paper . The same Care and Pains He had bestowed in reading the most Judicious Hooker , and the learned Works of Bishop Andrews , out of all which He had gathered whatsoever was excellent in them , and fitted them for His ready use . When He was tired with Reading , then He applied Himself to Discourse , wherein He both benefited Himself and others ; and He was good at the relation of a Story , or telling of an Occurrence . When these were tedious by continuance , He would either play at Chess , or please Himself with His Pictures , of which He had many choice Pieces of the best Masters , as Titian , Rafael , Tintoret and others , with which He had adorned His most frequented Palaces , as also with most antique Pieces of Sculpture ; so that to those that had travelled it seemed that Italy was translated to His Court. As His Spirit was thus accomplished , so His Body had its Elegancies . His Stature was of a just height , rather decent than tall ; His Body erect , and not enclining to a Corpulency , nor meager , till His Afflictions wrought too strongly upon it to a Leanness ; His Limbs exactly proportioned , His Face full of Majesty , and His Brow large and fair : His Eyes so quick and piercing , that they went farther than the Superficies of men , and searched their more Inward parts ; for at the first sight He would pass a judgment upon the frame of a man's Spirit and Faculties , and He was not often mistaken , having a strange happiness in Physiognomy , and by reason of this He would remember any one He had seen but once many years after . His Complexion was enclining to a Paleness , His Hair a brown , which He wore of a moderate length , ending in gentle and easie curles : upon His left side He indulged one Lock to a greater length in the youthful part of His Life . His Beard He wore picked , but after the Faction had passed those Votes of No Addresses , He permitted it to grow neglectedly and to cover more of His face . His Gestures had nothing of affectation , but full of Majestick gravity . His motions were speedy , and His gate fast : which shewed the Alacrity and Vigour of His Mind , for His Affections were temperate . He was of a most healthful Constitution , and after the infirmities of His Childhood was never sick . Once He had the small Pox , but the Malignity of it was so small , that it altered not His Stomach , nor put Him to the abstinence of one Meal , neither did it detain Him above a fortnight under the Care of His Physicians . He was Father of four Sons and five Daughters . 1. Charles James , born at Greenwich on Wednesday , May 13th , 1628. but died almost as soon as born , having been first christned . 2. Charles Duke of Cornwall and Prince of Wales , born at St. James's , May 29th , 1630. whom , after a fellowship in the Sufferings of His Father , some brave , but unsuccessful , attempts to recover the Rights of His Inheritance , and twelve years various fortune abroad , God was pleased by a wonderful Providence , without blood or ruine , to conduct to His Native Throne , and make Him the Restorer of Peace to a People wearied and wasted , almost to a Desolation , by several changes of Government and Variety of reproachful Usurpers , that they became the Scorn of Neighbouring Nations , and the miserable Example of a disquiet Community , so torn in pieces by Factions in the State , and Schisms in the Church ; each party mutually armed to suppress its contrary , and destroy the publick , that it was impossible for them to re-unite or consent in common to seek the benefit of Society , until they had submitted to Him as to the common Soul , to be governed by Him in the paths of Justice . He is now ( and long may He be so ) our Dread Sovereign CHARLES II. 3. James , born in the same place , Octob. 13. An. 1633. entituled Duke of York by His Majesty's Command at His Birth , and afterwards so created . He was a Companion of His Brother in Exile , spending His time abroad , both in the French and Spanish Camps with Glory , and returned with Him into England . 4. Henry Duke of Gloucester , born in the same place , Jul. 8. An. 1639. who after the Death of His Father was by the Parricides permitted to go beyond Sea to His Mother , with the promise of an Annual Pension , which they never intended to pay : A very hopeful Prince , who resisted the strong practices of some in the Queen's Court to seduce Him to the Church of Rome , which His Brother hearing , sent for Him into Flanders ; and He also attended Him to His Throne , but not long after died of the Small Pox , Sept. 13. An. 1660. 5. Mary born on Nov. 4. An. 1631. married to Count William of Nassau , Eldest Son to Henry Prince of Orange , by whom she was left a Widow , and a short time after the Mother of the now Prince of Orange ; and coming over to visit her Brothers and the place of her Nativity , she died also of the Small Pox , Decem. 24. An. 1660. 6. Elizabeth , born Jan. 28. An. 1635. who survived her Father , but lived not to see the Restoring the Royal Family , dying at Carisbrook the place of her Father's Captivity , being removed thither by the Murtherers , that the place might raise a grief to end her Days . 7. Anne , born Mar. 17. An. 1637. died before her Father . 8. Katharine , who died almost as soon as born . 9. Henrietta , born at Exceter June 16. An. 1644. in the midst of the Wars , conveyed not long after by the Lady Dalkeith into France to her Mother , and is now married to the Duke of Anjou , only Brother to the King of France . Having left this Issue He died in the forty ninth year of His Age , and 23. of His Reign , having lived Much rather than Long , and left so many great and difficult Examples as will busie Good Princes to imitate , and Bad ones to wonder at : A man in Office and Mind like to that Spiritual Being , which the more men understand , the more they Admire and Love ; and that may be said of Him which was said of that Excellent Roman , who sought Glory by Vertue , Homo Virtuti simillimus , & per omnia Ingenio Diis quàm Hominibus propior : Qui nunquam rectè fecit , ut rectè facere videretur ; se dui a aliter facere non poterat : Cuique id solum visum est Rationem habere quod haberet Justitiam . Omnibus Humanis vitiis Immunis semper in Potestate suâ Fortunam habuit . Vell. Paterc . lib. 2. Thus , Reader , thou hast a short account how this best of Princes Lived and Died ; a Subject that was fit to be writ only with the point of a Scepter : none but a Royal Breast can have Sentiments equal to His Vertues , nor any but a Crowned Head can frame Expressions to represent His Worth. He that had nothing Common or Ordinary in His Life and Fortune is almost prophaned by a Vulgar Pen. The attempt , I confess , admits no Apology but this , That it was fit that Posterity , when they read His Works ( for they shall continue while these Islands are inhabited , to upbraid Time , and reproach Marble Monuments of weakness ) should also be told that His Actions were as Heroick as His Writings , and His Life more elegant than His Style . Which not being undertaken by some Noble hand ( that was happy in a near approach to Majesty , and so could have taken more exact measures of this Great Example for Mighty Kings , rendred it in more full Proportions , and given it more lively Colours ) I was by Importunity prevailed upon to imitate those affectionate Slaves , who would gather up the scattered Limbs of some great Person that had been their Lord , yet fell at the pleasure of his Enemies , burn them on some Plebeian Pyle , and entertain their ashes in an homely Urne , till future times could cover them with a Pyramid , or inclose them in a Temple ; by making a Collection from Writers and Persons worthy of Credit , of all the Remains and Memoires ( I could get ) of this Incomparable Monarch : Whose Excellent Vertues , though they often tempted the Compiler to the Liberty of a Panegyrick , yet they still perswaded him to as strict an observance of Truth as is due to an History : For He praises this King best who writes His Life most faithfully , which was the Care and Endeavour of Thine , Richard Perrinchiefe . THE PAPERS WHICH PASSED BETWIXT HIS SACRED MAJESTY AND Mr ALEXANDER HENDERSON CONCERNING THE CHANGE OF CHURCH-GOVERNMENT ; AT NEW-CASTLE , MDCXLVI . I. His MAJESTY's First Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson . Mr Henderson , I Know very well what a great disadvantage it is for Me , to maintain an Argument of Divinity with so able and learned a Man as your self , it being your , not My profession ; which really was the cause that made Me desire to hear some learned man argue My Opinion with you , of whose Abilities I might be confident , that I should not be led into an Errour , for want of having all which could be said layed open unto Me. For indeed my humour is such , that I am still partial for that side which I imagine suffers for the weakness of those that maintain it ; alwaies thinking that equal Champions would cast the balance on the other part . Yet since that you ( thinking that it will save time ) desire to go another way , I shall not contest with you in it , but treating you as my Physician , give you leave to take your own way of cure : only I thought fit to warn you , lest if you ( not I ) should be mistaken in this , you would be fain ( in a manner ) to begin anew . Then know , that from my Infancy I was blest with the King my Fathers love , which I thank God , was an invaluable Happiness to me all his daies : and among all his cares for my Education , his chief was , to settle Me right in Religion ; in the true knowledge of which He made Himself so eminent to all the World , that I am sure none can call in question the brightness of his Fame in that particular , without shewing their own ignorant base Malice . He it was who laid in Me the grounds of Christianity , which to this day I have been constant in . So that whether the Worthiness of my Instructor be considered , or the not few years that I have been setled in my Principles ; it ought to be no strange thing , if it be found no easie work to make Me alter them : and the rather , that hitherto I have ( according to Saint Paul's rule Rom. 14. 22. ) been happy in Not condemning my self in that thing which I allow . Thus having shewed you How , it remains to tell you what I believe , in relation to these miserable Distractions . No one thing made Me more reverence the Reformation of My Mother , the Church of England , than that it was done ( according to the Apostles defence , Acts 24. 18. ) neither with multitude , nor with tumult , but legally and orderly , and by those whom I conceive to have the Reforming power ; which , with many other inducements , made Me alwaies confident that the work was very perfect as to Essentials ; of which number Church-Government being undoubtedly one , I put no question , but that would have been likewise altered if there had been cause . Which opinion of Mine was soon turned into more than a confidence , when I perceived that in this particular ( as I must say of all the rest ) we retained nothing , but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to be the constant universal custom of the Primitive Church ; and that it was of such consequence as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of a lawful Priesthood ; and then , how the Sacraments can be duly administred , is easie to judge . These are the principal Reasons which make Me believe that Bishops are necessary for a Church , and , I think , sufficient for Me ( if I had no more ) not to give my consent for their expulsion out of England . But I have another obligation , that to My particular is a no less tie of Conscience , which is , my Coronation Oath . Now if ( as S. Paul saith , Rom. 14. 23. ) He that doubeth is damned if he eat , what can I expect , if I should not only give way knowingly to my Peoples sinning , but likewise be perjured My self ? Now consider , ought I not to keep My self from presumptuous sins ? and you know who saies , What doth it profit a Man though he should gain the whole World , and lose his own Soul ? Wherefore my constant maintenance of Episcopacy in England ( where there was never any other Government since Christianity was in this Kingdom ) methinks , should be rather commended than wondred at ; my Conscience directing Me to maintain the Laws of the Land : which being only my endeavours at this time , I desire to know of you , what warrant there is in the Word of God , for Subjects to endeavour to force their King's Conscience , or to make him alter Laws against his will. If this be not My present case , I shall be glad to be mistaken ; or if my Judgment in Religion hath been misled all this time , I shall be willing to be better directed : till when you must excuse Me , to be constant to the Grounds which the King my Father hath taught Me. Newcastle , May 29. 1646. C. R. II. Mr Alexander Henderson's First Paper . For His MAJESTY . SIR , IT is Your Majestie 's Royal Goodness , and not my merit , that hath made Your Majesty to conceive any opinion of my Abilities ; which ( were they worthy of the smallest testimony from Your Majesty ) ought in all duty to be improved for Your Majestie 's satisfaction . And this I intended in my coming here at this time , by a free , yet modest , expression of the true motives and inducements which drew my mind to the dislike of Episcopal Government , wherein I was bred in my younger years in the University . Like as I did apprehend that it was not Your Majestie 's purpose to have the Question disputed by Divines on both sides ; which I would never ( to the wronging of the Cause ) have undertaken alone , and which seldom or never hath proved an effectual way for finding of Truth , or moving the minds of Men to relinquish their former Tenents , Dum res transit à judicio in affectum ; witness the Polemicks between the Papists and us , and among our selves about the matter now in hand , these many years past . 1. SIR , when I consider Your Majestie 's Education under the hand of such a Father , the length of time wherein Your Majesty hath been setled in Your Principles of Church-Government , the Arguments which have continually in private and publick , especially of late at Oxford , filled Your Majestie 's ears for the Divine Right thereof , Your Coronation Oath , and divers State reasons which Your Majesty doth not mention ; I do not wonder , nor think it any strange thing , that Your Majesty hath not at first given place to a contrary impression . I remember that the famous Joannes Picus Mirandula proveth by irrefragable Reasons ( which no rational man will contradict ) That no man hath so much power over his own Vnderstanding , as to make himself believe what he will , or to think that to be true which his Reason telleth him is false ; much less is it possible for any Man to have his Reason commanded by the will or at the pleasure of another . 2. It is a true saying of the School-men , Voluntas imperat intellectui quoad exercitium , non quoad specificationem ; Mine own will or the will of another may command me to think upon a matter , but no will or command can constrain me to determine otherwise than my Reason teacheth me . Yet , Sir , I hope Your Majesty will acknowledge ( for Your Paper professeth no less ) that according to the saying of Ambrose , Non est pudor ad meliora transire , It is neither sin nor shame to change to the better . Symmachus in one of his Epistles ( I think to the Emperours Theodosius and Valentinian ) alledgeth all those motives from Education , from Prescription of time , from worldly Prosperity , and the flourishing condition of the Roman Empire , and from the Laws of the Land , to perswade them to constancy in the ancient Pagan profession of the Romans , against the imbracing of the Christian Faith. The like reasons were used by the Jews for Moses against Christ ; and may be used both for Popery and for the Papacy it self against the Reformation of Religion and Church-Government ; and therefore can have no more strength against the Change now than they had in former times . 3. But Your Majesty may perhaps say , That this is petitio principii , and nothing else but the begging of the Question : and I confess it were so , if there can be no Reasons brought for a Reformation or Change. Your Majesty reverences the Reformation of the Church of England , as being done legally and orderly , and by those who had the Reforming Power ; and I do not deny but it were to be wish'd that Religion , where there is need , were alwaies Reformed in that manner , and by such power , and that it were not committed to the Prelates , who have greatest need to be reformed themselves , nor left to the multitude , whom God stirreth up when Princes are negligent . Thus did Jacob reform his own Family , Moses destroyed the golden Calf , the good Kings of Judah reformed the Church in their time : but that such Reformation hath been perfect , I cannot admit . Asa took away Idolatry , but his Reformation was not perfect ; for Jehosaphat removed the High places , yet was not his Reformation perfect ; for it was Hezekiah that brake the Brasen Serpent , and Josiah destroyed the Idol-Temples , who therefore beareth this Elogie , That like unto him there was no King before him . It is too well known that the Reformation of K. Henry the VIII . was most imperfect in the Essentials of Doctrine , Worship and Government : And although it proceeded by some degrees afterward , yet the Government was never reformed ; the Head was changed , Dominus , non Dominium , and the whole lims of the Antichristian Hierarchy retained , upon what Snares and Temptations of Avarice and Ambition , the great Enchanters of the Clergy , I need not express . It was a hard saying of Romanorum Malleus , Grosthed of Lincoln , That Reformation was not to be expected nisi in ore gladii cruentandi . Yet this I may say , that the Laodicean lukewarmness of Reformation here hath been matter of continued complaints to many of the Godly in this Kingdom ; occasion of more Schism and Separation than ever was heard of in any other Church , and of unspeakable grief and sorrow to other Churches , which God did bless with greater purity of Reformation . The glory of this great work we hope is reserved for Your Majesty , that to Your comfort and everlasting Fame the praise of godly Josiah may be made Yours ; which yet will be no dispraise to Your Royal Father , or Edward the VI. or any other Religious Princes before You ; none of them having so fair an opportunity as is now by the supreme Providence put into Your Royal hands . My soul trembleth to think and to foresee what may be the event , if this opportunity be neglected . I will neither use the words of Mordecai , Esth . 4. 14. nor what Savonarola told another Charles , because I hope better things from Your Majesty . 4. To the Argument brought by your Majesty ( which I believe none of your Doctors , had they been all about You , could more briefly , and yet so fully and strongly , have expressed ) [ That nothing was retained in this Church but according as it was deduced from the Apostles to the constant universal practice of the Primitive Church ; and that it was of such consequence , as by the alteration of it we should deprive our selves of the lawfulness of Priesthood ; ( I think Your Majesty means a lawful Ministry ) and then how the Sacraments can be administred is easy to judge ] I humbly offer these considerations . First , What was not in the times of the Apostles , cannot be deduced from them . We say in Scotland , It cannot be brought But , that is not the Ben : But ( not to insist now on a Liturgy , and things of that kind ) there was no such Hierarchy , no such difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter in the times of the Apostles , and therefore it cannot thence be deduced ; for I conceive it to be as clear as if it were written with a Sun-beam , that Presbyter and Bishop are to the Apostles one and the same thing , no majority , no inequality , or difference of office , power or degree betwixt the one and the other , but a mere Identity in all . 2. That the Apostles intending to set down the Offices and Officers of the Church , and speaking so often of them , and of their gifts and duties , and that not upon occasion , but of set purpose , do neither express nor imply any such Pastor or Bishop as hath power over other Pastors ; although it be true , that they have distinctly and particularly exprest the Office , Gifts and Duties of the meanest Officers , such as Deacons . 3. That in the Ministery of the New Testament there is a comely , beautiful , and Divine Order and subordination ; one kind of Ministers both ordinary and extraordinary being placed in degree and dignity before another , as the Apostles first , the Evangelists , Pastors , Doctors , &c. in their own ranks : but we cannot find in Offices of the same kind , that one hath majority of power , or priority of degree before another ; no Apostle above other Apostles , ( unless in moral respects ) no Evangelist above other Evangelists , or Deacon above other Deacons ; why then a Pastor above other Pastors ? In all other sorts of Ministers ordinary and extraordinary a Parity in their own kind , only in the office of Pastor an Inequality . 4. That the whole power and all the parts of the Ministry which are commonly called The power of Order and Jurisdiction , are by the Apostles declared to be common to the Presbyter and Bishop : and that , Matt. 15. 16 , 17. the gradation in matter of Discipline or Church censures is from one to two or more ; and if he shall neglect them , tell it to the Church : he saith not , tell it to the Bishop ; there is no place left to a retrogradation from more to one , were he never so eminent . If these considerations do not satisfie , Your Majesty may have more , or the same further cleared . 5. Secondly , I do humbly desire Your Majesty to take notice of the fallacy of that Argument , from the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal Consent of the Fathers . It is the Argument of the Papists for such Traditions as no Orthodox Divine will admit . The Law and Testimony must be the Rule . We can have no certain knowledge of the Practice universal of the Church for many years ; Eusebius the prime Historian confesseth so much : the learned Josephus Scaliger testifieth , that from the end of the Acts of the Apostles until a good time after , no certainty can be had from Ecclesiastical Authors about Church matters . It is true , Diotrephes sought the preeminence in the Apostles times , and the Mystery of iniquity did then begin to work ; and no doubt in after times some puffed up with Ambition , and others overtaken with Weakness , endeavoured alteration of Church-Government : but that all the Learned and Godly of those times consented to such a Change as is talked of afterwards , will never be proved . 6. Thirdly , I will never think that Your Majesty will deny the lawfulness of a Ministery and the due administration of the Sacraments in the Reformed Churches which have no Diocesan Bishops , sith it is not only manifest by Scripture , but a great many of the strongest Champions for Episcopacy do confess , that Presbyters may ordain other Presbyters ; and that Baptism administred by a private Person , wanting a publick Calling , or by a Midwife and by a Presbyter , although not ordained by a Bishop , are not one and the same thing . 7. Concerning the other Argument taken from Your Majesty's Coronation Oath , I confess that both in the taking and keeping of an Oath ( so sacred a thing is it , and so high a point of Religion ) much tenderness is required : and far be it from us , who deresi to observe our own Solemn Oath , to press Your Majesty with the violation of Yours . Yet , Sir I will crave Your leave , in all humbleness and sincerity to lay before Your Majesty's eyes this one thing , ( which perhaps might require a larger discourse ) That although no humane authority can dispense with an Oath , Quia Religio juramenti pertinet ad forum Divinum ; yet in some cases it cannot be denied but the obligation of an Oath ceaseth : As when we swear homage and obedience to our Lord and Superiour , who afterwards ceaseth to be our Lord and Superiour ; for then the formal cause of the Oath is taken away , and therefore the Obligation , Sublatâ Causâ tollitur Effectus , Sublato Relato tollitur Correlatum : or when any Oath hath a special reference to the benefit of those to whom I make the promise , if we have their desire or consent , the obligation ceaseth ; because all such Oaths from the nature of the thing do include a condition . When the Parliaments of both Kingdoms have covenanted for the abolishing or altering of a Law , Your Majesty's Oath doth not bind You or Your Conscience to the observing of it ; otherwise no Laws could be altered by the Legislative Power . This I conceive hath been the ground of removing Episcopal Government in Scotland , and of removing the Bishops out of the Parliament of England . And I assure my self that Your Majesty did not intend at the taking of Your Oath , that although both Houses of Parliament should find an alteration necessary , although ( which God Almighty avert ) You should lose Your self and Your Posterity and Crown , that You would never consent to the abolishing of such a Law. If Your Majesty still object , that the matter of the Oath is necessary and immutable ; that doth not belong to this , but to the former Argument . 8. I have but one word more concerning Your Piety to Your Royal Father and Teacher of Happy Memory , with which Your Majesty does conclude . Your Majesty knows that King James never admitted Episcopacy upon Divine Right ; That His Majesty did swear and subscribe to the Doctrine , Worship , and Discipline of the Church of Scotland ; That in the Preface of the latter Edition of Basilicon Doron , His Majesty gives an honourable testimony to those that loved better the simplicity of the Gospel , than the pomp and Ceremonies of the Church of England , and that He conceived the Prelates to savour of the Popish Hierarchy ; and that ( could His Ghost now speak to Your Majesty ) He would not advise Your Majesty to run such hazards for those men who will chuse rather to pull down Your Throne with their own ruine , than that they perish alone . The Lord give Your Majesty a wise and discerning Spirit to chuse that in time which is right . June 3. 1646. III. His MAJESTY's Second Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson : A Reply to his Answer to my first Paper . June 6. 1646. Mr Henderson , IF it had been the Honour of the Cause which I looked after , I would not have undertaken to put Pen to Paper , or singly to have maintained this Argument against you ( whose Answer to my former Paper is sufficient , without further proofs , to justifie my opinion of your Abilities : ) but it being merely ( as you know ) for my particular satisfaction , I assure you that a Disputation of well chosen Divines would be most effectual ; and , I believe , you cannot but grant , that I must best know how My self may be best satisfied ; for certainly My Tast cannot be guided by another man's Palate : and indeed I will say , that when it comes ( as it must ) to Probations , I must have either Persons or Books to clear the Allegations , or it will be impossible to give Me satisfaction . The fore-seeing of which made Me at first ( for the saving of time ) desire that some of those Divines which I gave you in a List might be sent for . 2. Concerning your second Section , I were much to blame if I should not submit to that saying of S. Ambrose which you mention , for I would be unwilling to be found less ingenuous than you shew your self to be in the former part of it : wherefore my Reply is , that as I shall not be ashamed to change for the better , so I must see that it is better before I change , otherwise Inconstancy in this were both Sin and Shame ; and remember ( what your self hath learnedly enforced ) that no man's Reason can be commanded by another man's Will. 3. Your third begins , but I cannot say that it goes on , with that Ingenuity which the other did ; for I do not understand how those Examples cited out of the Old Testament do any way prove that the way of Reformation which I commend hath not been the most perfect , or that any other is lawful , those having been all by the Regal Authority : and because Henry the Eighth's Reformation was not perfect , will it prove that of King Edward and Q. Elizabeth to be unperfect ? I believe a new Mood and Figure must be found out to form a Syllogism whereby to prove that . But however you are mistaken ; for no man who truly understands the English Reformation will derive it from Henry the Eighth , for he only gave the occasion ; it was his Son who began , and Q. Elizabeth that perfected it . Nor did I ever aver that the beginning of any Humane Action was perfect , no more than you can prove that God hath ever given approbation to Multitudes to Reform the Negligence of Princes : For , you know , there is much Difference between Permission and Approbation . But all this time I find no Reasons ( according to your promise ) for a Reformation or change , ( I mean since Q. Elizabeth's time . ) As for your Romanorum Malleus his saying , it is well you come off it with [ yet this I may say ; ] for it seems to imply , as if you neither ought nor would justifie that bloudy ungodly saying : and for your comparing our Reformation here to the Laodicean lukewarmness , proved by Complaints , Grievings , &c. all that doth , and but unhandsomely , petere Principium ; nor can Generals satisfie Me ; for you must first prove that those men had reason to complain , those Churches to be grieved , and how we were truly the Causers of this Schism and Separation . As for those words which you will not use , I will not answer . 4. Here indeed you truly repeat the first of my two main Arguments ; but , by your favour , you take ( as I conceive ) a wrong way to convince Me : It is I must make good the Affirmative , for I believe a Negative cannot be proved . In stead of which , if you had made appear the practice of the Presbyterian Government in the Primitive times , you had done much ; for I do aver that this Government was never practised before Calvin's time : the Affirmative of which I leave you to prove ; My task being to shew the lawfulness and succession of Episcopacy , and , as I believe , the necessity of it . For doing whereof I must have such Books as I shall call for ; which possibly upon perusal may , one way or other , give Me satisfaction : but I cannot absolutely promise it without the assistance of some Learned man , whom I can trust to find out all such Citations as I have use of : wherefore blame Me not if time be unnecessarily lost . 5. Now for the fallaciousness of my Argument , ( to my knowledge ) it was never My practice , nor do I confess to have begun now . For if the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal consent of the Fathers be not a convincing Argument , when the interpretation of Scripture is doubtful , I know nothing : For if this be not , then of necessity the Interpretation of private Spirits must be admitted ; the which contradicts St. Peter , 2 Pet. 1. 20. is the Mother of all Sects , and will ( if not prevented ) bring these Kingdoms into confusion . And to say that an Argument is ill , because the Papists use it , or that such a thing is good , because it is the Custom of some of the Reformed Churches ; cannot weigh with Me , until you prove these to be infallible , or that to maintain no Truth . And how Diotrephes Ambition ( who directly opposed the Apostle St John ) can be an Argument against Episcopacy , I do not understand . 6. When I am made a Judge over the Reformed Churches , then , and not before , will I censure their Actions ; as you must prove , before I confess it , that Presbyters without a Bishop may lawfully ordain other Presbyters . And as for the Administration of Baptism , as I think none will say that a Woman can lawfully or duely administer it , though when done it be valid ; so none ought to do it but a lawful Presbyter , whom you cannot deny but to be absolutely necessary for the Sacrament of the Eucharist . 7. You make a learned succinct discourse of Oaths in general , and their several Obligations , to which I fully agree ; intending in the particular now in question to be guided by your own Rule , which is [ when any Oath hath a special reference to the Benefit of those to whom I make the Promise , if we have their desire or consent , the Obligation ceaseth . ] Now it must be known , to whom this Oath hath reference , and to whose benefit . The Answer is clear , Only to the Church of England , as by the Record will be plainly made appear . And you much mistake in alledging that the two Houses of Parliament ( especially as they are now constituted ) can have this Disobligatory power ; for ( besides that they are not named in it ) I am confident to make it clearly appear to you , that this Church never did submit nor was subordinate to them , and that it was only the King and Clergy who made the Reformation , the Parliament merely serving to help to give the Civil Sanction . All this being proved ( of which I make no question ) it must necessarily follow , that it is only the Church of England ( in whose favour I took this Oath ) that can release Me from it : wherefore when the Church of England ( being lawfully assembled ) shall declare that I am free , then , and not before , I shall esteem My self so . 8. To your last , concerning the King My Father , of Happy and Famous Memory both for his Piety and Learning , I must tell you , that I had the Happiness to know Him much better than you ; wherefore I desire you not to be too confident in the knowledge of His Opinions : for I dare say , should his Ghost now speak , He would tell you , that a bloody Reformation was never lawful , as not warranted by God's Word , and that Preces & lachrymae sunt Arma Ecclesiae . 9. To conclude , having replied to all your Paper , I cannot but observe to you , that you have given Me no Answer to my last Quaere . It may be you are ( as Chaucer says ) like the People of England , What they not like , they never understand : but in earnest , that question is so pertinent to the Purpose in hand , that it will much serve for My satisfaction , and besides , it may be useful for other things . C. R. Newcastle , June 6. 1646. IV. Mr. Alexander Henderson's Second Paper . For His MAJESTY . SIR , THE smaller the encouragements be in relation to the success , ( which how small they are Your Majesty well knows ) the more apparent and , I hope , the more acceptable will my obedience be , in that which in all humility I now go about at Your Majesty's command : yet while I consider that the way of man is not in himself , nor is it in man that walketh to direct his own steps ; and when I remember how many supplications , with strong crying and tears , have been openly and in secret offered up in Your Majesty's behalf unto God that heareth prayer , I have no reason to despair of a blessed success . 1. I have been averse from a disputation of Divines , 1. For saving of time ; which the present exigence and extremity of affairs make more than ordinarily pretious . While Archimedes at Syracuse was drawing his figures and circlings in the sand , Marcellus interrupted his Demonstration . 2. Because the common result of Disputes of this kind , answerable to the prejudicate opinions of the Parties , is rather Victory than Verity ; while tanquam tentativi Dialectici , they study more to overcome their adverse Party , than to be overcome of Truth , although this be the most glorious Victory . 3. When I was commanded to come hither , no such thing was proposed to me nor expected by me : I never judged so meanly of the Cause , nor so highly of my self , as to venture it upon such weakness . Much more might be spoken to this purpose , but I forbear . 2. I will not further trouble Your Majesty with that which is contained in the second Section , hoping that Your Majesty will no more insist upon Education , Prescription of time , &c. which are sufficient to prevent Admiration , but ( which Your Majesty acknowledges ) must give place to Reason , and are no sure ground of resolution of our Faith in any point to be believed : although it be true that the most part of men make these and the like to be the ground and rule of their Faith ; an Evidence that their Faith is not a Divine Faith , but an humane Credulity . 3. Concerning Reformation of Religion in the third Section ; I had need have a Preface to so thorny a Theme as your Majesty hath brought me upon . 1. For the Reforming power ; it is conceived , when a General Defection , like a Deluge , hath covered the whole face of the Church , so that scarcely the tops of the Mountains do appear , a General Council is necessary : but because that can hardly be obtained , several Kingdoms ( which we see was done at the time of the Reformation ) are to Reform themselves , and that by the Authority of their Prince and Magistrates : if the Prince or supreme Magistrate be unwilling , then may the inferior Magistrate and the People , being before rightly informed in the grounds of Religion , lawfully Reform within their own sphere ; and if the light shine upon all , or the major part , they may , after all other means assayed , make a publick Reformation . This before this time I never wrote or spoke ; yet the Maintainers of this Doctrine conceive that they are able to make it good . But , Sir , were I worthy to give advice to Your Majesty , or to the Kings and supreme Powers on Earth , my humble Opinion would be , that they should draw the Minds , Tongues and Pens of the Learned , to dispute about other matter than the Power or Prerogative of Kings and Princes ; and in this kind Your Majesty hath suffered and lost more than will easily be restored to Your self or Your Posterity for a long time . It is not denied but the prime Reforming power is in Kings and Princes ; quibus deficientibus , it comes to the inferior Magistrate ; quibus deficientibus , it descendeth to the Body of the People ; supposing that there is a necessity of Reformation , and that by no means it can be obtained of their Superiors . It is true that such a Reformation is more imperfect in respect of the Instruments and manner of Procedure ; yet for the most part more pure and perfect in relation to the effect and product . And for this end did I cite the Examples of old of Reformation by Regal Authority ; of which none was perfect , in the second way of perfection , except that of Josiah . Concerning the saying of Grosthed , whom the Cardinals at Rome confest to be a more Godly man than any of themselves , it was his Complaint and Prediction of what was likely to ensue , not his desire or election , if Reformation could have been obtained in the ordinary way . I might bring two unpartial Witnesses , Juel and Bilson , both famous English Bishops , to prove that the Tumults and Troubles raised in Scotland at the time of Reformation , were to be imputed to the Papists opposing of the Reformation both of Doctrine and Discipline as an Heretical Innovation ; and not to be ascribed to the Nobility or People , who under God were the Instruments of it , intending and seeking nothing but the purging out of Errour , and setling of the Truth , 2. Concerning the Reformation of the Church of England , I conceive , whether it was begun or not in K. Henry the Eighth's time , it was not finished by Q. Elizabeth : the Father stirred the Humors of the diseased Church ; but neither the Son nor the Daughter ( although we have great reason to bless God for both ) did purge them out perfectly : This Perfection is yet reserved for Your Majesty . Where it is said , that all this time I bring no Reasons for a further Change ; the fourth Section of my last Paper hath many hints of Reasons against Episcopal Government , with an offer of more , or clearing of those ; which Your Majesty hath not thought fit to take notice of . And Learned men have observed many Defects in that Reformation ; As , That the Government of the Church of England ( for about this is the Question now ) is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles ; which they at least cannot deny , who profess Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory ; and such were the greater part of Archbishops and Bishops in England , contenting themselves with the Constitutions of the Church , and the authority and munificence of Princes , till of late that some few have pleaded it to be Jure Divino : That the English Reformation hath not perfectly purged out the Roman Leaven ; which is one of the reasons that have given ground to the comparing of this Church to the Church of Laodicea , as being neither hot nor cold , neither Popish nor Reformed , but of a lukewarm temper betwixt the two : That it hath depraved the Discipline of the Church , by conforming of it to the Civil Policy : That it hath added many Church-Offices , higher and lower , unto those instituted by the Son of God ; which is as unlawful , as to take away Offices warranted by the Divine Institution : and other the like , which have moved some to apply this saying to the Church of England , Multi ad perfectionem pervenirent , nisi jam se pervenisse crederent . 4. In my Answer to the first of Your Majesty 's many Arguments , I brought a Breviate of some Reasons to prove that a Bishop and Presbyter are one and the same in Scripture : from which by necessary Consequence I did infer the negative , Therefore , no difference in Scripture between a Bishop and a Presbyter ; the one name signifying Industriam Curiae Pastoralis , the other Sapientiae Maturitatem , saith Beda . And whereas Your Majesty averrs , the Presbyterian Government was never practised before Calvin's time ; Your Majesty knows the common Objection of the Papists against the Reformed Churches , Where was your Church , your Reformation , your Doctrine , before Luther's time ? One part of the common Answer is , that it was from the beginning , and is to be found in Scripture . The same I affirm of Presbyterian Government . And for the proving of this , the Assembly of Divines at Westminster have made manifest , that the Primitive Christian Church at Jerusalem was governed by a Presbytery ; while they shew , 1. That the Church of Jerusalem consisted of more Congregations than one , from the multitude of Believers , from the many Apostles and other Preachers in that Church , and from the diversity of Languages among the Believers . 2. That all these Congregations were under one Presbyterial Government , because they were for Government one Church , Acts 11. 22 , 26. and because that Church was governed by Elders , Acts 11. 30. which were Elders of that Church , and did meet together for acts of Government : And the Apostles themselves , in that meeting Acts 15. acted not as Apostles , but as Elders , stating the Question , debating it in the ordinary way of disputation ; and having by search of Scripture found the will of God , they conclude , It seemed good to the Holy Ghost and us : which , in the judgment of the learned , may be spoken by any Assembly upon like evidence of Scripture . The like Presbyterian Government had place in the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , Thessalonica , &c. in the times of the Apostles ; and after them , for many years , when one of the Presbytery was made Episcopus Praeses , even then , Communi Presbyterorum Consilio Ecclesiae gubernabantur , saith Jerome ; and , Episcopos magis consuetudine quam Dispositionis Divinae veritate Presbyteris esse majores , & in commune debere Ecclesiam regere . 5. Far be it from me to think such a thought , as that Your Majesty did intend any Fallacy in Your other main Argument from Antiquity . As we are to distinguish between Intentio operantis and Conditio operis ; so may we in this case consider the difference between Intentio Argumentantis and Conditio Argumenti . And where Your Majesty argues , That , if Your opinion be not admitted , we will be forced to give place to the Interpretation of private spirits , which is contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostle Peter , and will prove to be of dangerous consequence ; I humbly offer to be considered by Your Majesty , what some of chief note among the Papists themselves have taught us , That the Interpretation of Scriptures , and the Spirits whence they proceed , may be called private in a threefold sense . 1. Ratione Personae , if the Interpreter be of a private condition . 2. Ratione Modi & Medii , when Persons , although not private , use not the publick means which are necessary for finding out the Truth , but follow their own Fancies . 3. Ratione Finis , when the Interpretation is not proposed as Authentical to bind others , but is intended only for our own private satisfaction . The first is not to be despised ; the second is to be exploded , and is condemned by the Apostle Peter ; the third ought not to be censured : But that Interpretation which is Authentical , and of supreme Authority , which every mans conscience is bound to yield unto , is of an higher nature . And although the General Council should resolve it , and the Consent of the Fathers should be had unto it , yet there must always be place left to the judgment of Discretion , as Davenant , late Bishop of Salisbury , beside divers others , hath learnedly made appear in his Book De Judice Controversiarum ; where also the Power of Kings in matter of Religion is solidly and unpartially determined . Two words only I add . One is , that notwithstanding all that is pretended from Antiquity , a Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , will never be found in Prime Antiquity . The other is , that many of the Fathers did , unwittingly , bring forth that Antichrist which was conceived in the times of the Apostles , and therefore are incompetent Judges in the Question of Hierarchy . And upon the other part , the Lights of the Christian Church at and since the beginning of the Reformation , have discovered many secrets concerning the Antichrist and his Hierarchy , which were not known to former Ages : And divers of the Learned in the Roman Church have not feared to pronounce , That whosoever denies the true and literal sense of many Texts of Scripture to have been found out in this last Age , is unthankful to God , who hath so plentifully poured forth his Spirit upon the Children of this Generation ; and ungrateful towards those men who with so great pains , so happy success , and so much benefit to God's Church , have travailed therein . This might be instanced in many places of Scripture . I wind together Diotrephes and the Mystery of iniquity : the one as an old example of Church-ambition , which was also too palpable in the Apostles themselves ; and the other as a cover of Ambition , afterwards discovered : which two brought forth the great Mystery of the Papacy at last . 6. Although Your Majesty be not made a Judge of the Reformed Churches , yet You so far censure them and their actions , as without Bishops , in Your Judgment , they cannot have a lawful Ministery , nor a due Administration of the Sacraments . Against which dangerous and destructive Opinion I did alledge what I supposed Your Majesty would not have denied . 1. That Presbyters without a Bishop may ordain other Presbyters . 2. That Baptism administred by such a Presbyter , is another thing than Baptism administred by a private person or by a Midwife . Of the first Your Majesty calls for proof . I told before , that in Scripture it is manifest , 1 Tim. 4. 14. Neglect not the Gift that is in thee , which was given thee by the Prophecy , with the laying on of the hands of the Presbytery , so it is in the English Translation : And the word Presbytery , To often as it is used in the New Testament , always signifies the Persons , and not the Office. And although the Offices of Bishop and Presbyter were distinct ; yet doth not the Presbyter derive his power of Order from the Bishop . The Evangelists were inferiour to the Apostles ; yet had they their power not from the Apostles , but from Christ . The same I affirm of the Seventy Disciples , who had their power immediately from Christ , no less than the Apostles had theirs . It may upon better reason be averred that the Bishops have their power from the Pope , than that Presbyters have their power from the Prelats . It is true , Jerome saith , Quid facit , exceptâ ordinatione , Episcopus , quod non facit Presbyter ? But in the same place he proves from Sccipture , that Episcopus and Presbyter are one and the same ; and therefore when he appropriates Ordination to the Bishop , he speaketh of the degenerated custom of his time . Secondly , Concerning Baptism , a private person may perform the external Action and Rites both of it and of the Eucharist ; yet is neither of the two a Sacrament , or hath any efficacy , unless it be done by him that is lawfully called thereunto , or by a person made publick , and cloathed with Authority by Ordination . This Errour in the matter of Baptism is begot by another Errour , of the Absolute Necessity of Baptism . 7. To that which hath been said concerning Your Majesties Oath , I shall add nothing ; not being willing to enter upon the Question of the subordination of the Church to the Civil Power , whether the King or Parliament , or both , and to either of them in their own place . Such an Headship as the Kings of England have claimed , and such a Supremacy as the Two Houses of Parliament crave , with the Appeals from the supreme Ecclesiastical Judicature to them as set over the Church in the same line of Subordination , I do utterly disclaim upon such Reasons as give my self satisfaction ; although no man shall be more willing to submit to Civil powers , each one in their own place , and more unwilling to make any trouble , than my self . Only concerning the application of the Generals of an Oath to the particular case now in hand ; under favour , I conceive not how the Clergy of the Church of England is , or ought to be , principally intended in Your Oath . For although they were esteemed to be the Representative Church ; yet even that is for the benefit of the Church Collective , Salus Populi being Suprema lex , and to be principally intended . Your Majesty knows it was so in the Church of Scotland , where the like alteration was made . And if nothing of this kind can be done without the consent of the Clergy , what Reformation can be expected in France or Spain , or Rome it self ? It is not to be expected that the Pope or Prelates will consent to their own ruine . 8. I will not presume upon any secret knowledge of the Opinions held by the King Your Majesty's Father of famous Memory , they being much better known to Your Majesty : I did only produce what was profest by Him before the world . And although Prayers and Tears be the Arms of the Church ; yet it is neither acceptable to God , nor conducible for Kings and Princes , to force the Church to put on these Arms. Nor could I ever hear a reason , why a necessary Defensive War against unjust Violence is unlawful , although it be joyned with Offence and Invasion which is intended for Defence , but so that Arms are laid down when the Offensive War ceaseth : by which it doth appear , that the War on the other side was , in the nature thereof , Defensive . 9. Concerning the forcing of Conscience , which I pretermitted in my other Paper , I am forced now , but without forcing of my conscience , to speak of it . Our Conscience may be said to be forced either by our selves , or by others . By our selves , 1. When we stop the ear of our Conscience , and will not hearken , or give place to information , resolving obstinately , Ne si persuaseris , persuadebis ; which is no less than a resisting of the Holy Ghost , and the hardning of our hearts . 2. Or when we stop the mouth and suppress the clamours of our Conscience ; resolving rather to suffer the worm to gnaw , and the fire to burn inwardly , than to make profession of that we are convinced to be Truth . 3. Or when we sear our Conscience as with an hot Iron , that it becometh sensless , which is the punishment of the former : unto which is opposed the truly tender Conscience , such as Josiah had , 2 King. 22. 19. Again , our Conscience is said to be forced by others , 1. when they obtrude upon us what is in it self evil and unlawful ; which if we admit against our own Conscience , we sin two ways : one is , by doing that which is in it self evil and unlawful ; the other is , by doing it against a dictate of Conscience , which is a contempt of God , whose Vicegerent it is . 2. Or when others urge us to do that which is in it self good , or may lawfully be done , but through error of Conscience we judge it to be evil and unlawful : in this case , if we do not that which is prest upon us , we sin , because the thing is good and lawful ; and if we do it , we sin , because we do against our Conscience , which in this case bindeth , but obligeth not . And yet there is a way to escape out of this labyrinth , it being repugnant to the equity of the will of God to lay a necessity of sinning upon any man : The only way is , to lay aside such a Conscience , it being a part of the Old man , which we are commanded to put off ; otherwise , we being sufficiently informed , and yet cleaving to our old Error , we rather do violence to our Conscience our selves , than suffer violence from others . The application , for Answering the Quaere , I leave to Your Majesty . Newcastle , June 17. 1646. V. His MAJESTY's Third Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson : In Reply to his second Paper . June 22. 1646. 1. IT were arrogance , besides loss of time , in Me to vie Preambles with you ; for it is Truth I seek , and neither Praise nor Victory : wherefore I shall only insist upon those things which are merely necessary to my own satisfaction ; in order to which I desired the assistance of some Divines ; whereupon I will insist no further , save only to wish that you may not ( as I have known many men do ) lose time by being mistaken in the way to save it , wherein I have only sought to disburthen My self , but to lay no blame upon you , and so I leave it . 2. Nor will I say more of the second than this , that I am glad you have so well approved of what I have said concerning my Education and Reason ; but then remember , that another Man's will is at least as weak a ground to build My Faith upon as my former Education . 3. In this there are two points ; first , concerning the Reforming power , then anent the English Reformation . For the first , I confess you now speak clearly , which before you did but darkly mention , wherein I shall mainly differ with you , until you shall shew Me better Reason . Yet thus far I will go along with you , that when a General Council cannot be had , several Kingdoms may Reform themselves , ( which is learnedly and fully proved by the late Archbishop of Canterbury in his disputation against Fisher : ) but that the inferior Magistrates or People ( take it which way you will ) have this power , I utterly deny ; for which , by your favour , you have yet made no sufficient proof to my judgment . Indeed , if you could have brought , or can bring authority of Scripture for this Opinion , I would , and will yet , with all reverence submit : but as for your Examples out of the Old Testament , in My mind they rather make for than against Me , all those Reformations being made by Kings : and it is a good probable ( though I will not say convincing ) Argument , that if God would have approved of a Popular reforming way , there were Kings of Judah and Israel sufficiently negligent and ill to have made such examples by ; but on the contrary , the 16. Chap. of Numbers shews clearly how God disapproves of such courses . But I forget this Assertion is to be proved by you ; yet I may put you in the way : wherefore let Me tell you that this pretended power in the People must ( as all others ) either be directly or else declaratorily by approbation given by God ; which how soon you can do , I submit ; otherwise you prove nothing . For the citing of private mens Opinions ( more than as they concur with the general consent of the Church in their time ) weighs little with Me , it being too well known , that Rebels never wanted Writers to maintain their unjust actions : and though I much reverence Bishop Juel's memory , I never thought him infallible . For Bilson , I remember well what opinion the King my Father had of him for those Opinions , and how He shewed him some favour in hope of his recantation , ( as His good nature made Him do many things of that kind ; ) but whether he did or not , I cannot say . To conclude this point , untill you shall prove this position by the Word of God , ( as I will Regal Authority ) I shall think all popular Reformation little better than Rebellion ; for I hold that no Authority is lawful but that which is either directly given , or , at least , approved by god . Secondly , Concerning the English Reformation , the first reason you bring why Q. Elizabeth did not finish it is , because she took not away Episcopacy , the hints of reason against which government you say I take no notice of : now I thought it was sufficient notice , yea and answer too , when I told you , a Negative ( as I conceived ) could not be proved , and that it was for Me to prove the Affirmative ; which I shall either do , or yield the Argument , as soon as I shall be assisted with Books , or such Men of My Opinion , who like you , have a Library in their brain . And so I must leave this particular , until I be furnished with means to put it to an issue ; which had been sooner done , if I could have had my will. Indeed your second well proved is most sufficient , which is , That the English Church Government is not builded upon the foundation of Christ and the Apostles : but I conceive your probation of this doubly defective . For first , albeit our Archbishops and Bishops should have professed Church-Government to be mutable and ambulatory , I conceive it not sufficient to prove your Assertion : and secondly , I am confident you cannot prove that most of them maintained this walking position , ( for some particulars must not conclude the general ) for which you must find much better Arguments than their being content with the Constitution of the Church , and the Authority and munificence of Princes , or you will fall extremely short . As for the retaining of the Roman le●en , you must prove it as well as say it , else you say little . But that the conforming of the Church Discipline to the Civil Policy should be a depraving of it , I absolutely deny ; for I aver , that without it the Church can neither flourish nor be happy . And for your last instance , you shall do well to shew the prohibition of our Saviour against addition of more Officers in the Church than he named : and yet in one sense I do not conceive that the Church of England hath added any ; for an Archbishop is only a distinction for Order of Government , not a new Officer , and so of the rest ; and of this kind I believe there are divers now in Scotland which you will not condemn , as the Moderators of Assemblies , and others . 4. Where you find a Bishop and Presbyter in Scripture to be one and the same ( which I deny to be alwaies so ) it is in the Apostles time ; now I think to prove the Order of Bishops succeeded that of the Apostles , and that the name was chiefly altered in reverence to those who were immediately chosen by our Saviour , ( albeit in their time they caused divers to be called so , as Barnabas and others ) so that I believe this Argument makes little for you . As for your proof of the antiquity of Presbyterian Government , it is well that the Assembly of Divines at Westminster can do more than Eusebius could , and I shall believe when I see it : for your former Paper affirms , that those times were very dark for matter of fact , and will be so still for Me if there be no clearer Arguments to prove it than those you mention : for because there were divers Congregations in Jerusalem ; Ergo , what ? are there not divers Parishes in one Diocess ? ( your two first I answer but as one Argument ) and because the Apostles met with those of the inferiour Orders for Acts of Government ; what then ? even so in these times do the Deans and Chapters , and many times those of the inferiour Clergy assist the Bishops . But I hope you will not pretend to say , that there was an equality between the Apostles and other Presbyters , which not being , doth ( in My judgment ) quite invalidate these Arguments . And if you can say no more for the Churches of Corinth , Ephesus , Thessalonica , &c. than you have for Jerusalem , it will gain no ground on Me. As for Saint Jerome , it is well known that he was no great Friend to Bishops , as being none himself ; yet take him altogether , and you will find that he makes a clear distinction between a Bishop and a Presbyter , as your self confesses : but the truth is , he was angry with those who maintained Deacons to be equal to Presbyters . 5. I am well satisfied with the explanation of your meaning concerning the word Fallacy , though I think to have had reason for saying what I did : but by your favour , I do not conceive that you have answered the strength of my Argument ; for when you and I differ upon the interpretation of Scripture , and I appeal to the practice of the Primitive Church , and the universal consent of the Fathers , to be Judge between us , Methinks you should either find a fitter , or submit to what I offer ; neither of which ( to My understanding ) you have yet done ; nor have you shewn how , waving those Judges I appeal unto , the mischief of the interpretation by private Spirits can be prevented . Indeed , if I cannot prove by Antiquity that Ordination and Jurisdiction belong to Bishops , ( thereby clearly distinguishing them from other Presbyters ) I shall then begin to misdoubt many of my former Foundations ; ( as for Bishop Davenant , he is none of those to whom I have appealed , or will submit unto . ) But for the exception you take to Fathers , I take it to be a begging of the Question ; as likewise those great discoveries of secrets , not known to former Ages , I shall call new-invented fancies , until particularly you shall prove the contrary : and for your Roman Authors , it is no great wonder for them to seek shifts whereby to maintain Novelties as well as the Puritans . As for Church-ambition , it doth not at all terminate in seeking to be Pope ; for I take it to be no point of humility to indeavour to be independent of Kings , it being possible that Papacy in a multitude may be as dangerous as in one . 6. As I am no Judge over the Reformed Churches , so neither do I censure them ; for many things may be avowable upon necessity , which otherwayes are unlawful : but know once for all , that I esteem nothing the better because it is done by such a particular Church ( though it were by the Church of England , which I avow most to reverence ; ) but I esteem that Church most which comes nearest to the purity of the Primitive Doctrine and Discipline , as I believe this doth . Now concerning Ordination , I bad you prove that Presbyters without a Bishop might lawfully ordain ; which yet I conceive you have not done : for , 2 Tim. 1. 6. it is evident that Saint Paul was at Timothie's ordination ; and albeit that all the Seventy had their power immediately from Christ , yet it is as evident that our Saviour made a clear distinction between the twelve Apostles and the rest of the Disciples , which is set down by three of the Evangelists , whereof Saint Mark calls it an Ordination , Mark 3. 15. and Saint Luke sayes , And of them he chose Twelve , &c. Luk. 6. 13. only Saint Matthew doth but barely enumerate them by their name of distinction , Mat. 10. 1. I suppose out of modesty , himself being one , and the other two being none , are more particular . For the Administration of Baptism , giving , but not granting , what you say , it makes more for Me than you : but I will not engage upon new Questions not necessary for My purpose . 7. For my Oath , you do well not to enter upon those Questions you mention ; and you had done as well to have omitted your instance ; but out of discretion , I desire you to collect your Answer out of the last Section ; and for your Argument , though the intention of my Oath be for the good of the Church collective , therefore can I be dispensed withal by others than the representative Body ? certainly no more than the People can dispense with Me for any Oaths I took in their favours , without the two Houses of Parliament . As for future Reformations , I will only tell you , that incommodum non solvit Argumentum . 8. For the King my Father's opinion , if it were not to spend time ( as I believe ) needlesly , I could prove by living and written testimonies all and more than I have said of Him , for His perswasion in these points which I now maintain : and for your defensive War , as I do acknowledge it a great sin for any King to oppress the Church , so I hold it absolutely unlawful for Subjects ( upon any pretence whatsoever ) to make War ( though defensive ) against their lawful Sovereign ; against which no less proofs will make Me yield but God's Word : and let Me tell you , that upon such points as these , instances as well as comparisons are odious . 9. Lastly , You mistake the Quaere in My first Paper to which this pretends to answer ; for my Question was not concerning force of Arguments ( for I never doubted the lawfulness of it ) but force ●f Arms , to which , I conceive , it says little or nothing , ( unless after My example ) you ●●●er Me to the former Section ; that which it doth , is merely the asking of the question , after a fine discourse of the several ways of perswading rather than forcing of Conscience . I close up this Paper , desiring you to take notice , that there is none of these Sections but I could have inlarged to many more lines , some to whole pages ; yet I chose to be thus brief , knowing you will understand more by a word than others by a long discourse ; trusting likewise to your ingenuity , that Reason epitomized will weigh as much with you as if it were at large . June 22. 1646. C. R. VI. Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper . For His MAJESTY : Concerning the Authority of the Fathers , and Practice of the Church . July 2. 1646. HAving in my former Papers pressed the steps of Your Majesty's Propositions , and finding by Your Majesty's last Paper , Controversies to be multiplied , ( I believe ) beyond Your Majesty's intentions in the beginning ; as concerning The Reforming Power , The Reformation of the Church of England , The difference betwixt a Bishop and a Presbyter , The warrants of Presbyterian Government , The Authority of Interpreting Scripture , The taking and keeping of Publick Oaths , The forcing of Conscience , and many other inferiour and subordinate Questions , which are Branches of those main Controversies ; all which in a satisfactory manner to determine in few words I leave to more presuming Spirits , who either see no knots of Difficulties , or can find a way rather to cut them asunder than to unloose them : yet will I not use any Tergiversation , nor do I decline to offer my humble Opinion with the Reasons thereof , in their own time , concerning each of them : which in obedience to Your Majesty's Command I have begun to do already . Only , Sir , by Your Majesty's favourable permission , for the greater expedition , and that the present velitations may be brought to some Issue , I am bold to intreat that the Method may be a little altered , and I may have leave now to begin at a Principle , and that which should have been inter Praecognita , I mean , the Rule by which we are to proceed , and to determine the present Controversy of Church-Policy ; without which we will be led into a labyrinth , and want a thred to wind us out again . In Your Majesty's First Paper , the universal Custom of the Primitive Church is conceived to be the Rule ; in the Second Paper , Section 5. the Practice of the Primitive Church , and the universal Consent of the Fathers is made a convincing Argument , when the Interpretation of Scripture is doubtful ; in your Third Paper , Sect. 5. the Practice of the Primitive Church and the universal Consent of Fathers is made Judge : And I know that nothing is more ordinary in this Question than to alledge Antiquity , perpetual Succession , universal Consent of the Fathers , and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church , according to the Rule of Augustine , Quod universa tenet Ecclesia , nec à Concilio institutum , sed semper retentum est , non nisi authoritate Apostolica traditum rectissimè creditur . There is in this Argument at the first view so much appearance of Reason , that it may much work upon a modest mind ; yet being well examined , and rightly weighed , it will be found to be of no great weight : for beside that the Minor will never be made good in the behalf of a Diocesan Bishop having sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , there being a multitude of Fathers who maintain that Bishop and Presbyter are of one and the same Order ; I shall humbly offer some few Considerations about the Major , because it hath been an Inlet to many dangerous Errours , and hath proved a mighty hinderance and obstruction to Reformation of Religion . 1. I desire it may be considered , that whiles some make two Rules for defining Controversies , the Word of God and Antiquity , ( which they will have to be received with equal veneration ) or , as the Papists call them , Canonical Authority , and Catholical Tradition ; and others make Scripture to be the only Rule , and Antiquity the authentick Interpreter ; the latter of the two seems to me to be the greater Errour : because the first setteth up a parallel in the same degree with Scripture ; but this would create a Superiour , in a higher degree above Scripture . For the interpretation of the Fathers shall be the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , and accounted the very Cause and Reason for which we conceive and believe such a place of Scripture to have such a sense : and thus men shall have dominion over our Faith , against 2 Cor. 1. 24. Our faith shall stand in the wisdom of man , and not in the power of God , 1 Cor. 2. 5. and Scripture shall be of private interpretation ; For the Prophecy came not of old by the will of man , 2 Pet. 1. 20 , 22. Nisi homini Deus placuerit , Deus non erit ; Homo jam Deo propitius esse debebit , saith Tertullian . 2. That Scripture cannot be Authentically interpreted but by Scripture , is manifest from Scripture . The Levites gave the sense of the Law by no other means but by Scripture it self . Neh. 8. 8. Our Saviour , for example to us , gave the true sense of Scripture against the depravations of Satan , by comparing Scripture with Scripture , and not by alledging any Testimonies out of the Rabbins , Matt. 4. And the Apostles , in their Epistles , used no other help but the diligent comparing of Prophetical writings : like as the Apostle Peter will have us to compare the clearer light of the Apostles with the more obscure light of the Prophets , 2 Pet. 1. 19. And when we betake our selves to the Fathers , we have need to take heed that , with the Papists , we accuse not the Scriptures of Obscurity or Imperfection . 3. The Fathers themselves ( as they are cited by Protestant Writers ) hold this Conclusion , That Scripture is not to be interpreted but by Scripture it self . To this purpose amongst many other Testimonies , they bring the saying of Tertullian , Surge , Veritas , ipsa Scripturas tuas interpretare , quam Consuetudo non novit ; nam si nosset , non esset : if it knew Scripture it would be ashamed of it self , and cease to be any more . 4. That some Errours have been received and continued for a long time in the Church . The Errour of Free-will , beginning at Justin Martyr , continued till the time of Reformation , although it was rejected by Augustine , as the Divine Right of Episcopacy was opposed by others . The Errour about the Vision of God , That the Souls of the Saints departed see not the face of God till the Judgment of the Great Day , was held by universal Consent . The same may be said of the Errour of the Millenaries ; and , which more nearly toucheth upon the present Question , the Ancients erred grosly about the Antichrist and Mystery of Iniquity , which did begin to work in the days of the Apostles . Many other Instances might be brought to prove such universal practice of the Church , as was not warranted by the Apostles ; as in the Rites of Baptism and Prayer , and the forming up and drawing together of the Articles of that Creed that is called Symbolum Apostolicum , the observation of many Feasts and Fasts both Anniversary and weekly . 5. That it is not a matter so incredible or impossible as some would have it appear to be , for the Primitive Church to have made a sudden defection from the Apostolical purity . The people of Israel , in the short time of Moses his absence on the mount , turned aside quickly , and fell into horrible Idolatry , Exod. 32. Soon after the death of Josuah , and the Elders that had seen the great works which the Lord had done for Israel , there arose another Generation after them , which did evil in the sight of the Lord , Judg. 2. Soon after the building of the Temple , and setling of Religion by David and Solomon , the worship of God was defiled with Idolatry : when Rehoboam had established the Kingdom , he forsook the Law of the Lord , and all Israel with him , 2 Chron. 12. 1. And the Apostle says to the Galatians , Gal. 1. 6. I marvel that you are so soon removed unto another Gospel . Why then shall we think it strange , that in the matter of Discipline there should be a sudden defection , especially it being begun in the time of the Apostles ? I know it is a common Opinion , but I believe there be no strong reasons for it , that the Church which was nearest the times of the Apostles was the most pure and perfect Church . 6. That it is impossible to come to the knowledge of the universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church : for many of the Fathers wrote nothing at all , many of their writings are perished , ( it may be that both of these have dissented from the rest ) many of the Writings which we have under their names are supposititious and counterfeit , especially about Episcopacy , which was the foundation of Papal Primacy . The Rule of Augustine afore-mentioned doth too much favour Traditions , and is not to be admitted without cautions and exceptions . Many the like Considerations may be added ; but these may be sufficient to prove , that the unanimous Consent of the Fathers and the universal Practice of the Primitive Church is no sure ground of Authentical interpretation of Scripture . I remember of a grave Divine in Scotland , much honoured by K. James of Happy memory , who did often profess that he did learn more of one Page of John Calvin than of a whole Treatise of Augustine . Nor can there be any good reason , ( many there be against it ) why the Ancients should be so far preferred to the Modern Doctors of the Reformed Churches , and the one in a manner Deified , and the other vilified . It is but a poor Reason that some give , Fama miratrix senioris aevi , and is abundantly answered by the Apologist for Divine Providence . If Your Majesty be still unsatisfied concerning the Rule , I know not to what purpose I should proceed , or trouble Your Majesty any more . Newcastle , July 2. 1646. VII . His MAJESTIES Fourth Paper . For Mr. Alexander Henderson . July 3. 1646. I Shall very willingly follow the method you have begun in your third Paper ; but I do not conceive that my last Paper multiplies more Controversies than my first gave occasion for ; having been so far from augmenting the Heads of our Disputation , that I have omitted the answering many things in both your Papers , expresly to avoid raising of new and needless Questions ; desiring to have only so many debated as are simply necessary to shew , whether or not I may with a safe conscience give way to the alteration of Church-Government in England . And indeed I like very well , to begin with the setling of the Rule , by which we are to proceed , and determine the present Controversie : to which purpose ( as I conceive ) My third Paper shews you an excellent way ; for there I offer you a Judge between us , or desire you to find out a better , which , to My judgment , you have not yet done , ( though you have sought to invalidate Mine : ) for , if you understand to have offered the Scripture , though no man shall pay more reverence , nor submit more humbly to it , than My self ; yet we must find some Rule to judge betwixt us , when you and I differ upon the interpretation of the self-same Text , or it can never determine our Questions . As for example , I say you misapply that of 2 Cor. 1. 14. to Me ( let others answer for themselves ) for I know not how I make other men to have dominion over My Faith , when I make them only serve to approve my Reason . Nor do I conceive how 1 Cor. 2. 5. can be applied to this purpose : for there Saint Paul only shews the difference between Divine and Humane Eloquence , making no mention of any kind of interpretation throughout the whole Chapter , as indeed Saint Peter does , 2 Pet. 1. 20. which I conceive makes for Me : for , since that no Prophecy of Scripture is of any private interpretation , First , I infer , that Scripture is to be interpreted , for else the Apostle would have omitted the word Private ; Secondly , that at least the consent of many learned Divines is necessary , and so , à fortiori , that of the Catholick Church ought to be an authentick Judge , when men differ . And is it a good Argument , because ( Matth. 4. 4 , 7 , 10. ) Scripture is best interpreted by it self , therefore that all other interpretations are unlawful ? certainful you cannot think it . Thus having shewed you that we differ about the meaning of the Scripture , and are like to do so ; certainly there ought to be for this , as well as other things , a Rule or a Judge between us , to determine our differences , or , at least , to make our Probations and Arguments Relevant : therefore evading for this time to Answer your Six Considerations ( not , I assure you , for the difficulty of them , but the starting of new Questions ) I desire you only to shew Me a better than what I have offered unto you . Newcastle , July 3. 1646. C. R. VIII . His MAJESTY's Fifth Paper . For Mr Alexander Henderson . A particular Answer to Mr Alexander Henderson's Third Paper . July 16. 1646. UNtil you shall find out a fitter way to decide our Difference in Opinion concerning Interpretation of Scripture , than the Consent of the Fathers and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church , I cannot but pass my Judgment anent those Six Considerations which you offered to invalidate those Authorities that I so much reverence . 1. In the first you mention two Rules for defining of Controversies , and seek a most odd way to confute them , as I think ; for you alledge , that there is more attributed to them than I believe you can prove by the Consent of most learned Men ( there being no question , but there are always some flattering fools that can commend nothing but with hyperbolick expressions ) and you know that supposito quolibet , sequitur quidlibet : besides , do you think , that albeit some ignorant Fellows should attribute more power to Presbyters than is really due unto them , that thereby their Just reverence and Authority is diminished ? So I see no reason why I may not safely maintain that the Interpretation of Fathers is a most excellent strengthning to My Opinion , though others should attribute the Cause and Reason of their Faith unto it . 2. As there is no question but that Scripture is far the best Interpreter of it self , so I see nothing in this , negatively proved , to exclude any other , notwithstanding your positive affirmation . 3. Nor in the next ; for I hope you will not be the first to condemn your self , Me , and innumerable others , who yet unblameably have not tied themselves to this Rule . 4. If this you only intend to prove , that Errours were always breeding in the Church , I shall not deny it ; yet that makes little ( as I conceive ) to your purpose . But if your meaning be , to accuse the Universal practice of the Church with Errour , I must say , it is a very bold undertaking , and ( if you cannot justifie your self by clear places in Scripture ) much to be blamed : wherein you must not alledge that to be universally received which was not ; as I dare say that the Controversie about Free-will was never yet decided by Oecumenical or General Council : nor must you presume to call that an Errour , which really the Catholick Church maintained ( as in Rites of Baptism , Forms of Prayer , Observation of Feasts , Fasts , &c. ) except you can prove it so by the Word of God ; and it is not enough to say that such a thing was not warranted by the Apostles , but you must prove by their Doctrine that such a thing was unlawful , or else the Practice of the Church is warrant enough for Me to follow and obey that Custom , whatsoever it be , and think it good ; and I shall believe that the Apostles Creed was made by them , ( such Reverence I bear to the Churches Tradition ) untill other Authors be certainly found out . 5. I was taught that de posse ad esse was no good Argument ; and indeed to Me it is incredible that any custom of the Catholick Church was erroneous , which was not contradicted by Orthodox learned Men in the times of their first Practice , as is easily perceived that all those Defections were ( some of them may be justly called Rebellions ) which you mention . 6. I deny it is impossible ( though I confess it difficult ) to come to the knowledge of the Universal Consent and Practice of the Primitive Church ; therefore I confess a man ought to be careful how to believe things of this nature ; wherefore I conceive this to be only an Argument for Caution . My conclusion is , that albeit I never esteemed any Authority equal to the Scriptures ; yet I do think the Unanimous Consent of the Fathers , and the Universal Practice of the Primitive Church , to be the best and most Authentical Interpreters of God's Word , and consequently the fittest Judges between Me and you , when we differ , until you shall find Me better . For example , I think you for the present the best Preacher in Newcastle ; yet I believe you may err , and possibly a better Preacher may come : but till then I must retain my Opinion . Newcastle , July 16. 1646. C. R. His MAJESTY's Quaere concerning Easter , propounded to the Parliaments Commissioners at Holdenby , April 23. 1647. I desire to be resolved of this Question , Why the new Reformers discharge the keeping of Easter . The Reason for this Quaere is , I Conceive the Celebration of this Feast was instituted by the same Authority which changed the Jewish Sabbath into the Lord's Day , or Sunday ; for it will not be found in Scripture where Saturday is discharged to be kept , or turned into the Sunday : wherefore it must be the Churches Authority that changed the one , and instituted the other . Therefore My Opinion is , that those who will not keep this Feast , may as well return to the observation of Saturday , and refuse the weekly Sunday . When any body can shew Me that herein I am in an errour , I shall not be ashamed to confess and amend it ; till when you know my mind . C. R. His MAJESTY's First Paper concerning Episcopacy . At the Treaty at NEWPORT , October 2. 1648. CHARLES R. I Conceive that Episcopal Government is most consonant to the Word of God , and of an Apostolical institution , as it appears by the Scripture to have been practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them committed and derived to particular persons as their Substitutes or Successors therein ( as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving Rules concerning Christian Discipline , and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ) and hath ever since to these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ : and therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government . Notwithstanding this my perswasion , I shall be glad to be informed , if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure : Which if you can make appear to Me , then I will confess that one of my great Scruples is clean taken away : And then there only remains , That being by my Coronation-Oath obliged to maintain Episcopal Government as I found it setled to my hands ; Whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof , until the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God. Newport , October 2. 1648. PRAYERS Used by His MAJESTY in the time of His Troubles and Restraint . I. A Prayer used by His MAJESTY , at His entrance in state into the Cathedral Church of Excester after the defeat of the Earl of Essex in Cornwal . O Most glorious Lord God , Father , Son , and Holy Ghost , I here humbly adore thy most Sacred Majesty ; and I bless and magnifie thy Name , for that Thou hast been pleased so often and so strangely to deliver Me from the strivings of my People . Father , forgive them who have thus risen up against Me , and do Thou yet turn their hearts both unto Thee and to Me ; that I being firmly established in the Throne Thou hast placed Me in , I may defend Thy Church committed to My care , and keep all this Thine and My People in Truth and Peace , through Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . II. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special direction and dictates , for a Blessing on the Treaty at Uxbridge . O Most merciful Father , Lord God of Peace and Truth , we a People sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural War , do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this present Treaty , begun for the establishment of an happy Peace . Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed his . Or , if the guilt of our great Sins cause this Treaty to break off in vain , Lord , let the Truth clearly appear , who those men are , which under pretence of the Publick Good do pursue their own private ends ; that this People may be no longer so blindly miserable as not to see , at least in this their day , the things that belong unto their Peace . Grant this , gracious God , for His sake who is our Peace it self , even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . III. A Prayer drawn by His MAJESTY's special directions , for a Blessing on the Treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight . O Most merciful Father , Lord God of Peace and Truth , we a People sorely afflicted by the scourge of an unnatural War , do here earnestly beseech Thee to command a Blessing from Heaven upon this Treaty brought about by Thy Providence , and the only visible remedy left for the establishment of an happy Peace . Soften the most obdurate hearts with a true Christian desire of saving those mens blood for whom Christ himself hath shed His. O Lord , let not the guilt of our Sins cause this Treaty to break off ; but let the Truth of Thy Spirit so clearly shine in our minds , that all private ends laid aside , we may every one of us heartily and sincerely pursue the Publick Good ; and that thy People may be no longer so blindly miserable as not to see , at least in this their day , the things that belong unto their Peace . Grant this , gracious God , for His sake who is our Peace it self , even Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . IV. A Prayer for Pardon of Sin. ALmighty and most merciful Father , look down upon Me thy unworthy Servant , who here prostrate My self at the Footstool of thy Throne of Grace : but look upon Me , O Father , through the Mediation and in the Merits of Jesus Christ , in whom Thou art only well pleased ; for of My self I am not worthy to stand before Thee , or to speak with my unclean lips to Thee , most Holy and Eternal God. For as in sin I was conceived and born , so likewise I have broken all thy Commandments by my sinful Motions , unclean Thoughts , evil Words , and wicked Works ; omitting many Duties I ought to do , and committing many Vices which Thou hast forbidden under pain of thy heavy displeasure . As for my Sins , O Lord , they are innumerable ; wherefore I stand here liable to all the Miseries in this life , and everlasting Torments in that to come , if Thou shouldst deal with Me according to My deserts . I confess , O Lord , that it is Thy Mercy ( which endureth for ever ) and Thy Compassion ( which never fails ) which is the cause that I have not been long ago consumed : But with Thee there is Mercy and plenteous Redemption . In the multitude therefore of thy Mercies , and by the Merits of Jesus Christ , I entreat thy Divine Majesty that Thou wouldst not enter into Judgement with thy Servant , nor be extream to mark what is done amiss , but be Thou merciful unto Me , and wash away all my Sins with that precious Blood that my Saviour shed for Me. And I beseech Thee , O Lord , not only to wash away all my Sins , but also to purge my Heart by thy Holy Spirit from the dross of my natural Corruption . And as Thou dost add days to my Life , so , Good Lord , I beseech Thee to add Repentance to my days ; that when I have pass'd this mortal life , I may be partaker of thy everlasting Kingdom , through the merits of Jesus Christ our Lord. Amen . V. A Prayer and Confession in and for the times of Affliction . ALmighty and most merciful Father , as it is only Thy goodness that admits of our imperfect Prayers , and the knowledge that Thy Mercies are infinite which can give us any hope of Thy accepting or granting them ; so it is our bounden and necessary Duty to confess our Sins freely unto Thee . And of all men living I have most need , most reason so to do , no man living having been so much obliged by Thee ; that degree of Knowledge which Thou hast given Me , adding likewise to the guilt of my Transgressions . For was it through Ignorance that I suffered innocent blood to be shed by a false pretended way of Justice ? or that I permitted a wrong way of thy Worship to be set up in Scotland , and injured the Bishops in England ? O no ; but with shame and grief I confess , that I therein followed the perswasions of worldly Wisdom , forsaking the Dictates of a right-informed Conscience . Wherefore , O Lord , I have no excuse to make , no hope left , but in the multitude of Thy Mercies ; for I know my Repentance weak , and my Prayers faulty . Grant therefore , merciful Father , so to strengthen my Repentance and amend my Prayers , that Thou maist clear the way for thine own Mercies ; to which O let thy Justice at last give place , putting a speedy end to my deserved Afflictions . In the mean time give Me Patience to endure , Constancy against Temptations , and a discerning spirit to chuse what is best for Thy Church and People which Thou hast committed to My Charge . Grant this , O most merciful Father , for thy Son Jesus Christ's sake , our only Saviour . Amen . VI. A Prayer in time of Captivity . O Powerful and eternal God , to whom nothing is so great that it may resist , or so small that it is contemned ; look upon My Misery with Thine Eye of Mercy , and let thy infinite Power vouchsafe to limit out some proportion of deliverance unto Me , as to Thee shall seem most convenient . Let not injury , O Lord , triumph over Me , and let my faults by Thy Hand be corrected , and make not my unjust Enemies the Ministers of thy Justice . But yet , my God , if in thy Wisdom this be the aptest chastisement for my unexcusable Transgressions , if this ungrateful bondage be fittest for my over-high desires , if the pride of my ( not enough humble ) Heart be thus to be broken ; O Lord , I yield unto Thy Will , and chearfully embrace what sorrow Thou wilt have Me suffer . Only thus much let Me crave of Thee , ( let my craving , O Lord , be accepted of , since it even proceeds from Thee , ) that by thy Goodness , which is Thy self , Thou wilt suffer some beam of thy Majesty so to shine in my mind , that I , who acknowledge it my noblest Title to be Thy Creature , may still in my greatest Afflictions depend confidently on Thee . Let Calamity be the exercise , but not the overthrow of my Vertue : O let not their prevailing power be to My Destruction . And if it be thy Will , that they more and more vex Me with punishment , yet , O Lord , never let their Wickedness have such a hand , but that I may still carry a pure mind and stedfast resolution ever to serve Thee without Fear or Presumption , yet with that humble Confidence which may best please Thee : so that at the last I may come to thy eternal Kingdom , through the Merits of thy Son , our alone Saviour , Jesus Christ . Amen . VII . A Prayer in time of imminent Danger . O Most merciful Father , though my Sins are so many and grievous , that I may rather expect the effects of thy Anger than so great a deliverance , as to free Me from my present great Danger ; yet , O Lord , since thy Mercies are over all thy Works , and Thou never failest to relieve all those who with humble and unfeigned Repentance come to Thee for succour , it were to multiply , not diminish my Transgressions , to despair of thy heavenly favour : wherefore I humbly desire thy Divine Majesty , that Thou wilt not only pardon all my Sins , but also free Me out of the hands and protect Me from the Malice of my cruel Enemies . But if thy wrath against my hainous offences will not otherwise be satisfied , than by suffering Me to fall under my present Afflictions , thy Will be done : yet with humble importunity I do , and shall never leave to implore the assistance of thy Heavenly Spirit , that My Cause , as I am Thy Vicegerent , may not suffer through My weakness or want of Courage . O Lord , so strengthen and enlighten all the Faculties of my Mind , that with clearness I may shew forth thy Truth , and manfully endure this bloody Trial ; that so my Sufferings here may not only glorifie Thee , but likewise be a furtherance to My Salvation hereafter . Grant this , O merciful Father , for His sake who suffered for Me , even Jesus Christ the Righteous . Amen . KING CHARLES HIS MESSAGES FOR PEACE . I. From CANTERBURY , Jan. 20. MDCXLI . II. For the Composing of all Differences . HIS Majesty perceiving the manifold distractions which are now in this Kingdom , which cannot but bring great inconveniencies and mischief to this whole Government , in which as His Majesty is most chiefly interessed , so He holds Himself by many reasons most obliged to do what in Him lies for the preventing thereof ; though He might justly expect ( as most proper for the duty of Subjects ) that Propositions for the remedies of these evils ought rather to come to Him than from Him ; yet His Fatherly care of all His People being such , that He will rather lay by any particular respect of His Own Dignity , than that any time should be lost for prevention of these threatning evils , which cannot admit the delays of the ordinary proceedings in Parliament ; doth think fit to make this ensuing Proposition to both Houses of Parliament , that they will with all speed fall into a serious consideration of all those particulars which they shall hold necessary , as well for the upholding and maintaining of His Majesty's Just and Regal Authority , and for the setling of His Revenue , as for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying of their Estates and Fortunes , the Liberties of their Persons , the security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England , and the setling of Ceremonies in such a manner as may take away all just offence . Which when they shall have digested and composed into one intire body , that so His Majesty and themselves may be able to make the more clear Judgment of them , it shall then appear by what His Majesty shall do , how far he hath been from intending or designing any of those things which the too great Fears and Jealousies of some persons seem to apprehend ; and how ready He will be to equal and exceed the greatest examples of the most indulgent Princes , in their Acts of Grace and Favour to their People . So that if all the present Distractions ( which so apparently threaten the Ruine of this Kingdom ) do not ( by the blessing of Almighty God ) end in an happy and blessed Accommodation ; His Majesty will then be ready to call Heaven and Earth , God and Man to witness , that it hath not failed on His part . From HUNTINGDON , March 15. Upon His Removal to YORK . In pursuance of the Former . HIS Majesty being now on His remove to His City of York , where He intends to make His Residence for some time , thinks fit to send this Message to both Houses of Parliament . That he doth very earnestly desire that they will use all possible industry in expediting the business of Ireland , in which they shall find so chearful a concurrence by His Majesty , that no inconvenience shall happen to that service by His absence , He having all that Passion for the reducing of that Kingdom which He hath expressed in His former Messages , and being unable by words to manifest more affection to it than He hath endeavoured to do by those Messages ( having likewise done all such Acts as he hath been moved unto by His Parliament : ) therefore if the misfortunes and calamities of His poor Protestant Subjects shall grow upon them ( though His Majesty shall be deeply concerned in and sensible of their sufferings ) He shall wash His hands before all the World from the least imputation of slackness in that most necessary and pious work . And that His Majesty may leave no way unattempted which may beget a good understanding between Him and His Parliament , He thinks it necessary to declare , That as He hath been so tender of the Priviledges of Parliament , that He hath been ready and forward to retract any Act of His own which He hath been informed hath trencht upon their Priviledges ; so He expects an equal tenderness in them of His Majesty 's known and unquestionable Priviledges ( which are the Priviledges of the Kingdom ) amongst which He is assured it is a Fundamental one , That His Subjects cannot be obliged to obey any Act , Order , or Injunction , to which His Majesty hath not given His consent . And therefore He thinks it necessary to publish , That He expects , and hereby requires , Obedience from all His loving Subjects to the Laws established , and that they presume not upon any pretence of Order or Ordinance ( to which His Majesty is no party ) concerning the Militia , or any other thing , to do or execute what is not warranted by those Laws , His Majesty being resolved to keep the Laws Himself , and to require Obedience to them from all His Subjects . And His Majesty once more recommends to His Parliament the substance of His Message of the twentieth of January last , that they compose and digest with all speed such Acts as they shall think fit for the present and future establishment of their Priviledges , the free and quiet enjoying their Estates and Fortunes , the Liberties of their Persons , the security of the true Religion now professed in the Church of England , the maintaining His Majesties Regal and Just Authority , and setling His Revenue : His Majesty being most desirous to take all fitting and just wayes which may beget a happy understanding between Him and His Parliament , in which He conceives His greatest Power and Riches do consist . III. From NOTTINGHAM , Aug. 25. MDCXLII . When He set up His Standard . By the Earls of Southampton and Dorset , Sir John Culpepper Knight , Chancellour of the Exchequer , and Sir W. Wedale Knight . WE have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the distractions of this our Kingdom ; Our very Soul is full of anguish until We may find some remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a Civil War : and tho' all Our endeavours tending to the composing of those unhappy Differences betwixt Us and our two Houses of Parliament ( though pursued by us with all zeal and sincerity ) have been hitherto without that success We hoped for ; yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the publick Peace , that we shall not be discouraged from using any expedient which by the blessing of the God of Mercy may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happiness to all Our good Subjects . To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages , Petitions , and Answers betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament , which happily may be prevented by some other way of Treaty , wherein the matters in difference may be more clearly understood and more freely transacted ; We have thought fit to propound to you , that some fit persons may be by you enabled to treat with the like Number to be authorized by Us , in such a manner , and with such freedom of debate , as may best tend to that happy conclusion which all good men desire , The peace of the Kingdom : wherein as We promise in the word of a King all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent unto Us , if you shall chuse the place where We are for the Treaty , which we wholly leave to you , presuming on the like care of the safety of those We shall imploy , if you shall name another place ; so We assure you and all Our good Subjects , that ( to the best of Our Understanding ) nothing shall be therein wanting on Our part which may advance the true Protestant Religion , oppose Popery and Superstition , secure the Law of the land ( upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject ) confirm all just Power and Priviledges of Parliament , and render Us and Our People truly happy by a good understanding betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament . Bring with you as firm resolutions to do your Duty , and let all Our People joyn with Us in Our Prayers to Almighty God for his blessing upon this Work. If this Proposition shall be rejected by you , We have done Our duty so amply , that God will absolve Us from the guilt of any of that Blood which must be spilt . And what opinion soever other men may have of Our Power , We assure you nothing but Our Christian and pious care to prevent the effusion of Blood hath begot this motion ; Our provision of Men , Arms and Money being such as may secure Us from further Violence , till it please God to open the Eyes of Our People . IV. From ...... Sept. 5. MDCXLII . In pursuance of the former . WE will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted Estate of the Kingdom , nor how these means have been interpreted ; because being desirous to avoid effusion of Blood , We are willing to decline all memory of former bitterness that might make Our offer of a Treaty less readily accepted . We never did declare , nor ever intended to declare both Our Houses of Parliament Traytors , or set up Our Standard against them , and much less to put them and this Kingdom out of Our protection ; We utterly profess against it before God and the World. And further , to remove all possible scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Us , We hereby promise , so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all Persons as Traytors or otherwise , for assisting Us , We shall with all chearfulness upon the same day recal Our Proclamations and Declarations , and take down Our Standard ; in which Treaty We shall be ready to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our Subjects : Conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland , and the dangerous condition of England , in as high a degree as by these Our offers We have declared Our Self to do : And assuring you that Our chief desire in this World is to beget a good Understanding and mutual Confidence betwixt Us and Our two Houses of Parliament . V. From ...... Sept. 11. MDCXLII . In Replie to the Answer of both Houses to the former . WHO have taken most ways , used most endeavours , and made most real expressions to prevent the present Distractions and Dangers , let all the World judge , as well by former passages as Our two last Messages , which have been so fruitless , that ( though We have descended to desire and press it ) not so much as a Treaty can be obtained , unless We would denude Our self of all force to defend Us from a visible strength marching against Us , and admit those persons accounted as Traytors to Us , who according to their Duty , their Oaths of Allegiance and the Law , have appeared in defence of Us their King and Liege Lord , ( whom We are bound in Conscience and Honour to preserve ) though We disclaimed all Our Proclamations and Declarations , and the erecting of Our Standard as against Our Parliament . All We have now left in Our power is , to express the deep sense We have of the publick Misery of this Kingdom , in which is involved that of Our distressed Protestants of Ireland ; and to apply Our self to Our necessary defence , wherein We wholly relie upon the Providence of God , the Justice of Our Cause , and the Affection of Our good People , so far We are from putting them out of Our Protection . When you shall desire a Treaty of Us , We shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this quarrel , and chearfully embrace it . And as no other reason induced Us to leave Our City of London , but that with Honour and Safety We could not stay there ; nor to raise any force , but for the necessary defence of Our Person and the Law , against Levies in opposition to both : so We shall suddenly and most willingly return to the one , and disband the other , as soon as those causes shall be removed . The God of Heaven direct you , and in Mercy divert those Judgments which hang over this Nation ; and so deal with Us and Our Posterity , as We desire the preservation and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , and the Law and Liberty of the Subject , the just Rights of Parliament , and the Peace of the Kingdom . VI. From BRAINFORD , Nov. 12. MDCXLII . After the Defeat of the Parliament Forces at EDGE-HILL , and at BRAINFORD . WHereas the last Night , being the eleventh of November , after the departure of the Committee of both Our Houses with Our gracious Answer to their Petition , We received certain information ( having till then heard nothing of it , either from the Houses Committee or otherwise ) that the L. of Essex had drawn his Forces out of London towards Us , which hath necessitated Our sudden resolution to march with Our Forces to Brainford ; We have thought hereby fit to signifie to both Our Houses of Parliament , that we are no less desirous of the Peace of the Kingdom than We express in Our aforesaid Answer ; the Propositions for which We shall willingly receive whereever We are , and desire ( if it may be ) to receive them at Brainford this Night , or early to Morrow Morning ; that all possible speed may be made in so good a work , and all inconveniences otherwise likely to intervene may be avoided . VII . From OXFORD , April 12. MDCXLIII . At the Close of the Treaty . Concerning the Disbanding of all Forces , and His Return to the Houses . TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace , and that no success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end , or for any longer time than that , and until things may be so setled as that the Law may have a full , free and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses , and His good Subjects ; 1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His first Proposition concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts , in which He desires nothing but that the Just , Known , Legal Rights of His Majesty ( devolved to him from His Progenitors ) and of the Persons trusted by Him , which have been violently taken from both , be restored unto Him and unto them , unless any just and legal exceptions against any of the persons trusted by Him ( which are yet unknown to His Majesty ) can be made appear to Him. 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and Voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their birth-rights and the free election of those that sent them , and having been voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Distractions ; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose Votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made : 3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies , as to the great breach of the Priviledges and the high dishonour of Parliaments have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House , and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons , to join in a Declaratien against them , the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued ; which security His Majesty conceives can be only setled by adjourning the Parliament to some other place , at the least twenty Miles from London , the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses : His Majesty will most cheerfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediately disbanded , and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned . His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , such provisions will be made against seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions , and such care will be taken concerning the legal and known Rights of His Majesty , and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects , that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration , Ordinance or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the power to raise Arms without His Majesty's consent , will be in such a manner recalled , disclaimed , and provided against , that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future , to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom , and to endanger the very Being of it . And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved , by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the real good of His Subjects , and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants , in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of the practices of Papists against the State , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the penalties against them ; to make known to all the world how causeless those Fears and Jealousies have been which have been raised against Him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this offer of His Majesty be not consented to , ( in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side , and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People , till a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , which in Justice He might now require ) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World , not only who is most desirous of Peace , and whose fault it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who have been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted , or these Armies raised ; and the beginning or continuance of the War , and the destruction and desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not , by the most interessed , passionate or prejudicate person , be imputed to His Majesty . VIII . From OXFORD , May 19. MDCXLIII . In pursuance of the former . SInce His Majesty's Message of the twelfth of April , ( in which He conceived He had made such an Overture for the immediate disbanding of all Armies , and composure of these present miserable Distractions , by a full and free Convention in Parliament , that a perfect and settled Peace would have ensued ) hath in all this time ( above a full month ) procured no Answer from both Houses , His Majesty might well believe Himself absolved before God and man from the least possible charge of not having used His utmost endeavour for Peace : yet when he considers that the Scene of all this Calamity is in the Bowels of His own Kingdom , that all the bloud which is spilt , is of His own Subjects , and that what Victory soever it shall please God to give Him must be over those who ought not to have lifted up their hands against Him ; when He considers That these desperate civil Dissentions may incourage and invite a foreign Enemy to make a prey of the whole Nation ; That Ireland is in present danger to be totally lost ; That the heavy Judgments of God , Plague , Pestilence and Famine , will be the inevitable attendants of this unnatural Contention , and That in a short time there will be so general a habit of Uncharitableness and Cruelty contracted throughout the Kingdom , that even Peace it self will not restore His People to their old temper and security ; His Majesty cannot but again call for an Answer to that His Message , which gives so fair a rise to end these unnatural Distractions . And His Majesty doth this with the more earnestness , because He doubts not the condition of His Armies in several parts , His strength of Horse , Foot and Artillery , His plenty of Ammunition ( which some men lately might conceive He wanted ) is so well known and understood , that it must be confessed , that nothing but the Tenderness and Love to His people , and those Christian Impressions which always have , and He hopes always shall dwell in His heart , could move Him once more to hazard a refusal . And he requires them , as they will answer to God , to Himself , and all the World , that they will no longer suffer their fellow-Subjects to welter in each others bloud ; that they will remember by whose Authority , and to what end they met in that Council , and send such an Answer to His Majesty , as may open a door to let in a firm Peace and Security to the whole Kingdom . If His Majesty shall again be disappointed of His intentions herein , the Bloud , Rapine and Distraction which must follow in England and Ireland , will be cast upon the account of those who are deaf to the motion of Peace and Accommodation . IX . From OXFORD , Mar. 3. MDCXLIII , IV. For a Treaty . To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . C. R. OUT of Our most tender and pious sense of the sad and bleeding condition of this Our Kingdom , and Our unwearied desires to apply all remedies , which , by the blessing of Almighry God may recover it from an utter Ruine , by the Advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , We do propound and desire , That a convenient number of fit Persons may be appointed and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed , at such Place as you shall nominate , with an equal number of fit Persons whom We shall appoint and authorize , to Treat of the ways and means to settle the present Distractions of this Our Kingdom , and to procure a happy Peace : And particularly , how all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , there to Treat , Consult and Agree upon such things as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , with due consideration to all just and reasonable ease of tender Consciences , to the settling and maintaining of Our just Rights and Priviledges , of the Rights and Priviledges of Parliament , the Laws of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and all other Expedients that may conduce to that blessed end of a firm and lasting Peace , both in Church and State , and a perfect understanding betwixt Us and Our People ; wherein no endeavour or concurrency of Ours shall be wanting . And God direct your hearts in the ways of Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the third day of March , 1643. X. From EVESHOLME , July 4. MDCXLIV . After the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy Bridge . To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . C. R. WE being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this Our Kingdom , and of the grievous Sufferings of Our poor Subjects , do most earnestly desire that some Expedient may be found out , which , by the blessing of God , may prevent the further effusion of blood , and restore the Nation to Peace : from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no discouragement given Us on the Contrary part shall make Us cease , so no success on Ours shall ever divert Us. For the effecting whereof , We are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of Us and Our People , whether by way of confirmation of what We have already granted , or of such further concession as shall be requisite to the giving a full assurance of the performance of all Our most real professions , concerning the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , the just Priviledges of Parliament , and the Liberty and Propriety of the Subject , according to the Laws of the Land ; as also by granting a general Pardon , without or with exceptions , as shall be thought fit . In order to which blessed Peace , We do desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , That they appoint such and so many persons as they shall think fit , sufficiently authorized by them , to attend Us at Our Army , upon safe conduct to come and return , ( which We do hereby grant ) and conclude with Us how the Premisses and all other things in question betwixt Us and them may be fully settled : whereby all unhappy mistakings betwixt Us and Our People being removed , there may be a present Cessation of Arms , and as soon as may be a total disbanding of all Armies , the Subject have his due , and We be restored to Our Rights . Wherein if this Our offer shall be accepted , there shall be nothing wanting on Our part which may make Our People secure and happy . Given at our Court at Evesholm , the fourth of July , 1644. XI . From TAVESTOCK , Sept. 8. MDCXLIV . After the Defeat of the Earl of ESSEX in Cornwal . To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . CHARLES R. IT having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless Our Armies in these parts with success , We do not so much joy in that blessing for any other consideration , as for the hopes We have that it may be a means to make others lay to heart , as We do , the miseries brought and continued upon Our Kingdom by this unnatural War , and that it may open your ears and dispose your minds to embrace those offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and so earnestly made unto you by Us , and from the constant and fervent endeavours of which We are resolved never to desist . In pursuance whereof , We do upon this occasion conjure you to take into consideration Our ( too-long-neglected ) Message of the fourth of July from Evesholm , which We again renew unto you ; and that you will speedily send Us such an Answer thereunto , as may shew unto Our poor Subjects some light of a deliverance from their present Calamities by a happy Accommodation ; toward which We do here engage the word of a King , to make good all those things which We have therein promised , and really to endeavour a happy conclusion of this Treaty . And so God direct you in the ways of Peace . Given at our Court at Tavestock , the eighth of September , 1644. From OXFORD , Dec. 13. MDCXLIV . For a Treaty by Commissioners . By the Duke of Richmond and Earl of Southampton . HIS Majesty hath seriously considered your Propositions , and finds it very difficult , in respect they import so great an alteration in Government , both in Church and State , to return a particular and positive Answer before a full debate , wherein those Propositions , and all necessary Explanations , and Reasons for assenting , dissenting , or qualifying , and all inconveniences and mischiefs which may ensue , and cannot otherwise be so well foreseen , may be discussed and weighed . His Majesty therefore proposeth and desireth as the best expedient for Peace , That you will appoint such a number of Persons as you shall think fit , to Treat with the like number of Persons to be appointed by His Majesty upon the said Propositions , and such other things as shall be proposed by His Majesty , for the preservation and defence of the Protestant Religion ( with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , as His Majesty hath often offered ) the Rights of the Crown , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Priviledges of Parliament : and upon the whole matter to conclude a happy and blessed Peace . XIII . From OXFORD , Dec. 5. MDC XLV . For a safe Conduct for certain Persons of Honour , to be sent with Propositions of Peace . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty being still deeply sensible of the continuation of this bloody and unnatural War , cannot think Himself discharg'd of the duty He ows to God , or the affection and regard He hath to the preservation of His People , without the constant application of His earnest endeavours to find some Expedient for the speedy ending of these unhappy Distractions , if that may be ; doth therefore desire , That a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for the Duke of Richmond , the Earl of Southampton , John Ashburnham and Jeffry Palmer Esquires , and their attendants , with Coaches , Horses , and other accommodations for their journey to Westminster , during their stay there , and return when they shall think fit ; whom His Majesty intends to send to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , furnished with such Propositions as His Majesty is confident will be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace . Given at our Court at Oxford , 5. December 1645. XIV . From OXFORD , Dec. 15. MDCXLV . In pursuance of the former . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot but extremely wonder , that after so many expressions on your part of a deep and seeming sense of the Miseries of this afflicted Kingdom , and of the dangers incident to His Person during the continuance of this unnatural War , your many great and so often repeated Protestations , that the raising of these Arms hath been only for the necessary defence of God's true Religion , His Majesty's Honour , Safety and Prosperity , the Peace , Comfort and Security of His People , you should delay a safe Conduct to the persons mentioned in His Majesty's Message of the fifth of this instant December , which are to be sent unto you with Propositions for a well-grounded Peace : A thing so far from having been denied at any time by His Majesty , whensoever you have desired the same , that He believes it hath been seldom ( if ever ) practised among the most avowed and professed Enemies , much less from Subjects to their King. But His Majesty is resolved that no discouragements whatsoever shall make Him fail on His part in doing His uttermost endeavours to put an end to these Calamities , which if not in time prevented , must prove the ruine of this unhappy Nation : and therefore doth once again desire , that a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for those Persons expressed in His former Message ; and doth therefore conjure you , as you will answer to Almighty God , in that day when He shall make inquisition for all the blood that hath and may yet be spilt in this unnatural War , as you tender the preservation and establishment of the true Religion , by all the bonds of Duty and Allegiance to your King , or compassion to your bleeding and unhappy Countrey , and of charity to your selves , that you dispose your hearts to a true sense , and imploy all your faculties in a more serious endeavour , together with His Majesty , to set a speedy end to these wasting Divisions : and then He shall not doubt but that God will yet again give the blessing of Peace to this distracted Kingdom . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 15. of Decemb. 1645. XV. From OXFORD , Dec. 26. MDCXLV . For a Personal Treaty . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the strange and unexpected delays ( which can be precedented by no former times ) to His Majesties two former Messages , His Majesty will lay aside all expostulations , as rather serving to lose time , than to contribute any remedy to the evils which ( for the present ) do afflict this distracted Kingdom : Therefore , without further preamble , His Majesty thinks it most necessary to send these Propositions this way , which He intended to do by the Persons mentioned in His former Messages , though He well knows the great disadvantage which overtures of this kind have by the want of being accompanied by well-instructed Messengers . His Majesty conceiving that the former Treaties have hitherto proved ineffectual chiefly for want of Power in those Persons that Treated , as likewise because those from whom their Power was derived ( not possibly having the particular informations of every several debate ) could not give so clear a Judgment as was requisite in so important a business ; If therefore His Majesty may have the engagement of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , of the chief Commanders in Sir Thomas Fairfax his Army , as also those in the Scots Army , for His Majesties free and safe coming to and abode in London or Westminster , ( with such of His Servants now attending Him , and their followers , not exceeding in all the number of three hundred ) for the space of forty days , and after the said time for His free and safe repair to any of His Garrisons of Oxford , Worcester , or Newark , ( which His Majesty shall nominate at any time before His going from London or Westminster ) His Majesty propounds to have a Personal Treaty with the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , upon all matters which may conduce to the restoring of Peace and happiness to these miserable distracted Kingdoms : and to begin with the three Heads which were Treated on at Vxbridge . And for the better clearing of His Majesties earnest and sincere intentions of putting an end to these unnatural Distractions , ( knowing that point of security may prove the greatest obstacle to this most blessed work ) His Majesty therefore declares , That He is willing to commit the great trust of the Militia of this Kingdom for such time and with such powers as are exprest in the Paper delivered by His Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February last , to these persons following , viz. the Lord Privy Seal , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hertford , the Marquess of Dorchester , the Earl of Dorset , Lord Chamberlain , the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Essex , Earl of Southampton , Earl of Pembroke , Earl of Salisbury , Earl of Manchester , Earl of Warwick , Earl of Denbigh , Earl of Chichester , Lord Say , Lord Seymour , Lord Lucas , Lord Lexington , Mr Denzil Hollis , Mr Pierrepont , Mr Henry Bellasis , Mr Richard Spencer , Sir Thomas Fairfax , Mr John Ashburnham , Sir Gervas Clifton , Sir Henry Vane Junior , Mr Robert Wallop , Mr Thomas Chicheley , Mr Oliver Cromwell , Mr Philip Skippon , supposing that these are persons against whom there can be no just exception : But if this doth not satisfie , then His Majesty offers to name the one half , and leaves the other to the election of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , with the Powers and Limitations before mentioned . Thus His Majesty calls God and the World to witness of His sincere intentions and real endeavours for the composing and setling of these miserable Distractions , which he doubts not but by the blessing of God will soon be put to a happy conclusion , if this His Majesties offer be accepted : Otherwise He leaves all the World to judge , who are the continuers of this unnatural War. And therefore He once more conjures you by all the bonds of Duty you owe to God and your King , to have so great a compassion onthe bleeding and miserable estate of your Country , that you joyn your most serious and hearty endeavours with His Majesty , to puta happy and speedy end to these present Miseries . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 26. of Decem. 1645. XVI . From OXFORD , Dec. 29. MDCXLV . In pursuance of the former , for a Personal Treaty at Westminster . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. ALthough the Message sent by Sir Peter Killegrew may justly require an expostulatory Answer , yet His Majesty lays that aside , as not so proper for His present endeavours , leaving all the World to judge , whether His Proposition for a Personal Treaty , or the flat denial of a safe Conduct for Persons to begin a Treaty , be greater signs of a real intention to Peace ; and shall now only insist upon His former Message of the 26. of this December ; That upon His repair to Westminster , He doubts not but so to joyn His endeavours with His two Houses of Parliament , as to give just satisfaction , not only concerning the business of Ireland , but also for the setling of a way for the payment of the publick Debts , as well to the Scots and to the City of London as others . And as already He hath shewn a fair way for the setling of the Militia , so He shall carefully endeavour in all other particulars , that none shall have cause to complain for want of security , whereby just Jealousies may arise to hinder the continuance of the desired Peace . And certainly this Proposition of a Personal Treaty could never have entred into His Majesties thoughts , if He had not resolved to make apparent to all the World , that the publick good and Peace of this Kingdom is far dearer to Him than the respect of any particular Interest . Wherefore none can oppose this motion , without a manifest demonstration that he particularly envies His Majesty should be the chief Author in so blessed a work , besides the declaring himself a direct opposer of the happy Peace of these Nations . To conclude , whosoever will not be ashamed that his fair and specious protestations should be brought to a true and publick test , and those who have a real sense , and do truly commiserate the miseries of their bleeding Country , let them speedily and chearfully embrace His Majesties Proposition for His Personal Treaty at Westminster , which , by the blessing of God , will undoubtedly to these now-distracted Kingdoms restore the happiness of a long-wisht-for and lasting Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the nine and twentieth day of December , 1645. XVII . From OXFORD , January 15. MDCXLV . VI. In pursuance of the former . Containing His Majesty's Concessions and Offers . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. BUT that these are times wherein nothing is strange ; it were a thing much to be marvelled at , what should cause this unparallel'd long detention of His Majesties Trumpeter , sent with His gracious Message of the 26. of December last ; Peace being the only subject of it , and His Majesties Personal Treaty the means proposed for it . And it were almost as great a wonder that His Majesty should be so long from enquiring after it , if that the hourly expectation thereof had not in some measure satisfied His impatience . But lest His Majesty by His long silence should condemn Himself of Carelesness in that which so much concerns the good of all His People , He thinks it high time to enquire after His said Trumpeter : For since all men who pretend any goodness must desire Peace ; and that all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it ; and there being as little question , that His Majesties Personal presence in it is the likeliest way to bring it to an happy issue ; He judges there must be some strange variety of accidents which causeth this most tedious delay . Wherefore His Majesty earnestly desires to have a speedy account of His former Message , the subject whereof is Peace , and the means His Personal presence at Westminster ; where the Government of the Church being setled as it was in the times of the happy and glorious Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James , and full liberty for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in that Service established by Law , and likewise for the free and publick use of the Directory ( prescribed , and by command of the two Houses of Parliament now practised in some parts of the City of London ) to such as shall desire to use the same , and all Forces being agreed to be disbanded ; His Majesty will then forthwith ( as He hath in His Message of the 29. of December last already offered ) joyn with His two Houses of Parliament , in setling some way for the payment of the publick Debts to His Scotch Subjects , the City of London , and others . And His Majesty having proposed a fair way for the setling of the Militia , which now by this long delay seems not to be thought sufficient security ; His Majesty ( to shew how really He will imploy Himself at His coming to Westminster for making this a lasting Peace , and taking away all Jealousies , how groundless soever ) will endeavour upon debate with His two Houses so to dispose of it ( as likewise of the business of Ireland ) as may give to them and both Kingdoms just satisfaction : not doubting also but to give good contentment to His two Houses of Parliament in the choice of the Lord Admiral , the Officers of State , and others , if His two Houses by their ready inclinations to Peace shall give Him encouragement thereunto . Thus His Majesty having taken occasion by His just impatience so to explain His intentions , that no man can doubt of a happy issue to this succeeding Treaty ; if now there shall be so much as a delay of the same , He calls God and the World to witness , who they are that not only hinder but reject this Kingdoms future Happiness , it being so much the stranger , that His Majesties coming to Westminster ( which was first the greatest pretence for taking up Arms ) should be so much as delayed , much less not accepted , or refused : but His Majesty hopes that God will no longer suffer the malice of Wicked men to hinder the Peace of this too much afflicted Kingdom . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the fifteenth day of January , 1645. XVIII . From OXFORD , Jan. 17. MDCXLV . VI. For an Answer to His former Messages . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty thinks not fit now to answer those Aspersions which are returned as arguments for His not admittance to Westminster for a Personal Treaty , because it would enforce a style not suitable to His end , it being the Peace of these miserable Kingdoms : yet thus much He cannot but say to those who have sent Him this Answer , that if they had considered what they have done themselves in occasioning the shedding of so much innocent blood , by withdrawing themselves from their Duty to Him in a time when He had granted so much to His Subjects , and in violating the known Laws of the Kingdom to draw an exorbitant power to themselves over their fellow-Subjects , ( to say no more , to do as they have done ) they could not have given such a false character of His Majesties Actions . Wherefore His Majesty must now remember them , that having some hours before his receiving of their last Paper of the 13. of January , sent another Message to them of the 15 , wherein by divers particulars He enlargeth Himself to shew the reality of His endeavors for Peace , by His desired Personal Treaty ( which He still conceives to be the likeliest way to attain to that blessed End ) He thinks fit by this Message to call for an Answer to that , and indeed to all the former . For certainly , no rational man can think their last Paper can be any Answer to His former demands , the scope of it being , That because there is a War , therefore there should be no Treaty for Peace . And is it possible to expect that the Propositions mentioned should be the grounds of a lasting Peace , when the persons that send them will not endure to hear their own King speak ? But whatever the success hath been of His Majesty's former Messages , or how small soever His hopes are of a better , considering the high strain of those who deal with His Majesty , yet He will neither want Fatherly Bowels to His Subjects in general , nor will He forget that God hath appointed Him for their King with whom He treats . Wherefore He now demands a speedy Answer to His last and former Messages . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this 17 of January , 1645. XIX . From OXFORD , Jan. 24. MDCXLV . VI. For Answer to His former Message , and concerning their Reasons against a Personal Treaty . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE procuring Peace to these Kingdoms by Treaty is so much desired by His Majesty , that no unjust Aspersions whatsoever or any other Discouragements shall make Him desist from doing His indeavour therein , until He shall see it altogether impossible ; and He therefore hath thought fitting so far only to make reply to that Paper or Answer which He hath received of the 13 of this Instant January , as may take away those objections which are made against His Majesty's coming to Westminster , expecting still an Answer to His Messages of the fifteenth and seventeenth , which He hopes by this time have begotten better thoughts and resolutions in the Members of both Houses . And first therefore , whereas in the said last Paper it is objected as an impediment to His Majesty's Personal Treaty , that much innocent Blood hath been shed in this War by His Majesty's Commissions , &c. He will not now dispute , ( it being apparent to all the World by whom this Blood hath been spilt ) but rather presseth that there should be no more ; and to that end only He hath desired this Personal Treaty , as judging it the most immediate means to abolish so many horrid Confusions in all His Kingdoms . And it is no Argument , to say that there shall be no such Personal Treaty because there have been Wars , it being a strong inducement to have such a Treaty to put an end to the War. Secondly , That there should be no such Personal Treaty , because some of His Irish Subjects have repaired to His assistance in it , seems an argument altogether as strange as the other , as alwaies urging that there should be no Physick because the Party is sick . And in this particular it hath been often observed unto them , that those whom they call Irish , who have so expressed their Loyalty to their Soveraign , were indeed ( for the most part ) such English Protestants as had been formerly sent into Ireland by the two Houses , impossibilitated to stay there any longer by the neglect of those that sent them thither , who should there have better provided for them . And for any Foreign Forces , it is too apparent that their Armies have swarmed with them , when His Majesty hath had very few or none . And whereas , for a third Impediment , it is alledged that the Prince is in the head of an Army in the West , and that there are divers Garrisons still kept in His Majesty's obedience , and that there are Forces in Scotland ; it must be as much confessed as that as yet there is no Peace : And therefore it is desired , that by such a Personal Treaty all these impediments may be removed . And it is not here amiss to put them in mind , how long since His Majesty did press a disbanding of all Forces on both sides , the refusing whereof hath been the cause of this objection . And whereas exception is taken , that there is a time limited in the Proposition for His Majesty's Personal Treaty , thereupon inferring , that He should again return to Hostility , His Majesty protesteth that He seeks this Treaty to void future Hostility , and to procure a lasting Peace ; and if He can meet with like inclinations to Peace in those He desires to Treat with , He will bring such Affections and resolutions in Himself as shall end all these unhappy bloody Differences . As for those engagements which His Majesty hath desired for His security , whosoever shall call to mind the particular occasions that enforced His Majesty to leave His City of London and Westminster , will judge His demand very reasonable and necessary for His Safety . But He no way conceiveth how the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , were either subject or subordinate to that Authority which is alledged , as knowing neither Law nor Practice for it : And if the two Armies be , He believes it is more than can be parallel'd by any former times in this Kingdom . Nor can His Majesty understand how His Majesty's seeking of a Personal security can be any breach of Priviledge : it being likely to be infringed by hindring His Majesty from coming freely to His two Houses . As for the objection , that His Majesty omitted to mention the setling Religion , and securing the Peace of His Native Kingdom , His Majesty declares , that He conceives that it was included in His former , and hath been particularly mentioned in His latter Message of the 15. present . But , for their better satisfaction , He again expresseth that it was , and ever shall be , both His meaning and endeavour in this Treaty desired : and it seems to Him very clear , that there is no way for a final ending of such Distractions as afflict this Kingdom , but either by Treaty or Conquest , the latter of which His Majesty hopes none will have the Impudency or Impiety to wish for . And for the former , if his Personal assistance in it be not the most likely way , let any reasonable man judge : when by that means not only all unnecessary Delaies will be removed , but even the greatest Difficulties made easie . And therefore He doth now again earnestly insist upon that Proposition , expecting to have a better Answer upon mature consideration . And can it be imagined that any Propositions will be so effectual , being formed before a Personal Treaty , as such as are framed and propounded upon a full debate on both sides ? Wherefore His Majesty , who is most concerned in the good of His People , and is most desirous to restore Peace and Happiness to His three Kingdoms , doth again instantly desire an Answer to His said former Messages , to which He hath hitherto received none . Given at our Court at Oxon , the twenty fourth day of January , 1645. XX. From OXFORD January 29. MDCXLV . VI. Concerning the Negotiations in Ireland ; with His Majesty's further Concessions , in order to a Personal Treaty . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having received information from the Lord Lieutenant and Council in Ireland , that the Earl of Glamorgan hath , without his or their directions or privity , entred into a Treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman Catholick party there , and also drawn up and agreed unto certain Articles with the said Commissioners , highly derogatory to His Majesty's Honour and Royal Dignity , and most prejudicial unto the Protestant Religion and Church there in Ireland ; whereupon the said Earl of Glamorgan is arrested upon suspicion of high Treason , and imprisoned by the said Lord Lieutenant and Council , at the instance and by the impeachment of the Lord Digby , who ( by reason of his place and former imployment in these affairs ) doth best know how contrary that proceeding of the said Earl hath been to His Majesty's intentions and directions , and what great prejudice it might bring to His Affairs , if those proceedings of the Earl of Glamorgan should be any waies understood to have been done by the directions , liking , or approbation of His Majesty . His Majesty , having in His former Messages for a Personal Treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the business of Ireland , hath now thought fitting , the better to shew His clear intentions , and to give satisfaction to His said Houses of Parliament , and the rest of His Subjects in all His Kingdoms , to send this Declaration to His said Houses , containing the whole truth of the business ; Which is , That the Earl of Glamorgan having made offer unto Him to raise Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland , and to conduct them into England for His Majesty's Service , had a Commission to that purpose , and to that purpose only . That he had no Commission at all to treat of any thing else , without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant , much less to capitulate any thing concerning Religion , or any propriety belonging either to Church or Laity . That it clearly appears by the Lord Lieutenants Proceedings with the said Earl , that he had no notice at all of what the said Earlhad treated and pretended to have capitulated with the Irish , until by accident it came to his knowledge . And his Majesty doth protest , that until such time as He had advertisement that the person of the said Earl of Glamorgan was arrested and restrained , as is abovesaid , He never heard , nor had any kind of notice that the said Earl had entred into any kind of Treaty or Capitulation with those Irish Commissioners ; much less that he had concluded or signed those Articles so destructive both to Church and State , and so repugnant to His Majesty's publick professions and known resolutions . And for the further vindication of His Majesties Honour and Integrity herein , He doth declare , That He is so far from considering any thing contained in those Papers or Writings framed by the said Earl , and those Commissioners with whom he treated , as He doth absolutely disavow him therein , and hath given commandment to the Lord Lieutenant and the Council there , to proceed against the said Earl as one who either out of Falseness , Presumption or Folly , hath so hazarded the blemishing of His Majesty's Reputation with His good Subjects , and so impertinently framed those Articles of his own head , without the consent , privity , or directions of His Majesty , or the Lord Lieutenant , or any of His Majesties Council there . But true it is , that for the necessary preservation of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects in Ireland , whose case was daily represented unto Him to be so desperate , His Majesty had given Commission to the Lord Lieutenant to treat and conclude such a Peace there as might be for the safety of that Crown , the preservation of the Protestant Religion , and no way derogatory to His Own Honour and publick professions . But to the end that His Majesty's real intentions in this business of Ireland may be the more clearly understood , and to give more ample satisfaction to both Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , especially concerning His Majesties not being engaged in any Peace or Agreement there , He doth desire , if the two Houses shall admit of His Majesty's repair to London for a Personal Treaty , ( as was formerly proposed ) that speedy notice be given thereof to His Majesty , and a Pass or Safe-Conduct with a blank sent for a Messenger to be immediately dispatcht into Ireland , to prevent any accident that may happen to hinder His Majesty's resolution of leaving the managing of the business of Ireland wholly to the Houses , and to make no Peace there but with their consent ; which , in case it shall please God to bless His endeavours in the Treaty with success , His Majesty doth hereby engage Himself to do . And for a further explanation of His Majesty's intentions in His former Messages , He doth now declare , that if His Personal repair to London , as aforesaid , shall be admitted , and a Peace thereon shall ensue , He will then leave the nomination of the Persons to be intrusted with the Militia wholly to His two Houses , with such power and limitations as are expressed in the Paper delivered by His Majesty's Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February , 1644. for the term of seven years , as hath been desired , to be given immediately after the conclusion of the Peace , the disbanding of all Forces on both sides , and the dismantling of the Garrisons erected since these present Troubles , so as at the expiration of the time before mentioned the power of the Militia shall entirely revert and remain as before . And for their further security , His Majesty ( the Peace succeeding ) will be content that , pro hac vice , the two Houses shall nominate the Admiral , Officers of State , and Judges , to hold their places during life , or quam diu se bene gesserint , which shall be best liked , to be accountable to none but the King and the two Houses of Parliament . As for matter of Religion , His Majesty doth further declare , That by the Liberty offered in His Message of the 15 present , for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in the Service already established by Act of Parliament in this Kingdom , He intends that all other Protestants behaving themselves peaceably in and towards the Civil Government , shall have the free exercise of their Religion according to their own way . And for the total removing of all Fears and Jealousies , His Majesty is willing to agree , that upon the conclusion of Peace , there shall be a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon past by Act of Parliament in both His Kingdoms respectively . And lest it should be imagined , that in the making these Propositions His Majesty's Kingdom of Scotland and His Subjects there have been forgotten or neglected , His Majesty declares , That what is here mentioned touching the Militia , and the naming of Officers of State , and Judges , shall likewise extend to His Kingdom of Scotland . And now His Majesty having so fully and clearly expressed His intentions and desires of making a happy and well-grounded Peace , if any person shall decline that Happiness by opposing of so apparent a way of attaining it , he will sufficiently demonstrate to all the World his intention and design can be no other , than the total subversion and change of the ancient and happy Government of this Kingdom under which the English Nation hath so long flourished . Given at Our Court at Oxon , the 29. of January , 1645. XXI . From OXFORD , Feb. 26. MDCXLV . VI. For an Answer to the Former . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty needs to make no excuse , though He sent no more Messages unto you ; for He very well knows He ought not to do it , if He either stood upon punctilio's of Honour , or His Own private Interest ; the one being already call'd in question by His often sending , and the other assuredly prejudg'd , if a Peace be concluded from that He hath already offered , He having therein departed with many His undoubted Rights . But nothing being equally dear unto Him to the preservation of His People , His Majesty passeth by many scruples , neglects and delayes , and once more desires you to give Him a speedy Answer to His last Message ; for His Majesty believes it doth very well become Him ( after this very long delay ) at last to utter His Impatience , since the Goods and Blood of His Subjects crie so much for Peace . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 26. day of February , 1645. XXII . From OXFORD , Mar. 23. MDCXLV , VI. Concerning His Return to the Houses . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the unexpected Silence in stead of Answer to His Majesty's many and gracious Messages to both Houses , whereby it may appear , that they desire to obtain their ends by Force rather than by Treaty , which may justly discourage His Majesty from any more overtures of that kind ; yet His Majesty conceives He shall be much wanting in His duty to God , and in what He oweth to the safety of His people , if he should not intend to prevent the great inconveniences that may otherwise hinder a safe and well-grounded Peace . His Majesty therefore now proposeth , that so He may have the Faith of both Houses of Parliament for the preservation of His Honour , Person and Estate ; and that Liberty be given to all those who do and have adhered to His Majesty to go to their own Houses , and there to live peaceably enjoying their Estates ; all Sequestrations being taken off , without being compelled to take any Oath not enjoyned by the undoubted Laws of the Kingdom , or being put to any other molestation whatsoever ; He will immediately disband all His Forces , and dismantle all His Garrisons , and being accompanied with His Royal , not His Martial Attendance , return to His two Houses of Parliament , and there reside with them . And for the better security of all His Majesties Subjects , He proposeth that He with His said two Houses immediately upon His coming to Westminster will pass an Act of Oblivion and free Pardon , and where His Majesty will further do whatsoever they will advise Him for the good and Peace of this Kingdom . And as for the Kingdom of Scotland , His Majesty hath made no mention of it here , in regard of the great loss of time which must now be spent in expecting an answer from thence , but declares that immediately upon His coming to Westminster , He will apply himself to give them all satisfaction touching that Kingdom . If His Majesty could possibly doubt the success of this offer , He could use many arguments to perswade them to it ; but shall only insist on that great One , of giving an instant Peace to these afflicted Kingdoms . Given at our Court at Oxford , the 23. of March , 1645. XXIII . From SOUTHWELL , May 18. MDCXLVI . With his further Concessions for the obtaining of Peace . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having understood from both His Houses of Parliament , that it was not safe for Him to come to London ( whither He had purposed to repair , if so He might , by their advice to do whatsoever may be best for the good and Peace of these Kingdoms ) until He shall first give His consent to such Propositions as were to be presented to Him from them ; and being certainly informed that the Armies were marching so fast up to Oxford , as made that no fit place for Treating ; did resolve to withdraw Himself hither , only to secure His Own Person , and with no intention to continue this War any longer , or to make any Division between His two Kingdoms , but to give such contentment to both , as , by the blessing of God , He might see a happy and well-grounded Peace , thereby to bring Prosperity to these Kingdoms answerable to the best times of His Progenitors . And since the setling of Religion ought to be the chiefest care of all Counsels , His Majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to His two Houses of Parliament all the ways and means possible for speedy finishing this pious and necessary work ; and particularly that they take the advice of the Divines of both Kingdoms assembled at Westminster . Likewise concerning the Militia of England , for securing His People against all pretensions of Danger , His Majesty is pleased to have it setled as was offered at the Treaty at Vxbridge , all the persons being to be named for the trust by the two Houses of the Parliament of England for the space of seven years ; and after the expiring of that term , that it be regulated as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland . Concerning the Wars in Ireland , His Majesty will do whatsoever is possible for Him to give full satisfaction therein . And if these be not satisfactory , His Majesty then desires that all such of the Propositions as are already agreed upon by both Kingdoms may be speedily sent unto Him ; His Majesty being resolved to comply with His Parliament in every thing that shall be for the Happiness of His Subjects , and for the removing of all unhappy Differences which have produced so many sad effects . His Majesty having made these offers , he will neither question the thankful acceptation of them , nor doth He doubt but that His two Kingdoms will be careful to maintain Him in His Honour , and in His just and lawful Rights , which is the only way to make a happy composure of these unnatural Divisions ; and likewise will think upon a solid way of conserving the Peace between the two Kingdoms for the time to come ; and will take a speedy course for easing and quieting His afflicted People , by satisfying the publick Debts , by disbanding of all Armies , and whatsoever else shall be judged conducible to that end : that so all hindrances being removed , He may return to His Parliament with mutual comfort . Southwell , May 18. 1646. POSTSCRIPT . HIS Majesty being desirous to shun the further effusion of Blood , and to evidence His real intentions to Peace , is willing that His Forces in and about Oxford be disbanded , and the Fortifications of the City dismantled , they receiving honorable Conditions . Which being granted to the Town and Forces there , His Majesty will give the like Order to the rest of the Garrisons . XXIV . From NEW CASTLE , Jun. 10. MDCXLVI . For Propositions for Peace , and a Personal Treaty . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty looking with grief of heart upon the sad sufferings of His People in His three Kingdoms for some years past , and being afflicted with their distresses and unquiet conditions through the distractions about Religion , the keeping of Forces on foot in the Fields and Garrisons , the not satisfying of publick Debts , and the fears of the further effusion of blood by the continuance of an unnatural War in any of these Kingdoms , or by rending and dividing these Kingdoms so happily united ; and having sent a gracious Message unto both Houses of Parliament and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , expressing the necessary causes of His coming from Oxford unto the Scotish Army , ( without any intention to make a Division , where He is in freedom and right capacity to settle a true Peace ) and containing such offers as He conceived would have been accepted , with a general clause of complying with their desires ; and being impatient of delays , and not acquainted with the particulars which may give contentment to them ; His Majesty doth earnestly desire , That the Propositions of Peace so often promised , and so much expected , may be speedily sent unto Him , that upon consideration of them , He may apply Himself to give such satisfaction as may be the foundation of a firm Peace . And for the better and more speedy attaining thereunto , His Majesty doth further propound , That He may come to London with Safety , Freedom and Honour , where He resolves to comply with His Houses of Parliament in every thing which may be most for the good of His Subjects , and perfect what remains for setling both Kingdoms and People in a happy condition : being likewise most confident that they , according to their reiterated Declarations and solemn Protestations , will be zealous in the maintenance of His Honour and just and lawful Rights . And as His Majesty desires the Houses of Parliament to disburthen the Kingdom of all Forces and Garrisons in their power , except such as before these unhappy times have been maintained for the necessary defence and safety of this Kingdom : so He is willing forthwith to disband all His Forces and Garrisons within the same , as the inclosed Order herewith sent will evidence . And if upon these offers His Majesty shall have such satisfaction as He may be confident a firm Peace shall ensue thereon , His Majesty will then give order for His Son the Prince his present return . Newcastle , the tenth of June , 1646. To Our Trusty and Well-beloved Sir Thomas Glenham , Sir Thomas Tildesley , Col. H. Washington , Col. Thomas Blagge , Governours of Our Cities and Towns of Oxford , Lichfield , Worcester , and Wallingford ; and all other Commanders of any Towns ; Castles and Forts , in Our Kingdom of England . CHARLES R. HAving resolved to comply with the desires of Our Parliament in every thing which may be for the good of Our Subjects , and leave no means unassayed for removing all Differences amongst us ; therefore We have thought fit , the more to evidence the reality of Our intentions of setling a happy and firm Peace , to require you upon honourable terms to quit those Towns , Castles and Forts intrusted to you by Vs , and to disband all the Forces under your several Commands . Newcastle , the tenth of June , 1646. XXV . From NEWCASTLE , Aug. 1. MDCXLVI . For a Personal Treaty upon the Propositions sent Him. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE Propositions tendered to His Majesty by the Commissioners from the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England assembled at Westminster and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , ( to which the Houses of Parliament have taken twice so many months for deliberation as they have assigned days for His Majesties Answer ) do import so great alterations in Government both in Church and Kingdom , as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer before a full Debate , wherein these Propositions , and the necessary explanations , true sense and reasons thereof , may be rightly weighed and understood , and that His Majesty , upon a full view of the whole Propositions , may know what is left , as well as what is taken away and changed . In all which He finds ( upon discourse with the said Commissioners ) that they are so bound up from any capacity either to give reasons for the demands they bring , or to give ear to such desires as His Majesty is to propound , as it is impossible for Him to give such a present Judgment of and Answer to these Propositions , whereby He can answer to God , that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue ( which is evident to all the world can never be , unless the just Power of the Crown , as well as the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject , with the just Liberty and Privileges of the Parliament , be likewise setled . ) To which end His Majesty desires and proposeth to come to London , or any of His Houses thereabouts , upon the publick Faith , and security of the two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , that He shall be there with Freedom , Honour and Safety ; where by His Personal presence He may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People , but also have these Doubts cleared , and these Difficulties explained unto Him , which He now conceives to be destructive to His just Regal Power , if He shall give a full consent to these Propositions as they now stand : as likewise , that He may make known to them such His reasonable demands , as He is most assured will be very much conducible to that Peace which all good men desire and pray for , by the setling of Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject . And His Majesty assures them , that as He can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just Power which by the Laws of God and the Land He is born unto ; so He will chearfully grant and give His assent unto all such Bills , at the desire of His two Houses , or reasonable demands for Scotland , which shall be really for the good and Peace of His People , not having regard to His own particular ( much less any bodies else ) in respect of the Happiness of these Kingdoms . Wherefore His Majesty conjures them as Christians , as Subjects , and as men who desire to leave a good name behind them , that they will so receive and make use of this Answer , that all issues of blood may be stopped , and these unhappy Distractions peaceably setled . Newcastle August 1. 1646. POSTSCRIPT . UPon assurance of a happy Agreement , His Majesty will immediately send for the Prince His Son , absolutely expecting his perfect obedience to return into this Kingdom . XXVI . From NEWCASTLE , December 20. MDCXLVI . For a Personal Treaty at or near LONDON . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesties thoughts being alwaies sincerely bent to the Peace of His Kingdoms , was and will be ever desirous to take all ways which might the most clearly make appear the candour of His intentions to His People ; and to this end could find no better way than to propose a Personal free debate with His two Houses of Parliament upon all the present Differences : Yet finding , very much against His expectations , that this offer was laid aside , His Majesty bent all His thoughts to make His intentions fully known by a particular Answer to the Propositions delivered to Him in the name of both Kingdoms the 24. of July last . But the more He endeavoured it , He more plainly saw , that any answer He could make would be subject to mis-informations and misconstructions , which upon His own Paraphrases and Explanations He is most confident will give so good satisfaction , as would doubtless cause a happy and lasting Peace . Lest therefore that good intentions may produce ill effects , His Majesty again proposeth , and desires again to come to London , or any of His Houses thereabouts , upon the publick Faith and security of his two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , that He shall be there with Honour , Freedom and Safety : Where , by His Personal presence , He may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt Him and His People , but also have those Doubts cleared and those Difficulties explained to Him , without which He cannot ( but with the aforesaid mischievous inconveniences ) give a particular Answer to the Propositions ; and with which He doubts not but so to manifest His real intentions for the setling of Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , with the Freedom and Property of the Subject , that it shall not be in the power of wicked and malicious men to hinder the establishing of that firm Peace which all honest men desire . Assuring them , as He will make no other Demands but such as He believes confidently to be just , and much conducing to the tranquillity of the People ; so He will be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and happiness . Not doubting likewise but you will also have a due regard to maintain the just Power of the Crown , according to your many protestations and professions : For certainly , except King and People have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . To conclude , 't is your King who desires to be heard , ( the which if refused to a Subject by a King , he would be thought a Tyrant for it ) and for that end which all men profess to desire . Wherefore His Majesty conjures you , as you desire to shew your selves really what you profess , even as you are good Christians and Subjects , that you will accept this His offer , which He is confident God will so bless , that it will be the readiest means by which these Kingdoms may again become a Comfort to their Friends , and a Terrour to their Enemies . Newcastle , 20. December , 1646. XXVII . From HOLDENBY , Feb. 17. MDCXLVI . VII . Desiring some of His Chaplains . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . SInce I have never dissembled nor hid My Conscience , and that I am not yet satisfied with the alteration of Religion , to which you desire My consent , I will not yet lose time in giving reasons , which are too obvious to every body , why it is fit for Me to be attended by some of My Chaplains , whose opinions , as Clergy-men , I esteem and reverence ; not only for the exercise of My Conscience , but also for clearing of My Judgement concerning the present differences in Religion ; as I have at full declared to Mr Marshall and his fellow-Minister , having shewed them , that it is the best and likeliest means of giving Me satisfaction , which without it I cannot have in these times , whereby the Distractions of this Church may be the better settled . Wherefore I desire , that at least two of these Reverend Divines whose Names I have here set down may have free liberty to wait upon Me , for their discharging of their Duty unto Me according to their Function . Holdenby , 17. February , 1646. CHARLES R. B. London . B. Salisbury . B. Peterborough . D. Shelden , Clark of My Closet . D. Marsh , Dean of York . D. Sanderson . D. Baily . D. Heywood . D. Beal . D. Fuller . D. Hammond . D. Taylor . XXVIII . From HOLDENBY , Mar. 6. MDCXLVI . VII . In pursuance of the former . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . IT being now seventeen days since I wrote to you from hence , and not yet receiving any Answer to what I then desired , I cannot but now again renew the same unto you . And indeed , concerning any thing but the necessary duty of a Christian , I would not thus at this time trouble you with any of My desires . But My being attended with some of My Chaplains whom I esteem and reverence , is so necessary for Me , even considering My present condition , whether it be in relation to My Conscience , or a happy settlement of the present Distractions in Religion , that I will slight divers kinds of censures , rather than not to obtain what I demand ; nor shall I do you the wrong , as in this to doubt the obtaining of My wish , it being totally grounded upon Reason . For desiring you to consider ( not thinking it needful to mention ) the divers reasons , which no Christian can be ignorant of , for point of Conscience , I must assure you that I cannot , as I ought , take in consideration those alterations in Religion which have and will be offered unto Me , without such help as I desire ; because I can never judge rightly of or be altered in any thing of my Opinion , so long as any ordinary way of finding out the truth is denied Me : but when this is granted Me , I promise you faithfully not to strive for Victory in Argument , but to seek and submit to Truth ( according to that Judgement which God hath given Me ) always holding it My best and greatest Conquest to give contentment to My two Houses of Parliament in all things which I conceive not to be against My Conscience or Honour ; not doubting likewise but that you will be ready to satisfie Me in reasonable things , as I hope to find in this particular concerning the attendance of My Chaplains upon Me. Holdenby , 6. of March , 1646. CHARLES R. XXIX . From HOLDENBY , May 12. MDCXLVII . In Answer to their Propositions . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. AS the daily expectation of the coming of the Propositions , hath made His Majesty this long time to forbear giving His Answer unto them ; so the appearance of their sending being no more for any thing He can hear than it was at His first coming hither , notwithstanding that the Earl of Lauderdale hath been at London above these ten days , ( whose not coming was said to be the only stop ) hath caused His Majesty thus to anticipate their coming to Him. And yet considering His condition , that His Servants are denied access to Him , all but very few , and those by appointment , not His own election , and that it is declared a crime for any but the Commissioners or such who are particularly permitted by them to converse with His Majesty , or that any Letters should be given to or received from Him , may He not truly say , that He is not in case fit to make Concessions or give Answers , since He is not master of these ordinary actions which are the undoubted rights of any free-born man , how mean soever his birth be ? And certainly He would still be silent as to this Subject , until His condition were much mended , did He not prefer such a right understanding betwixt Him and His Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which may make a firm and lasting Peace in all His Dominions , before any particular of His own , or any earthly blessing : and therefore His Majesty hath diligently imployed His utmost endeavours for divers months past , so to inform His understanding and satisfie His Conscience , that He might be able to give such Answers to the Propositions as would be most conformable to His Parliaments ; but He ingenuously professes , that notwithstanding all the pains that He hath taken therein , the nature of some of them appears such unto Him , that without disclaiming that Reason which God hath given Him to judge by , for the good of Him and His People , and without putting the greatest violence upon His own Conscience , He cannot give His Consent to all of them . Yet His Majesty ( that it may appear to all the world how desirous He is to give full satisfaction ) hath thought fit hereby to express His readiness to grant what He may , and His willingness to receive from them , and that Personally , if His two Houses at Westminster shall approve thereof , such further information in the rest as may best convince His Judgement , and satisfie those doubts which are not yet clear unto Him : desiring them also to consider , that if His Majesty intended to wind Himself out of these Troubles by indirect means , were it not easie for Him now readily to consent to what hath or shall be proposed unto Him , and afterwards chuse His time to break all , alledging , that forced Concessions are not to be kept ? surely He might , and not incur a hard censure from indifferent men . But Maxims in this kind are not the guides of His Majesty's Actions , for He freely and clearly avows , that He holds it unlawful for any man , and most base in a King , to recede from His Promises for having been obtained by force or under restraint . Wherefore His Majesty not only rejecting those acts which He esteems unworthy of Him , but even passing by that which He might well insist upon , a point of Honour , in respect of His present condition , thus answers the first Proposition : That upon His Majesty's coming to London , He will heartily joyn in all that shall concern the Honour of His two Kingdoms , or the Assembly of the States of Scotland , or of the Commissioners or Deputies of either Kingdom , particularly in those things which are desired in that Proposition , upon confidence that all of them respectively with the same tenderness will look upon those things which concern His Majesty's Honour . In answer to all the Propositions concerning Religion , His Majesty proposeth , That He will confirm the Presbyterial Government , the Assembly of Divines at Westminster and the Directory , for three years , being the time set down by the two Houses , so that His Majesty and His Houshold be not hindred from that form of God's Service which they formerly have had : And also that a free consultation and debate be had with the Divines at Westminster , ( twenty of His Majesty's nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses , how the Church shall be governed after the said three years , or sooner , if differences may be agreed . Touching the Covenant , His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied , and desires to respite His particular Answer thereunto until His coming to London , because it being a matter of Conscience , He cannot give a resolution therein till He may be assisted with the Advice of some of His own Chaplains ( which hath hitherto been denied Him ) and such other Divines as shall be most proper to inform Him therein ; and then He will make clearly appear both His zeal to the Protestant Profession and the Union of these two Kingdoms , which He conceives to be the main drift of this Covenant . To the seventh and eighth Propositions His Majesty will consent . To the ninth His Majesty doubts not but to give good satisfaction , when he shall be particularly informed how the said penalties shall be levied and disposed of . To the tenth His Majesty's Answer is , That He hath been always ready to prevent the practices of Papists , and therefore is content to pass an Act of Parliament for that purpose ; and also that the Laws against them be duly executed . His Majesty will give his consent to the Act for the due observation of the Lord's day , for the suppressing of Innovations , and those concerning the Preaching of God's Word , and touching Non-residence and Pluralities ; and His Majesty will yield to such Act or Acts as shall be requisite to raise moneys for the payment and satisfying all publick Debts , expecting also that His will be therein included . As to the Proposition touching the Militia , though His Majesty cannot consent unto it in terminis as it is proposed , because thereby He conceives He wholly parts with the power of the Sword , entrusted to Him by God and the Laws of the Land for the protection and government of His People , thereby at once devesting Himself and disinheriting His Posterity of that right and Prerogative of the Crown which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office , and so weakning Monarchy in this Kingdom , that little more than the name and shadow of it will remain : yet if it be only security for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom after the unhappy Troubles , and the due performance of all the agreements which are now to be concluded , which is desired , ( which His Majesty always understood to be the case , and hopes that herein He is not mistaken ) His Majesty will give abundant satisfaction ; to which end He is willing by Act of Parliament , That the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land for the space of ten years be in the hands of such persons as the two Houses shall nominate , giving them power during the said term to change the said persons , and substitute others in their places at pleasure , and afterwards to return to the proper Chanel again , as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . And now His Majesty conjures His two Houses of Parliament , as they are Englishmen and Lovers of Peace , by the duty they owe to His Majesty their King , and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , that they will accept of this His Majesty's offer , whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this languishing Kingdom . His Majesty will grant the like to the Kingdom of Scotlund , if it be desired , and agree to all things that are propounded touching the conserving of Peace betwixt the two Kingdoms . Touching Ireland ( other things being agreed ) His Majesty will give satisfaction therein . As to the mutual Declaration proposed to be established in both Kingdoms by Act of Parliament , and the Modifications , Qualifications , and branches which follow in the Propositions , His Majesty only professes , that He doth not sufficiently understand nor is able to reconcile many things contained in them : but this He well knoweth , that a general Act of Oblivion is the best Bond of Peace ; and that after intestine Troubles , the wisdom of this and other Kingdoms hath usually and happily in all ages granted general Pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many persons and families othewise exposed to ruine might not become fuel to new disorders , or seeds to future troubles . His Majesty therefore desires , that His two Houses of Parliament would seriously descend into these considerations , and likewise tenderly look upon His condition herein , and the perpetual dishonour that must cleave to Him , if He shall thus abandon so many persons of condition and fortune that have engaged themselves with and for Him out of a sense of Duty ; and propounds as a very acceptable testimony of their affection to Him , that a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon be forthwith passed by Act of Parliament . Touching the new great Seal , His Majesty is very willing to confirm both it and all the Acts done by virtue thereof until this present time , so that it be not thereby pressed to make void those Acts of His done by virtue of His great Seal , which in Honour and Justice He is obliged to maintain : and that the future government thereof may be in His Majesty , according to the due course of Law. Concerning the Officers mentioned in the 19th Article , His Majesty when He shall come to Westminster will gratifie His Parliament all that possibly He may , without destroying the alterations which are necessary for the Crown . His Majesty will willingly consent to the Act for the confirmation of the priviledges and customs of the City of London , and all that is mentioned in the Propositions for their particular advantage . And now that His Majesty hath thus far endeavoured to comply with the desires of His two Houses of Parliament , to the end that this agreement may be firm and lasting , without the least face or question of restraint to blemish the same , His Majesty earnestly desires presently to be admitted to His Parliament at Westminster with that Honour which is due to their Sovereign , there solemnly to confirm the same , and legally to pass the Acts before mentioned , and to give and receive as well satisfaction in all the remaining particulars , as likewise such other pledges of mutual love , trust and confidence as shall most concern the good of Him and His People ; upon which happy Agreement , His Majesty will dispatch His Directions to the Prince His Son , to return immediately to Him , and will undertake for His ready obedience thereunto . Holdenby , May 12. 1647. XXX . From HAMPTON-COURT , Sept. 9. MDCXLVII . In Answer to the Propositions presented to Him there . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot chuse but be passionately sensible ( as He believes all His good Subjects are ) of the late great Distractions , and still languishing and unsetled state of this Kingdom ; and He calls God to witness , and is willing to give testimony to all the World of His readiness to contribute His uttermost endeavours for restoring it to a happy and flourishing condition . His Majesty having perused the Propositions now brought to Him , finds them the same in effect which were offered to Him at Newcastle : To some of which as He could not then consent without violation of His Conscience and Honour ; so neither can He agree to others now , conceiving them in many respects more disagreeable to the present condition of affairs than when they were formerly presented unto Him , as being destructive to the main principal Interests of the Army , and of all those whose affections concur with them . And His Majesty having seen the Proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from His two Houses residing with them , and with them to be treated on , in order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the setling of a Just and lasting Peace : to which Proposals as He conceives His two Houses not to be strangers ; so He believes they will think with Him , that they much more conduce to the satisfaction of all Interests , and may be a fitter foundation for a lasting Peace , than the Propositions which at this time are tendered unto Him : He therefore propounds ( as the best way in His judgment in order to a Peace ) that His two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals upon which there may be a Personal Treaty with His Majesty , and upon such other Propositions as His Majesty shall make ; hoping that the said Proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty , as to render them the more capable of His Majesty's full Concession : Wherein He resolves to give full satisfaction to His People , for whatsoever shall concern the setling of the Protestant Profession , with liberty to tender Consciences , and the securing of the Laws , Liberties and Properties of His Subjects , and all the just Privileges of Parliaments for the future : And likewise by His present deportment in this Treaty , He will make the World clearly judge of His intentions in matters of future Government . In which Treaty His Majesty will be well pleased ( if it be thought fit ) that Commissioners from the Army ( whose the Proposals are ) may likewise be admitted . His Majesty therefore conjures His two Houses of Parliament by the duty they owe to God and His Majesty their King , and by the bowels of compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , both for the relief of their present Sufferings and to prevent future Miseries , that they will forthwith accept of this His Majesty's offer , whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this distressed Kingdom . And for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions , His Majesty will very willingly Treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners , and doubts not but to give reasonable satisfaction to that His Kingdom . At Hampton-Court , the ninth of September , 1647. XXXI . From HAMPTON-COURT , Nov. 11. MDCXLVII . Left on the Table at His departure . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. LIberty being that which in all times hath been , but especially now is , the common theme and desire of all men ; common reason shews that Kings less than any should endure Captivity . And yet I call God and the world to witness with what Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint ; which so long as I had any hopes that this sort of My Suffering might conduce to the Peace of My Kingdoms , or the hindring of more effusion of bloud , I did willingly undergo : but now finding by too certain proofs , that this my continued Patience would not only turn to my Personal Ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice than furtherance to the publick good , I thought I was bound as well by natural as political obligations to seek My Safety , by retiring My self for some time from the publick view both of my Friends and Enemies . And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge , if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the destruction of the Nobility , taking away their negative voice , and with whom the Levellers doctrine is rather countenanced than punished . And as for their intentions to my Person , their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me , with the discharging most of all those servants of Mine whom formerly they willingly admitted to wait upon Me , does sufficiently declare . Nor would I have this Retirement mis-interpreted ; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace where-ever I am or shall be , and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more Christian blood : for which how many times have I desired , prest to be heard ? and yet no ear given to Me. And can any reasonable man think that ( according to the ordinary course of affairs ) there can be a setled Peace without it ; or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their own King ? Surely no. Nay I must further add , that ( besides what concerns My self ) unless all other chief Interests have not only a hearing , but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to wit , the Presbyterians , Independents , Army , those who have adhered to Me , and even the Scots ) I say , there cannot ( I speak not of Miracles , it being , in My opinion , a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe or lasting Peace . Now as I cannot deny but that My Personal security is the urgent cause of this My Retirement ; so I take God to witness that the publick Peace is no less before Mine eyes : and I can find no better way to express this My profession ( I know not what a wiser may do ) than by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard , to the end each may have just satisfaction . As for Example , the Army ( for the rest , though necessary , yet I suppose are not difficult to content ) ought ( in My Judgment ) to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences , have an Act of Oblivion or Indemnity ( which should extend to all the rest of My Subjects ) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid ; which I will undertake to do , so I may be heard , and that I be not hindred from using such lawful and honest means as I shall chuse . To conclude , let Me be heard with Freedom , Honour and Safety , and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement , and shew My self really to be Pater Patriae . Hampton Court , Novemb. 11. 1647. XXXII . From the Isle of WIGHT , November 17. MDCXLVII . For a Personal Treaty , with His particular Concessions . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majest is confident that before this time His two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which He left behind Him at Hampton-Court the eleventh of this month , by which they will have understood the reasons which enforced Him to go from thence , as likewise His constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever He should be : And being now in a place where He conceives Himself to be at much more Freedom and Security than formerly , He thinks it necessary ( not only for making good of His Own professions , but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms ) at this time to offer such grounds to His two Houses for that effect , which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto . And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace , His Majesty will begin with that particular . That for the abolishing Archbishops , Bishops , &c. His Majesty clearly professeth , that He cannot give His Consent thereunto , both in relation as He is a Christian , and a King. For the first , He avows that He is satisfied in His Judgment that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves , and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the world until this last Century of years ; and in this Church in all times of Change and Reformation it hath been upheld by the wisdom of His Ancestors , as the great preserver of Doctrine , Discipline and Order in the service of God. As a King at His Coronation , He hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order , but His Majesty and His Predecessours in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of the Subjects . And yet He is willing it be provided that the particular Bishops perform the several duties of their Callings , both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses , as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters ; and will consent that their powers in all things be so limited , that they be not grievous to tender Consciences . Wherefore since His Majesty is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others , He sees no reason why He alone and those of His Judgment should be pressed to a violation of theirs . Nor can His Majesty consent to the alienation of Church-Lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacrilege ; as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors , who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations , which His Majesty is very unwilling to undergo : And besides the matter of Conscience , His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the publick good , many of His Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates than if those possessions were in the hands of private men : not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and industry when such eminent rewards shall be taken away , which now lye open to the Children of meanest persons . Yet His Majesty considering the great present distempers concerning Church-discipline , and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice , His Majesty , to eschew Confusion as much as may be , and for the satisfaction of His two Houses , is content that the said Government be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years : provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment ( or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto ) be not obliged to comply with the Presbyterian Government , but have free practice of their own profession , without receiving any prejudice thereby ; and that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at Westminster , ( twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and the two Houses how the Church-government after the said time shall be setled , ( or sooner , if differences may be agreed ) as is most agreeable to the Word of God , with full liberty to all those who shall differ upon Conscientious grounds from that settlement . Always provided , that nothing aforesaid be understood to tolerate those of the Romish profession , nor exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws , or to tolerate the publick profession of Atheism or Blasphemy , contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles , Nicene and Athanasian Creeds , they having been received by and had in reverence of all the Christian Churches , and more particularly by this of England , ever since the Reformation . Next , the Militia being that Right which is inseparably and undoubtedly inherent in the Crown by the Laws of this Nation , and that which former Parliaments , as likewise this , have acknowledged so to be , His Majesty cannot so much wrong that trust which the Laws of God and this Land have annexed to the Crown for the protection and security of His People , as to devest Himself and Successors of the power of the Sword : Yet to give an infallible evidence of His desire to secure the performance of such agreements as shall be made in order to a Peace , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , that the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land , for and during His whole Reign , shall be ordered and disposed by His two Houses of Parliament , or by such persons as they shall appoint , with powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the publick Peace , and against foreign invasions ; and that they shall have power during His said Reign to raise Monies for the purposes aforesaid ; and that neither His Majesty that now is or any other ( by any Authority derived only from Him ) shall execute any of the said powers during His Majesties said Reign , but such as shall act by the consent and Approbation of the two Houses of Parliament . Nevertheless His Majesty intends that all Patents , Commissions and other Acts concerning the Militia , be made and acted as formerly ; and that after His Majesties Reign , all the power of the Militia shall return entirely to the Crown , as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . After this head of the Militia , the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow ; for the payment whereof , and the ease of His People , His Majesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the violation of His Conscience and Honour . Wherefore if His two Houses shall consent to remit unto Him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last , and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace , and the Arrears of such as have been already made , the assistance of the Clergy , and the Arrears of such Rents of His own Revenue as His two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace , His Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen months the payment of four hundred thousand pounds for the satisfaction of the Army : and if those means shall not be sufficient , His Majesty intends to give way to the sale of Forest-Lands for that purpose , this being the publick Debt which in His Majesties Judgment is first to be satisfied . And for other publick Debts already contracted upon Church-Lands or any other Ingagements , His Majesty will give His Consent to such Act or Acts for raising of monies for payment thereof as both Houses shall hereafter agree upon , so as they be equally laid , whereby His People ( already too heavily burthened by these late Distempers ) may have no more pressures upon them than this absolute necessity requires . And for the further securing of all fears , His Majesty will consent , that an Act of Parliament be passed for the disposing of the great Offices of State and naming of Privy Councellors for the whole term of His Reign by the two Houses of Parliament , their Patents and Commissions being taken from His Majesty , and after to return to the Crown , as is expressed in the Article of the Militia . For the Court of Wards and Liveries , His Majesty very well knows the consequence of taking that away , by turning of all Tenures into common Soccage , as well in point of Revenue to the Crown , as in the protection of many of His Subjects being Infants . Nevertheless if the continuance thereof seem grievous to His Subjects , rather than He will fail on His part in giving satisfaction , He will consent to an Act for taking of it away , so as a full recompence be setled upon His Majesty and His Successors in perpetuity , and that the Arrears now due be reserved unto Him towards the payment of the Arrears of the Army . And that the memory of these late Distractions may be wholly wiped away , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament for the suppressing and making null of all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations against both or either House of Parliament , and of all Indictments and other proceedings against any persons for adhering to them : And His Majesty proposeth , ( as the best expedient to take away all seeds of future Differences ) that there be an Act of Oblivion to extend to all His Subjects . As for Ireland , the Cessation there is long since determined ; but for the future ( all other things being fully agreed ) His Majesty will give full satisfaction to His two Houses concerning that Kingdom . And although His Majesty cannot consent in Honour and Justice to avoid all His own Grants and Acts past under His great Seal since the two and twentieth of May 1642 , or to the confirming of all the Acts and Grants passed under that made by the two Houses ; yet His Majesty is confident , that upon perusal of particulars , He shall give full satisfaction to His two Houses as to what may reasonably be desired in that particular . And now His Majesty conceives that by these His offers ( which He is ready to make good upon the settlement of a Peace ) He hath clearly manifested His intentions to give full security and satisfaction to all Interests , for what can justly be desired in order to the future Happiness of His People : and for the perfecting of these Concessions , as also for such other things as may be proposed by the two Houses , and for such just and reasonable demands as His Majesty shall find necessary to propose on His part , He earnestly desires a Personal Treaty at London with His two Houses , in Honour , Freedom and Safety , it being in His Judgement the most proper , and indeed , only means to a firm and settled Peace , and impossible without it to reconcile former , or avoid future Misunderstandings . All these things being by Treaty perfected , His Majesty believes His Houses will think it reasonable , that the Proposals of the Army concerning the Succession of Parliaments and their due elections should be taken into consideration . As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland , His Majesty will very readily apply Himself to give all reasonable satisfaction , when the desires of the two Houses of Parliament on their behalf , or of the Commissioners of that Kingdom , or of both joyned together , shall be made known unto Him. CHARLES R. From the Isle of Wight , November 17. 1647. XXXIII . From CARISBROOK , Dec. 6. MDCXLVII . For an Answer to His last . To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HAD His Majesty thought it possible that His two Houses could be imployed in things of greater concernment than the Peace of this miserable distracted Kingdom , He would have expected with more patience their leisure in acknowledging the receipt of His Message of the 17. of November last . But since there is not in nature any consideration preceding to that of Peace , His Majesty's constant tenderness of the welfare of His Subjects hath such a prevalence with Him , that He cannot forbear the vehement prosecution of a Personal Treaty : which is only so much the more desired by His Majesty , as it is superior to all other means of Peace . And truly , when His Majesty considers the several complaints He daily hears from all parts of this Kingdom , That Trade is so decayed , all commodites so dear , and Taxes so insupportable , that even natural subsistence will suddenly fail ; His Majesty ( to perform the Trust reposed in Him ) must use His uttermost endeavours for Peace , though He were to have no share in the benefit of it . And hath not His Majesty done His part for it , by devesting Himself of so much Power and Authority as by His last Message He hath promised to do , upon the concluding of the whole Peace ? And hath He met with that acknowledgement from His two Houses which this great Grace and Favour justly deserves ? Surely the blame of this great retarding of Peace must fall somewhere else than on His Majesty . To conclude , if ye will but consider in how little time this necessary good work will be done , if you the two Houses will wait on His Majesty with the same resolutions for Peace as He will meet you , He no way doubts but that ye will willingly agree to this His Majesty's earnest desire of a Personal Treaty , and speedily desire His presence amongst you : where all things agreed on being digested into Acts ( till when it is most unreasonable for His Majesty or His two Houses to desire each of other the least concession ) this Kingdom may at last enjoy the blessing of a long-wisht-for Peace . Carisbrook-Castle , Decemb. 6. 1647. XXXIV . From CARISBROOK , Dec. 28. MDCXLVII . In Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions , before the Votes of No address . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE necessity of complying with all engaged Interests in these great Distempers for a perfect settlement of Peace , His Majesty finds to be none of the least difficulties He hath met with since the time of His Afflictions . Which is too visible , when at the same time that the two Houses of the English Parliament do present to His Majesty several Bills and Propositions for His Consent , the Commissioners for Scotland do openly protest against them . So that , were there nothing in the case but the consideration of that difference , His Majesty cannot imagine how to give such an Answer to what is now proposed , as thereby to promise Himself His great end , A perfect Peace . And when His Majesty further considers how impossible it is ( in the condition He now stands ) to fulfil the desires of the two Houses , since the only ancient and known ways of passing Laws are either by His Majesty's personal assent in the House of Peers , or by Commission under His great Seal of England : He cannot but wonder at such failings in the manner of address which is now made unto Him ; unless His two Houses intend that His Majesty shall allow of a great Seal made without His Authority , before there be any consideration had thereupon in a Treaty . Which as it may hereafter hazard the security it self , so for the present it seems very unreasonable to His Majesty . And though His Majesty is willing to believe that the intentions of very many in both Houses , in sending these Bills before a Treaty , was only to obtain a Trust from Him , and not to take any advantage by passing them to force other things from Him which are either against His Conscience or Honour : yet His Majesty believes it clear to all understandings , that these Bills contain ( as they are now penned ) not only the devesting Himself of all Soveraignty , and that without possibility of recovering it either to Him or His Successors ( except by repeal of those Bills ) but also the making His Concessions guilty of the greatest pressures that can be made upon the Subject , as in other particulars , so by giving an arbitrary and unlimited power to the two Houses for ever , to raise and levy Forces for Land or Sea service of what persons ( without distinction or quality ) and to what numbers they please ; and likewise for the payment of them , to levy what Moneys , in such sort and by such ways and means ( and consequently upon the Estates of whatsoever persons ) as they shall think fit and appoint ; which is utterly inconsistent with the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and His Majesty's Trust in protecting them . So that if the major part of both Houses shall think it necessary to put the rest of the Propositions into Bills , His Majesty leaves all the World to judge how unsafe it would be for Him to consent thereunto : and if not , what a strange condition ( after the passing of these four Bills ) His Majesty and all His Subjects would be cast into . And here His Majesty thinks it not unfit to wish His two Houses to consider well the manner of their proceeding ; that when His Majesty desires a personal Treaty with them for the settling of a Peace , they in answer propose the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof to be first granted . A thing which will be hardly credible to Posterity . Wherefore His Majesty declares , That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksom condition of life His Majesty hath so long suffered , nor the apprehension of what may befal Him in case His two Houses shall not afford Him a Personal Treaty , shall make Him change His Resolution , of not consenting to any Act till the whole Peace be concluded . Yet then He intends not only to give just and reasonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to Him ; but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in His Message of the 16. of November last : which He thought would have produced better effects than what He finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto Him. And yet His Majesty cannot give over , but now again earnestly presseth for a Personal Treaty ( so passionately is He affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to His Majesty and all his Subjects ) of which He will not at all despair , ( there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace . ) However His Majesty is very much at ease within Himself , for having fulfilled the offices both of a Christian and of a King ; and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God , to incline the hearts of His two Houses to consider their King , and to compassionate their fellow-Subjects miseries . Given at Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight , December 28. 1647. XXXV . From CARISBROOK , August 10. MDCXLVIII . In Answer to the Votes for a Treaty . For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster . C. R. IF the Peace of My Dominions were not much dearer to Me than any particular Interest whatsoever , I had too much reason to take notice of the several Votes which passed against Me , and the sad condition I have been in now above these seven months : But since you My two Houses of Parliament have opened ( as it seems to He ) a fair beginning to a happy Peace , I shall heartily apply My self thereunto ; and to that end , I will as clearly and shortly as I may set you down those things which I conceive necessary to this blessed work , so that We together may remove all impediments that may hinder a happy conclusion of this Treaty , which with all chearfulness I do embrace . And to this wished end your selves have laid most excellent grounds : For what can I reasonably expect more than to Treat with Honour , Freedom and Safety , upon such Propositions as you have or shall present unto He , and such as I shall make to you ? But withal remember , that it is the definition , not names , of things which makes them rightly known ; and that without means to perform , no Proposition can take effect : Aud truly My present condition is such , that I can no more treat than a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race who hath both his feet fast tied together ; wherefore My first necessary demand is , That you will recall all such Votes and Orders by which people are frighted from coming , writing , or speaking freely to Me. Next , That such men of all professions whom I shall send for , as of necessary use to Me in this Treaty , may be admitted to wait upon Me. In a word , that I may be in the same state of freedom I was in when I was last at Hampton-Court . And indeed less cannot in any reasonable measure make good those offers which you have made Me by your Votes . For how can I treat with Honour , so long as people are terrified with Votes and Orders against coming to speak or write to Me ? And am I honourably treated , so long as there is none about Me ( except a Barber who came now with the Commissioners ) that ever I named to wait upon Me ? Or with Freedom , until I may call such unto Me of whose services I shall have use in so great and difficult a work ? And for Safety ( I speak not of My Person , having no apprehension that way ) how can I judge to make a safe and well-grounded Peace , until I may know ( without disguise ) the true present state of all My Dominions , and particularly of all those whose Interests are necessarily concerned in the Peace of these Kingdoms ? Which leads Me naturally to the last necessary demand I shall make for the bringing of this Treaty to an happy end , which is , That you alone , or you and I joyntly , do invite the Scots to send some persons authorized by them to treat upon such Propositions as they shall make ; for certainly the publick and necessary Interest they have in this great Settlement is so clearly plain to all the world , that I believe no body will deny the necessity of their concurrence in this Treaty in order to durable Peace . Wherefore I will only say , that as I am a King of both Nations , so I will yield to none in either Kingdom for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both ; My resolution being , never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . Now as to the Place , ( because I conceive it to be rather a circumstantial than real part of this Treaty , I shall not much insist upon it ) I name Newport in this Isle : yet the fervent zeal I have that a speedy end be put to these unhappy Distractions , doth force Me earnestly to desire you to consider what a great loss of time it will be to treat so far from the body of My two Houses , when every small debate ( of which doubtless there will be many ) must be transmitted to Westminster before it be concluded . And really I think ( though to some it may seem a Paradox ) that peoples minds will be much more apt to settle , seeing Me treat in or near London , than in this Isle ; because so long as I am here , it will never be believed by many that I am really so free as before this Treaty begins I expect to be . And so I leave and recommend this Point to your serious consideration . And thus I have not only fully accepted of the Treaty which you have proposed to Me by your Votes of the third of this Month ; but also given it all the furtherance that lies in Me , by demanding the necessary means for the effectual performance thereof . All which are so necessarily implied by , though not particularly mentioned in , your Votes , as I can no ways doubt of your ready compliance with Me herein . I have now no more to say , but to conjure you by all that is dear to Christians , honest men or good Patriots , that ye will make all the expedition possible to begin this happy Work , by hastening down your Commissioners fully authorized and well instructed , and by enabling Me ( as I have shewed you ) to Treat ; praying the God of Peace so to bless our endeavours , that all My Dominions may speedily enjoy a safe and well-grounded Peace . CHARLES R. XXXVI . From CARISBROOK , Aug. 28. MDCXLVIII . For some of His Council and others to attend Him at the Treaty . For the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , and William Lenthall , Speaker of the House of Commons . MY Lord , and Master Speaker , I have received your Letter of the twenty fifth of this Month , with the Votes that you sent Me : which though they are not so full as I could have wished for the perfecting of a Treaty ; yet because I conceive by what you have done , that I am in some measure fit to begin one , such is My uncessant and earnest desire to give a Peace to these My now-distracted Kingdoms , as I accept the Treaty ; and therefore desire that such five Lords and ten Commons as My two Houses shall appoint , be speedily sent , fully authorized and instructed to Treat with Me , not doubting but what is now wanting , will , at our meeting , upon debate be fully supplied , not only to the furtherance of this Treaty , but also to the consummating of a safe and well-grounded Peace . So I rest , Your good Friend CHARLES R. Here is inclosed a List of the Names of such Persons as I desire . GEntlemen of My Bedchamber , Duke Richmond , Marquess Hertford , Earl Lindsey , Earl Southampton . Grooms of My Bedchamber , George Kirk , James Leviston , Henry Murry , John Ashburnham , William Leg. Thomas Davise , Barber . Pages of My back stairs , Hugh Henne , Humphrey Rogers , William Lever . Rives , Yeoman of My Robes . Querries , with four or five of My Footmen , as they find fittest to wait , Sir Edward Sidenham , Robert Terwit , Jo. Housden . Mrs. Wheeler Landress , with such Maids as she shall chuse . Parsons , a Groom of the Presence . Sir Fulk Grevil , Captain Titus , Captain John Burroughs , Mr. Cresset , ... Hansted , Abraham Douset , Henry Firebrace , to wait as they did , or as I shall appoint them . Bishop of London , B. of Sarum , Dr. Shelden , Dr. Hammond , Dr. Holdsworth , Dr. Sanderson , Dr. Turner , Dr. Heywood . Lawyers , Sir Thomas Gardiner , Sir Orlando Bridgman , Sir Robert Holborn , Mr. Geffery Palmer , Mr. Thomas Cooke , Mr. James Vaughan . Clarks and Writers , Sir Edward Walker , Mr. Philip Warwick , Nicholas Oudart , Charles Whittaker . To make ready the House for Treaty , Peter Newton , Clem. Kinersley . I desire in Order to one of your Votes , that you would send Me a free pass for Parsons , one of the Grooms of My Presence-Chamber , to go into Scotland , and that you would immediately send him to Me , to receive the dispatch thither . XXXVII . From CARISBROOK , Sept. 7. MDCXLVIII . Concerning the time of the Treaty , and the sending some other Civil Lawyers and Divines . For the Lord Hunsdon , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , and William Lenthall , Speaker of the House of Commons . MY Lord , and Master Speaker , I have received your Letter of the second of this Month , containing the Names of those who are to Treat with Me ; and though they do not come at the time appoint , I shall not wonder , at first judging it too short in respect of My two Houses , not of My self , so that I did not imagine it could be kept , ( as I then commanded Sir Peter Killegrew to tell you by word of mouth : ) and therefore it shall be far from Me to take exceptions for their having elapsed the appointed time , for God forbid that either My two Houses or I should carp at Circumstances to give the least impediment to this Treaty , much less to hinder the happy finishing of it . I say this the rather , because I know not how it is possible ( in this I shall wish to be deceived ) that in forty days Treaty the many Distractions of these Kingdoms can be setled ; and if so , it were more than strange that time enough should not be given for the perfecting of this most great and good Work , which as I will not believe can be stuck on by the two Houses , so I am sure it shall never be by Carisbrook , 7. Sept. 1648. Your good Friend , CHARLES R. I think fit to tell you , because I believe in this Treaty there will be need of Civil Lawyers , I have sent for my Advocate Rives and D. Duck. [ And afterward , in a Letter of one of the Commissioners for the two Houses He sent inclosed this Note , Nov. 2. ] C. R. The Bishop of Armagh , the Bishop of Excester , the Bishop of Rochester , the Bishop of Worcester , Dr. Ferne , Dr. Morley . XXXVIII . From NEWPORT , Sept. 29. MDCXLVIII . Containing His Concessions . HIS Majesty did use many earnest endeavours for a Personal Treaty , which He hoped might have been obtained at Westminster between Him and His two Houses of Parliament immediately ; yet they having made choice of this way by you their Commissioners , His Majesty did gladly and chearfully accept thereof in this place , as a fit means to begin a Treaty for Peace , which might put an end to His own sad condition , and the Miseries of His Kingdom : For an entrance whereunto , His Majesty hath already expressed His consent to the First Proposition . But finding you are limited by Instructions which you have no warrant to communicate unto Him , and having cause by your Paper of the twentieth of this present to believe that you have no power to omit or alter any thing ; though He shall give you such reasons as may satisfie you so to do , without transmitting the Papers to the two Houses at a far distance , where His Majesties reasons , expressions , and offers upon debate cannot be fully represented , and from whence their Answers cannot be returned without much waste of the time allotted for the Treaty here ; and having lately received another Paper concerning the Church , containing in it self many particulars of great importance , and referring to divers Ordinances , Articles of Religion , and other things ( eleven or twelve in number ) of great length , and some of them very new , and never before presented to His Majesty , the due consideration whereof will take up much time , and require His Majesties presence with His two Houses before a full resolution can well be had in matters of so high consequence : To the end therefore that the good Work now in hand may ( by God's blessing ) proceed more speedily and effectually to an happy conclusion , and that His two Houses of Parliament may at present have further security , and an earnest of future satisfaction , His Majesty , upon consideration had of yours , makes these Propositions following . Concerning the Church , His Majesty will consent that the calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament . And will by Act of Parliament confirm for three years the Directory for the publick Worship of God in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales . And will likewise confirm for three years by Act of Parliament the Form of Church-Government which ye have presented to Him , to be used for the Churches of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales : Provided that His Majesty and those of His Judgment , or any others who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto , be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the same Government or Form of Worship , but have free practice of their own profession . And that a free consultation and debate be had with the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in the mean time ( twenty of His Majesties nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament , how the said Church-Government and Form of Publick Worship after the said time may be setled , or sooner , if Differences may be agreed : and how also Reformation of Religion may be setled within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Dominion of Wales . And the Articles of Christian Religion now delivered to Him may in like manner be then considered of and determined , and care taken for the ease of tender Consciences . And concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues , His Majesty considering that during these troublesom times divers of His Subjects have made contracts and purchaces , and divers have disbursed great summs of moneys upon security and engagement of those Lands ; His Majesty , for their satisfaction , will consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament , whereby legal estates for lives or for years ( at their choice , ) not exceeding 99 years shall be made of those Lands towards the satisfaction of the said Purchasers , Contractors , and others to whom they are engaged , at the old Rents , or some other moderate Rent , whereby they may receive satisfaction . And in case such Leases shall not satisfie , His Majesty will propound and consent to some other way for their further satisfaction . Provided that the propriety and inheritance of those Lands may still remain and continue to the Church and Church-men respectively , according to the pious intentions of the Donors and Founders thereof : and the rent that shall be reserved to be for their maintenance . His Majesty will give his Royal assent for the better observation of the Lord's day , for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God , and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom ; and to an Act against enjoying pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual persons , and Non-residency ; and to an Act for regulating and Reforming both Universities , and the Colledges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton . His Majesty will consent to an Act for the better discovery and speedy conviction of Popish Recusants , as is desired in your Propositions ; and also to an Act for the education of the children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . As also to an Act for the true levying of the penalties against Papists , to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , and as is proposed on His Majesties behalf . As also to an Act to prevent the practices of Papists against the State , and for putting the Laws in Execution ; and for a stricter course to prevent hearing and saying of Mass . But as to the Covenant , His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied , that He can either sign or swear it , or consent to impose it on the Consciences of others : nor doth He conceive it proper or useful at this time to be insisted on . Touching the Militia , His Majesty conceives that your Proposition demands a far larger power over the persons and estates of His Subjects than hath ever hitherto been warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm : Yet considering the present Distractions require more , and trusting in His two Houses of Parliament that they will make no further use of the power therein mentioned , after the present Distempers setled , than shall be agreeable to the legal exercise thereof in times past , or just necessity shall require , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled , or hereafter to be assembled , or such as they shall appoint , during the space of ten years , shall arm , train and discipline , or cause to be armed , trained or disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , already raised both for Sea and Land service ; and shall from time to time during the space of ten years raise , levy , arm , train , and discipline , or cause to be raised , levied , armed , trained and disciplined any other Forces for Land and Sea service in the Kingdoms , Dominions and places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time during the said spaceof ten years think fit to appoint ; and that neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any other but such as shall Act by the Authority or approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall during the said space of ten years exercise any of the powers aforesaid : That Monies be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time during the said space of ten years think fit and appoint , and not otherwise : That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service , so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time during the said space of ten years be imployed , managed , ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And the said Lords and Commons , or such as they shall appoint , during the said space of ten years shall have power , 1. To suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without authority and consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 2. To suppress any foreign Forces who shall invade or indeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . And after the expiration of the said ten years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , power , deputation , or authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall without the consent of the said Lords and Commons raise , arm , train , discipline , imploy , order , manage , disband , or dispose any the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed ; nor exercise any of the said powers or authorities herein before-mentioned , and expressed to be during the space of ten years in the said Lords and Commons ; nor do any act or any thing concerning the execution of the said powers or authorities , or any of them , without the consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained : And with the same Provisoes for saving the ordinary legal power of Officers of Justice , not being Military Officers , as is set down in your Propositions : and with a Declaration , That if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in a warlike manner or otherwise , to the number of thirty persons , and shall not forthwith disperse themselves , being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose , then such person or persons not so dispersing themselves shall be guilty , and incur the pains of high Treason , being first declared guilty of such offence by the said Lords and Commons , any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding : and he or they that shall so offend herein to be uncapable of any pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors . And likewise that it be provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties , &c. in raising and imploying the Forces of that City in such sort as is mentioned in the said Proposition . With these Provisoes following to be inserted in the said Act. First , That none be compelled to serve in the War against their Wills , but in case of coming in of strange Enemies into this Kingdom . And that the powers above-mentioned as concerning the Land-Forces , other than for keeping up and maintenance of Forts and Garrisons , and the keeping up , maintaining , and pay of this present Army so long as it shall be thought fit by both Houses of Parliament , be exercised to no other purposes than for the suppressing of Forces raised or to be raised without authority and consent of the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , or for suppressing of any Foreign Forces which shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms , Dominions or places aforesaid . And that the Monies be raised by general and equal Taxations , saving that Tunnage and Poundage , and such Imposts as have been applyed to the Navy , be raised as hath been usual . And that all Patents , Commissions and other Acts concerning the premisses be made and acted in His Majesties name by Warrant , signified by the Lords and Commons , or such others as they shall authorize for that purpose . If it shall be more satisfactory to His two Houses to have the Militia and powers thereupon depending during the whole time of His Majesty's Reign , rather than for the space of ten years , His Majesty gives them the election . Touching Ireland , His Majesty having in the two preceding Propositions given His consent concerning the Church and the Militia there in all things as in England ; as to all other matters relating to that Kingdom , after advice with His two Houses , He will leave it to their determination , and give His consent accordingly , as is herein hereafter expressed . Touching publick Debts , His Majesty will give His consent to such an Act for raising of Monies by general and equal Taxations , for the payment and satisfying the Arrears of the Army , publick Debts and engagements of the Kingdom , as shall be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament , and shall be audited and ascertained by them , or such persons as they shall appoint , within the space of twelve Months after the passing of an Act for the same . His Majesty will consent to an Act , that during the said space of ten years the Lord Chancellour , or Lord Keeper , Commissioners of the Great Seal , or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports , Chancellour of the Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Master of the Rolls , Judges of both Benches , and Barons of the Exchequer of England , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , to continue quam diu se bene gesserint ; and in the intervals of Parliament , by such others as they shall authorize for that purpose . His Majesty will consent that the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof , during the space of ten years , may be in the ordering and Government of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , and Commons in the Common Council assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint ( whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three ) to be imployed and directed from time to time , during the said space of ten years , in such manner as shall be agreed upon and appointed by both Houses of Parliament ; and that no Citizen of the City of London , nor any of the Officers of the said City , shall be drawn forth , or compelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof for Military service , without their own free consent . That an Act be passed for granting and confirming the Charters , Customs , Liberties and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Non-user , Mis-user , or Abuser . And that during the said ten years , the Tower of London may be in the government of the City of London , and the Chief Officer and Governour from time to time during the said space to be nominated , and removeable by the Common Council as are desired in your Propositions . His Majesty having thus far expressed His consent for the present satisfaction and security of His two Houses of Parliament , and those that have adhered unto them touching your four first Propositions , and other the particulars before specified ; as to all the rest of your Propositions delivered to Him at Hampton-Court , ( not referring to those heads ) and to that of the Court of Wards since delivered , as also to the remaining Propositions concerning Ireland , His Majesty desires only , when He shall come to Westminster , personally to advise with His two Houses , and to deliver His Opinion and the reasons of it ; which being done , He will leave the whole matter of those remaining Propositions to the determination of His two Houses , which shall prevail with Him for His consent accordingly . And His Majesty doth ( for His Own particular ) only propose that He may have liberty to repair forthwith to Westminster , and be restored to a condition of absolute Freedom and Safety , ( a thing which He shall never deny to any of His Subjects ) and to the possession of His Lands and Revenues ; and that an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity may pass , to extend to all persons for all matters relating to the late unhappy Differences : which being agreed by His two Houses of Parliament , His Majesty will be ready to make these His Concessions binding , by giving them the Force of Laws by His Royal assent . HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATIONS . I. His MAJESTIES DECLARATION After the Votes of no further Address . Carisbrook , Jan. 18. MDCXLVII . To all My People , of whatsoever Nation , Quality or Condition . AM I thus laid aside ? and must I not speak for My self ? No : I will speak , and that to all My People , ( which I would have rather done by the way of My two Houses of Parliament , but that there is a publick Order , neither to make Addresses to , or receive Messages from Me. ) And who but you can be judge of the differences betwixt Me and My two Houses ? I know none else : for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the Happiness , or feel the Misery of good or ill Government ; and we all pretend who should run fastest to serve you , without having a regard ( at least in the first place ) to particular Interests . And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time , and whether My Actions have more tended to the Publick or My own particular good . For whosoever will look upon Me barely as I am a Man , without that liberty ( which the meanest of My Subjects enjoys ) of going whither and conversing with whom I will ; as a Husband and Father , without the comfort of My Wife and Children ; or lastly as a King , without the least shew of Authority or Power to protect My distressed Subjects ; must conclude Me not onely void of all Natural Affection , but also to want common understanding , if I should not most cheerfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms . As also on the other side , do but consider the form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me , and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty , ye will conclude , that the same Spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and constant endeavours for Peace , hath had a powerful influence on this Message : For though I was ready to grant the substance , and comply with what they seem to desire ; yet as they had framed it , I could not agree thereunto , without deeply wounding My Conscience and Honour , and betraying the Trust reposed in Me , by abandoning My People to the Arbitrary and Unlimited Power of the two Houses for ever , for the levying and maintaining of Land or Sea Forces , without distinction of quality or limitation for Money-Taxes . And if I could have passed them in terms , how unheard-of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter ? How ineffectual were that Debate like to prove , wherein the most potent Party had nothing of moment left to ask , and the other nothing more to give ? so , consequently , how hopeless of mutual compliance ? without which a settlement is impossible . Besides , if after My Concessions the two Houses should insist on those things from which I cannot depart , how desperate would the condition of these Kingdoms be , when the most proper and approved remedy should become ineffectual ? Being therefore fully resolved that I could neither in Conscience , Honour or Prudence , pass those four Bills ; I onely endeavoured to make the Reasons and Justice of my Denial appear to all the World , as they do to me , intending to give as little dis-satisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament ( without betraying My own Cause ) as the matter would bear : I was desirous to give My Answer of the 28 th of December last to the Commissioners sealed , ( as I had done others heretofore , and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners ) chiefly , because when My Messages or Answers were publickly known before they were read in the Houses , prejudicial interpretations were forced on them , much differing , and sometimes contrary to My meaning . For example , My Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations , because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concerning that Kingdom : And this last suffers in a contrary sense , by making Me intend to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom ( than which nothing was , nor is , further from my thoughts ) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions , as contrary to the Interests and Engagements of the two Kingdomes . Indeed , if I had not mentioned their dissent , an Objection , not without some probability , might have been made against Me , both in respect the Scots are much concern'd in the Bill for the Militia , and in several other Propositions ; and My silence might , with some Justice , have seemed to approve of it : But the Commissioners refusing to receive My Answer sealed , I ( upon the engagement of their and the Governor's Honour , that no other use should be made or notice taken of it than as if it had not been seen ) read and delivered it open unto them ; whereupon what hath since passed , either by the Governour , in discharging most of My Servants , redoubling the Guards , and restraining Me of My former Liberty , ( and all this , as himself confess'd , merely out of his own dislike of My Answer , notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement ) or afterwards by the two Houses , ( as the Governour affirms ) in confining Me within the Circuit of this Castle , I appeal to God and the World , whether My said Answer deserved the reply of such proceedings ; besides the unlawfulness for Subjects to imprison their King. That by the permission of Almighty God I am reduced to this sad condition , as I no way repine ; so I am not without hope , but that the same God will in due time convert these Afflictions into My advantage . In the mean time , I am confident to bear these crosses with Patience , and a great Equality of Mind . But by what means or occasion I am come to this Relapse in My Affairs , I am utterly to seek ; especially when I consider , that I have sacrificed to My two Houses of Parliament , for the Peace of the Kingdome , all but what is much more dear to Me than My life , My Conscience and Honour ; desiring nothing more than to perform it in the most proper and natural way , a Personal Treaty . But that which makes Me most at a loss is , the remembring My signal compliance with the Army and their Interests : and of what importance My compliance was to them , and their often-repeated Professions and Engagements for My just Rights in general , at Newmarket and S. Albans , and their particular explanation of those Generals by their voted , and re-voted Proposals , which I had reason to understand should be the utmost extremity would be expected from Me , and that in some things therein I should be eased ; ( herein appealing to the Consciences of some of the chiefest Officers in the Army , if what I have said be not punctually true ) and how I have failed of their expectations , or My professions to them , I challenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of Reason . And now I would know what it is that is desired . Is it Peace ? I have shewed the way , ( being both willing and desirous to perform My part in it ) which is , a just compliance with all chief Interests . Is it Plenty and Happiness ? They are the inseparable effects of Peace . Is it Security ? I , who wish that all Men would forgive and forget like Me , have offered the Militia for My time . Is it Liberty of Conscience ? He who wants it is most ready to give it . Is it the right administration of Justice ? Officers of trust are committed to the choice of My two Houses of Parliament . Is it frequent Parliaments ? I have legally , fully concurr'd therewith . Is it the Arrears of the Army ? Upon a settlement they will certainly be payed with much ease , but before there will be found much difficulty , if not impossibility , in it . Thus all the World cannot but see my reall and unwearied endeavours for Peace , the which ( by the grace of God ) I shall neither repent Me of nor ever be slackned in , notwithstanding My past , present , or future sufferings : but if I may not be heard , let every one judge who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do . What is it that Men are afraid to hear from Me ? It cannot be Reason , ( at least , none will declare themselves so unreasonable as to confess it : ) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable Discourses ; for thereby , peradventure , I might more justifie this My Restraint than the causers themselves can do : so that of all wonders yet this is the greatest to Me. But it may be easily gathered how those men intend to govern who have used Me thus . And if it be My hard Fate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom , I shall not blush for My self , but much lament the future Miseries of My People , the which I shall still pray to God to avert , whatever becomes of Me. CHARLES R. II. An Answer to a Pamphlet entitled , A Declaration of the Commons of England in Parliament assembled , expressing their Reasons and Grounds of passing the late Resolutions touching no farther Address or Application to be made to the KING . Published by His Majestie 's appointment . I Believe that it was never heard of until now , that heavy Imputations were laid on any man ( I speak not now of Kings , which I confess makes the case yet more strange and unjust ) and He not permitted to see , much less to answer them : but so it is now with the King ; which does ( though silently , yet ) subject Him to as great an Imputation as there is any in the said Declaration ; for those who know no better , may think that He cannot , because He does not , answer it . Wherefore I hold it my Duty ( knowing these things better than every ordinary man ) to do my best that the King should not be injured by the Ignorance of His People : and albeit I ( lying under Persecution for My Conscience and love to Regal Authority ) have not the means in every thing to make full Probations ; yet I am confident in all the most material Points so to make the truth of the King's Innocency appear , that I shall satisfie any impartial judicious Reader . What the Issue of former Addresses to the King hath been is most certainly known to all the World ; but where the fault rests whereby Peace hath not ensued , bare Asseverations without Proofs cannot , I am sure , satisfie any judicious Reader . And indeed , it seems to me that the Penner of these seeks more to take the ears of the ignorant Multitude with big words and bold Assertions , than to satisfie Rational men with real proofs or true Arguments . For at the very first he begs the Question , taking it for granted that the King could ease the Sighs and Groans , dry the Tears , and stanch the Blood of His distressed Subjects . Alas ! Is it He that keeps Armies on foot when there is none to oppose ? Is it He that will not lay down Excise , Taxations and Free-quarterings ? But it is He indeed who was so far from Power , even at that time , ( being far worse since ) that in most things He wanted the Liberty of any free-born man : It is He who never refused to ease His People of their Grievances ; witness more Acts of Grace passed in His Reign than ( to speak within my compass ) in any five Kings or Queens Times that ever were before Him : Moreover it is He who , to settle the present unhappy Distractions , and ( as the best means to it ) to obtain a Personal Treaty , hath offered so much , that ( to say truth ) during His own time He hath left Himself little more than the Title of a King ; as it plainly appears by His Message from the Isle of Wight , concerning the Militia , and chusing the Officers of State and Privy-Counsellours , besides other points of Compliance , which it is needless here to mention . Good God! are these Offers unfit for them to receive ? Have they tendred such Propositions , that might occasion the World to judge that they have yielded up not only their Wills and Affections , but their Reasons also and Judgments , for obtaining a true Peace or good Accommodation ? It is true , that if they can shew what reasonably they could have asked more , or wherein the King's Offers were deficient ( either in Point of Security , or by with-holding from any His Subjects a jot of their just Priviledges ) then they said somewhat to challenge Belief : But bare Asseverations , even against what a Man sees , will not get credit with any but such who abandon their Judgments to an implicite Faith : nor can the Determinations of all the Parliaments in the World make a thing Just or Necessary , if it be not so of it self . And can it be imagined , that any who were ever acquainted with the Passages at the Treaties of Oxford and Vxbridge will believe ( though it be said ) that the Propositions tendred at Newcastle were the same in effect which had been presented to the King before , in the midst of all His strength and Forces ? Indeed methinks such gross slips as these should at least make a man be wary how to believe such things for which He sees no Proofs : And yet it should seem that a man must either take their words for good payment , or remain unsatisfied ; for a little after it is said , that the Kings strange , unexpected and conditional Answers or Denials might justly have made them consider some other course for setling the Kingdom in Peace and Safety , without any farther Application ; but never shewn wherein the strangeness of His Answers or Denials consists . And I should think that those Reasons upon which the laying by of a King's Authority is grounded ( for it is no less ) ought to be particularly mentioned for the Worlds satisfaction , and not involved in general big words : for it thereby seems that it is their force of Arms , more than that of Reason which they trust to , for procuring of obedience to their Determinations , or belief to what they say : Otherways can it be imagined that their saying , that their last Propositions were so qualified , that ( where it might stand with the publick Safety ) the wonted Scruples and Objections were prevented or removed , can give satisfaction to any rational man , who hath seen all their former Propositions ? for it is most evident that their Demands have always encreased with their good Fortune . And for their great Condescension to a Personal Treaty ( which , under favour , can scarcely be called so ; for the King , though He had granted what was desired , was not to come either to or near London , but to stay in the Isle of Wight , and there to Treat with Commissioners ) upon signing the Four Bills ; surely they incurred therein but little danger : for it is most evident that they contain the very substance of the most essential parts of their Demands ; which being once granted , the King would neither have had power to deny , nor any thing left worth the refusing : for after He had confessed that He had taken up Arms to invade the Liberty of His People , ( whereas it was only for the Defence of His own Rights ) and had likewise condemned all those who had faithfully served Him , of Rebellion ; and that He had totally devested Himself , His Heirs and Successors for ever , of the power of the Sword , whereby the Protection of His Subjects ( which is one of the most essential and necessary Rights belonging to Regal Authority ) is totally torn away from the Crown ; and that by a silent Confession He had done Himself and Successors an irreparable prejudice concerning the great Seal ( I speak not of the other two Bills , neither of which are of little importance ) what was there more for Him to grant ( worth the insisting upon ) after such Concessions ? or , indeed , what power was left Him to deny any thing ? So that the King's necessity of giving the Answer He did ( for it was no absolute Refusal ) is most evident ; unless He had resolved to have lived in quiet without Honour , and to have given His People Peace without Safety , by abandoning them to an arbitrary and unlimited power of the two Houses for ever , concerning the levying of Land or Sea-Forces , without stinting of numbers or distinction of persons ; and for Payments , to levy such summes of Monies , in such sort and by such ways and means , as they shall think fit and appoint . And now I cannot but ask , is this the Militia that the King contends for ? or did ever any King of England pretend to or seek for such a Power ? surely no ; but this is a new Militia : and take heed lest this should prove like the Roman Praetorian Cohorts , that what they did in chusing and changing Emperours , these do not to this Government , by moulding and altering it according to their Fancies . Now my eagerness to clear this Point concerning the four Bills had almost made me forget a most material Question . I wonder much wherein the Danger consists of a Personal Treaty with the King ever since He was last at Newcastle . Surely He cannot bring Forces along with Him to awe His two Houses of Parliament ; and it is as well known that He hath not Money to raise an Army ; and truly there is as little fear that the Eloquence of His Tongue should work Miracles : but on the contrary if He were so ill a man as you describe Him to be , whatsoever He shall say or write must more prejudice Him than You : for let Him never flatter Himself , it must be clear , not doubtful , Reason that can prevail against that great visible prevailing Power which now opposes Him ; nor do I say it will , but certainly less cannot do it . Where is then the Danger ? Believe it , Reason will hardly maintain those who are afraid of her . After this it is said , that they had cause enough to remember that the King sometimes denied to receive their humble Petitions : but they neither tell where nor when ; which I am most confident they cannot : but I am certain that the King hath sent divers Messages of Peace to them , unto which He hath yet had no Answer ; namely , His last from Oxford , of the 15. January 1645. and all the rest since . As for the Fight at Brainford , whosoever will read the Collection of the Declarations in print upon that subject , will clearly find that the King hath more reason to complain , that they under colour of Treaty sought to environ Him with their Forces , than they for what He then did : and His retreat was neither for Fear nor with Shame ; for the appearing of the Enemy made Him retard , not hasten His orders for retiring , which divers hours before their appearing He had given ; which He did without any loss at all , but ( on the contrary ) retreated with more Arms , eleven Colours , and fifteen pieces of Ordnance ( beside good store of Ammunition ) than He had before . And for Cruelty , there was not a drop of Blood shed but in the heat of the Fight , for I saw above five hundred Prisoners who ( only promising never after to bear Arms against the King ) were freely released . Again , they seem to have good Memories , saying , that the King once sent them a specious Message of renewing a Treaty , when at the same time His Messenger was instructed how to manage that bloody Massacre in London , which was then design'd by virtue of the King's Commission since published . And hath the King sent but one Message for the renewing of a Treaty ? Then what was that from Tavestock in August 1644. and * five others from Oxford the next year ? But indeed this that is here mentioned they knew not how to answer ( for at that time they knew not the way of silence ) but by this forged Accusation against the Messenger ; who , I dare say , knew nothing of that which might have been ( at that time ) intended for the King's service by some who had more Zeal than Judgment . But that there was a Massacre intended , or that any Commission from the King should countenance such a Design , is a most notorious Slander . As for the King 's mentioned Letter to the Queen , I am confident that any judicious Reader will find the Gloss made upon it very much wrested . And certainly after-Ages will think these Times very barbarous , wherein private Letters betwixt Man and Wife are published to open view : and in other Countries there is such respect carried to private Letters of Princes , that ( to my knowledge ) the last Emperour , in the greatest heat of the Bohemian War , having intercepted a Packet wherein were private Letters to King JAMES of blessed Memory ( who was then known no great Friend to the Emperour ) from His only Daughter , then avowedly the Emperour 's greatest Enemy ; yet He sent them to the King , without the least offer of violence to the Seals . And now I come to their Determination upon the whole matter , what Course they have resolved to take with the King : their words are , But notwithstanding this and other former Tenders , we have now received such a Denial , that we are in Despair of any good by Addresses to the King ; neither must we be so injurious to the People in further delaying their Settlement , as any more to press His Consent to these or any other Propositions . Besides , it is Resolv̄ed upon the Question , That they will receive no more any Message from the King ; and do enjoyn , That no persons do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either Houses of Parliament , or to any other person . Thus you see that the King is laid by : but that is not all ; for He must neither justifie His Innocency against Calumny , nor is there any way left Him to mend any Errour that He may have committed . Is this a Just way of proceeding , when Truth , though offered , must not be heard , and that no way must be left to recant an Errour ? And why all this Severity ? Because ( as I have already shewn you ) the King will not injure His Conscience or Honour , nor suffer His People to be oppressed ; to which they give the Term of such a Denial , though really it was none . But since they thus seek to hoodwink the People , it is no great Wonder that they forbid the King to repent Him of those Faults which He never committed : and I believe all Indifferent men will easily judge of the King's Innocency even by their way of accusation : for those who will lay such high Crimes to His charge , as the breach of Oaths , Vows , Protestations and Imprecations , would not spare to bring their Proofs if they had any . But on the contrary it is known to all the World , that He had not suffer'd as He has done , if He would have dispensed with that part of His Coronation-Oath which He made to the Clergy ; which is no great sign that He makes slight of His Engagements : of which it is so universally known that He has been so Religiously careful , as I hold it a wrong to His Innocency , to seek to clear Him of such Slanders for which there are no Proofs alledged ; for Malice being once detected , is best answered with Neglect and Silence . And was there ever greater or more apparent Malice , than to offer to put the horrid slander of Parricide upon Him , who was eminently known to be as obedient and loving a Son to His blessed Father as any History can make mention of ? But indeed the loss of Rochel doth fitly follow ; to shew how Malice , when it is at the height , is ordinarily accompanied : for there are none but ignorant or forgetful men , who know not that it was merely the want of Assistance from the Two Houses of Parliament ( contrary to their Publick General Engagement ) that lost Rochel ; and there is nothing more clear ( to any who hath known French Occurrences ) than that real Assistance , which the King , to the uttermost of His Power , gave to those of the Religion at that time , made the Cardinal Richelieu an irreconcileable enemy to the King. Wherefore I cannot but say , that it is a strange forgetful Boldness to charge the King with that which was evidently other mens faults . There are also other things that to any knowing man will rather seem Jeers than Accusations ; as the German Horse , and Spanish Fleet in the year 1639. But my Affection shall not so blind me , as to say that the King never erred ; yet , as when a just Debt is paid , Bonds ought to be cancell'd ; so Grievances , be they never so just , being once redressed , ought no more to be objected as Errours . And it is no Paradox to affirm , that Truths this way told are no better than Slanders : and such are the Catalogue of Grievances here enumerated ; which when they are well examined , every one of them , will not be found such as here they are described to be . Now as concerning those Discourses which mention the beginnings of these Troubles , ( which are in Two several places of this Declaration ) I will only say this , that what the King did upon those Occasions , was merely to defend the Rights of His Crown , which were and are evidently sought to be torn from Him. Nor can I acknowledge all those Relations to be true , such as Private Levies of men by Popish Agents , Arming of Papists in the North , Calling in of Danish Forces , and the like : And as for the stale Slander of calling up the Northern Army , now renewed , it is well known that the Two Houses ( even at that time ) were not so partial to the King , as to have conceal'd a Practice of that kind , if they could have got it sufficiently proved . But if the Irish Rebellion can be justly charged upon the King , then I shall not blame any for believing all the rest of the Allegations against Him : only I protest against all Rebels Testimony as good Proof ; it being most certain by experience , that they who make no Conscience of Rebelling , will make less of Lying when it is for their Advantage . And it is no little wonder that so grave an Assembly as the House of Commons should so slightly examine a Business of that Great Weight , as to alledg that the Scots Great Seal did countenance the Irish Rebellion ; when I know it can be proved by Witnesses without exception , that for many months before , until the now Lord Chancellor had the keeping of it , there was nothing at all Sealed by it . Nor concerning this great point will I only say , that the King is Innocent , and bid them prove ( which to most Accusations is a sufficient Answer ) but I can prove , that if the King had been obeyed in the Irish Affairs before He went last into Scotland , there had been no Irish Rebellion ; and after it was begun , it had in few months been suppressed , if His Directions had been observed . For if the King had been suffered to have performed His Engagements to the Irish Agents , and had disposed of the discontented Irish Army beyond Sea ( according to His Contracts with the French and Spanish Ambassadours ) there is nothing more clear , than that there could have been no Rebellion in Ireland ; because they had wanted both Pretence and Means to have made one . Then , when it was broken forth , if those vigorous courses had been pursued which the King proposed , ( first to the Scots , then to the English Parliament ) doubtless that Rebellion had been soon suppressed . But what He proposed took so little effect , that in many months after there was nothing sent into Ireland but what the King Himself sent ( assisted by the Duke of Richmond ) before He came from Scotland , unto Sir Rob. Steward ; which , though it were little , will be found to have done much service , as may be seen by the said Sir Robert's voluntary Testimony given in writing to the Parliament Commissioners then attending the King at Stoak . And certainly a greater Evidence for Constancy in Religion there cannot be , than the King shewed in His Irish Treaty ; for in the time that He most needed Assistance , it was in His Power to have made that Kingdom declare unanimously for Him , and have had the whole Forces thereof employed in His Service , if He would have granted their Demand in Points of Religion , they not insisting on any thing of Civil Government , which His Majesty might not have granted without prejudice to Regal Authority : and this can be clearly proved by the Marquess of Ormond's Treaties with the Irish , not without very good Evidence by some of the King's Letters to the Queen which were taken at Naseby , that are purposely concealed , lest they should too plainly discover the King's detestation of that Rebellion , and His rigid firmness to the Protestant Profession . Nor can I end this Point , without remarking with wonder , that Men should have so ill Memories as again to renew that old Slander of the King 's giving Passes to divers Papists , and Persons of Quality who headed the Rebels ; of which He so cleared Himself , that He demanded Reparation for it , but could not have it , albeit no shew of Proof could be produced for that Allegation : as is most plainly to be seen in the first book of the Collection of all Remonstrances , Declarations , &c. fol. 69 , & 70. Thus having given a particular Answer to the most material Points in this Declaration , the rest are such frivolous , malicious , and many of them groundless Calumnies , that Contempt is the best Answer for them . Yet one thing more I must observe , that they not only endeavour to make Fables pass for currant Coyn , but likewise seek to blind mens Judgements with false Inferences upon some Truths . For Example , it is true that the King hath said in some of His Speeches or Declarations , That He oweth an Accompt of His Actions to none but God alone ; and that the Houses of Parliament joynt or separate have no Power either to make or declare any Law : But that this is a fit foundation for all Tyranny , I must utterly deny . Indeed if it had been said , that the King without the Two Houses of Parliament could make or declare Laws , then there might be some strength in the Argument : but before this Parliament it was never so much as pretended , that either or both Houses without the King could make or declare any Law ; and certainly His Majesty is not the first ( and I hope will not be the last ) King of England , that hath not held Himself Accomptable to any Earthly Power . Besides , it will be found that this His Majesty's Position is most agreeable to all Divine and Humane Laws ; so far it is from being Destructive to a Kingdom , or a Foundation for Tyranny . To conclude , I appeal to God and the World , whether it can be parallel'd by Example , or warranted by Justice , that any man should be slander'd , yet denied the sight thereof , and so far from being permitted to answer , that if he have erred , there is no way left him to acknowledge or mend it : and yet this is the King 's present Condition ; who is at this time laid aside , because He will not consent that the old Fundamental Laws of this Land be changed , Regal Power destroyed , nor His People submitted to a new Arbitrary Tyrannical Government . III. His Majesty's Declaration concerning the Treaty , and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings , Nov. 22. MDCXLVIII . Delivered by His Majesty to one of His Servants at His departure from the Isle of Wight , and commanded to be published for satisfaction of all His Subjects . WHen large pretences prove but the shadows of weak performance , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects ; and when a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . Hath not this distracted Nation groaned a long time under the burthen of Tyranny and Oppression ? and hath not all the blood that hath been spilt these seven years been cast upon My head , who am the greatest sufferer , though the least guilty ? and was it not requisite to endeavour the stopping of that flux , which , if not stopt , will bring an absolute destruction to this Nation ? And what more speedy way was there to consummate those distractions than by a Personal Treaty , being agreed upon by My two Houses of Parliament , and condescended to by Me ? And I might declare , that I conceive it had been the best Physick , had not the operation been hindred by the interposition of this imperious Army , who were so audacious as to style Me , in their unparallel'd Remonstrance , their capital Enemy . But let the World judge whether Mine endeavours have not been attended with reality in this late Treaty , and whether I was not as ready to grant as they were to ask ; and yet all this is not satisfaction to them , that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the welfare of a miserable Land. Were not the dying hearts of My poor distressed People much revived with the hopes of a happiness from this Treaty ? and how suddenly are they frustrated in their expectations ? Have not I formerly been condemned for yielding too little to My two Houses of Parliament , and shall I now be condemned for yielding too much ? Have I not formerly been imprisoned for making War , and shall I now be condemned for making Peace ? Have I not formerly ruled like a King , and shall I now be ruled like a Slave ? Have I not formerly enjoyed the society of My dear Wife and Children in peace and quietness , and shall I now neither enjoy them , nor Peace ? Have not My Subjects formerly obeyed Me , and shall I now be obedient to My Subjects ? Have I not been condemned for Evil Counsellors , and shall I now be condemned for having no Counsel but God ? These are unutterable miseries , that the more I endeavour for Peace , the less My endeavours are respected : And how shall I know hereafter what to grant , when your selves know not what to ask ? I refer it to your Consciences , whether I have not satisfied your desires in every particular since this Treaty ; if you find I have not , then let Me bear the burthen of the fault : but if I have given you ample satisfaction , ( as I am sure I have ) then you are bound to vindicate Me from the fury of those whose thoughts are filled with blood : though they pretend zeal , yet they are but Wolves in Sheeps cloathing . I must further declare , that there is nothing can more obstruct the long-hoped-for Peace of this Nation , than the illegal proceedings of them that presume from Servants to become Masters , and labour to bring in Democracy , and to abolish Monarchy . Needs must the total alteration of Fundamentals be not only destructive to others , but in conclusion to themselves : for they that endeavour to rule by the Sword , shall at last fall by it ; for Faction is the Mother of Ruine : and it is the humour of those who are of this Weather-cock-like disposition , to love nothing but mutabilities , neither will that please them , but only pro tempore ; for the too much variety doth but confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . Time is the best cure for Faction , for it will at length ( like a spreading Leprosie ) infect the whole body of the Kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and , like the Fish , for love of the bait , be catch'd with the hook . I once more declare to all My loving Subjects , and God knows whether or no this may be My last , that I have earnestly laboured for Peace , and that My thoughts were sincere and absolute , without any sinister ends , and there was nothing left undone by Me that My Conscience would permit Me to do . And I call God to witness , that I do firmly conceive that the interposition of the Army ( that cloud of Malice ) hath altogether eclipsed the glory of that Peace which began again to shine in this Land : And let the World judg , whether it be expedient for an Army to contradict the Votes of a Kingdom , endeavouring , by pretending Laws and Liberties , to subvert both . Such Actions as these must produce strange consequences , and set open the floud-gates of ruine , to overflow this Kingdom in a moment . Had this Treaty been only Mine own seeking , then they might have had fairer pretences to have stopt the course of it ; but I being importun'd by My two Houses , and they by most part of the Kingdom , could not but with a great deal of alacrity concur with them in their desires , for the performance of so commodious a work : and I hope by this time that the hearts and eyes of My People are opened so much , that they plainly discover who are the underminers of this Treaty . For Mine own part , I here protest before the face of Heaven , that Mine own Afflictions ( though they need no addition ) afflict Me not so much as My Peoples sufferings ; for I know what to trust to already , and they know not . God comfort both them and Me , and proportion our Patience to our Sufferings . And when the Malice of Mine Enemies is spun out to the smallest thread , let them know that I will , by the grace of God , be as contented to suffer , as they are active to advance My sufferings : and Mine own Soul tells Me , that the time will come , when the very clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barricado themselves against the Proceedings of Peace : for if God hath proclaimed a blessing to the Peace-makers , needs must the Peace-breakers draw down curses upon their heads . I thank My God , I have armed My self against their fury : and now let the arrows of their Envy fly at Me , I have a breast to receive them , and a heart possest with patience to sustain them ; for God is My Rock and My Shield , therefore I will not fear what man can do unto Me. I will expect the worst ; and if any thing happen beyond My expectation , I will give God the glory , for vain is the help of man. Queries propounded by His MAJESTY , when the Armies Remonstrance was read unto Him at NEWPORT , concerning the intended Tryal of His MAJESTY . I. WHether this Remonstrance be agreeable to the former Declarations of the Army : and if not , whether the Parliament would make good their Votes , that after He had consented to what they desired , He should be in a capacity of Honour , Freedom , and Safety . II. Whether His acknowledgment of the bloud that hath been spilt in the late Wars , ( nothing being as yet absolutely concluded or binding ) could be urged so far as to be made use of by way of Evidence against Him , or any of His Party . III. Whether the Arguments that He hath used in a free and Personal Treaty , to lessen or extenuate , and avoid the exactness of any of the Conditions , though in manner and form only , might be charged against Him as an act of Obstinacy , or wilful persistance in what is alledged against Him , in that He goes on in a destructive course of enmity against the People and the Laws of the Land , when He hath declared , that His Conscience was satisfied concerning divers particulars in the Propositions . IV. Whereas by the letter of the Law all persons charged to offend against the Law ought to be tryed by their Peers or Equals , what the Law is , if the Person questioned is without a Peer . And if the Law ( which of it self is but a dead letter ) seems to condemn Him , by what power shall Judgement be given , and who shall give it ? or from whence shall the administrators of such Judgement derive their power , which may ( by the same Law ) be deemed the supreme power , or authority of Magistracy in the Kingdom ? HIS MAJESTY'S LETTERS . I. To the House of Peers , about the Reprieve of the Earl of STRAFFORD : Sent by the PRINCE . From White-Hall , May 11. MDCXLI . My Lords , I Did yesterday satisfie the Justice of the Kingdom , by passing the Bill of Attainder against the Earl of Strafford : But Mercy being as inherent and inseparable to a King as Justice , I desire at this time in some measure to shew that likewise , by suffering that unfortunate man to fulfil the natural course of his life in a close Imprisonment ; yet so , that if ever he make the least offer to escape , or offer directly or indirectly to meddle in any sort of publick business , especially with Me , either by Message or Letter , it shall cost him his Life without further Process . This , if it may be done without the discontentment of My People , will be an unspeakable contentment to Me. To which end , as in the first place I by this Letter do earnestly desire your approbation , and to endear it the more , have chosen Him to carry it that of all your House is most dear unto Me : So I desire , that by a Conference you will endeavour to give the House of Commons contentment ; likewise assuring you , that the exercise of Mercy is no more pleasing to Me , than to see both Houses of Parliament content for My sake , that I should moderate the severity of the Law in so important a case . I will not say that your complying with Me in this My intended Mercy shall make Me more willing , but certainly it will make Me more chearful , in granting your just Grievances . But if no less than his Life can satisfie My People , I must say , Fiat Justitia . Thus again recommending the consideration of My intentions to you , I rest , Your unalterable and affectionate Friend , C. R White-Hall May 11. 1641. If he must die , it were charity to reprieve him till Saturday . II. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , January 23. MDCXLII . III. Dear Heart , SAturday and Sunday last I received two from Thee , of the 29. of December , 9. of January , both which gave Me such contentment , as Thou maist better judg than I describe : the which that Thou maist the better do , know , I was full three weeks , wanting but one day , without hearing from Thee ; beside scurvy London news of Thy stay and lameness , which , though I did not believe , yet it vext Me so much the more , that I could not prove them lyars . So now I conjure Thee by the affection Thou bearest Me , not only to judg , but likewise participate with Me in the contentment Thou hast given Me by assuring Me of Thy health and speedy return . Concerning 45. 31. 7. 4. 132 300. I will answer Thee in Thy own words , Je be remetteray a vous respondre per bouche , being confident that way to give Thee contentment : In the mean time assure Thy self , that I neither have nor will lose any time in that business , and that I have not contented My self with generals . And though I hope shortly to have the happiness of Thy company , yet I must tell Thee of some particulars in which I desire both Thy opinion and assistance . I am persecuted concerning Places , and all desire to be put upon Thee , for the which I cannot blame them ; and yet Thou knowest I have no reason to do it . Newark desireth Savil's place , upon condition to leave it when his Father dieth ; Carenworth the same , being contented to pay for it , or give the profit to whom or how I please : Digby and Dunsmore for to be Captain of the Pensioners ; Hartford once looked after it , but now I believe he expects either to be Treasurer , or of My Bed-chamber ; I incline rather to the latter , if Thou like it , for I absolutely hold Cottington the fittest man for the other . There is one that doth not yet pretend , that doth deserve as well as any , I mean Capel ; therefore I desire thy assistance to find somewhat for him before he ask . One place I must fill before I can have Thy opinion ; it is the Master of the Wards . I have thought upon Nicholas , being confident that Thou wilt not mislike My choice : and if he cannot perform both , Ned Hyde must be Secretary , for indeed I can trust no other . Now I have no more time to speak of more , but to desire Thee not to engage Thy self for any . So I rest , Eternally thine , C. R. Oxford , 2. Feb. 23. Jan. III. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , February 13. MDCXLIII . Dear Heart , I Never till now knew the good of Ignorance , for I did not know the danger that Thou wert in by the storm , before I had certain assurance of Thy happy escape ; we having had a pleasing false report of Thy safe landing at Newcastle , which Thine of the 19. Jan. so confirmed us in , that we at least were not undeceived of that hope , till we knew certainly how great a danger Thou hast past , of which I shall not be out of apprehension , until I may have the happiness of Thy company ; for indeed I think it not the least of My misfortunes , that for My sake Thou hast run so much hazard : In which Thou hast expressed so much love to Me , that I confess it is impossible to repay by any thing I can do , much less by words : but My heart being full of affection for Thee , admiration of Thee , and impatient passion of gratitude to Thee , I could not but say something , leaving the rest to be read by Thee out of Thine own noble heart . The intercepting of Mine to Thee of the * 23. February has bred great discourse in several persons , and of several kinds : as My saying I was persecuted for places , is applied to all and only those that I there name to be Suitors ; whereas the truth is , I meant thereby the importunity of others whom at that time I had not time to name , as well as some there mentioned : for I confess 174. and 133. are not guilty of that fault . Some find fault with too much kindness to Thee ( Thou maist easily vote from what Constellation that comes ) but I assure such , that I want expression , not will , to do it ten times more to Thee on all occasions . Others press Me , as being brought upon the Stage : but I answer , that having profest to have Thy advice , it were a wrong to Thee to do any thing before I had it . As for our Treaty ( leaving the particulars to this inclosed ) I am confident Thou wilt be content with it as concerning My part in it ; for all the Souldiers are well pleased with what I have done : but expect no Cessation of Arms , for the lower House will have none without a disbanding , and I will not disband till all be agreed . Lastly , for our Military affairs , I thank God that here and in the West they prosper well : as for the North I refer Thee to 226. 140. information . So daily expecting and praying for good news from Thee — Oxford 13. Feb. 1643. Copy to My Wife , February 1643. IV. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Mar. 2. 12. MDCXLII . Dear Heart , THough ever since Sunday last I had good hopes of Thy happy landing , yet I had not the certain news thereof before yesterday ; when I likewise understood of Thy safe coming to York . I hope thou expectest not Welcome from Me in words ; but when I shall be wanting in any other way ( according to My wit and Power ) of expressing My Love to Thee , then let all honest Men hate and eschew Me like a Monster : And yet when I shall have done My part , I confess that I shall come short of what Thou deservest of Me. H. 3. 189. e. 3. 42. 17. 25. 27. 39. 21. 66. a. 1. 45. 31. 7. 4. 32. 18. 47. 46. 9. 3. d. 4. g. 4. 46. 35. 67. 48. 7. 40. 5. 43. 74. 3. 41. 7. 33. 62. 8. 63. 68. 50. 64. 34. 9. 51. 45. 69. 46. 37. deer . 45. 31. 7. 1. 33. 18. 49. 47. 19. 21. 10. 70. 13. 7. 45. 58. 8. 3. 41. 10. this a. 2. 324. in the mean time 46. 31. 7. 50. e. 3. 20. 3. 6. 8. 48. 75. 41. 9. 2. upon 60. 19. 50. 61. 27. 26. 7. 69. 12. 19. 47. 45. 8. 24. Yesterday there were Articles of a Cessation brought Me from London , but so unreasonable that I cannot grant them : Yet to undeceive the people by shewing it is not I , but those who have caused and fostered this Rebellion , that desire the continuance of this War and universal distraction ; I am framing Articles fit for that purpose ; both which , by My next , I mean to send Thee . 219. b. 3. 58. 51. 75. 46. 7. 3. 45. 37. 2. 189. 46. 38. 1. g. 1. 173. . 131. which I think fit to be done , a. 5. 4. 30. 3. n. 5. d. 3. 46. 31. 8. 10. 2. 32. 18. 64. 7. 3. 45. 31. 9. 66. 46. 32. 19. 41. 25. 48. k. 1. e. 4. 67. 69. 63. I am now confident that 173 is right for My Service . Since the taking of Cicester there is nothing of note done of either side ; wherefore that little news that is , I leave to others . Only this I assure Thee , that the distractions of the Rebels are such that so many fine designs are laid open to us , we know not which first to undertake . But certainly My first and chiefest care is and shall be to secure Thee , and hasten our meeting . So longing to hear from thee , I rest , eternally Thine , C. R. Oxford 2. 12. March 1642. The last I received of Thine was dated the 16. 6. Feb. And I believe none of My four last are come to Thee . Their Dates are 13. 3. 23. 13. 25. 15. Feb. and 20. Feb. or Mar. 2. V. The QUEEN to the KING . YORK , March 30. MDCXLIII . My Dear Heart , I Need not tell You from whence this Bearer comes ; only I will tell You that the Propositions which he brings You are good , but 260. I believe that it is not yet time to put them into execution : therefore find some means to send them back , which may not discontent them , and do not tell who gave You this advice . Sir Hugh Cholmely is come with a Troop of Horse to kiss My Hands ; the rest of his people he left at Scarborough , with a Ship laden with Arms , which the Ships of the Parliament had taken and brought thither : so she is ours . The Rebels have quitted Tadcaster upon our sending Forces to Wetherby , but they are returned with twelve hundred men : we send more forces to drive them out , though those we have already at Wetherby are sufficient : but we fear lest they have all their Forces thereabout , and lest they have some design ; for they have quitted Selby and Cawood , the last of which they have burnt . Between this and to morrow night we shall know the issue of this business , and I will send You an express . I am the more careful to advertise You of what we do , that You and we may find means to have pass-ports , to send : And I wonder that upon the Cessation You have not demanded that You might send in safety . This shews My Love. I understand to day from London , that they will have no Cessation , and that they treat at the beginning of the two first Articles , which is of the Forts , Ships , and Ammunition ; and afterwards of the disbanding of the Army . Certainly , I wish a Peace more than any , and that with greater reason ; but I would the disbanding of the perpetual Parliament first , and certainly the rest will be easily afterwards . I do not say this of My own head alone ; for generally both those who are for You and against You in this Country-wish an end of it : And I am certain that if You demand it at the first , in case it be not granted , Hull is ours , and all Yorkshire , which is a thing to consider of . And for My particular , if You make a Peace , and disband Your Army before there is an end to this perpetual Parliament , I am absolutely resolved to go into France , not being willing to fall again into the hands of those People , being well assured , that if the power remain with them , it will not be well for Me in England . Remember what I have written to You in three precedent Letters , and be more careful of Me than You have been , or at least dissemble it , to the end that no notice be taken of it . Adieu . The Man hastens Me , so that I can say no more . York , this 30. of March. VI. The QUEEN to the KING . YORK , Apr. 3. MDCXLIII . THIS Letter should have gone by a man of Mr Denedsdale , who is gone , and all the beginning of this Letter was upon this subject ; and therefore by this Man it signifies nothing : But the end was so pleasing that I do not forbear to send it to You. You now know by Elliot the issue of the business of Tadcaster : Since we had almost lost Scarborough ; whilst Cholmely was here , Brown Bushell would have rendred it up to the Parliament ; but Cholmely having had notice of it , is gone with our Forces , and hath re-taken it , and hath desired to have a Lieutenant and Forces of ours to put in it , for which we should take his . He hath also taken two Pinnaces from Hotham , which brought 44. men to put within Scarborough , 10 pieces of Cannon , 4 Barrels of Powder , 4 of Bullet . This is all our news . Our Army marches to morrow to put an end to Fairfax's Excellency . And I will make an end of this Letter , this third of April . I have had no news of You since Parsons . 30 March. 3 April . VII . The QUEEN to the KING . NEWARK , June 27. MDCXLIII . My Dear Heart , I Received just now Your Letter by My Lord Savile , who found Me ready to go away , staying but for one thing for which You will well pardon two days stop ; It is to have Hull and Lincoln . Young Hotham having been put in prison by Order of Parliament , is escaped , and hath sent to 260. that he would cast himself into His arms , and that Hull and Lincoln should be rendred . He is gone to his Father , and 260. writes for Your answer . So that I think I shall go hence Friday or Saturday , and shall go lye at Werton , and from thence to Ashby , where we will resolve what way to take ; and I will stay there a day , because that the march of the day before will have been somewhat great , and also to know how the Enemy marches , all their Forces of Nottingham at present being gone to Leicester and Derby , which makes us believe that it is to intercept our passage . As soon as we have resolved , I will send you word . At this present I think it fit to let You know the state in which we march , and what I leave behind Me for the safety of Lincolnshire and Nottinghamshire . I leave 2000 foot , and wherewithal to arm 500 more ; 20 Companies of Horse : all this to be under Charles Cavendish , whom the Gentlemen of the Country have desired Me not to carry with Me against his will , for he desired extreamly not to go . The Enemies have left within Nottingham 1000. I carry with Me 3000 Foot , 30 Companies of Horse and Dragoons , 6 pieces of Cannon , and two Morters . Harry Jermyn commands the Forces which go with Me , as Colonel of My Guard , and Sir Alexander Lesley the Foot under Him , and Gerard the Horse , and Robin Legg the Artillery , and Her She-Majestie Generalissima , and extreamly diligent with 150 Waggons of Baggage to govern in case of a Battle . Have a care that no Troop of Essex's Army incommodate us , for I hope that for the rest we shall be strong enough , for at Nottingham we have had the experience , one of our Troops having beaten six of theirs , and made them fly . I have received Your Proclamation or Declaration , which I wish had not been made , being extreamly disadvantagious for You ; for You shew too much fear , and do not what You had resolved upon . Farewell , My Dear Heart . 27. June 1643. VIII . The QUEEN to the KING . BATH , Apr. 21. MDCXLIV . My Dear Heart , F Red. Cornwallis will have told You all our voyage as far as Adbury , and the state of My health . Since My coming hither I find My self ill , as well in the ill rest that I have , as in the increase of My Rheum . I hope that this days rest will do Me good . I go to morrow to Bristol , to send You back the Carts ; many of them are already returned . My Lord Dillon told Me , not directly from You , though he says You approve it , that it was fit I should write a Letter to the Commissioners of Ireland to this effect , That they ought to desist from those things for the present which they had put in their Paper ; and to assure them , that when You shall be in another condition than You are now , that You will give them contentment . I thought it to be a matter of so great engagement , that I dare not do it without Your command : Therefore if it please You that I should do so , send Me what You would have Me write , that I may not do more than what You appoint ; and also that it being Your command , You may hold to that which I promise : for I should be very much grieved to write any thing which I would not hold to ; and when You have promised it Me , I will be confident . I believe also , that to write to My Lord Muskery without the rest will be enough , for the Letter which I shall write to him shall be with My own hand ; and if it be to all Your Commissioners , it shall be by the Secretary . Farewel , My Dear Heart ; I cannot write any more , but that I am absolutely Yours . IX . To the Earl of ESSEX at LESTITHIEL . LISKARD , August 6. MDCXLIV . Essex , I Have been very willing to believe , that whenever there should be such a conjuncture as to put it in your power to effect that happy settlement of this miserable Kingdom which all good men desire , you would lay hold of it . That season is now before you ; you have it at this time in your power to redeem your Country and the Crown , and to oblige your King in the highest degree , ( an Action certainly of the greatest Piety , Prudence and Honour ) such an opportunity as perhaps no Subject before you hath ever had , or after you shall have . To which there is no more required but that you join with Me heartily and really in the setling of those things which we have both professed constantly to be our only aims . Let us do this : and if any shall be so foolishly unnatural as to oppose their King's , their Country's , and their own good , we will make them happy ( by God's blessing ) even against their wills . The only impediment can be want of mutual confidence . I promise it you on My part , as I have endeavoured to prepare it on yours , by My Letter to Hertford from Evesholm . I hope this will perfect it , when ( as here I do ) I shall have engaged unto you the word of a King that you joyning with Me in that blessed work , I shall give both to you and your Army such eminent marks of My Confidence and value , as shall not leave room for the least distrust amongst you , either in relation to the Publick , or your self , unto whom I shall then be Liskard , Aug. 6. 1644. Your faithful Friend , C. R. If you like of this , hearken to this Bearer , whom I have fully instructed in particulars : But this will admit of no delay . X. To the Prince ELECTOR . TAVESTOCK , September 17. MDCXLIV . Nephew , IT being a Natural curiosity in Me to know the reason of your Actions , I had never so much reason as now to desire it . As I wondred at , so as yet I never knew the reason of your journey from York to Holland : But your coming at this time into the Kingdom is in all respects much more strange unto Me ; yet 't is possible that the latter may interpret the former . And believe Me , the consideration of your Mother's Son is the chief , I may say the only , cause of My curiosity : For as to My Affairs , your being here in the way you are , is not of that importance as to make Me curious to inquire upon your Actions . But the great affection I bear My Sister , being a sufficient reason for Me to desire that all who appertain to Her should give a fair account of their Actions , makes Me now ask you , first upon what invitation you are come , then the design of your coming : wishing by your Answer I may have the same cause and comfort I have heretofore had to be Tavestock , Sept. 17. 1644. Your Loving Uncle and faithful Friend , C. R. XI . To the Marquess of ORMOND . OXFORD , December 15. MDCXLIV . Ormond , I Am sorry to find by Colonel Barry the sad condition of your particular fortune , for which I cannot find so good and speedy remedy as the Peace of Ireland , it being likewise most necessary to redress affairs here : wherefore I command you to dispatch it out of hand , for the doing of which I hope My publick Dispatch will give you sufficient Instruction and Power ; yet I have thought it necessary , for your more encouragement in this necessary work , to make this addition with My own hand . As for Poining's Act , I refer you to My other Letter : And for matter of Religion , though I have not found it fit to take publick notice of the Paper which Brown gave you , yet I must command you to give him , My L. Muskery and Plunket particular thanks for it , assuring them that without it there could have been no Peace ; and that sticking to it , their Nation in general and they in particular shall have comfort in what they have done . And to shew that this is more than words , I do hereby promise them , ( and command you to see it done ) that the Penal Statutes against Roman Catholicks shall not be put in execution , the Peace being made , and they remaining in their due obedience : and further , that when the Irish give Me that assistance which they have promised for the suppression of this Rebellion , and I shall be restored to My Rights , then I will consent to the Repeal of them by a Law ; but all those against Appeals to Rome and Praemunire must stand . All this in Cypher you must impart to none but those three already named , and that with injunction of strictest secrecy . So again recommending to your care the speedy dispatch of the Peace of Ireland , and my necessary supply from thence , as I wrote to you in My last private Letter , I rest . XII . The QUEEN to the KING . PARIS , January 6. December 27. MDCXLIV . V. Paris , January , I Have received one of Your Letters dated from Marleborow of an old date , having received many others more fresh , to which I have made answer . I will say nothing concerning this , but only concerning the affair of Gor. If it be not done , it is time , being very seasonable at this time , which I did not believe before . I understand that the Commissioners are arrived at London . I have nothing to say , but that You have a care of Your Honour ; and that if You have a Peace , it may be such as may hold ; and if it fall out otherwise , that You do not abandon those who have served You , for fear they do forsake You in Your need . Also I do not see how You can be in safety without a Regiment of Guard ; for My self , I think I cannot be , seeing the malice which they have against Me and My Religion , of which I hope You will have a care of both . But in My opinion Religion should be the last thing upon which You should treat : for if You do agree upon strictness against the Catholicks , it would discourage them to serve You and if afterwards there should be no Peace , You could never expect succours either from Ireland or any other Catholick Prince , for they would believe , You would abandon them after You have served Your self . I have dispatched an Express into Scotland to Montross , to know the condition he is in , and what there is to be done . This week I send to Mr of Lorrain , and into Holl. I lose no time . If I had more of Your news , all would go better . Adieu , My Dear Heart . My Wife , Dec. 27. Jan. 6. 1644. 5. XIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Decemb. MDCXLIV . Dear Heart , I Know Thy affection to Me so truly grounded , that Thou wilt be in as much ( if not more ) trouble to find My Reputation , as My Life in danger : Therefore lest the false sound of My offering a Treaty to the Rebels upon base and unsafe terms should disturb Thy thoughts , I have thought it necessary ( to assure Thy mind from such rumors ) to tell Thee the ways I have used to come to a Treaty , and upon what grounds . I shall first shew Thee My grounds , to the end Thou maiest the better understand and approve of My ways . Then know ( as a certain truth ) that all , even My party , are strangely impatient for Peace , which obliged Me so much the more ( at all occasions ) to shew My real intentions to Peace : And likewise I am put in very good hope ( some hold it a certainty ) that if I could come to a fair Treaty , the Ring-leading Rebels could not hinder Me from a good Peace ; First , because their own party are most weary of the War , and likewise for the great distractions which at this time most assuredly are amongst themselves , as Presbyterians against Independents in Religion , and General against General in point of Command . Upon these grounds a Treaty being most desirable ( not without hope of good success ) the most probable means to procure it was to be used , which might stand with Honour and Safety . Amongst the rest ( for I will omit all those which are unquestionably councelable ) the sound of My return to London was thought to have so much force of popular Rhetorick in it , that upon it a Treaty would be had , or if refused , it would bring much prejudice to them , and be advantageous to Me. Yet lest foolish and malicious people should interpret this as to proceed from fear or folly , I have joyned Conditions with the Proposition ( without which this sound will signifie nothing ) which Thou wilt find to be most of the chief ingredients of an honourable and safe Peace . Then observe , If a Treaty at London with Commissioners for both sides may be had without it , it is not to be used ; nor in case they will treat with no body but My self : so that the Conditions save any aspersion of dishonour , and the treating at London the malignity which our factious spirits here may infuse into this Treaty upon this subject . This I hope will secure Thee from the trouble which otherwise may be caused by malicious rumours : and though I judge My self secure in Thy thoughts from suspecting Me guilty of any baseness ; yet I held this account necessary , to the end Thou maiest make others know as well as Thy self this certain truth , That no danger of death or misery ( which I think much worse ) shall make Me do any thing unworthy of Thy Love. For the state of My present affairs , I refer Thee to 92. concluding ( as I did in My last to Thee ) by conjuring Thee , as Thou lovest Me , that no appearance of Peace ( and I now add ) nor hopeful condition of Mine , make Thee neglect to haste succour for Him who is eternally Thine . Copy to My Wife , Decemb. 1644. by Tom. Elliot . XIV . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Jan. 1. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , I Receive it as a good Augury thus to begin this New year , having newly received Thine of the 30. Decemb. which I cannot stay to decypher , for not losing this opportunity , it likewise being a just excuse for this short account . This day I have dispatched Digby's Sec. fully relating the state of our affairs ; therefore I shall only now tell Thee , That the Rebels are engaged into an equal Treaty , without any of those disadvantages which might have been apprehended when Tom. Elliot went hence ; and that the distractions of London were never so great , or so likely to bring good effect , as now ; lastly , that assistance was never more needful , never so likely as now to do good to Him who is eternally Thine . Copy to My Wife , 1. Jan. 1644. by P. A. XV. To the QUEEN . OXFORD , 2. Jan. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , HAving decyphered Thine which I received yesterday , I was much surprized to find Thee blame Me for neglecting to write to Thee , for indeed I have often complained for want , never mist any occasion of sending to Thee ; and I assure Thee , never any Dispatch went from either of My Secretaries without one from Me , when I knew of it . As for My calling those at London a Parliament , I shall refer Thee to Digby for particular satisfaction : this in general , If there had been but two ( besides My self ) of My opinion , I had not done it ; and the Argument that prevailed with Me was , that the calling did no ways acknowledge them to be a Parliament ; upon which condition and construction I did it , and no otherways , and accordingly it is registred in the Council-Books , with the Councils unanimous approbation . But Thou wilt find that it was by misfortune , not neglect , that Thou hast been no sooner advertised of it . As for the Conclusion of Thy Letter , it would much trouble Me , if Thou didst not know Thy desire granted before it was asked ; yet I wonder not at it , since that which may bear a bad construction hath been presented to Thee in the ugliest form , not having received the true reason and meaning of it . The fear of some such mischance made Me the more careful to give Thee a full account by Tom Elliot of the reasons of the D. of R. and E. of S. journey to London , which if it come soon enough , I am confident will free Thee from much trouble : But if Thou hast not the patience to forbear judging harshly of My Actions before Thou hearest the reasons of them from Me , thou maiest be often subject to be doubly vext , first with slanders , then with having given too much ear unto them . To conclude , esteem Me as Thou findest Me constant to those grounds Thou leftest Me withal . And so farewel , Dear Heart . 21. 13. Copy to my Wife , 2. Jan. 1645. by P. A. XVI . Copy to the D. of R. Richmond , I Thank you for the accompt you sent Me by this Bearer , and have nothing of new to direct you in , but only to remember you , that My going to Westm . is not to be mentioned but upon probable hopes of procuring a Treaty with Com. there or thereabouts , and that you mention the security I ask with My coming to Westm . And I hope I need not remember you to cajole well the Independents and Scots . This Bearer will tell you how well our Western and Northern Associations go on ; to whom I refer you for other things . I rest . XVII . To the Marquess of Ormond . OXFORD , 7. Jan. MDCXLIV . V. Ormond , UPON the great rumors and expectations which are now of Peace , I think it necessary to tell you the true state of it , lest mistaken reports from hence might trouble My affairs there . The Rebels here have agreed to Treat ; and most assuredly one of the first and chief Articles they will insist on will be , to continue the Irish War ; which is a point not Popular for Me to break on : of which you are to make a double use . First , to hasten ( with all possible diligence ) the Peace there , the timely conclusion of which will take off that inconvenience which otherwise I may be subject to by refusal of that Article , upon any other reason : Secondly , by dextrous conveying to the Irish the danger there may be of their total and perpetual exclusion from those favours I intend them , in case the Rebels here clap up a Peace with Me upon reasonable terms , and only exclude them ; which possibly were not counselable for Me to refuse , if the Irish Peace should be the only difference betwixt us , before it were perfected there . These I hope are sufficient grounds for you to perswade the Irish diligently to dispatch a Peace upon reasonable terms , assuring them , that you having once fully engaged to them My word , ( in the Conclusion of a Peace ) all the Earth shall not make Me break it . But not doubting of a Peace , I must again remember you to press the Irish for their speedy assistance to Me here , and their friends in Scotland ; My intention being to draw from thence into Wales ( the Peace once concluded ) as many as I can of My Armed Protestant Subjects , and desire that the Irish would send as great a Body as they can to land about Cumberland , which will put those Northern Countries in a brave condition . Wherefore you must take speedy order to provide all the Shipping you may , as well Dunkirk as Irish Bottoms ; and remember that after March it will be most difficult to transport men from Ireland to England , the Rebels being Masters of the Seas : So expecting a diligent and particular account in answer to this Letter , I rest , Your most assured constant Friend , C. R. XVIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , January 9. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , SInce My last , which was by Talbot , the Scots Commissioners have sent to desire Me to send a Commission to the General Assembly in Edinburgh , which I am resolved not to do ; but to the end of making some use of this occasion , by sending an honest man to London , and that I may have the more time for the making an handsome negative , I have demanded a Passeport for Philip Warwick , by whom to return My answer . I forgot in My former to tell Thee , that Lenthall the Speaker brags that Cardinal Mazarin keeps a strict intelligence with him . Though I will not swear that Lenthall says true , I am sure it is fit for Thee to know . As for Sabrian , I am confident that either he or his instructions are not right for Him who is eternally Thine . Even now I am advertised from London , that there are three or four Lords and eight Commons ( besides four Scotch Commissioners ) appointed to treat , and they have named Vxbridge for the place , though not yet the particular persons . I am likewise newly advertised , that General Goring prospers well where he is , and since Monday last hath taken 80 of the Rebels Horse : and upon his advance they have quitted Peterfield and Coudry . POSTSCRIPT . The setling of Religion and the Militia are the first to be treated on : And be confident that I will neither quit Episcopacy , nor that Sword which God hath given into My hands . Copy to My Wife , 9. 19. January , 1644. 5. by P. A. XIX . The QUEEN to the KING . PARIS January 17. 27. MDCXLIV . V. Paris , January 17. 27. MY Dear Heart , Tom Elliot two days since hath brought Me much joy and sorrow : the first , to know the good estate in which You are ; the other , the fear I have that You go to London . I cannot conceive where the wit was of those who gave You this Counsel , unless it be to hazard Your Person to save theirs . But thanks be to God , to day I received one of Yours by the Ambassadour of Portugal , dated in January , which comforted Me much , to see that the Treaty shall be at Vxbridge . For the Honour of God trust not Your self in the hands of these people : And if ever You go to London before the Parliament be ended , or without a good Army , You are lost . I understand that the Propositions for the Peace must begin by disbanding the Army . If You consent to this You shall be lost , they having the whole power of the Militia , they have done and will do whatsoever they will. I received yesterday Letters from the Duke of Lorrain , who sends Me word , if his service be agreeable to You , he will bring You ten thousand men . Dr. Goffe , whom I have sent into Holland , shall treat with him in his passage upon this business ; and I hope very speedily to send good news of this , as also of the Money . Assure Your self , I will be wanting in nothing You shall desire , and that I will hazard My Life , that is , to die by famine , rather than not to send to You. Send Me word always by whom You receive My Letters , for I write both by the Ambassadour of Portugal and the Resident of France . Above all , have a care not to abandon those who have served You , as well the Bishops , as the poor Catholicks . Adieu . You will pardon Me if I make use of another to write , not being able to do it ; yet My self in Cyphers shew to My Nephew Rupert , that I intreat You to impart all that I write to You , to the end that he may know the reason why I write not to him . I know not how to send great Packets . My Wife , 17. 27. Jan. 1644. 5. XX. To My Wife , 14. January MDCXLIV . V . by CHOQUEN . Dear Heart , POoly came the 12. 22. Jan. to whose great Dispatch though for some dayes I cannot give a full answer , I cannot but at this opportunity reply to something in Thy Letter , not without relating to something of his discourse . As I confess it a misfortune ( but deny it a fault ) Thy not hearing oftner from Me , so excuse Me to deny that it can be of so ill consequence as Thou mentionest , if their affections were so real as they make shew to Thee ; for the difficulty of sending is known to all , and the numbers of each Letter will shew My diligence ; and certainly there goes no great wit to find out waies of sending : wherefore if any be neglected more , then our wits are faulty . But to imagine that it can enter into the thought of any flesh living , that any body here should hide from Thee what is desired that every one should know , ( Excuse Me to say it ) is such a folly , that I shall not believe that any can think it , though he say it . And for My affection to Thee , it will not be the miscarrying of a Letter or two that will call it in question . But take heed that these discourses be not rather the effect of their weariness of thy company , than the true image of their thoughts : and of this is not the proposal of thy journey to Ireland a pretty instance ? for seriously of it self , I hold it one of the most extravagant proposition that I have heard ; Thy giving ear to it being most assuredly only to express Thy love to Me , and not Thy judgment in My Affairs . As for the business it self , ( I mean the Peace of Ireland ) to shew Thee the care I have had of it , and the fruits I hope to receive from it , I have sent Thee the last Dispatches I have sent concerning it , earnestly desiring Thee to keep them to Thy self : only Thou mayest in general let the Queen Regent and Ministers there understand , that I have offered My Irish Subjects so good satisfaction , that a Peace will shortly ensue , which I really believe . But for God's sake let none know the particulars of My Dispatches . I cannot but tell Thee , that I am much beholding to the Portugal Agent ( and little to the French ) it being by his means that I have sent Thee all My Letters ( besides Expresses ) since I came hither , though I expected most from Sabran . I will not trouble Thee with repetitions of News , Digby's dispatch , which I have seen , being so full . Yet I cannot but paraphrase a little upon that which he calls his superstitious observation : It is this ; Nothing can be more evident than that Strafford's innocent blood hath been one of the great causes of God's just Judgments upon this Nation by a furious civil War , both sides hitherto being almost equally punished , as being in a manner equally guilty ; but now this last crying blood being totally theirs , I believe it is no presumption hereafter to hope that his hand of Justice must be heavier upon them , and lighter upon us , looking now upon our Cause , having passed by our Faults . XXI . The QUEEN to the KING . PARIS , March 13. MDCXLIV . V. Paris this 13. of March. MY Dear Heart , since My last I have received one of Your Letters marked 16. by which You signifie the receipt of My Letters by Pooly , which hath a little surprized Me , seeming to Me that You write as if I had in My Letter something which had displeased You. If that hath been , I am very innocent in My intention ; I only did believe that it was necessary You should know all . There is one other thing in Your Letter which troubles Me much , where You would have Me keep to My self Your Dispatches , as if you believe that I should be capable to shew them to any , only to Lord Jer. to uncypher them , My Head not suffering Me to do it My self ; but if it please You I will do it , and none in the world shall see them . Be kind to Me , or You kill Me ; I have already affliction enough to bear , which without You I could not do , but Your service surmounts all . Farewel , My Dear Heart : Behold the mark which You desire to have , to know when I desire any thing in earnest . And I pray begin to remember what I spake to You concerning Jack Barkly for Master of the Wards . I am not engaged , nor will not , for the places of L. Per. and others : Do You accordingly . 13. March 1644. XXII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Jan. 22. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , SInce My last by Choquen I have had no means of writing , and as little new matter . That which is now , is the progress of the Treaty , of which these enclosed Papers will give Thee a full accompt ; but if Thou have them sooner from London than Me , Thou hast no reason to wonder , considering the length and uncertainty of the way I am forced to send by , in respect of the other . For the business it self , I believe Thou wilt approve of My choice of Treaters , and for My Propositions , they differ nothing in substance ( very little in words ) from those which were last ; wherefore I need to say nothing of them : and for My Instructions , they are not yet made , but by the next I hope to send them . Now upon the whole matter , I desire Thee to shew the Queen and Ministers there the improbability that this present Treaty should produce a Peace , considering the great strange difference ( if not contrariety ) of grounds that are betwixt the Rebels Propositions and Mine , and that I cannot alter Mine , nor will they ever theirs , until they be out of hope to prevail by force , which a little assistance by Thy means will soon make them be ; for I am confident , if ever I could put them to a defensive ( which a reasonable sum of money would do ) they would be easily brought to reason . Concerning our interferings here at Oxford , I desire Thee to suspend Thy Judgement , ( for I believe few but partial relations will come to Thee ) until I shall send some whom I may trust by word of mouth ; it being too much trouble to Us both to set them down in paper . Copy to My Wife , 22. Jan. 1644. XXIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Jan. 30. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , SUnday last I received three Letters from Thee , one a Duplicate of the 30. Decemb. another of the 6. Jan. and the last of the 14. Jan. and even now one Petit is come with a Duplicate of the last : wherein as I infinitely joy in the expressions of Thy confident love of Me , so I must extreamly wonder that any who pretend to be a friend to Our Cause ( for I believe Thou wouldst not mention any information from the other side ) can invent such lyes , that Thou hast had ill offices done to Me by any , or that Thy care for My assistance hath been the least suspected ; it being so far from truth , that the just contrary is true . For I protest to God I never heard Thee spoken of , but with the greatest expressions of estimation for Thy love to Me , and particularly for Thy diligent care for My assistance : But I am confident that it is a branch of that root of knavery which I am now digging at ; and of this I have more than a bare suspicion . And indeed if I were to find fault with Thee , it should be for not taking so much care of Thine Own health as of My assistance , at least not giving Me so often account of it as I desire ; these three last making no mention of Thy self . Now as for the Treaty ( which begins this day ) I desire Thee to be confident , that I shall never make a Peace by abandoning My Friends , nor such a one as will not stand with My Honour and Safety : Of which I will say no more , because , knowing Thy Love , I am sure Thou must believe Me , and make others likewise confident of Me. I send Thee herewith My Directions to My Commissioners : But how I came to them My self , without any others , Digby will tell Thee , with all the News as well concerning Military as Cabalistical matters . At this time I will say no more , but that I shall in all things ( only not answering for words ) truly shew My self to be eternally Thine . The Portugal Agent hath made Me two Propositions : first , concerning the release of his Master's Brother , for which I shall have 50000 l. if I can procure his liberty from the King of Spain ; the other is for a Marriage betwixt My Son Charles and his Master's Eldest Daughter . For the first , I have freely undertaken to do what I can ; and for the other , I will give such an Answer as shall signifie nothing . I desire Thee not to give too much credit to Sabran's Relations , nor much countenance to the Irish Agents in Paris ; the particular reasons Thou shalt have by Pooly ( whom I intend for My next Messenger . ) In the last place I recommend to Thee the care of Jersey and Gernsey , it being impossible for us here to do much , though we were rich , being weak at Sea. To My Wife , 30. Jan. 1644. 5. by Legge . Directions for My Uxbridge Commissioners . First , concerning Religion . In this , the Government of the Church ( as I suppose ) will be the chief question : wherein two things are to be considered , Conscience , and Policy . For the first , I must declare unto you , that I cannot yield to the change of the Government by Bishops : not only as I fully concur with the most general opinion of Christians in all Ages , as being the best ; but likewise I hold My self particularly bound by the Oath I took at My Coronation , not to alter the Government of this Church from what I found it . And as for the Churches Patrimony , I cannot suffer any diminution or alienation of it , it being without peradventure Sacriledge , and likewise contrary to My Coronation Oath . But whatsoever shall be offered for rectifying of abuses , if any have crept in , or yet for the ease of tender Consciences ( so that it endamage not the foundation ) I am content to hear , and will be ready to give a gracious Answer thereunto . For the second , As the King's duty is to protect the Church , so it is the Churches to assist the King in the maintenance of His just Authority . Wherefore My Predecessors have been always careful ( and especially since the Reformation ) to keep the dependency of the Clergy entirely upon the Crown ; without which it will scarcely sit fast upon the King's Head. Therefore you must do nothing to change or lessen this necessary dependency . Next , concerning the Militia . After Conscience , this is certainly the fittest subject for a King's Quarrel , for without it the Kingly Power is but a shadow ; and therefore upon no means to be quitted , but to be maintained according to the ancient known Laws of the Land. Yet because ( to attain to this so much wished Peace by all good men ) it is in a manner necessary , that sufficient and real security be given for the performance of what shall be agreed upon , I permit you , either by leaving strong Towns or other Military force in the Rebels possession ( until Articles be performed ) to give such assurance for performance of Conditions as you shall judge necessary for to conclude a Peace : Provided always , that ye take ( at least ) as great care , by sufficient security , that Conditions be performed to Me ; and to make sure that , the Peace once setled , all things shall return into their ancient Chanels . Thirdly , for Ireland . I confess , they have very specious popular Arguments to press this point , the gaining of no Article more conducing to their ends than this ; and I have as much reason , both in Honour and Policy , to take care how to answer this as any . All the world knows the eminent inevitable necessity which caused Me to make the Irish Cessation , and there remain yet as strong reasons for the concluding of that Peace : Wherefore ye must consent to nothing to hinder Me therein , until a clear way be shewn Me , how My Protestant Subjects there may probably ( at least ) defend themselves ; and that I shall have no more need to defend My Conscience and Crown from the injuries of this Rebellion . Oxford , Feb. 1644. Memorials for Secretary Nicholas concerning the Treaty at Uxbridge . I. For Religion and Church-Government , I will not go one jot further than what is offered by you already . II. And so for the Militia , more than what ye have allowed by Me : but even in that you must observe , that I must have free nomination of the full half ; as if the total number , Scots and all , be thirty , I will name fifteen . Yet if they ( I mean the English Rebels ) will be so base as to admit of ten Scots to twenty English , I am contented to name five Scots and ten English ; and so proportionably to any number that shall be agreed upon . III. As for gaining of particular persons , besides security , I give you power to promise them rewards for performed services , not sparing to engage for places , so they be not of great trust , or be taken away from honest men in possession , but as much profit as you will. With this last you are only to acquaint Richmond , Southampton , Culpepper and Hide . XXIV . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Feb. 15. 25. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , 20. THE expectation of an Express from Thee ( as I find by Thine of the 4. Febr. ) is very good news to Me , as likewise that Thou art now well satisfied with My diligence in Writing . As for our Treaty , there is every day less hopes than other that it will produce a Peace : But I will absolutely promise Thee , that if we have one , it shall be such as shall invite Thy return , for I avow that without thy company I can neither have peace nor comfort within My self . The limited days for treating are now almost expired without the least agreement upon any one Article : wherefore I have sent for enlargement of days , that the whole Treaty may be laid open to the world . And I assure Thee , that Thou needest not doubt the issue of this Treaty , for My Commissioners are so well chosen ( though I say it ) that they will neither be threatned nor disputed from the grounds I have given them ; which ( upon My word ) is according to the little Note Thou so well remembrest : And in this not only their obedience , but their judgments concur . I confess in some respects Thou hast reason to bid Me beware of going too soon to London ; for indeed some amongst us had a greater mind that way than was fit : of which perswasion Percy is one of the chief , who is shortly like to see Thee ; of whom having said this , is enough to shew Thee how he is to be trusted , or believed by Thee concerning our proceedings here . In short , there is little or no appearance but that this Summer will be the hottest for War of any that hath been yet . And be confident , that in making Peace I shall ever shew My constancy in adhering to Bishops and all our Friends , and not forget to put a short period to this perpetual Parliament . But as Thou lovest Me , let none perswade Thee to slacken Thine assistance for Him who is eternally Thine C. R. Oxford , 15. 25. Feb. 1644. 5. 3. 20. To My Wife , 15. Feb. 1645. by P. A. XXV . To the Marquess of ORMOND . OXFORD , 16 Feb. MDCXLIV . Ormond , I Should wrong My own service , and this Gentleman Sir Timothy Fetherston , if I did not recommend him and his business to you ; for the particulars of which I refer you to Digby . And now again I cannot but mention to you the necessity of hastening of the Irish Peace , for which I hope you are already furnished by Me with materials sufficient : But in case ( against all expectation and reason ) Peace cannot be had upon those terms , you must not by any means fall to a new rupture with them , but continue the Cessation ( according to a Postscript in a Letter by Jack Barry , a Copy of which Dispatch I herewith send you . ) So I rest . POSTSCRIPT . In case upon particular mens fancies the Irish Peace should not be procured upon powers I have already given you , I have thought good to give you this further Order ( which I hope will prove needless ) to seek to renew the Cessation for a year ; for which you shall promise the Irish ( if you can have it no cheaper ) to joyn with them against the Scots and Inchequin : for I hope by that time My condition may be such , as the Irish may be glad to accept less , or I be able to grant more . XXVI . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , 19. Feb. MDCXLIV . V. 21. Oxford , 19. Feb. Old style . DEAR Heart , I cannot yet send Thee any certain word concerning the issue of our Treaty ; only the unreasonable stubbornness of the Rebels gives daily less and less hopes of any accommodation this way : wherefore I hope no rumours shall hinder Thee from hastning all Thou mayest all possible assistance to Me , and particularly that of the D. of Lorrain's , concerning which I received yesterday good news from Dr Goffe , that the P. of Orange will furnish Shipping for his Transportation ; and that the rest of his Negotiation goes hopefully on : by which , and many other ways , I find Thy affection so accompanied with dexterity , as I know not whether ( in their several kinds ) to esteem most . But I will say no more of this , lest Thou mayest think that I pretend to do this way what is but possible to be done by the continued actions of My Life . Though I leave news to others , yet I cannot but tell Thee that even now I have received certain intelligence of a great defeat given to Argyle by Montross , who upon surprize totally routed those Rebels , killed 1500 upon the place . Yesterday I received Thine of 27. Jan. by the Portugal Agent , the only way ( but Expresses ) I am confident on , either to receive Letters from Thee , or to send them to Thee . Indeed Sabrian sent Me word yesterday , besides some Complements , of the Imbargo of the Rebels Ships in France ( which I likewise put upon Thy score of kindness ) but is well enough content that the Portugal should be charged with Thy Dispatches . As for trusting the Rebels , either by going to London , or disbanding My Army before a Peace , do no ways fear my hazarding so cheaply or foolishly ; for I esteem the interest Thou hast in Me at a far dearer rate , and pretend to have a little more wit ( at least by the Sympathy that is betwixt Us ) than to put My self into the reverence of perfidious Rebels . So impatiently expecting the Express Thou hast promised Me , I rest eternally Thine . I can now assure Thee that Hertogen the Irish Agent is an arrant knave , which shall be made manifest to Thee by the first opportunity of sending Pacquets . 11. 21. To My Wife , 19 Feb. 1645. by P. A. XXVII . To the Marquess of ORMOND . OXFORD , Feb. 27. MDCXLIV . V. Ormond , THE impossibility of preserving My Protestant Subjects in Ireland by a continuation of the War , having moved Me to give you those powers and directions which I have formerly done for the concluding of a Peace there , and the same growing daily much more evident , that alone were reason enough for Me to enlarge your powers , and to make My commands in the point more positive . But besides these considerations , it being now manifest that the English Rebels have ( as far as in them lies ) given the command of Ireland to the Scots , that their aim is a total subversion of Religion and Regal Power , and that nothing less will content them , or purchase Peace here ; I think My self bound in Conscience not to let slip the means of setling that Kingdom ( if it may be ) fully under My obedience , nor to lose that assistance which I may hope from My Irish Subjects , for such scruples as in a less pressing condition might reasonably be stuck at by Me. For their satisfaction , I do therefore command you to conclude a Peace with the Irish whatever it cost , so that My Protestant Subjects there may be secured , and my Regal Authority preserved . But for all this , you are to make Me the best bargain you can , and not discover your inlargement of power till you needs must . And though I leave the managing of this great and necessary work entirely to you ; yet I cannot but tell you , that if the suspension of Poining's Act for such Bills as shall be agreed upon between you there , and the present taking away of the Penal Laws against Papists by a Law , will do it , I shall not think it a hard bargain ; so that freely and vigorously they engage themselves in My assistance against My Rebels of England and Scotland , for which no conditions can be too hard , not being against Conscience or Honour . Copie to Ormond , 27. February 1644. 5. XXVIII . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Mar. 5. MDCXLIV . V. Dear Heart , NOW is come to pass what I foresaw , the fruitless end ( as to a present Peace of this Treaty ; but I am still confident that I shall find very good effects of it : For besides that My Commissioners have offered , to say no more , full-measured reason , and the Rebels have stucken rigidly their demands , which I dare say had been too much , though they had taken Me Prisoner , so that assuredly the breach will light foully upon them ; We have likewise at this time discovered , and shall make it evidently appear to the world , that the English Rebels ( whether basely or ignorantly will be no very great difference ) have , as much as in them lies , transmitted the Command of Ireland from the Crown of England to the Scots , which ( besides the reflection it will have upon these Rebels ) will clearly shew , that Reformation of the Church is not the chief , much less the only end of the Scotch Rebellion . But it being presumption , and no piety , so to trust to a good Cause , as not to use all lawful means to maintain it , I have thought of one means more to furnish Thee with for My assistance than hitherto Thou hast had . It is , that I give Thee power to promise in My Name ( to whom thou thinkest most fit ) that I will take away all the Penal Laws against the Roman Catholicks in England , as soon as God shall make Me able to do it ; so as by their means , or in their favours , I may have so powerful assistance as may deserve so great a favour , and enable Me to do it . But if Thou ask what I call that assistance , I answer , that when Thou knowest what may be done for it , it will be easily seen if it deserve to be so esteemed . I need not tell Thee what secrecy this business requires ; yet this I will say , that this is the greatest point of confidence I can express to Thee : for it is no thanks to Me to trust Thee in any thing else but in this , which is the only thing of difference in opinion betwixt Us. And yet I know Thou wilt make as good a bargain for Me , even in this ; I trusting thee ( though it concern Religion ) as if Thou wert a Protestant , the visible good of My Affairs so much depending on it . I have so fully instructed this Bearer Pooly , that I will not say more to Thee now , but that herewith I send Thee a new Cypher , assuring Thee that none hath or shall have any Copy of it but My self , to the end Thou mayest use it when Thou shalt find fit to write any thing which Thou wilt judge worthy of Thy pains to put in Cypher , and to be decyphered by none but Me ; and so likewise from Him to Thee , who is eternally Thine . 20. 23. To My Wife , the 5. March , 1644. 5. by Pooly . XXIX . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , 13 March , Old style . Dear Heart , WHAT I told thee last Week concerning a good parting with our Lords and Commons here , was on Monday last handsomly performed : and now if I do any thing unhandsom or disadvantageous to My self or Friends in order to a Treaty , it will be meerly My own Fault . For I confess , when I wrote last , I was in fear to have been pressed to make some mean overtures to renew the Treaty , ( knowing that there were great labourings to that purpose : but now I promise Thee , if it be renewed , ( which I believe will not , without some eminent good success on My side ) it shall be to My honour and advantage , I being now as well freed from the place of base and mutinous motions ( that is to say , our Mungrel Parliament here ) as of the chief causers , for whom I may justly expect to be chidden by Thee , for having suffered Thee to be vexed by them , Wilmot being already there , Percy on his way , and Sussex within few daies taking his journey to Thee ; but that I know thou carest not for a little trouble to free Me from great inconveniences . Yet I must tell Thee , that if I knew not the perfect stediness of Thy love to Me , I might reasonably apprehend that their repair to Thee would rather prove a change than an end of their Villanies ; and I cannot deny but My confidence in Thee was some cause of this permissive trouble to Thee . I have received Thine of the third of March , by which Thou puttest Me in hope of assistance of men and money ; and it is no little expression of Thy love to Me , that ( because of My business ) Festivals are troublesome to Thee : but I see that Assemblies in no Countries are very agreeable to Thee , and it may be done a purpose to make Thee weary of their companies : and excuse Me to tell Thee in earnest , that it is no wonder that mere Statesmen should desire to be rid of Thee . Therefore I desire Thee to think whether it would not advantage Thee much to make a personal Friendship with the Queen Regent ( without shewing any distrust of Her Ministers ; though not wholly trusting to them ) and to shew Her , that when Her Regency comes out ( and possibly before ) She may have need of Her Friends ; so that She shall but serve Her self by helping of Thee : and to say no more , but certainly , if this Rebellion had not begun to oppress Me when it did , a late great Queen had ended more glorious than She did . In the last place , I desire Thee to give Me a weekly account of Thy health , for I fear lest in that alone Thou takest not care enough to express Thy kindness to Him who is eternally Thine . The Northern news is rather better than what we first heard ; for what by Sir Langdale's and Montross's Victories Carlisle and the rest of our Northern Garrisons are relieved , and we hope for this year secured : and besides all this , the Northern Horse are already returned and joyned with My Nephew Rupert . To My Wife , 13. March 1644. 5. by P. A. XXX . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Thursday , 20. March. Dear Heart , UPON Saturday last I wrote to Thee by Sabran ( but this , I believe , may come as soon to Thee ) and I have received Thine of the seventh upon Monday last , which gave Me great contentment both in present and expectation , ( the quick passage being likewise a welcome circumstance : ) and yet I cannot but find a fault of omission in most of Thy latter Dispatches , there being nothing in them concerning Thy health : for though I confess that in this no news is good news , yet I am not so satisfied without a more perfect assurance ; and I hope Thou wilt by satisfying Me confess the justness of this My exception . I am now full fraught with expectation , ( I pray God send Me a good unlading ) for I look dayly for some blow of importance to be given about Taunton or Shrewsbury : And I am confidently assured of a considerable and sudden supply of men from Ireland . Likewise the Refractary Horse ( as the London Rebels call them ) may be reckoned in , for yet it is not known what fomenters they have , or whether they have none ; if the latter , there is the more hope of gaining them to Me : howsoever I doubt not but , if they stand out ( as it is probable ) good use may be made of them . Of this I believe to give Thee a perfecter account next Week , having sent to try their pulses . Petit came yesterday , but he having at London thrust his Dispatches into the States Ambassadours Pacquets , I have not yet received them ; and I would not stay to lengthen this in answer of them , nor give Thee half hopes of good Western news , knowing of an opportunity for writing to Thee within these three or four days : Only I congratulate with Thee for the safe arrival of Thy Tinne-adventure at Calis . And so farewel , Sweet heart . Thine of the 10. I have newly received , whereby I find that Thou much mistakest Me concerning Ir. for I desire nothing more than a Peace there , and never forbad Thy , commerce there : Only I gave Thee warning of some Irish in France , whom I then thought , and now know to be Knaves . To My Wife , 20. of March , 1644. 5. by P. A. XXXI . To the QUEEN . OXFORD , Thursday , 27. March. Dear Heart , I Wrote to Thee yesterday by Sakefield , the subject of it was only kindness to Thee , which , I assure Thee , shall ever be visible in all My actions . And now I come to Jermin's account , given Me by Thy command , which is very clear , hopeful in most particulars , and absolutely satisfactory as concerning Thy care and industry . As for the main impediment in the D. of Lorrain's business ( which is his passage ) why mayest not Thou procure him passage through France ? ( if that of Holland be stuck at . ) It will much facilicate the Sea transportation in respect of landing on the Western Coast , which I believe will be found the best , there being not so many places to chuse on any where else . But this is an Opinion , not a Direction . The general face of My Affairs Me thinks begins to mend , the dissensions at London rather increasing than ceasing , Montross dayly prospering , My Western business mending apace , and hopeful in all the rest : So that if I had reasonable supplies of Money and Powder ( not to exclude any other ) I am confident to be in a better condition this year than I have been since this Rebellion began , and possibly I may put fair for the whole , and so enjoy Thy company again , without which nothing can be a contentment unto Me. And so Farewel , Dear Heart . I intend ( if Thou like it ) to bestow Percy 's place upon the M. of Newcastle , to whom yet I am no ways engaged , nor will be before I have Thy answer . As for Jack Barclay , I do not remember that I gave Thee any hopes of making him Master of the Wards ; for Cottington had it long ago before Thou wentest hence , and I intended it to Secr. Nich. if he then would have received it : and I am deceived if I did not tell Thee of it . I desire Thee to command Lo. Jer. to read to Thee the D ● Letter which goes herewith , and in it to mark well that part concerning the transportation of the D. of Lorrain's Army . 23. 30. To My Wife , 27. Mar. 1645. by P. A. XXXII . To the QUEEN . 31. Oxford , Sunday , 30. March. DEAR Heart , Since My last ( which was but 3. days ago ) there are no alterations happened of moment , preparations rather than actions being yet our chiefest business ; in which we hope that we proceed faster than the Rebels , whose Levies both of men and money ( for certain ) go on very slowly ; and I believe they are much weaker than is thought even here at Oxford . For instance ; A very honest Servant of Mine , and no fool , shewed Me a Proposition from one of the most considerable London Rebels , who will not let his name be known until he have hope that his Proposition will take effect : It is this , That since the Treaty is so broken off , that neither the Rebels nor I can resume it without at least a seeming total yielding to the other , the Treaty should be renewed upon Thy motion , with a pre-assurance that the Rebels will submit to reason . The answer that I permitted My Servant to give was , That Thou art much the fittest person to be the means of so happy and glorious a work as is the Peace of this Kingdom : but that upon no terms Thy name was to be prophaned , therefore he was to be satisfied of the Rebels willingness to yield to reason , before he would consent that any such intimation should be made to Thee ; and particularly concerning Religion and the Militia , that nothing must be insisted upon , but according to My former offers . This I believe will come to nothing , yet I cannot but advertise Thee of any thing that comes to My knowledge of this consequence . I must again tell Thee , that most assuredly France will be the best way for transportation of the D. of Lorrain's Army , there being divers fit and safe places of landing for them upon the Western coasts , besides the Ports under My Obedience , as Shelsey near Chichester , and others , of which I will advertise Thee when the time comes . By My next I think to tell Thee when I shall march into the Field , for which Money is now His greatest want ( I need say no more ) who is eternally Thine . 18. 31. To My Wife , 30. March , 1645. by Petit. XXXIII . To the QUEEN . The little that is here in Cypher is in that which I sent to Thee by Pooly . 33. OXFORD , Wednesday , 9. April , MDCXLV . Dear Heart , THough it be an uncomfortable thing to write by a slow Messenger , yet all occasions of this ( which is now the only ) way of conversing with Thee is so welcome to Me , as I shall be loth to lose any ; but expect ne●ther news nor publick business from Me by this way of conveyance : yet judging Thee by My self , even these nothings will not be unwelcome to Thee , though I should chide Thee , which if I could I would do , for Thy too sudden taking Alarms . I pray thee consider , since I love Thee above all earthly things , and that My contentment is unseparably conjoyned with Thine , must not all My actions tend to serve and please Thee ? If Thou knewest what a life I lead ( I speak not in respect of the common distractions ) even in point of conversation , which , in My mind , is the chief joy or vexation of ones life , I dare say Thou wouldest pity Me ; for some are too wise , others too foolish , some too busie , others too reserved , many fantastick . In a word , when I know none better ( I speak not now in relation to business ) than 359. 8. 270. 55. 5. 7. 67. 18. 294. 35. 69. 16. 54. 6. 38. 1. 67. 68. 9. 66. Thou maiest easily judge how My conversation pleaseth Me. I confess Thy company hath perhaps made Me in this hard to be pleased , but not less to be pitied by Thee , who art the only cure for this disease . The end of all is this , to desire Thee to comfort Me as often as Thou canst with Thy Letters : and dost not Thou think , that to know particulars of Thy health , and how Thou spendest the time , are pleasing subjects to Me , though Thou hast no other business to write of ? Believe Me , Sweet Heart , Thy kindness is as necessary to comfort My heart , as Thy assistance is for My Affairs . To My Wife , 9. April , 1645. by Binion . XXXIV . To the Lord JERMIN . Oxford , Thursday , 24. April . HArry , Lest My Wife should not yet be fit for any business , I write this to you , not to excuse My pains , but ease Hers : and that She may know , but not be troubled with My kindness , I refer to your discretion how far to impart My Letter to Her , or any other business , that so Her health in the first place be cared for , then My affairs . And now I must tell you , that undoubtedly if you had not trusted to Digby's sanguine complection ( not to be rebated from sending good news ) you would not have found fault with him for sending mistaken intelligence ; for if he should strictly tie himself to certain truths in this kind , you must have nothing from him but My Proclamations , or Ordinances from the pretended Houses . But tell Me , can you not distinguish between what we send you upon certainty , and what upon uncertain reports , without making an oath the mark of distinction ? And are you obliged to publish all the news we send you ? Seriously I think news may be sometimes too good to be told in the French Court ; and certainly there is as much dexterity in publishing of news , as in matters which at first sight may seem of greater difficulty : for as I would not have them think that all assistance bestowed upon Me were in vain ; so I would not have them believe that I needed no help , lest they should underhand assist any Rebels , to keep the balance of dissention amongst us equal . For matter of News and present state of My affairs I refer you to Digby ; only this in general , that if it please God to assist us this year but half so miraculously as He did the last ( My present state compared with what it was this time twelve-month ) I am very hopeful to see a joyful harvest before next Winter . Nor do I think this in any humane probability possible , except My Wife can procure Me considerable assistance both of men and money ; of which I conceive little reason to despair , your last giving Me good hope concerning Lorrain : and though I say not that for the other I have so good an Author as 196. yet I hope you will not much blame My confidence , when 149. in hers the 10. of March says , J'ay une Affaire assurée , que vous donnerez 40000. Pistoles , que Je vous eusse envoyé si J'eusse veu mon navire revenu avec l'estain . In the last place I will impose that upon you that is not reasonable to expect from My Wife , which is , to give Me a continual account what Letters She receives from Me , and what miscarry or come slowly ; to which end take notice , that all My Letters to Her are numerarily marked on the top , as this with 37. and likewise I now begin the same with you . So farewel . In your next let Me know particularly how My Wife is : which though it be not as I would have it , yet the perfect knowledge will hinder Me to imagine her worse than She is ; if well , then every word will please Me. I have commanded Digby to write to you freely concerning Will. Murry , which I hold to be necessary as concerning Montross's business . To the L. Jermin , 24. April , 1645. concerning France . XXXV . To the QUEEN . 39. Oxford , Sunday , 4. May. DEAR Heart , The Rebels new brutish General hath refused to meddle with forein Passes , so as yet I cannot dispatch Adrian May to Thee by the way of London ; which if I cannot very shortly , I will send him by the West . And now , it I could be assured of Thy recovery , I would have but few melancholy thoughts , for I thank God My Affairs begin to smile upon Me again ; Wales being well swept of the Rebels , Farrington having relieved it self , and now being secured by Goring's coming , My Nephews likewise having brought Me a strong party of Horse and Foot , these quarters are so free , that I hope to be marching within three or four daies , and am still confident to have the start of the Rebels this year . I am likewise very hopeful that My Son will shortly be in the head of a good Army ; for this I have the chearful assurance of Culpepper and Hyde . Of late I have been much pressed to make Southampton Master of My Horse , not more for good will to him , as out of fear that Hamilton might return to a capacity of re-cozening Me ; wherein if I had done nothing , both jealousie and discontents were like to arise : wherefore I thought fit to put My Nephew Rupert in that place , which will both save Me charge , and stop other mens grumbings . I have now no more to say , but praying for , and impatiently expecting of good news from Thee , I rest , eternally Thine . 39. To My Wife , 4. May , 1645. by Malin S. Ravy . XXXVI . To the QUEEN . Droitwich , Wednesday , 14. May. DEAR Heart ; Marching takes away the conveniency of sending My Letters so safe and quick to Thee as when I was at Oxford , however I shall not fail to do what I can to send often to Thee . There is so little news for the present , as I will leave that subject for others ; only upon Saturday last I received a Dispatch from Montross , which assures Me his condition to be so good , that he bids Me be confident that his Country-men shall do Me no great harm this year ; and if I could lend him but 500. Horse , he would undertake to bring Me 20000. men before the end of this Summer . For the general state of My affairs , we all here think it to be very hopeful ; this Army being of a good strength , well ordered , and increasing ; My Sons such , that Fairfax will not be refused to be fought with , of which I hope Thou wilt receive good satisfaction from himself . It 's true that I cannot brag of store of money , but a sharp sword alwaies hinders starving at least ; and I believe the Rebels Coffers are not very full ( and certainly we shall make as good shift with empty purses as they ) or they must have some greater defect , else their Levies could not be so backward as they are ; for I assure Thee that I have at this instant many more men in the Field than they . I am not very confident what their Northern Forces are , but except they are much stronger than I am made believe , I may likewise include them . Now I must make a complaint to Thee of My Son Charles , which troubles Me the more , that Thou maiest suspect I seek by equivocation to hide the breach of My word , which I hate above all things , especially to Thee . It is this , He hath sent to desire Me , that Sir John Greenvil may be sworn Gentleman of his Bed-chamber , but is already so publickly ingaged in it , that the refusal would be a great disgrace both to my Son and the young Gentleman , to whom it is not fit to give a just distaste , especially now , considering his Father's merits , his own hopefulness , besides the great power that Family has in the West . Yet I have refused the admitting of him until I shall hear from Thee . Wherefore I desire Thee , first to chide My Son for ingaging himself without one of Our consents ; then , not to refuse Thy own consent ; and lastly , to believe that directly or indirectly I never knew of this while yesterday at the delivery of My Son's Letter . So farewel , Sweet Heart , and God send Me good news from Thee . To My Wife , May 14. 1645. XXXVII . To the QUEEN . Daintry , Sunday , 9. June . DEAR Heart , Oxford being free , I hope this will come sooner to Thee than otherwise I could have expected , which makes Me believe that My good news will not be very stale , which in short is this : Since the taking of Leicester , My marching down hither to relieve Oxford made the Rebels raise their siege before I could come near them , having had their Quarters once or twice beaten up by that Garrison , and lost four hundred men at an assault before Bostol-House . At first I thought they would have fought with Me , being marched as far as Brackly , but they are since gone aside to Brickhill , so as I believe they are weaker than they are thought to be ; whether by their distractions , ( which are certainly very great , Fairfax and Brown having been at Cudgels , and his men and Cromwell's likewise at blows together , where a Captain was slain ) or wasting their men , I will not say . Besides Goring hath given a great defeat to the Western Rebels , but I do not yet know the particulars . Wherefore I may ( without being too much sanguine ) affirm , that ( since this Rebellion ) My Affairs were never in so fair and hopeful a way ; though among our selves we want not our own follies , which is needless , and I am sure tedious , to tell Thee , but such as I am confident shall do no harm , nor much trouble Me. Yet I must tell Thee , that it is Thy Letter by Fitz-Williams , assuring Me of Thy perfect recovery , with Thy wonted kindness , which makes Me capable of taking contentment in these good successes : For as divers men propose several recompences to themselves for their pains and hazard in this Rebellion , so Thy Company is the only reward I expect and wish for . To My Wife , 9. June , 1645. XXXVIII . To Prince RUPERT . CAERDIFFE , Aug. 3. MDCXLV . C. R. NEphew , This is occasioned by a Letter of yours which the Duke of Richmond shewed Me yesterday . And first I assure you , I have been ( and ever will be ) very careful to advertise you of My resolutions so soon as they were taken ; and if I enjoyned silence to that which was no secret , it was not My fault , for I thought it one , and I am sure it ought to have been so . Now as for your opinion of My Business , and your Counsel thereupon , If I had any other quarrel but the defence of My Religion , Crown and Friends , you had full reason for your advice : For I confess that speaking either as a meer Souldier or Statesman , I must say there is no probability but of My Ruine ; yet as a Christian I must tell you , that God will not suffer Rebels and Traitors to prosper , nor this Cause to be overthrown . And whatsoever personal punishment it shall please Him to inflict upon Me , must not make Me repine , much less give over this quarrel : and there is as little question , that a composition with them at this time is nothing else but a submission , which by the grace of God I am resolved against , whatsoever it cost Me ; for I know My obligation to be , both in Conscience and Honour , neither to abandon God's Cause , injure My Successors , nor forsake My Friends . Indeed I cannot flatter My self with expectation of good success more than this , to end My days with Honour and a good Conscience , which obligeth Me to continue My endeavours , in not despairing that God may yet in due time avenge His own Cause ; though I must aver to all My Friends , that he that will stay with Me at this time , must expect and resolve either to die for a good Cause , or ( which is worse ) to live as miserable in maintaining it as the violence of insulting Rebels can make him . Having thus truly and impartially stated My Case unto you , and plainly told you My resolutions , which by the grace of God I will not alter , they being neither lightly nor suddenly grounded , I earnestly desire you not in any wise to hearken now after Treaties , assuring you , that as low as I am , I will do no more than was offered in My Name at Vxbridge ; confessing that it were as great a miracle that they should agree to so much reason , as that I should be within a month in the same condition that I was immediately before the Battel at Naseby . Therefore for God's sake let us not flatter our selves with these conceits . And believe Me , your very imagination that you are desirous of a Treaty will but lose Me so much the sooner : wherefore as you love Me , whatsoever you have already done , apply your discourse hereafter according to My resolution and judgement . As for the Irish , I assure you they shall not cheat Me ; but it is possible they may cozen themselves : for be assured , what I have refused to the English , I will not grant to the Irish Rebels , never trusting to that kind of people ( of what Nation soever ) more than I see by their Actions . And I am sending to Ormond such a Dispatch , as I am sure will please you and all honest men ; a Copy whereof by the next opportunity you shall have . Lastly , be confident I would not have put you nor My self to the trouble of this long Letter , had I not a great estimation of you , and a full confidence of your Friendship too . Caerdiffe , August 3. 1645. C. R. XXXIX . To Secretary NICHOLAS . CAERDIFFE , Aug. 4. MDCXLV . Nicholas , HAving commanded your fellow-Secretary to give you a full account as well of our proceedings here as resolutions , I will neither trouble you nor My self with repetitions , Only for My self , I must desire you to let every one know , that no distresses of Fortune whatsoever shall make Me , by the grace of God , in any thing recede from those grounds I laid down to you who were My Commissioners at Vxbridge , and which ( I thank them ) the Rebels have published in print . And though I could have wished their pains had been spared , yet I will neither deny that those things are Mine which they have set out in My Name ( only some words here and there are mistaken , and some Comma's misplaced , but not much material ) nor , as a good Protestant or honest man , blush for any of those Papers . Indeed as a discreet man I will not justifie My self ; and yet I would fain know him who would be willing that the freedom of all his private Letters were publickly seen , as Mine have now been . However , so that one clause be rightly understood , I care not much though the rest take their fortune : It is concerning the Mungrel Parliament . The truth is , that Sussex's factiousness at that time put Me somewhat out of patience , which made Me freely vent My displeasure against those of his party to My Wife ; and the intention of that phrase was , that his Faction did what they could to make it come to that , by their raising and fomenting of base Propositions . This is clearly evidenced by My following excuse to Her , for suffering those people to trouble Her , the reason being , to eschew those greater inconveniences which they had , and were more likely to cause here than there . I am now going to supper , and so I rest , Your most assured Friend , C. R. XL. For My Son the PRINCE . Charles , THis is rather to tell you where I am , and that I am well , than at this time to direct you any thing , I having wrote fully to your Mother what I would have you to do ; whom I command you to obey in every thing , except in Religion , concerning which I am confident She will not trouble you ; and see that you go not any whither without Her or My particular directions . Let Me hear often from you ; and so God bless you . Your loving Father , CHARLES R. Newcastle , June 2. 1646. If Jack Ashburnham come where you are , command him to wait upon you as he was wont , until I shall send for him , if your Mother and you be together ; if not , he must wait on Her. XLI . To the Duke of YORK . CAVERSHAM , July 4. MDCXLVII . C. R. JAmes , I am in hope that you may be permitted , with your Brother and Sister , to come to some place betwixt this and London , where I may see you . To this end therefore I command you to ask leave of the two Houses , to make a journey ( if it may be ) for a night or two . But rather than not to see you , I will be content that ye come to some convenient place to dine , and go back at night . And foreseeing the fear of your being brought within the power of the Army , as I am , may be objected to hinder this My desire ; I have full assurance from Sir Thomas Fairfax and the Chief Officers , that there will be no interruption or impediment made by them for your return , how and when you please . So God bless you . Your loving Father , CHARLES R. Casam , July 4. 1647. POSTSCRIPT . Send Me word as soon as you can , of the time and place where I shall have the contentment of seeing you , your Brother and Sister . XLII . To Colonel WHALEY . HAMPTON-COURT , Nov. 11. MDCXLVII . COlonel Whaley , I have been so civilly used by you and Major Huntington , that I cannot but by this parting farewell acknowledge it under My Hand ; as also to desire the continuance of your courtesie , by your protecting of My Houshold-stuff and Moveables of all sorts which I leave behind Me in this House , that they be neither spoiled nor imbezeled . Only there are three Pictures here which are not Mine , that I desire you to restore : to wit , my Wife's Picture in blew , sitting in a Chair , you must send to Mrs Kirke ; My Eldest Daughters Picture copied by Belcam , to the Countess of Anglesey ; and My Lady Stanhop's Picture to Carey Raleigh . There is a fourth which I had almost forgot , it is the original of My Eldest Daughter ( it hangs in this Chamber over the Board next the Chimney ) which you must send to My Lady Aubigney . So being confident that you wish My preservation and restitution , I rest , Your Friend , CHARLES R. I assure you it was not the Letter you shewed Me yesterday that made Me take this resolution , nor any advertisement of that kind : But I confess that I am loth to be made a close Prisoner , under pretence of securing My life . I had almost forgot to desire you to send the black Grew-Bitch to the D. of Richmond . XLIII . To the Lord MOUNTAGUE , HAMPTON-COURT , Nov. 11. MDCXLVII . Montague , FIRST , I do hereby give you and the rest of your fellows thanks for the civilities and good conversation that I have had from you . Next I command you to send this My Message ( which you will find upon this Table ) to the two Houses of Parliament , and likewise to give a Copy of it to Colonel Whaley to be sent to the General . Likewise I desire you to send all My Saddle-Horses to My Son the Duke of York . As for what concerns the resolution that I have taken , My Declaratory Message saies so much , that I refer you to it ; and so I rest , Your assured Friend , CHARLES R. XLIV . For Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX General . C. R. HAving left order at Our remove from Hampton-Court , that a Copy should be given you of what We had then written to both Houses of Parliament touching the causes of Our withdrawing , and the continuance of Our resolutions to improve every occasion of the satisfaction of all chief Interests , that so a happy Peace may be setled in Our Dominions ; in pursuance whereof We have lately sent a Message to both Houses from this place , and a Copy of it to you ; and being desirous , in order to that blessed work , to give you Our present sense upon the condition of affairs as they now stand : We have thought fit to appoint Sir John Barkley to repair unto you , and to communicate the same to you : And We shall be glad by him to receive a mutual communication of your sense also upon this subject ; not doubting but you easily perceive by the late disorders , into what a depth of confusion the Army and the Nation will fall , if timely and effectual preventions be not used . And therefore We have now again proposed ( as the only expedient ) a Personal Treaty , for the composing of all differences , and fulfilling the desires of all Interests . To which if you will employ your credit , as you cannot but expect the blessings of God upon your endeavours therein ; so may you justly look for the best return that ever Our condition shall be able to make you . Given at Carisbrook-Castle , Novemb. 26. 1647. XLV . For Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX , General . C. R. THE free liberty which you willingly afforded Us to have the use of Our Chaplains , makes us at this time not only to acknowledge your former Civilities , but likewise now to acquaint you that three of Our Chaplains , to wit , Dr Sheldon , Dr Holdsworth and Dr Haywood are newly landed in this Isle , not doubting but they shall have the same protection that formerly they had ; which still will shew the continuation of your good respect unto Us , which we upon all fitting occasions shall not be backward to acknowledge . So We bid you heartily farewel . Given at Carisbrook-Castle , Novemb. 27. 1647. XLVI . To the Lords , Gentlemen , and Committee of the Scotch Parliament , together with the Officers of the Army . CARISBROOK , July 31. MDCXLVIII . My Lords and Gentlemen , IT is no small comfort to Me , that My Native Country hath so true a sense of My present condition , as I find expressed by your Letter of the eighth of this Month , and your Declaration , both which I received upon Friday last . And the very same reason which makes you discreetly and generously at this time forbear to press any thing to Me , hinders Me likewise to make any particular professions unto you , lest it may be imagined that desire of Liberty should now be the only Secretary to My thoughts . Yet thus much I cannot but say , that as in all humane reason nothing but a free Personal Treaty with me can settle the unhappy distractions of these distressed Kingdoms ; so , if that could once be had , I would not doubt but that ( by the grace of God ) a happy Peace would soon follow : Such force ( I believe ) true reason has in the hearts of all men , when it may be clearly and calmly heard ; and I am not ashamed at all times to profess that it hath , and shall be alwaies want of Understanding , not of will , if I do not yield to reason , whensoever and from whomsoever I hear it : and it were a strange thing , if reason should be less esteemed because it comes from Me ; which ( truly ) I do not expect from you , your Declaration seeming to Me ( and I hope your Actions will prove that I am not deceived ) to be so well grounded upon Honour and Justice , that albeit , by way of opinion , I cannot give a Placet to every Clause in it , yet I am confident upon a calm and friendly debate we shall very well agree . To conclude , I cannot ( for the present ) better shew My thankfulness to you for the generous and loyal expressions of your Affections to Me , than by giving you My honest and sincere advice ; which is , really and constantly , without seeking private ends , to pursue the publick professions in your Declaration , as sincere Christians and good Subjects ought to do , always remembring , that as the best foundation of Loyalty is Christianity , so true Christianity teaches perfect Loyalty ; for without this reciprocation neither is truly what they pretend to be . But I am both confident that needs not to you , as likewise , that you will rightly understand this which is affectionately intended by your assured Friend , Carisbrook , Monday , 31. July , 1648. C. R. XLVII . To the PRINCE . NEWPORT , Nov. 29. MDCXLVIII . SON , BY what hath been said , you may see how long We have laboured in the search of Peace : Do not you be discouraged to tread those ways in all worthy means to restore your self to your Right , but prefer the way of Peace . Shew the greatness of your Mind , rather to conquer your Enemies by pardoning , than by punishing . If you saw how unmanly and unchristianly this implacable disposition is in our ill-willers , you would avoid that spirit . Censure Us not for having parted with too much of Our Own Right ; the price was great , the commodity was , Security to Us , Peace to Our People : And We are confident another Parliament would remember how useful a King's Power is to a Peoples Liberty ; of how much We have devested Our self , that We and they might meet again in a due Parliamentary way , to agree the bounds for Prince and People . And in this give belief to Our experience , never to affect more Greatness or Prerogative than what is really and intrinsecally for the good of your Subjects , ( not satisfaction of Favourites . ) And if you thus use it , you will never want means to be a Father to all , and a bountiful Prince to any you would be extraordinarily gracious unto . You may perceive all men trust their treasure where it returns them interest : And if Princes , like the Sea , receive and repay all the fresh streams and rivers trust them with , they will not grudge , but pride themselves to make them up an Ocean . These considerations may make you a great Prince , as your Father is now a low one : and your state may be so much the more established , as Mine hath been shaken . For Subjects have learnt ( We dare say ) that Victories over their Princes are but triumphs over themselves , and so will be more unwilling to hearken to changes hereafter . The English Nation are a sober People , however at present under some infatuation . We know not but this may be the last time We may speak to you or the world publickly : We are sensible into what hand We are fallen ; and yet We bless God We have those inward refreshments that the malice of Our Enemies cannot perturb . We have learnt to own Our self by retiring into Our self , and therefore can the better digest what befalls Us , not doubting but God can restrain Our Enemies Malice , and turn their fierceness unto His Praise . To conclude , If God give you success , use it humbly , and far from revenge : If he restore you to your Right upon hard conditions , whatever you promise , keep . Those men which have forced Laws which they were bound to observe , will find their triumphs full of troubles . Do not think any thing in this world worth obtaining by foul and unjust means . You are the Son of Our love ; and as We direct you to what We have recommended to you , so We assure You , We do not more affectionately pray for you , ( to whom We are a natural Parent ) than We do that the ancient glory and renown of this Nation be not buried in irreligion and fanatick humour ; and that all Our Subjects ( to whom We are a Politick Parent ) may have such sober thoughts , as to seek their Peace in the Orthodox Profession of the Christian Religion as it was established since the Reformation in this Kingdom , and not in new Revelations ; and that the ancient Laws , with the interpretation according to the known practices , may once again be an Hedge about them , that you may in due time govern , and they be governed , as in the fear of the Lord. C. R. The Commissioners are gone , the Corn is now in the Ground , We expect the harvest : if the fruit be Peace , We hope the God of Peace will in time reduce all to Truth and Order again : which that he may do , is he Prayer of C. R. XLVIII . For the KING . SIR , HAving no means to come to the knowledge of Your Majesties present condition but such as I receive from the Prints ; or ( which is as uncertain ) Report , I have sent this Bearer Seamour to wait upon Your Majesty , and to bring me an account of it ; that I may withal assure Your Majesty , I do not only pray for Your Majesty , according to my Duty , but shall alwaies be ready to do all which shall be in my power , to deserve that Blessing which I now humbly beg of Your Majesty upon , Sir , Your Majesties most humble and most obedient Son and Servant , CHARLES . Hague , January 23. 1648. HIS MAJESTY'S SPEECHES . I. To the Lords and Commons , at the opening of His First Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , June 18. MDCXXV . I Thank God that the business to be treated on at this time is of such a nature , that it needs no Eloquence to set it forth ; for I am neither able to do it , neither doth it stand with My Nature to spend much time in words . It is no new business , being already happily begun by My Father of blessed memory , who is with God ; therefore it needeth no Narrative : I hope in God you will go on to maintain it as freely as you advised My Father to it . It is true , He may seem to some to have been slack to begin so just and so glorious a Work ; but it was His Wisdom that made Him loth to begin a work , until He might find means to maintain it : But after that He saw how much He was abused in the confidence He had with other States , and was confirmed by your advice to run the course we are in , with your Engagement to maintain it , I need not press to prove how willingly He took your Advice ; for the Preparations that are made are better able to declare it than I to speak it : The assistance of those in Germany , the Fleet that is ready for action , with the rest of the Preparations which I have only followed My Father in , do sufficiently prove that He entred into this Action . My Lords and Gentlemen , I hope that you do remember that you were pleased to imploy Me to advise My Father to break off those two Treaties that were on foot ; so that I cannot say I came hither a free unengaged man. It 's true , I came into this business willingly and freely , like a young man , and consequently rashly ; but it was by your interest , your engagement : So that though it were done like a young man , yet I cannot repent Me of it ; and I think none can blame Me for it , knowing the love and fidelity you have born to your King , having My self likewise some little experience of your affections . I pray you remember that this being My first Action , and begun by your advice and entreaty , what a great dishonour it were to you and Me , if this Action so begun should fail for that assistance you are able to give Me. Yet knowing the constancy of your love both to Me and this Business , I needed not to have said this , but only to shew what care and sense I have of your Honours and Mine own . I must entreat you likewise to consider of the Times we are in , how that I must adventure your lives ( which I should be loth to do ) should I continue you here long ; and you must venture the Business , if you be slow in your resolutions . Wherefore I hope you will take such grave Counsel , as you will expedite what you have in hand to do ; which will do Me and your selves an infinite deal of Honour : You , in shewing your love to Me ; and Me , that I may perfect that Work which My Father hath so happily begun . Last of all , because some malicious men may , and , as I hear , have given out , that I am not so true a Keeper and Maintainer of the true Religion that I profess ; I assure you that I may with St Paul say , that I have been trained up at Gamaliel's feet : and although I shall never be so arrogant as to assume unto My self the rest , I shall so far shew the end of it , that all the World may see that none hath been , nor ever shall be , more desirous to maintain the Religion I profess than I shall be . Now because I am unfit for much speaking . I mean to bring up the fashion of My Predecessors , to have My Lord Keeper speak for Me in most things : Therefore I have commanded him to speak something unto you at this time , which is more for formality , than any great matter he hath to say unto you . II. To the Lords and Commons , in the Hall at CHRISTS-CHURCH in OXFORD , Aug. 4. MDCXXV . MY Lords , and you of the Commons , We all remember that from your Desires and Advice , My Father , now with God , brake off those two Treaties with Spain that were then in hand . Well you then foresaw , that as well for regaining My dispossessed Brothers Inheritance , as Home defence , a War was likely to succeed ; and that as your Counsels had let My Father into it , so your assistance in a Parliamentary way to pursue it should not be wanting . That Aid you gave Him by Advice was for succour of His Allies , the guarding of Ireland and the home part , supplie of Munition , preparing and setting forth of His Navy . A Councel you thought of , and appointed for the War , and Treasurers for issuing of the Moneys . And to begin this Work of your Advice , you gave three Subsidies , and as many Fifteens , which with speed were levied , and by direction of that Councel of War ( in which the preparation of this Navy was not the least ) disbursed . It pleased God at the entrance of this Preparation ( by your Advice begun ) to call My Father to His Mercy , whereby I entred as well to the care of your Design as His Crown . I did not then , as Princes do , of Custom and Formality re-assemble you , but that by your further Advice and Aid I might be able to proceed in that which by your Counsels My Father was ingaged in . Your love to Me and forwardness to further those Affairs you expressed by a grant of two Subsidies yet ungathered ; although I must assure you , by My self and others upon credit taken up , and aforehand disbursed , and far short as yet to set forth that Navy now preparing ; as I have lately the estimate of those of care , and who are still employed about it , whose particular of all expences about this Preparation shall be given you when you please to take an accompt of it . Another contracted Copy of the two foregoing Speeches . Other Copies having contracted the substance of both these Speeches foregoing into one , supposed to be spoken at Westminster , at the Opening of the Parliament , it was thought fit to represent both Copies , leaving it to the Memory of such as were then present to decide which is the true . MY Lords and Gentlemen , You are not ignorant that at your earnest entreaty , the twenty third of March sixteen hundred twenty three , My Father ( of Happy Memory ) first took up arms for the recovery of the Palatinate ; for which purpose , by your assistance , He began to form a considerable Army , and to prepare a goodly Armado and Navy Royal. But Death intervening between Him and the atchievement , the War , with the Crown , is devolved upon Me. To the prosecution whereof as I am obliged both in Nature and Honour ; so I question not but , the same necessity continuing , you will cherish the Action with the like affection , and further it with a ready Contribution . True it is , You furnished My Father with affectionate Supplies ; but they held no symmetrie or proportion with the charge of so great an Enterprise : for those your Donatives are all disburst to a peny ; and I am inforced to summon you hither , to tell you , that neither can the Army advance nor the Fleet set forth without farther Aid . Consider , I pray you , the eyes of all Europe are defixt upon Me ; to whom I shall appear ridiculous , as though I were unable to outgo Muster and Ostentation , if you now desert Me. Consider , it is My first attempt ; wherein if I sustain a foil , it will blemish all My future Honour . If Mine cannot , let your own Reputation move you : Deliver and expedite Me fairly out of this War wherewith you have incumbred ( let it never be said , whereinto you have betrayed ) Me. I desire therefore your speedy Supplie : Speedy I call it , for else it will prove no Supply . The Sun , you know , is entring into his declining point ; so it will be soon too late to set forth , when it will be rather not too soon to return . Again , I must mind you of the Mortality now regnant in this City , which should it ( as so it may , and no breach of Priviledge neither ) arrest any one Member of either House , it soon would put a period both to Consultation and Session : so that your own Periclitation necessitates an early Resolution . In summ , Three of the best Rhetoricians , Honour , Opportunity , and Safety , are all of a Plot , and plead , you see , for Expedition . Perhaps it may be expected I should say something in way of account of My Religion , as also of the temper and tenor of My future Government : But as I hope I have not been guilty of any thing which may justly start the least question in either ; so I desire you would repose in this assurance , that I will in neither vary from those Principles wherein I have been instituted at the feet of that eminent Gamaliel , My late Father . III. To the Speaker of the House of Commons of His Second Parliament , MDCXXV . VI. MAster Speaker , The Answer of the Commons delivered by you I like well of , and do take it for a full & satisfactory Answer , and I thank them for it ; and I hope you will with all expedition take a course for performance thereof , the which will turn to your own good as well as Mine . But for your Clause therein of presenting of Grievances , I take that but for a Parenthesis in your Speech , and not a Condition ; and yet , for answer to that part , I will tell you , I will be as willing to hear your Grievances as My Predecessors have been , so that you will apply your selves to redress Grievances , and not to inquire after Grievances . I must let you know , that I will not allow any of My Servants to be questioned among you ; much less such as are of eminent place and near unto Me. The old question was , What shall be done to the man whom the King will honour ? but now it hath been the labour of some , to seek what may be done against him whom the King thinks fit to honour . I see you specially aim at the Duke of Buckingham : I wonder what hath so altered your affections toward him . I do well remember that in the last Parliament in My Father's time , when he was an Instrument to break the Treaties , all of you ( and yet I cannot say all , for I know some of you are changed , but yet the House of Commons is always the same ) did so much honour and respect him , that all the honour conferred on him was too little : and what he hath done since to alter or change your minds I wote not ; but can assure you , he hath not medled or done any thing concerning the Publick or Commonwealth but by special directions and appointment , and as My Servant ; and is so far from gaining or improving his Estate thereby , that I verily think he hath rather impaired the same . I would you would hasten for My Supply , or else it will be worse for your selves ; for if any ill happen , I think I shall be the last shall feel it . IV. To the Lords and Commons , at WHITE-HALL , Mar. 29. MDCXXVI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I have called you hither to day , I mean both Houses of Parliament ; but it is for several and distinct reasons . My Lords , you of the Upper House , to give you thanks for your Care of the state of the Kingdom now ; and not only for the care of your own Proceedings , but for inciting your Fellow-House of the Commons to take that into their consideration . Therefore , My Lords , I must not only give you thanks , but I must also avow , that if this Parliament do not redound to the good of this Kingdom , which I pray God it may , it is not your faults . And you , Gentlemen of the House of Commons , I am sorry that I may not justly give the same thanks to you ; but I must tell you , that I am come here to shew you your Errors , and , as I may call it , Unparliamentary Proceedings in this Parliament . But I do not despair , because you shall see your faults so clearly by the Lord Keeper , that you may so amend your Proceeding , that this Parliament shall end comfortably and happily , though at the beginning it hath had some rubs . After the Lord Keeper had declared His MAJESTY's pleasure to them , Himself added , I must withal put you in mind a little of times past . You may remember that in the time of My Blessed Father you did with your Counsel and perswasion prevail with My Father and Me to break off the Treaties . I confess I was your Instrument for two Reasons : One was , the fitness of the time ; the other , because I was seconded by so great and worthy a Body as the whole Body of Parliament . Then there was no body in so great favour with you as this man whom you seem now to touch , but indeed , My Father's Government and Mine . Now that you have all things according to your wishes , and that I am so far ingaged that you think there is no retreat , now you begin to set the Dice , and make your own Game . But I pray you be not deceived ; it is not a Parliamentary way , nor is it a way to deal with a King. Master Coke told you , It was better to dye by a foreign Enemy than to be destroyed at home . Indeed I think it is more Honour for a King to be invaded and almost destroyed by a foreign Enemy , than to be despised by His Own Subjects . Remember that Parliaments are altogether in My Power for their Calling , Sitting , and Dissolution ; therefore as I find the fruits of them good or evil , they are to continue , or not to be . And remember that if in this time instead of mending your Errors , by delay you persist in your Errors , you make them greater and irreconcileable : whereas , on the other side , if you do go on chearfully to mend them , and look to the distressed state of Christendom , and the Affairs of the Kingdom as it lyeth now by this great Engagement , you will do your selves honour , you shall incourage Me to go on with Parliaments , and I hope all Christendom shall feel the good of it . V. To the House of Lords , at WESTMINSTER , May 11. MDCXXVI . MY Lords , The Cause and only Cause of My coming to you this day is , to express the sense I have of all your Honours ; for he that toucheth any of you , toucheth Me in a very great measure . I have thought fit to take order for the punishing some insolent Speeches lately spoken : I have been too remiss heretofore in punishing such Speeches as concern My self . Not that I was greedy of their Monies , but that Buckingham through his importunity would not suffer Me to take notice of them , lest he might be thought to have set Me on , and that he might come the forwarder to his Trial. And to approve his Innocency as touching the matters against him , I My self can be a Witness to clear him in every one of them . I speak not this to take any thing out of your hands , but to shew the reason why I have not hitherto punished those insolent Speeches against My self . And now I hope you will be as tender of My Honour , when time shall serve , as I have been sensible of yours . VI. To the French Servants of the QUEEN , at Somerset-House , July 1. MDCXXVI . GEntlemen and Ladies , I am driven to that extremity , as I am personally come to acquaint you that I very earnestly desire your return into France . True it is , the deportment of some amongst you hath been very inoffensive to Me : But others again have so dallied with My Patience , and so highly affronted Me , as I cannot , I will no longer endure it . VII . To the Lords and Commons , at the opening of His Third Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , Mar. 17. MDCXXVII . VIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The Times are now for Action : for Action , I say , not for Words ; therefore I shall use but a few : And ( as Kings are said to be exemplary to Their Subjects , so ) I wish you would imitate Me in this , and use as few , falling upon speedy Consultation . No man is , I conceive , such a Stranger to the Common Necessity as to expostulate the cause of this Meeting , and not to think Supply to be the end of it . And as this Necessity is the product and consequent of your Advice ; so the true Religion , the Laws and Liberties of this State , and just Defence of our Friends and Allies , being so considerably concerned , will be , I hope , arguments enough to perswade Supply : For if it be , as most true it is , both My Duty and yours to preserve this Church and Common-wealth , this Exigency certainly requires it . In this time of Common danger I have taken the most antient speedy and best way for Supply , by calling you together . If ( which God forbid ) in not contributing what may answer the quality of My occasions you do not your duties , it shall suffice I have done Mine ; in the Conscience whereof I shall rest content , and take some other course , for which God hath impowered Me , to save that which the folly of particular men might hazard to lose . Take not this as a Menace , ( for I scorn to threaten any but My Equals , ) but as an Admonition from Him who is tied both by Nature and Duty to provide for your preservations . And I hppe , though I thus speak , your Demeanours will be such as shall not only make Me approve your former Counsels , but oblige Me in thankfulness to meet you oftner ; than which nothing can be more pleasing to Me. I will only add one thing more , and then leave My Lord Keeper to make a short Paraphrase upon the Text I have delivered you ; which is , to Remember a thing to the end we may forget it . Remembring the Distractions of our last Meeting , you may suppose I have no Confidence of good success at this time . But be assured , I shall freely forget and forgive what is past , hoping you will follow that sacred advice lately inculcated , to maintain the unity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace . VIII . To the Lords and Commons , at WHITE-HALL , April 4. MDCXXVIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I do very well approve the Methods of your Proceedings in this Parliament , A Jove Principium , hoping that the rest of your Consultations will succeed the happier : And I like the Preamble of My Lord Keeper , otherwise I should a little have suspected that you thought Me not so careful of Religion as I have and ever shall be , wherein I am as forward as you can desire . As for your Petition , I answer first in general , that I like that well ; and will use these as well as all other means for the maintenance and propagation of that Religion wherein I have lived , and do resolve to die . But for the particulars , you shall receive more full Answer hereafter . And now I will only add this , That as we pray to God to help us , so we must help our selves ; for we can have no assurance of his assistance , if we do lie in a Bed and only pray , without using other means : And therefore I must remember you , that if we do not make provision speedily , we shall not be able to put a Ship to Sea this year . Verbum sat sapienti est . IX . To the Speaker and House of Commons , April 14. MDCXXVIII . MAster Speaker , and you Gentlemen , When I sent to you My last Message , I did not expect to Reply ; for I intended to hasten you , not to find fault with you . I told you , at your first meeting , that this time was not to be spent in Words ; and I am sure it is less fit for Disputes : which if I had a desire to entertain , Master Speaker's Preamble might have given Me ground enough . The Question is not now , What Liberty you have in disposing of matters handled in the House ; but rather , at this time what is fit to be done . Therefore I hope you will follow My example in eschewing Disputations , and fall to your important business . You make a Protestation of your affection and zeal to My Prerogative , grounded upon so good and just reasons , that I must believe you : But I look that you use Me with the like charity , to believe what I have declared more than once since your meeting , which is , that I am as forward as you for the preservation of your true Liberties . Let us not spend so much time in this that may hazard both My Prerogative and your Liberties to our Enemies . To be short , Go on speedily with your business , without any fear or more Apologies , for time calls fast upon you , which will neither stay for you nor Me : Wherefore it is My Duty to press you to hasten , as knowing the necessity of it ; and yours to give credit to what I shall say , as to Him that sits at the Helm . For what concerns your Petition , I shall answer it in a convenient time . X. To the Lords and Commons , in Answer to their Petition of Right , June 11. MDCXXVIII . GEntlemen , I am come hither to perform My Duty ; and I think no man can think it long , since I have not taken so many daies in answering of the Petition as you have spent weeks in framing it : And I am come hither to shew you , that as well in formal things as in essential I desire to give you as much content as in Me lieth . The Lord Keeper having added somewhat in explanation and pursuance of the former , the Petition was read , and the King's Answer . The King willeth that Right be done according to the Laws and Customs of the Land , and that the Statutes be put in due execution , that the Subjects may have no cause to complain of any wrong or oppression , contrary to their just Rights and Liberties , to the preservation whereof He holdeth Himself obliged as well as of His Prerogative . XI . To the Lords and Commons ; His second Answer to their Petition , in the House of Lords , June 7. MDCXXVIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The Answer I have already given you was made with so good deliberation , and approved by the judgments of so many wise men , that I could not have imagined but that it should have given you full satisfaction : But to avoid all ambiguous interpretations , and to shew you that there is no doubleness in My meaning , I am willing to please you in words as well as in substance . Read your Petition , and you shall have an Answer that I am sure will please you . The Petition being read by the Clerk of the Crown , the Clerk of the Parliament read the King's Answer ; LE DROICT SOIT FAIT COMME IL EST DESIRE . C. R. Which done , His Majesty added , This I am sure is full , yet no more than I granted you in My first Answer : for the meaning of that was , to confirm all your Liberties ; knowing , according to your own Protestations , that you neither meant nor can hurt My Prerogative : And I assure you , My Maxime is , The Peoples Liberty strengthens the King's Prerogative , and that the King's Prerogative is to defend the Peoples Liberties . You see now how ready I have shewed My self to satisfie your Demands ; so that I have done My part : Wherefore if this Parliament have not an happy Conclusion , the sin is yours , I am free of it . XII . To the House of Commons , at the reading of their Remonstrance , in the Banquetting-House at WHITE-HALL , June , 11. MDCXXVIII . GEntlemen , Upon My Answer to your Petition of Right I expected no such Declaration from you , which containeth divers points of State touching the Church and Common-wealth ; and I do conceive , you do believe I understand them better than your selves . But since the Reading thereof , I perceive you understand these things less than I imagined : Notwithstanding I will take them into My Consideration as they deserve . XIII . To the Lords and Commons at the Prorogation of His Third Parliament , June 26. MDCXXVIII . MY Lords and Gentlemen , It may seem strange that I come so suddenly to end this Session ; therefore before I give My Assent to the Bills , I will tell you the cause ; though I must avow , I ow an account of My Actions to none but God alone . It is known to every one , that a while ago the House of Commons gave Me a Remonstrance , how acceptable every man may judge ; and for the merit of it I will not call that in question , for I am sure no wise man can justifie it . Now since I am certainly informed that a second Remonstrance is preparing for Me , to take away My profit of Tonnage and Poundage , ( one of the chief Maintenances of the Crown ) by alledging , that I have given away My Right thereof by My Answer to your Petition : This is so prejudicial unto Me , that I am forced to end this Session some few hours before I meant it ; being not willing to receive any more Remonstrances , to which I must give a harsh Answer . And since I see that even the House of Commons begins already to make false constructions of what I granted in your Petition , lest it be worse interpreted in the Countrey , I will now make a Declaration concerning the true intent thereof . The Profession of both Houses in the time of hammering this Petition was , no waies to trench upon My Prerogative , saying , they had neither intention , nor power to hurt it . Therefore it must needs be conceived that I have granted no New , but only confirmed the Antient Liberties of My Subjects . Yet to shew the clearness of My intentions , that I neither repent nor mean to recede from any thing I have promised you , I do here declare that those things which have been done , whereby men had some cause to suspect the Liberty of the Subject to be intrench'd upon ( which indeed was the first and true ground of the Petition ) shall not hereafter be drawn into example to your prejudice : and in time to come , in the word of a King , you shall not have the like cause to complain . But as for Tonnage and Poundage , it is a thing I cannot want , and was never intended by you to ask , never meant ( I am sure ) by Me to grant . To conclude , I command you all that are here to take notice of what I have spoken at this time , to be the true intent and meaning of what I granted you in your Petition : but especially you , My Lords the Judges ; for to you only , under Me , belongs the interpretation of the Laws : For none of the Houses of Parliament , joynt or separate , ( what new Doctrine soever may be raised ) have any power either to make or declare a Law , without My Consent . XIV . To the Lords and Commons , in the Banquetting-House at WHITE-HALL , January 24. MDCXXVIII . IX . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The care I have to remove all Obstacles that may hinder the good correspondencie between Me and this Parliament , is the cause I have called you hither at this time ; the particular occasion being a complaint lately made in the Lower-House . And for you , My Lords , I am glad to take this and all other occasions whereby you may clearly understand both My Words and Actions : for as you are nearest in degree , so are you the fittest Witnesses for Kings . The Complaint I speak of is , for staying mens Goods that denied Tonnage and Poundage : And this may have an easy and short Conclusion , if My Words and Actions be rightly understood . For by passing the Bill , as Mine Ancestors have had it , My by-past Actions will be included , and My future Actions authorized : Which certainly would not have been stuck upon , if men had not imagined that I had taken this duty as appertaining to My Hereditary Prerogative : In which they are much deceived ; for it ever was , and still is My meaning , by the gift of My People to enjoy it ; and My intent in My Speech at the end of the last Session was , not to challenge Tonnage and Poundage as of Right , but de bene esse , shewing you the Necessity , not the Right , by which I was to take it , until I had it granted unto Me , assuring My self ( according to your general professions ) that you wanted time , not will , to grant it unto Me. Wherefore now having opportunity , I expect that without loss of time you make good your professions , and so by passing the Bill , put an end to all Questions arising from this subject ; especially since I have cleared all scruples that may trouble you in this business . To conclude , Let us not be jealous of one anothers Actions ; for if I had been easily moved at every occasion , the Order made on Wednesday last might have made Me startle , there being some shew to suspect that you had given your selves the liberty to be Inquirers after Complaints , the words of your Order being somewhat largely penned : but looking into your Actions , I find you here only Complainers , not seeking Complaints ; for I am certain you neither intend nor desire the liberty to be Inquisitors after mens Actions before particular Complaints be made . This I have spoken , to shew how slow I am to believe harshly of your Proceedings : likewise to assure you , that the Houses Resolution , not particular mens speeches , shall make Me judge well or ill : Not doubting but , according to mine example , you will be deaf to ill reports concerning Me , until My Words and Actions speak for themselves ; but , this Session beginning with Confidence one towards the other , it may end with a perfect good understanding between us ; which God grant . XV. To the Lords and Commons , in Answer to their Petition for a Publick Fast , January 31. MDCXXVIII . IX . MY Lords and Gentlemen , the chiefest motive of your Fast being the deplorable estate of the Reformed Churches abroad , is too true ; and our duties are ( so much as in us possibly lyeth ) to give them help : But certainly Fighting will do them more good than Fasting . Though I do not wholly disallow the latter , yet I must tell you , that this Custom of Fasts every Sessions is but lately begun , and I confess I am not so fully satisfied with the necessity of it at this time . Yet to shew you how smoothly I desire our business to go on , eschewing ( as much as I can ) Questions and Jealousies , I do willingly grant your request herein . But with this note , that I expect that this shall not hereafter be brought into Precedent for frequent Fasts , except upon great occasions . As for the Form and Time , I will advise with My Lords the Bishops , and then send you a particular to both Houses . XVI . To the House of Commons , in Answer to their Declaration concerning Tonnage and Poundage , Feb. 3. MDCXXVIII . IX . YOur Declaration being somewhat long , may by reason require some time to reply unto it , since ( as most of you cannot but judge ) that this giveth Me no satisfaction . Therefore I shall give you some short Notes upon it . I cannot think that , whereas you alledge that the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was brought in against the Priviledge of your House , that you will offer to take so much Priviledge from any one of your Members , as not to allow them the liberty to bring in any Bill whatsoever ; though it be in your power when it is brought in , to do with it what you think good . And I cannot imagine how , coming hither only by My Power , and to treat of things I propound unto you , you can deny Me that Prerogative to recommend or offer any Bill unto you . Though in this particular I must profess , that this Bill was not to have been offered you in My Name , as that Member of your House can bear Me witness . As for the cause of delay of My business being Religion , there is none of you shall have a greater care for the true preservation of it than My self ; which since it is confessed by your Answer , ye must either think I want Power , ( which cannot be ) or that I am very ill-counselled , if it be in such danger as you affirm . Though I may say much of this point , I will say no more , but that for all this I shall not stop My Ears unto you upon this subject , so that in form and matter you transgress not your limits . As for Tonnage and Poundage , I do not desire it out of greediness ( being perswaded you will make no stop in it when you take it in hand ) as out of a desire to put an end to all Questions that daily arise between Me and some of My Subjects ; thinking it a strange thing , if you should give ear unto those Complaints , and not take the sure and speedy way to decide them . Besides , I must think it strange , that this business of Religion should be only a hinderer of My Affairs , whereas I am certainly informed , that all other things go on according to their ordinary course . Therefore I must still be instant with you , that you proceed with this business of Tonnage and Poundage with diligence ; not looking to be denied in so just a desire . And you must not think it much , if finding you slack , I shall give you such further quickening as I find cause . XVII . To the House of Lords , at the Dissolving of His Third Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , Mar. 10. MDCXXVIII . IX . MY Lords , I never came here upon so unpleasing an occasion , it being the Dissolution of a Parliament . Therefore men may have some cause to wonder , why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission , it being a general Maxime of Kings , to leave harsh Commands to their Ministers , Themselves only executing pleasing things . Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of Vertue as punishing of Vice , I thought it necessary to come here to day , to declare to you , My Lords , and all the world , that it was merely the undutiful and seditious carriage of the Lower House that hath caused the Dissolution of this Parliament ; and that You , My Lords , are so far from being causes of it , that I take as much Comfort in your dutiful demeanours as I am justly distasted with their Proceedings . Yet to avoid mistakings , let Me tell you , that it is so far from Me to adjudge all that House guilty , that I know there are many there as dutiful Subjects as any in the world ; it being but some few Vipers among them that cast this Mist of undutifulness over most of their Eyes . Yet to say truth , there was a good number there that would not be infected with this Contagion : insomuch that some did express their duties in speaking , which was the general fault of the House the last day . To conclude , As these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment ; so you , My Lords , may justly expect from Me that Favour and Protection that a Good King oweth to His loving and dutiful Nobility . And now , My Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . XVIII . To the Speaker of the House of Commons , April , MDCXL . MAster Speaker , I will only say one word to you ; Now that you are the Speaker , I command you to do the office of a Speaker , which is faithfully to report the great Cause of the Meeting , that My Lord Keeper in My Name did represent unto you the last day : with this assurance , That you giving Me your timely help in this great Affair , I shall give a willing ear to all your just Grievances . XIX . To the House of Lords at WESTMINSTER , April 24. MDCXL . His Majesty said , THAT the cause of His coming was to put them in mind of what had been delivered by the Lord Keeper , in His Name , unto both Houses the first day of the Parliament , and after at White-Hall . How , contrary to His expectation , the House of Commons having held Consultation of matter of Religion , Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , and voted some things concerning those three Heads , had therefore given them the precedence before the matter of His Supply . That His Necessities were such , they could not bear delay . That whatsoever He had by the Lord Keeper promised , He would perform , if the House of Commons would trust Him. For Religion , that His Heart and Conscience went together with the Religion established in the Church of England ; and He would give Order to His Arch-Bishops and Bishops , that no Innovation in matter of Religion should creep in . For the Ship-money , that He never made or intended to make any profit to Himself of it , but only to preserve the Dominion of the Seas ; which was so necessary , that without it the Kingdom could not subsist : But for the way and means , by Ship-money , or otherwise , He left it to them . For Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , He ever intended His People should injoy them , holding no King so Great as he that was King of a rich and free People ; and if they had not Property of Goods and Liberty of Persons , they could be neither rich nor free . That if the House of Commons would not first trust Him , all His Affairs would be disordered , and His business lost . That though they trusted Him in part at first , yet before the Parliament ended He must totally trust them ; and in conclusion , they must , for execution of all things , wholly trust Him. Therefore since the matter was no more than who should be first trusted , and that the trust of Him first was but a trust in part ; He desired the Lords to take into their consideration His and their own Honour , the Safety and Welfare of this Kingdom , with the great Danger it was in , and that they would by their Advice dispose the House of Commons to give His Supply the precedence before the Grievances . XX. To the Lords and Commons , at the Dissolving of His Fourth Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , May 5. MDCXL . MY Lords , There can no occasion of My coming to this House be so unpleasing to Me as this is at this time . The fear of doing that which I am to do at this day made Me not long agoe come to this House , where I expressed as well My fears , as the remedies I thought necessary for the eschewing of it . Unto which I must confess and acknowledge that you , My Lords of the Higher House , did give me so willing an ear , and with such affection did shew your selves thereafter , that certainly I may say , if there had been any means to have given an happy end to this Parliament , you took it : So that it was neither your Lordships fault nor Mine , that it is not so . Therefore in the first place I must give your Lordships thanks for your good endeavours . I hope you remember what My Lord Keeper said to you the first day of the Parliament , in My Name ; what likewise he said in the Banquetting-House in White-Hall ; and what I lately said to you in this place My self . I name all this unto you , not in doubt that you do not well remember it , but to shew , that I never said any thing in way of favour to My People , but that , by the Grace of God , I will really and punctually perform it . I know that they have insisted very much on Grievances , and I will not say but that there may be some ; though I will confidently affirm , that there are not by many degrees so many as the publick voice doth make them . Wherefore I desire you to take notice , now especially at this time , that out of Parliament I shall be as ready ( if not more willing ) to hear and redress any just Grievances as in Parliament . There is one thing which is much spoken of , though not so much insisted on as others , and that is Religion : Concerning which albeit I expressed My self fully the last day in this place to your Lordships , yet I think it fit again on this occasion to tell you , that as I am most concerned , so I shall be most careful to preserve that purity of Religion which , I thank God , is so well established in the Church of England ; and that as well out as in Parliament . My Lords , I shall not trouble you long with words , it being not My fashion : wherefore to conclude , What I offered the last day to the House of Commons I think is well known to you all , as likewise how they accepted it ; which I desire not to remember , but wish that they had remembred , how at first they were told , in My Name , by My Lord Keeper , That Delay was the worst kind of Denial . Yet I will not lay this fault on the whole House , for I will not judge so uncharitably of those whom for the most part I take to be Loyal and well-affected Subjects ; but that it hath been the malicious cunning of some few seditiously-affected men that hath been the cause of this Misunderstanding . I shall now end as I began , in giving your Lordships thanks for your affection shewed to Me at this time ; desiring you to go on to assist Me in the maintaining of that Regal Power that is truly Mine . And as for the Liberty of the People , that they now so much seem to startle at , know , My Lords , that no King in the World shall be more careful to maintain them in the Property of their Goods , Liberty of their Persons , and true Religion , than I shall be . And now , My Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . XXI . To the Great Council of Lords at YORK , September 24. MDCXL . MY Lords , Upon sudden Invasions , where the dangers are near and instant , it hath been the custom of My Predecessors to assemble the Great Council of the Peers , by their Advice and Assistance to give a timely remedy to such evils as cannot admit a delay , so long as must of necessity be allowed for the assembling the Parliament . This being our condition at this time , and an Army of Rebels lodged within the Kingdom , I thought it most fit to conform My self to the practice of My Predecessors in like cases , that with your advice and assistance we might joyntly proceed to the chastisement of their Insolencies , and securing of Our good Subjects . In the first place I must let you know , that I desire nothing more than to be rightly understood of My People ; and to that end I have of My self resolved to call a Parliament , having already given order to My Lord Keeper to issue out the Writs instantly , so that the Parliament may be assembled by the third of November next : Whither if My Subjects bring the like good affections as I do , it shall not fail on My part to make it a happy Meeting . In the mean time there are two points to be considered , wherein I shall desire your Advice , which indeed is the chief cause of your Meeting . First , What Answer to give to the Petition of the Rebels , and in what manner to treat with them . Of which that you may give a sure judgement , I have ordered that your Lordships shall be clearly and truly informed of the state of the whole business ; and upon what reasons the Advices that My Privy Counsel unanimously gave Me were grounded . Secondly , How My Army shall be kept on foot and maintained till the supplies of a Parliament may be had . For so long as the Scots Army remains in England , I think no man will counsel Me to disband Mine : for that would be an unspeakable loss to all this part of the Kingdom , by subjecting them to the greedy appetite of the Rebels ; beside the unspeakable dishonour that would thereby fall upon this Nation . XXII . To the Lords and Commons , at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament , at WESTMINSTER , November 3. MDCXL . MY Lords , The knowledge that I had of the Designs of My Scotish Subjects was the cause of My calling the last Assembly of Parliament ; wherein had I been believed , I sincerely think that things had not fallen out as now we see . But it is no wonder that men are so slow to believe that so great a Sedition should be raised on so little ground . But now , My Lords and Gentlemen , the Honour and Safety of this Kingdom lying so nearly at stake , I am resolved to put My self freely and clearly on the love and affections of My English Subjects , as those of My Lords that did wait on Me at York very well remember I there declared . Therefore , My Lords , I shall not mention Mine own Interest , or that Support I might justly expect from you , till the Common Safety be secured : Though I must tell you , I am not ashamed to say , those charges I have been at have been meerly for the securing and good of this Kingdom , though the success hath not been answerable to My desires . Therefore I shall only desire you to consider the best way both for the safety and security of this Kingdom ; wherein are two things chiefly considerable : First , the chasing out of the Rebels ; and secondly , that other in satisfying your just Grievances ; wherein I shall promise you to concur so heartily and clearly with you , that all the world may see , My intentions have ever been , and shall be , to make this a glorious and flourishing Kingdom . There are only Two things more that I shall mention to you . The one is , to tell you , that the lone of Money which I lately had from the City of London , wherein the Lords that waited on Me at York assisted Me , will only maintain My Army for two months , from the beginning of that time it was granted . Now , My Lords and Gentlemen , I leave it to your considerations , what dishonour and mischief it might be , in case for want of Money My Army be disbanded before the Rebels be put out of this Kingdom . Secondly , the securing the Calamities the Northern People endure at this time , and so long as the Treaty is on foot : And in this I may say , not only they , but all this Kingdom will suffer the harm . Therefore I leave this also to your Consideration . For the ordering of these Great Affairs whereof you are to treat at this time , I am so confident of your love to Me , and that your care is such for the Honour and Safety of the Kingdom , that I shall freely and willingly leave to you where to begin : Only this , that you may the better know the state of all the Affairs , I have commanded My Lord Keeper to give you a short and free account of those things that have happened in this interim ; with this Protestation , that if his account be not satisfactory as it ought to be , I shall , whensoever you desire it , give you a full and perfect account of every particular . One thing more I desire of you , as one of the greatest means to make this an happy Parliament , That you on your parts , as I on Mine , lay aside all suspicion one of another . As I promised My Lords at York , it shall not be My fault , if this be not a happy and good Parliament . XXIII . To the House of Lords , at WESTMINSTER , Nov. 5. MDCXL . MY Lords , I do expect that you will hastily make Relation to the House of Commons of those Great Affairs for which I have called you hither at this time , and of the trust I have reposed in them , and how freely I put My self on their love and affections at this time : And that you may know the better how to do so , I shall explain My self concerning one thing I spake the last day . I told you , the Rebels must be put out of this Kingdom . 'T is true , I must needs call them so , so long as they have an Army that does invade us , although I am under Treaty with them , and under My Great Seal do call them Subjects ; and so they are too . But the state of My Affairs in short is this : It 's true , I did expect , when I did will My Lords and Great ones to be at York , to have given a gracious Answer to all their Grievances ; for I was in good hope by their Wisdoms and Assistances to have made an end of that business : but I must tell you that My Subjects of Scotland did so delay them , that it was not possible to end there . Therefore I can no ways blame My Lords that were at Rippon , that the Treaty was not ended ; but must thank them for their pains and industry . And certainly , had they as much power as affections , I should by this time have brought these distempers to a happy period . So that now the Treaty is transported from Rippon to London ; where I shall conclude nothing without your knowledge , and I doubt not but by your approbation : for I do not desire to have this great Work done in a corner ; for I shall lay open all the steps of this Misunderstanding , and the causes of the great Differences between Me and My Subjects of Scotland . And I doubt not but by your assistance to make them know their Duty , and also by your assistance to make them return whether they will or no. XXIV . To the Lords and Commons , at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL , Jan. 25. MDCXL . XLI . MY Lords , and you the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses , The principal cause of My coming here at this time is by reason of the slow proceedings in Parliament , touching which is a great deal of inconvenience : Therefore I think it very necessary to lay before you the state of My Affairs as they now stand , thereby to hasten , not to interrupt , your proceedings . First , I must remember you that there are two Armies in the Kingdom , in a manner maintained by you ; the very naming of which doth more clearly shew the inconvenience thereof than a better tongue than Mine can express . Therefore in the first place I shall commend unto you the quick dispatch of that business . In the next place , I must recommend unto you the state of My Navy and Forts ; the condition of both which is so well known unto you , that I need not tell you the particulars : Only thus much , they are the walls and defence of this Kingdom , which if out of order , all men may easily judge what encouragement it will be to our Enemies , and what disheartning to our Friends . Last of all , and not the least to be considered , I must lay before you the Distractions that are at this present occasioned through the connivence of Parliament : for there are some men that , more maliciously than ignorantly , will put no difference between Reformation and Alteration of Government . Hence it cometh that Divine Service is irreverently interrupted ; and Petitions in an ill way given in , neither disputed nor denied . But I will enter into no more particulars , but shew you a way of Remedy , by shewing you My clear intentions , and some Rocks that may hinder this Good Work. I shall willingly and chearfully concur with you for the Reformation of all Innovations both in Church and Commonwealth ; and consequently , that all Courts of Justice may be reformed according to Law. For My intention is clearly to reduce all things to the best and purest times , as they were in the time of Queen Elizabeth . Moreover , whatsoever part of My Revenue shall be found illegal or heavy to My Subjects , I shall be willing to lay down , trusting in their Affections . Having thus clearly and shortly set down My intentions , I will shew you some Rubs ; and must needs take notice of some very strange ( I know not what term to give them ) Petitions , given in in the names of divers Counties against the present established Government of the Church , and of the great threatnings against the Bishops , that they will make them to be but Cyphers , or at least their Voices to be taken away . Now I must tell you , that I make a great difference between Reformation and Alteration of Government : Though I am for the first , I cannot give way to the latter . If some of them have overstretched their power , and incroached too much upon the Temporalty , if it be so , I shall not be unwilling these things should be redressed and reformed , as all other Abuses , according to the wisdom of former times : So far I shall go with you . Nay further , if upon serious debate you shall shew Me that Bishops have some Temporal Authority inconvenient to the State , and not so necessary for the Government of the Church and upholding Episcopal Jurisdiction , I shall not be unwilling to desire them to lay it down . But this must not be understood , that I shall any way consent that their Voices in Parliament should be taken away : For in all the times of My Predecessors , since the Conquest and before , they have enjoyed it ; and I am bound to maintain them in it , as one of the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom . There is another Rock you are on , not in Substance , but in Form ; yet the Form is so essential , that unless it be reformed , it will marr the Substance . There is a Bill lately put in concerning Parliaments . The thing I like well , to have frequent Parliaments : But to give power to Sheriffs and Constables , and I know not whom , to use My Authority , that I cannot yield unto . But to shew you that I am desirous to give you contentment ●n Forms which destroy not the Substance , you shall have a Bill for this purpose , so that it trench neither against My Honour , nor against the ancient Prerogative of the Crown concerning Parliaments . To which purpose I have commanded My Learned Counsel to wait on you , My Lords , with such Propositions as I hope will give you content . For I ingenuously confess that frequent Parliaments are the best means to keep a right understanding between Me and My People , which I so much desire . To conclude , I have now shewed you the state of My Affairs , My Own clear intentions , and the Rocks I wish you to eschew : in all which you may perceive the desire I have to give you content ; as you shall find also by those Ministers I have or shall have about Me , for the effecting of these My good intentions , which I doubt not will bring peace and happiness to My Subjects , and contentment to you All. Concerning the Conference , you shall have a direct Answer on Monday , which shall give you satisfaction . XXV . To the Lords and Commons , in Answer to their Remonstrance about Papists , Feb. 3. MDCXL . XLI . HAving taken into My serious Consideration the late Remonstrance of the Houses of Parliament , I give you this Answer : That I take in good part your care of the true Religion established in this Kingdom , from which I will never depart ; as also your tenderness of My Safety , and the Security of this State and Government . It is against My mind that Popery or Superstition should any way increase within this Kingdom ; I will restrain the same by causing the Laws to be put in execution . I am resolved to provide against the Jesuits and Papists , by setting forth a Proclamation with all speed , commanding them to depart the Kingdom within one Month : of which if they fail , or shall return , then they shall be proceeded against according to the Laws . Concerning Rosetti , I give you to understand that the Queen hath always assured Me , that to Her knowledge he hath no Commission , but only to retain a Personal Correspondence between Her and the Pope in things requisite for the exercise of Her Religion , which is warranted to Her by the Articles of Marriage , which gave Her a full liberty of Conscience . Yet I have perswaded Her , that since the misunderstanding of that Persons condition gives offence , She will within a convenient time remove him . Moreover , I will take a special care to restrain My Subjects from resorting to Mass at Denmark-House , Saint James's , and the Chappels of Ambassadors . Lastly , concerning John Goodman the Priest , I will let you know the reason why I reprieved him , that as I am informed , neither Queen Elizabeth nor My Father did ever avow , that any Priest in their times was executed merely for Religion , which to Me seems to be this particular Case . Yet seeing that I am pressed by both Houses to give way to this , because I will avoid the inconvenience of giving so great discontent to My People as I conceive this Mercy may produce , therefore I do remit this particular case to both the Houses . But I desire them to take into their Considerations the inconveniences ( as I conceive ) that may upon this occasion fall upon My Subjects and other Protestants abroad , especially since it may seem to other States to be a severity . Which having thus represented , I think My self discharged from all ill consequences that may ensue upon the Execution of this person . XXVI . To the House of Lords , at WESTMINSTER , Feb. 10. MDCXL . XLI . MY Lords , That freedom and confidence which I expressed at the beginning of this Parliament to have of your love and fidelity towards My Person and Estate , hath made Me at this time come hither to acquaint you with that Alliance and Confederacy which I intend to make with the Prince of Orange and the States ; which before this time I did not think expedient to do , because that part I do desire your Advice and Assistance upon was not ready to be treated on . I will not trouble you with a long digression , by shewing the steps of this Treaty , but leave you to be satisfied in that by those who under Me do manage that Affair . Only I shall shew you the reasons which have induced Me to it , and in what I expect your Assistance and Counsel . The Considerations that have induced Me to it are these . First , the matter of Religion : Here needs no Dispensation ; no fear that My Daughter's Conscience may be any way perverted . Secondly , I do esteem that a strict Alliance and Confederacy with the States will be as useful to this Kingdom as that with any of My Neighbou●● ; especially considering their Affinity , Neighbourhood , and way of their Strength . And lastly , ( which I must never forget in these occasions ) the use I may make of this Alliance towards the establishing of My Sister and Nephews . Now to shew you in what I desire your Assistance , You must know that the Articles of Marriage are in a manner concluded , but not to be totally ratified until that of Alliance be ended and agreed ; which before I demanded your assistance , I did not think fit to enter upon . And that I may not leave you too much at large how to begin that Counsel , I present you here the Propositions which are offered by Me to the States Ambassadours for that intent . And so , My Lords , I shall only desire you to make as much expedition in your Counsels , as so great a business shall require , and shall leave your Lordships to your own free debate . XXVII . To the Lords and Commons , at His Passing the Bill for Triennial Parliaments , at WESTMINSTER , Feb. 15. MDCXL . XLI . MY Lords , and you the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses of the House of Commons : You may remember , when both Houses were with Me at the Banquetting-House at White-Hall , I did declare unto you two Rocks I wished you to eschew : This is one of them , and of that consequence , that I think never Bill passed here in this House of more favour to the Subject than this is . And if the other Rock be as happily passed over as this shall be at this time , I do not know what you can ask , for ought I can see , at this time , that I can make any question to yield unto . Therefore I mention this , to shew unto you the sense that I have of this Bill , and the Obligation , as I may say , that you have to Me for it . For hitherto , to speak freely , I had no great incouragement to do it ; if I should look to the outward face of your Actions or Proceedings , and not to the inward Intentions of your hearts , I might make question of doing it . Hitherto you have gone on in that which concerns your selves to amend , and not in those things that nearly concern the strength of this Kingdom , neither for the State , nor My Own particular . This I mention , not to reproach you , but to shew you the state of things as they are . You have taken the Government all in pieces , and I may say it is almost off the Hinges : A skilful Watch-maker , to make clean his Watch , will take it asunder , and when it is put together it will go the better ; so that he leave not out one pin of it . Now as I have done all this on My part , you know what to do on yours : And I hope you shall see clearly , that I have performed really what I expressed to you at the beginning of this Parliament , of the great trust I have of your affections to Me. And this is the great expression of trust , that before you do any thing for Me , I do put such a Confidence in you . XXVIII . To the Lords and Commons , about Disbanding the Armies in Ireland and England at the Banquetting-House in WHITE-HALL , April 28. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , For Answer to your Desires , I say , First , Concerning the removal of Papists from Court , I am sure you all know what legal trust the Crown hath in this particular : and therefore I need not say any thing to give you assurance that I shall use it so that there shall be no just cause of Scandal . Secondly , For disarming of Papists , I am very well content it shall be done according to Law. Thirdly , For the Irish Army , you must understand , I am already upon Consultation how to disband it ; but I find many difficulties in it : therefore I hold it not only fit to wish it , but to shew the way how it may be conveniently done . This is not all I desire ; but since you have mentioned the disbanding of Armies , it is My Duty to My Country , to wish for disbanding of all Armies , and to restore the same Peace to all My three Kigndoms that the King My Father did leave them in : And I conjure you , as you will answer the same to God and to your Country , to join with Me heartily and speedily for the disbanding of the two Armies in England . This is a very good time to speak of it ; and there are but two waies to do it . One is , to answer their Petitions : and the second is , to provide Monies . You are Masters of the one , and , with Me , you are Judges of the other . And you shall not be readier ( nor so ready ) to bring this to a happy Conclusion , than I My self shall be . XXIX . To the House of Lords , concerning the Bill of Attainder of the Earl of STRAFFORD , at WESTMINSTER , May 1. MDCXLI . MY Lords , I had no intention to have spoken to you of this business this day , which is the great business concerning My Lord of Strafford , because I would do nothing that might serve to hinder your occasions . But now it comes so to pass , that seeing of necessity I must have part in the Judgment , I think it most necessary for Me to declare My Conscience therein . I am sure you all know , I have been present at the hearing of this great Case from the one end to the other : And I must tell you , that in My Conscience I cannot condemn him of High Treason . It is not fit for Me to argue this business ; I am sure you will not expect that : A Positive Doctrine best becomes the Mouth of a Prince . Yet I must tell you three Truths , which I am sure no man can tell so well as My self . First , That I had never any intention of bringing over the Irish Army into England , nor ever was advised by any body so to do . Secondly , That there was never any debate before Me , either in Publick Counsel or Private Committee , of the disloyalty of my English Subjects , nor ever had I any suspicion of them . Thirdly , That I never was counselled by any to alter the least of any of the Laws of England , much less to alter all the Laws . Nay , I tell you this , I think no body durst ever be so impudent as to move Me to it : For if they had , I should have made them such an Example , and put such a mark upon them , that all Posterity should know My intentions by it ; for My intention was ever to govern by the Law , and no otherwise . I desire to be rightly understood : for though I tell you in My Conscience I cannot condemn him of High Treason , yet I cannot say I can clear him of Misdemeanours . Therefore I hope you may find out a way to satisfie Justice and your own fears , and not oppress My Conscience . My Lords , I hope you know what a tender thing Conscience is ; and I must declare unto you , that to satisfie the People I would do great matters : but in this of Conscience , neither Fear nor any other respect whatsoever shall ever make Me go against it . Certainly I have not deserved so ill of this Parliament at this time , that they should press Me in this tender ; therefore I cannot suspect you will go about it . Nay , for Misdeameanours I am so clear in them , that , though I will not chalk out the way , yet I will shew you , that I think My Lord of Strafford is not fit hereafter to serve Me or the Common-wealth in any place of Trust , no not so much as a Constable . Therefore I leave it to you , My Lords , to find out some such way as to bring Me out of this Streight , and keep your selves and the Kingdom from such inconveniences . XXX . To the Lords and Commons , at His passing the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage , Jun. 22. MDCXLI . I Do very willingly accept your offer made at this time as a testimony of your Love and beginning of your dutiful affections to Me ; and I no waies doubt but that you will perform that which you have intimated unto Me , and that in due time you will perform the rest , when you have leisure . I do not doubt likewise , but that in passing this Bill you will see a testimony of the trust and confidence I have in your affections ; as also that I omit no occasion whereby I may shew that affection to My People that I desire My People would shew to Me : as in this Parliament hitherto , no body can say but that I have sought occasions both to shew My affections unto them , and to remove disputes . And therefore in this particular Bill I hope you will know , that I do freely and frankly give over the Right that My Predecessors have ever challenged unto Them , though , I confess , disputed , but yet they did never yield in Their times . Therefore you will understand this but a mark of My confidence , to put My self wholly upon the love and affection of My People for My Subsistence . And therefore I hope that in prosecution of this you will go on as you have said ; and that though you have rumours of jealousies and suspitions , by flying and idle discourses that have come to My ears , concerning the extraordinary way , I confess I never understood it otherwise than as having relation to the Scotish Army and preventing insurrection , which vanished as soon as they were born . And therefore now you see My clearness , I leave that to you , and will not meddle with it one way or other ; for I never had other design , but to win the affections of My People by My Justice in My Government . XXXI . To the Lords and Commons , at His passing the Bills for taking away the High Commission and Star-Chamber , and regulating the Council-Table , July 5. MDCXLI . I Come to do the Office which I forbore to do on Saturday last , to give determination to these two Bills . But before I do it , I must tell you , that I cannot but be very sensible of those reports of discontent that I hear some have taken for not giving My consent on Saturday . Me thinks it seems strange that any one should think , I could pass two Bills of that importance that these were without taking some fit time to consider of them ; for it is no less than to alter , in a great measure , those Fundamental Laws , Ecclesiastical and Civil , which many of My Predecessors have established . If you consider what I have done this Parliament , discontent will not sit in your hearts : For I hope you remember that I have granted , That the Judges hereafter shall hold their places quam diu se bene gesserint ; I have bounded the Forests , not according to My Right , but according to late Customs ; I have established the Property of the Subjects , witness the free giving , not taking away , the Ship-money ; I have established by Act of Parliament the Property of the Subject in Tonnage and Poundage , which never was done in any of My Predecessors times ; I have granted a Law for Triennial Parliaments , and given way to an Act for the securing of Moneys advanced for the disbanding of the Armies ; I have given free course of Justice against Delinquents ; I have put the Law in execution against Papists : Nay , I have given way to every thing that you have asked of Me ; and therefore Me thinks you should not wonder if in some things I begin to refuse . But I hope it shall not hinder your progress in your great affairs , and I will not stick upon trivial matters to give you content . I hope you are sensible of these beneficial favours bestowed on you at this time . To conclude , You know that by your consent there is a prefixed time set for my going into Scotland , and there is an absolute necessity for it ; I do not know but that things may so fall that it may be shortned : Therefore I hope you will hasten the dispatching of those great businesses that now are necessary to be done , and leave trivial and superficial matters to another meeting . For My part , I shall omit nothing that may give you just contentment , and study nothing more than your happiness , and thereof I hope you shall see a very good testimony by passing these two Bills . LE ROY LE VEULT . I have one word more to speak to you , and I take now an occasion to present it unto both Houses , that thereby all the world shall see that there is a good understanding between Me and My People . It is concerning My Nephew the Prince Elector Palatine , who having desired Me and the King of Denmark to give way to a Writing concerning the Deit at Ratisbone with the Emperour , I could not but send My Ambassador to assist him , though I am afraid I shall not have so good an Answer as I expect ; which My Nephew foreseeing , hath desired Me , for the better countenance of the same , to make a Manifesto in My Name : which is a thing of great consequence , and should I do it alone , without the advice of My Parliament , it would rather be a scorn than otherwise : Therefore I do propose it unto you , that if you will advise Me to it , I think it were very fit to be published in My Name . XXXII . To the Scotish Parliament , at EDINBURGH , Aug. 19. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , There hath nothing been so displeasing to Me as those unlucky Differences which have happened between Me and My People ; and nothing that I have more desired than to see this day , wherein I hope not only to settle these unhappy mistakings , but rightly to know and to be known of My Native Countrey . I need not tell you ( for I think it is well known to most ) what difficulties I have passed through and overcome to be here at this present : Yet this I will say , If Love to My Native Countrey had not been a chief motive to this journey , other respects might easily have found a shift to do that by a Commission which I am come to perform My self . And this considered , I cannot doubt of such real testimonies of your affections for the maintenance of that Royal Power which I enjoy after an hundred and eight Descents , and which you have professed to maintain , and to which your own National Oath doth oblige you , that I shall not think any pains ill-bestowed . Now the end of My coming is shortly this , to perfect whatsoever I have promised , and withal to quiet the Distractions which have and may fall out amongst you : And this I mind not superficially , but fully and chearfully to perform . For I assure you that I can do nothing with more chearfulness , than to give My People a general satisfaction . Wherefore not offering to endear My self unto you in words ( which indeed is not My way ) I desire in the first place to settle that which concerns the Religion and just Liberties of this My Native Countrey , before I proceed to any other Act. XXXIII . To the Lords and Commons , after His return out of Scotland , at WESTMINSTER , Dec. 2. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I think it fit after , so long absence , at this first occasion to speak a few words unto you : but it is no ways in answer to Master Speaker's Learned Speech . Albeit I have stayed longer than I expected to have done when I went away ; yet in this I have kept My promise with you , that I have made all the hast back again that the setling of My Scotch affairs couldany ways permit . In which I have had so good success , that I will confidently affirm to you , that I have left that Nation a most peaceable and contented People : So that although I have a little misreckoned in Time , yet I was not deceived in My End. But if I have deceived your expectations a little in the time of My return , yet I am assured that My expectation is as much and more deceived in the condition wherein I hoped to have found some businesses at My return . For since that before My going I setled the Liberties of My Subjects , and gave the Law a free and orderly course , I expected to have found My People reaping the fruits of these benefits , by living in quietness and satisfaction of mind : But in stead of this , I find them disturbed with Jealousies , Frights , and Alarms of dangerous designs and plots ; in consequence of which Guards have been set to defend both Houses . I say not this as in doubt that My Subjects affections are any way lessened to Me in this time of My absence , for I cannot but remember to My great comfort , the joyful reception I had now at My Entry into London ; but rather , as I hope that My presence will easily disperse these fears . For I bring as perfect and true affections to My People as ever Prince did , or as good Subjects can possibly desire . And I am so far from repenting Me of any Act I have done this Session for the good of My People , that I protest if it were to do again , I would do it ; and will yet grant what else can be justly desired for satisfaction in point of Liberties , or in maintenance of the true Religion that is here established . Now I have but one particular to recommend unto you at this time , It is Ireland ; for which though I doubt not your care , yet Me thinks the preparations for it go but slowly on . The occasion is the fitter for Me now to mention it , because of the arrival of two Lords from Scotland , who come instructed from My Council there ( who now by Act of Parliament have full power for that purpose ) to answer that Demand which it pleased both Houses to make of Me by way of Petition that met Me at Barwick , and which the Duke of Richmond sent back by My Command to My Scotch Council : Therefore My desire is , that both Houses would appoint a select Committee to end this business with these Noblemen . I must conclude in telling you , that I seek My Peoples Happiness ; for their flourishing is My greatest glory , and their affections My greatest strength . XXXIV . To the Lords and Commons , concerning IRELAND , and the Bill for Pressing Souldiers , Decemb. 14. MDCXLI . MY Lords and Gentlemen , The last time I was in this place , and the last thing that I recommended unto you was the business of Ireland ; whereby I was in good hope that I should not have needed again to have put you in mind of that business . But still seeing the slow proceedings therein , and the dayly Dispatches that I have out of Ireland , of the lamentable estate of My Protestant Subjects there , I cannot but again earnestly commend the dispatch of that Expedition unto you ; for it is the chief business that at this time I take to heart , and there cannot almost be any business that I can have more care of . I might now take up some of your time in expressing My detestation of Rebellions in general , and of this in particular . But knowing that Deeds and not Declarations must suppress this great insolency , I do here in a word offer you whatsoever My power , pains , or industry can contribute to this good and necessary work of reducing the Irish Nation to their true and wonted obedience . And that nothing may be omitted on My part , I must here take notice of the Bill for Pressing of Souldiers , now depending among you , My Lords : concerning which , I here declare , that in case it come so to Me as it may not infringe or diminish My Prerogative , I will pass it . And further , seeing there is a dispute raised ( I being little beholding to him whosoever at this time began it ) concerning the bounds of this antient and undoubted Prerogative , to avoid further debate at this time , I offer that the Bill may pass with a salvo jure both for King and People , leaving such debates to a time that may better bear them . If this be not accepted , the fault is not Mine that this Bill pass not , but theirs that refuse so fair an offer . To conclude , I conjure you by all that is or can be dear to you or Me , that laying away all disputes , you go on chearfully and speedily for the reducing of Ireland . XXXV . To the House of Commons , about the Five Members , January 4. MDCXLI . II. GEntlemen , I am sorry for this occasion of coming unto you . Yesterday I sent a Serjeant at Arms upon a very important occasion , to apprehend some that by My Command were accused of High Treason ; whereunto I did expect Obedience , and not a Message . And I must declare unto you here , that albeit no King that ever was in England shall be more careful of your Priviledges , to maintain them to the uttermost of His Power , than I shall be ; yet you must know , that in cases of Treason no person hath a Priviledge . And therefore I am come to know if any of those persons that were accused are here . For I must tell you , Gentlemen , that so long as those persons that I have accused ( for no slight crime , but for Treason ) are here , I cannot expect that this House can be in the right way that I do heartily wish it . Therefore I am come to tell you , that I must have them wheresoever I find them . Well , sithence I see all the Birds are flown , I do expect from you , that you shall send them unto Me as soon as they return hither . But I assure you in the word of a King , I never did intend any force , but shall proceed against them in a legal and fair way , for I never meant any other . And now sithence I see I cannot do what I came for , I think this no unfit occasion to repeat what I have said formerly , That whatsoever I have done in favour and to the good of My Subjects , I do mean to maintain it . I will trouble you no more , but tell you , I do expect , as soon as they do come to the House , you will send them to Me ; otherwise I must take My Own course to find them . XXXVI . To the Citizens of LONDON , at GUILD-HALL , January 5. MDCXLI . II. GEntlemen , I am come to demand such Prisoners as I have already attained of High Treason , and do believe they are shrowded in the City . I hope no good man will keep them from Me ; their offences are Treason and Misdemeanours of an high nature . I desire your loving assistance herein , that they may be brought to a Legal Trial. And whereas there are divers suspicions raised that I am a favourer of the Popish Religion , I do profess in the name of a King , that I did and ever will , and that to the utmost of My power , be a prosecutor of all such as shall any ways oppose the Laws and Statutes of this Kingdom , either Papist or Separatist ; and not only so , but I will maintain and defend that true Protestant Religion which My Father did profess , and I will still continue in during Life . XXXVII . To the Committe of both Houses , at the delivery of the Petition for the Militia , at THEORALDS , Mar. 1. MDCXLI . II. I Am so amazed at this Message , that I know not what to answer . You speak of Jealousies and Fears ; lay your hands to your hearts , and ask your selves whether I may not likewise be disturbed with Fears and Jealousies : and if so , I assure you , this Message hath nothing lessened them . For the Militia , I thought so much of it before I sent that Answer , and am so much assured that the Answer is agreeable to what in justice or reason you can ask , or I in Honour grant , that I shall not alter it in any point . For my residence near you , I wish it might be so safe and honourable , that I had no cause to absent My self from White-Hall : Ask your selves whether I have not . For My Son , I shall take that care of him which shall justifie Me to God as a Father , and to My Dominions as a King. To conclude , I assure you upon My Honour that I have no thought but of Peace and Justice to My People : which I shall by all fair means seek to preserve and maintain , relying upon the goodness and providence of God for the preservation of My Self and Rights . XXXVIII . To the Committee of both Houses , at the presenting of their Declaration , at NEW-MARKET , March 9. MDCXLI . II. I Am confident that you expect not I should give you a speedy Answer to this strange and unexpected Declaration : And I am sorry ( in the Distractions of this Kingdom ) you should think this way of Address to be more convenient than that proposed by My Message of the 20th of Jan. last to both Houses . As concerning the grounds of your Fears and Jealousies , I will take time to answer particularly ; and doubt not but I shall do it to the satisfaction of all the world . God in his good time will , I hope , discover the secrets and bottoms of all Plots and Treasons ; and then I shall stand right in the eyes of all My People . In the mean time I must tell you , that I rather expected a vindication from the imputation laid on Me in Master Pym's Speech , than that any more general Rumours and Discourses should get credit with you . For My Fears and Doubts , I did not think they should have been thought so groundless or trivial , while so many seditious Pamphlets and Sermons are looked upon , and so great Tumults remembred , unpunished , uninquired into . I still confess My Fears , and call God to witness , that they are greater for the true Protestant Profession , My People and Laws , than for My own Rights or Safety ; though I must tell you , I conceive that none of these are free from danger . What would you have ? Have I violated your Laws ? Have I denied to pass any one Bill for the ease and security of My Subjects ? I do not ask you what you have done for Me. Have any of My People been transported with Fears and Apprehensions ? I have offered as free and general a Pardon as your selves can devise . All this considered , There is a Judgment from Heaven upon this Nation if these Distractions continue . God so deal with Me and Mine , as all My thoughts and intentions are upright for the maintenance of the true Protestant Profession , and for the Observation and Preservation of the Laws of this Land : And I hope God will bless and assist those Laws for My preservation . As for the Additional Declaration , you are to expect an Answer to it when you shall receive the Answer to the Declaration it self . Some Passages that happened Mar. 9. between His Majesty and the Committee of both Houses , when the Declaration was delivered . When His Majesty heard that part of the Declaration which mentioned Master Jermin's Transportation , His Majesty interrupted the Earl of Holland in reading , and said , That 's false : which being afterwards touch'd upon again , His Majesty then said , 'T is a lie : And when He was informed , it related not to the Date , but the Execution of the Warrant , His Majesty said , It might have been better expressed then ; and that it was a high thing to tax a King with breach of Promise . As for this Declaration , I could not have believed the Parliament would have sent Me such an one , if I had not seen it brought by such persons of Honour . I am sorry for the Parliament , but glad I have it : For by that I doubt not to satisfie My People ; though I am confident the greater part is so already . Ye speak of ill Counsels ; but I am confident the Parliament hath had worse Informations than I have had Counsels . His Majesty asking what he had denied the Parliament ; the Earl of Holland instanced that of the Militia : His Majesty replyed , That was no Bill . The Earl then said , It was a necessary request at this time : His Majesty also replied , He had not denied it . What passed next day , when His Majesty delivered His Answer . The Earl of Holland having read His Majesty's Answer to the rest of the Committee , endeavoured to perswade His Majesty to come near the Parliament . To which His Majesty answered , I would you had given Me cause ; but I am sure this Declaration is not the way to it : and in all Aristotle's Rhetoricks there is no such Argument of Perswasion . The Earl of Pembrook thereupon telling His Majesty , that the Parliament had humbly besought His Majesty to come near them , as aforesaid ; His Majesty replyed , He had learnt by their Declaration that words were not sufficient . The Earl again moving His Majesty to express what He would have , His Majesty said , He would whip a Boy in Westminster - School that could not tell that by His Answer : And , That they were much mistaken , if they thought His Answer of that a Denial . The Earl of Pembrook then asking , whether the Militia might not be granted as was desired by the Parliament , for a time ; His Majesty answered , Not for an hour . You have ask'd that of Me in this was never ask'd of a King , and with which I will not trust My Wife and Children . His Majesty also said , The business of Ireland will never be done in the way that you are in : Four hundred will never do that work : it must be put into the hands of One. If I were trusted with it , I will pawn My Head to end that work . And though I am a Begger My self , yet ( speaking with a strong asseveration ) I can find Money for that . XXXIX . To the Gentry of Yorkshire , when they presented their Petition ; April 5. MDCXLII . MAster Sheriff , and Gentlemen , I believe you expect not a present and particular answer to your Petition , because it is new to Me. Only in general I must tell you , that I see by it that I am not deceived in the Confidence I have in the affections of this County to my Person and State : And I assure you , that I will not deceive your Confidence , which at this time you have declared in your Petition to have in Me , and I am glad to see that it is not upon mistaken grounds , as other Petitions have been to Me since I came to this place . Concerning which let Me observe unto you , that my Answers were to clear those mistakings : for I never did go about to punish or discourage them from Petitioning to Me in an humble way , though the subject did not agree with My sense ; albeit within the memory of man people have been discouraged and threatned to be punished for Petitions . I observe that your Petition is so modest , that it doth not mention any particular for your own good ; which indeed I expected , as knowing that in some particulars you have great reason to do it . And therefore that you may not fare the worse for your Modesty , I will put you in mind of three particulars which I conceive to be for the good of this Country . The first is concerning your trained Bands , to reduce them to a lesser number ; for which I confess to stand ingaged by promise to you , which I had performed long since ; if I had been put in mind of it . And now I tell you , shew Me but the way , and , when you shall think fit , I shall instantly reduce them to that number which I promised you two years ago . The second is , that which is owing to this Countrey for Billet-money . The truth is , that for the present I cannot repay it : Only I will say this , that if all the water had gone to the right Mill , upon My word you had been long ago satisfied in this particular . And so I leave to your discretions , which way you will advise and assist Me to comply with the engagements to you in this point . The third is , that for which I was petitioned as I came up the last year both by the Lord Mayor and Aldermen of this City , and likewise by divers others of this County as I went Southward , and that is concerning the Court of York . And first let me tell you , that as yet I know no legal Dissolution of it , for hitherto formally there is nothing come to me , either directly or indirectly , for the taking of it away : therefore I may say , it is rather shaken in pieces than dissolved . Now my desire is , in compliance to what I answered the last year unto the several Petitions delivered to me upon this subject , that you would consult and agree among your selves , in what manner you would have the Court established most to your own contentments , and to the good of all these Northern parts , in such a Legal way as that it may not justly be excepted against ; and I assure you in the word of an honest man , that you shall not blame me if you have not full satisfaction in it . Within a day or two ye shall have a particular Answer to your Petition , which shall be such an one as I am confident will give you good satisfaction , and put you into such away as , I hope , may produce good effects to the good of all this Kingdom . XL. To the Gentry of Yorkshire , at YORK , May 12. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , I have cause of adding , not altering what I meant to say , when I gave out the summons for this daies appearance . I little thought of these Messengers , or of such a Message as they brought : The which , because it confirms me in what I intend to speak , and that I desire you should be truly informed of all Passages between me and the Parliament , you shall hear read ; first , my Answer to the Declaration of both Houses concerning Hull ; the Answer of the Parliament to my two Messages concerning Hull , together with my reply to the same ; and my Message to both Houses , declaring the Reasons why I refused to pass the Bill concerning the Militia . All which being read , His Majesty proceeded ; I will make no Paraphrases upon what ye have heard ; it is more befitting a Lawyer than a King. Only this observation , Since Treason is countenanced so near me , it is time to look to my Safety . I avow , it was part of my wonder , that men whom I thought heretofore discreet and moderate should have undertaken this imployment ; and that , since they came , I having delivered them the Answer you have heard , and commanded them to return personally with it to the Parliament , they should have flatly disobeyed Me , upon pretence of the Parliament's Command . My end in telling you this is , to warn you of them ; for since these men have brought me such a Message , and disobeyed so lawful a Command , I will not say what their intent of staying here is : Only I bid you take heed , not knowing what Doctrine of Disobedience they may preach to you , under colour of obeying the Parliament . Hitherto I have found and kept you quiet , the enjoying of which was a chief cause of My coming hither , Tumults and Disorders having made Me leave the South ; and not to make this a seat of War , as Malice would ( but , I hope , in vain ) make you believe . Now if Disturbances come , I know whom I have reason to suspect . To be short , You see that my Magazine is going to be taken from me , being my Own proper Goods , directly against my will ; the Militia , against Law and my Consent , is going to be put in execution ; and lastly , Sir Hotham's Treason is countenanced . All this considered , none can blame me to apprehend Dangers . Therefore I have thought fit upon these real grounds to tell you , that I am resolved to have a Guard ( the Parliament having had one all this while upon imaginary Jealousies ) only to secure my Person . In which I desire your concurrence and assistance , and that I may be able to protect you , the Laws , and the true Protestant Profession , from any affront or injury that may be offered ; which I mean to maintain my self , without charge to the Countrey ; intending not longer to keep them on foot than I shall be secured of my just apprehensions , by having satisfaction in the particulars before mentioned . XLI . To the Inhabitants of Nottinghamshire , at NEWARK , July 4. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , Your honest Resolutions and Affections to Me and your Country , for the defence of My Person and the Laws of the Land , have been and are so notable , that they have drawn Me hither only to thank you : I go to other places to confirm and undeceive my Subjects , but am come hither only to thank and incourage you . You have made the best judgment of happiness , by relying on that Foundation which the experience of so many hundred years hath given such proof of , The Assurance and Security of the Law. And assure your selves , when Laws shall be altered by any other Authority than that by which they were made , your Foundations are destroyed : and though it seems at first but to take away my Power , it will quickly swallow all your Interest . I ask nothing of you , though your demeanure gives Me good evidence that you are not willing to deny , but to preserve your own affections to the Religion and Laws established . I will justifie and protect those affections , and will live and die with you in that quarrel . XLII . To the Inhabitants of Lincolnshire , at LINCOLN , July 15. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , If I could have suspected your Affections , or have censured the Duty of this County by some late Actions in it , I should not have taken this pains to have given you a testimony of my Affection to you , and to remove those Objections , which being raised by a Malignant party , may , by their cunning and industry , get credit even with honest minds . The truth is , I come to you to assure you of My purposes and Resolutions for the defence of whatever is and should be dear unto you , your Religion , your Liberty , your common Interest , and the Laws of the Land ; and to undeceive you of that opinion which I hear hath mis-led many of you , that the pretended Ordinance of the Militia is warranted by my Consent and Authority . As I have already informed you by my several Declarations and Messages , that the same is against the known Law , and an invasion of my unquestionable Right , and of your Liberty and Property ; so I do now declare unto you , that the same is imposed upon you against my express Consent , and in contempt of my Regal Authority : And therefore whosoever shall henceforth presume to execute or obey the same , I shall proceed against them as against such who promote Rebellion , and actually levy War against Me. And I doubt not but you will sadly consider , that if any Authority without and against my Consent may lawfully impose such burthens upon you , it may likewise take away all that you have from you , and subject you to their lawless Arbitrary Power and Government . And how far they are like to exercise that jurisdiction towards you , you may guess by the insolence of Sir John Hotham at Hull , who , being a Subject , not only presumes to keep his Sovereign by force of Arms out of His Town ; but murthers his fellow-Subjects , imprisons them , burns their houses , drowns their land , takes them captive , and commits such Outrages and acts of Hostility , as the most unequal and outragious Enemies practise in any Country : That you may see how impossible it is for your Liberties and Properties to be preserved , when your King is oppressed , and His just Rights taken from Him. Who hath brought these Calamities upon your Neighbours at Hull every man sees ; and they only can bring the same upon you . I will not believe you to be so insensible of the benefits you have received from Me , that I need put you in mind of the Gracious Acts passed by Me this Parliament on your behalfs : And if there be any thing wanting to the making you the happiest Subjects in the world , I am sure it is not My fault that you have not that too . Be not deceived with words and general expressions : It is not in your power to name one particular which might make you happy , that I have refused to grant . Be not frighted with apprehensions that this Country is like to be the seat of War. The seat of a War will be only where persons rise in Rebellion against Me : that will not , I hope , be here ; and then you shall be sure of My Protection ; I will live and dye in your defence . And that you may be in a readiness and a posture to defend your selves and Me against any Invasion or Rebellion , I have armed several Persons of Honor , Quality and Reputation amongst you , and of your own Country , with a Commission of Array to that purpose . There is no honest end declared in that Ordinance which is not provided for by this Commission ; which being according to the old known Law , is fit for your obedience , and I doubt not but you will find it . In a word , I assure you upon the Faith and Honor of a Christian King , I will be always as tender of any thing which may advance the true Protestant Religion , protect and preserve the Laws of the Land , and defend the just Privilege and Freedom of Parliament , as of My Life or My Crown : And when I fail in either of these , I will not look for your assistance . Till then you are concerned not to see Me suffer . XLIII . To the Inhabitants of Leicester , at LEICESTER , July 20. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , Since I have found My Presence so very acceptable amongst My Good Subjects in these Northern parts , and that the Errors and Mistakes among them have wholly proceeded from misinformation , and are removed with more satisfaction and ease to them than they were received ; I hold it a piece of My Duty , to take the utmost pains I can fully to inform and undeceive My People , and rather to prevent Crimes than to punish them . In this Errand I am come to you , amongst whom there hath not been the least misunderstanding , to shew you that I do not suspect any malice in the Place or in the People , though persons of as ill dispositions have been busie in it and amongst you as in any County in England , and such who have taken as great pains to do mischief and to bring confusion , as good men should for Peace and happiness : Though 't is as true , that very many worthier Persons amongst you have appeared of contrary affections , which I shall always acknowledge . I am come to you in a time too when nothing could invite Me to such a journey but My affection to and good esteem of you ; having sent such Propositions of Peace and Accommodation to My two Houses of Parliament , that I hope to have no other use of your affections but in your Prayers ; being sure they will submit to them with alacrity , if the unexcusable enemies of the Peace of the Kingdom be not strong enough to prevail . And then you will find your selves so much concerned ( for I have required nothing that with more justice can be denied Me , if it be duly weighed , than My Crown or My Life may be taken from Me ) that I shall not need to ask your assistance , I know you will bring Horse , Men , Money , and Hearts worthy such a Cause . Your Religion , your Liberties , your Laws , which I will defend with My Life , ( I mean the good known Laws of the Land ; not Ordinances without My Consent , which till within these twelve months were never heard of from the Foundation of this Kingdom ) will be the Quarrel : and in such a Cause the taking away My Towns , Ships , Arms and Money from Me shall not dishearten Me. The concurrence and affection of My People , with God's blessing , will supply and recover all . XLIV . To the Gentry of Yorkshire , Aug. 4. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , when I directed that Summons should be sent out for your meeting here this day , My principal end was , That I might give you thanks for the great forwardness and expressions you have made of your affections to Me since I came into this Country ; and to assure you , that as the whole Kingdom hath great reason to value you exceedingly for it , so I shal be ever unsatisfied with My self till I have found some way to fix a mark of favour and estimation upon this County and this People , which may tell Posterity how good Subjects you have been , and how much Gentlemen ; and I am confident the memory of it will grow up with My Sons too in a just acknowledgment . This was the most I intended to say to you . But there is an unquiet spirit abroad , which every day throws in new accidents to disturb and confound the publick Peace . How I was driven from London when I chose this place for My Safety , is so notorious , that all men know it who know any thing . With what strange violence and indignities I have been pursued since I came hither , needs no other evidence than Sir Hotham's behaviour at Hull , who is now arrived to that insolence , that he will not suffer his Treason to be longer confined within those walls , but makes Sallies out of the Town upon his fellow-Subjects , drowns their land , burns and plunders their Houses , murthers and ( with unheard of cruelty ) torments their persons : and this with so much delight , that he would not have the patience to wait what Answer should be sent to My just Demands , though in that respect I engaged My self to forbear to use any force , and kept My word ; but chose the night before that came , as if he knew well what Answer I was to receive , to act those outrages . Ye see the sad effects of Fears and Jealousies , the miseries they have produced : no man can tell you the least good they have brought forth , or the least evil they have prevented . What inconvenience and burthen My Presence hath been here , what disturbance it hath brought upon the Publick , or grievance upon any private person , your selves are best judges . And whatever scandal some men have pleased to cast upon the Cavaliers , ( which they intend should reach all My Retinue , and by degrees shall involve all Gentlemen ) I am confident there hath not been any eminent disorder or damage befallen any man by any person of My Train or under My protection . I am sure My directions have been very strict in that point ; and if they had not been observed , I think I should have heard of it by nearer complaints than from London . I pray God the same care may be taken there : I am sure it hath not been . And to give you the fullest testimony of My affection to you and to the Peace of this County , and to shew you that no provocation shall provoke Me to make this place to be the seat of the War , I have for your sakes passed over the considerations of Honor , and notwithstanding the reproaches every day laid on Me , laid no siege to that place , that they may not have the least pretence of doing you mischief , but resolve by God's help to recover Hull some other way ; for that I will ever sit down under so bold and unexcusable a Treason no honest man can imagine . But it seems other men are not of My mind , but resolve to make a War at your own doors , whatsoever you do or I suffer . To what purpose else is their new General armed with an Authority to kill and destroy all My good Subjects ; their levies of Horse and Foot , some whereof are upon their march towards you with Canon mounted ; and the sending so many new Soldiers into Hull , when there is no approach made towards it , but to sally out , and to commit rapine , and by degrees to pour out an Army upon you ? In this I must ask you advice , what you would do for your selves , and what you would have Me do for you . You see how I am stript of my Navy at Sea , which is employed against Me ; of My Forts and Towns at Land , which are filled with armed men to destroy Me ; My Money and Provisions of My House taken from Me , and all My Subjects forbid and threatned if they come near Me , that I may be Famine or Solitariness be compelled to yield to the most dishonourable Propositions , and to put My self and Children into the hands of a few Malignant persons , who have entred into a Combination to destroy Us. And all this done under pretence of a Trust reposed by the People . How far you are from committing any such Trust , most of the persons trusted by you and your own expressions of Duty to Me have manifested to all the world ; and how far the whole Kingdom is from avowing such a Trust , hath already in a great measure , and I doubt not will more every day appear by the professions of every County : For I am wholly cast upon the affections of My People , and have no hope but in the blessing and assistance of God , the justness of My Cause , and the Love of My Subjects , to recover what is taken from Me and them , for I may justly say they are equal losers with Me. Gentlemen , I desire you to consider what course is to be taken for your own security from the excursions from Hull , and the violence which threatens you from thence : I will assist you any way you propose . Next , I desire you , out of the publick provision or your private store , to furnish Me with such a number of Arms ( Muskets and Corslets ) as you may conveniently spare ; which I do promise to see fully repay'd to you . These Arms I desire may be speedily delivered to the custody of My Lord Mayor of York for my use , principally for those parts which , by reason of their distance from Hull , are least subject to the fear of violence from thence . And whosoever shall so furnish Me , shall be excused from their attendance and service at Musters , till their Arms shall be restored ; which may well be sooner than I can promise , or you expect . I desire nothing of you , but what is necessary to be done for the preservation of God's true Religion , the Laws of the Land , the Liberty of the Subject , and the very Being of this Kingdom of England ; for 't is too evident all these are at stake . For the compleating of My Son's Regiment for the Guard of His Person under the Command of my Lord of Cumberland , I referr it wholly to your selves , who have expressed such forwardness in it . XLV . To His Army , after the Reading of His Orders , between Stafford and Wellington , September 19. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , You have heard these Orders read ; it is your part in your several places to observe them exactly . The time cannot be long before we come to Action , therefore you have the more reason to be careful : And I must tell you , I shall be very severe in the punishing of those , of what condition soever , who transgress these Instructions . I cannot suspect your Courage and Resolution . Your Conscience and your Loyalty hath brought you hither to fight for your Religion , your King , and the Laws of the Land : You shall meet with no enemies but Traitors , most of them Brownists , Anabaptists , and Atheists , such who desire to destroy both Church and State , and who have already condemned you to ruine for being Loyal to Us. That you may see what use I mean to make of your Valour , if it please God to bless it with success , I have thought fit to publish My Resolution to you in a Protestation , which when you have heard Me make , you will believe you cannot fight in a better Quarrel ; in which I promise to live and die with you . I do promise in the presence of Almighty God , and as I hope for His Blessing and Protection , that I will to the utmost of My Power defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England ; and , by the Grace of God , in the same will live and die . I desire to govern by the known Laws of the Land ; and that the Liberty and Property of the Subject may be by them preserved with the same care as My own just Rights . And if it please God , by his blessing upon this Army raised for My necessary Defence , to preserve Me from this Rebellion , I do solemnly and faithfully promise in the sight of God , to maintain the just Privileges and Freedom of Parliament , and to govern by the known Laws of the Land to My utmost power , and particularly to observe inviolably the Laws consented to by Me this Parliament . In the mean while , if this time of War , and the great necessity and streights I am now driven to , beget any violation of those , I hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authors of this War , and not to Me , who have so earnestly laboured for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom . When I willingly fail in these particulars , I will expect no aid or relief from any Man , or protection from Heaven : But in this Resolution I hope for the chearful assistance of all good men , and am confident of God's Blessing . XLVI . To the Inhabitants of Denbigh and Flint , at WREXHAM , September 27. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , I am willing to take all occasions to visit all My good Subjects , in which number I have cause to reckon you of these two Counties , having lately had a good expression of your Loyalty and Affections to Me , by those Levies which at your charge have been sent Me from your parts ; which forwardness of yours I shall alwayes remember to your advantage ; and to let you know how I have been dealt with by a powerful Malignant party in this Kingdom , whose designs are no less than to destroy my Person and Crown , the Laws of the Land , and the present Government both of Church and State. The Leaders of these men , by their subtilty and cunning practices , have so prevailed upon the meaner sort of people about London , that they have called them up into frequent and dangerous tumults , and thereby have chased from thence My self and the greatest part of the Members of both Houses of Parliament . Their power and secret Plots have had such influence upon the small remaining part of both Houses , that under colour of Orders and Ordinances made without the Royal Assent , a thing never heard of before this Parliament , I am robb'd and spoiled of my Towns , Forts , Castles and Goods , my Navy forcibly taken from me , and imployed against me , all my Revenues stopt and seised upon ; and at this time a powerful Army is marching against me . I wish this were all : They have yet further laboured to alienate the affections of my good People , they have most injuriously vented many false reproaches against my Person and Government , they have dispersed in print many notorious false scandals upon my actions and intentions , and in particular have laboured to cast upon me some aspersions concerning the horrid , bloody and impious Rebellion in Ireland . They tell the People that I have recalled two Ships appointed for the Guard of these Seas . 'T is true : but they conceal that at the same time I sent my Warrants to the Downs , commanding four as good Ships to attend that service instead of those should be recalled ; which Warrant by their means could not find obedience . They forget that they then imployed forty Ships ( many of them my Own , and all of them set forth at the publick charge of this and that Kingdom ) to rob and pillage me of my Goods , to chase my good Subjects , and maintain my own Town of Hull against me ; and that by the absence of those Ships from the Irish Seas , the Rebells have had opportunity to bring store of Arms , Ammunition and Supplies to their succours , to which we may justly impute the Calamities which have over whelmed my poor Protestant Subjects there . They cry out upon a few suits of cloaths appointed , as they say , for Ireland , which some of my Forces took ; but conceal that they were taken as entring into Coventry , then in open Rebellion against me , where I had reason to believe they would have been disposed of amongst their Soldiers who then bore Arms against me . They talk of a few horses which I have made use of for my Carriages ; concealing that they were certified to be useless for the service of Ireland ; when they themselves have seised an hundred thousand pounds particularly appointed by Act of Parliament for the relief of Ireland , where my Army is ready to perish for want of it , and imployed it , together with such part of the four hundred thousand pound Subsidie as they have received , to maintain an unnatural Civil War at home . Neither have they used their fellow-Subjects better than they have done me their King. By their Power the Law of the Land , your birth-right , is trampled upon , and in stead thereof they govern my People by Votes and Arbitrary Orders . Such as will not submit to their unlimited power are imprisoned , plundered , and destroyed : such as will not pay such exactions as they require toward this Rebellion , are threatned to be put out of Protection , as they call it of the Parliament : such as conscientiously remember their Duty and Loyalty to me their Soveraign , are reviled , persecuted , and declared Traitors : such as do desire to maintain the true Protestant Religion as it is established by the Laws of the Land , are traduced and called Popish and Superstitious , and on the contrary , such as are known Brownists , Anabaptists , and publick depravers of the Book of Common Prayer , are countenanced and incouraged . They exact and receive Tonnage and Poundage and other great duties upon Merchandises , not only without Law , but in the face of an Act of Parliament to the contrary , past this present Parliament , which puts all men into the condition of a Praemunire that shall presume so to oppress the People . If you desire to know who are the Contrivers of these wicked designs , you shall find some of their names in particular , and their actions at large , in my Declaration of the twelfth of August , to which I shall refer you . I wish their craft and power were not such , that few of those Copies can come to the view of my good People . Since that time these men so thirst after the destruction of this Kingdom , that they have prevailed to make all my offers of Treaty ( which might bring Peace to this Kingdom , and beget a good understanding between Me and my Parliament ) fruitless . In this distress into which these men have brought Me and this Kingdom , my confidence is in the Protection of Almighty God and the affections of my good People . And that you may clearly see what my Resolutions are , I shall cause my voluntary Protestation lately taken to be read to you : And I desire that the Sheriffs of these two Counties will dispose Copies of that and what I now deliver unto you , having no other way to make it publick ; these men having restrained the use of my Presses at London and the Universities . XLVII . To the Inhabitants of Shropshire , at SHREWSBURY , Sept. 28. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , It is some benefit to me from the insolencies and misfortunes which have driven Me about , that they have brought Me to so good a part of my Kingdom , and to so faithful a part of my People . I hope neither you nor I shall repent My coming hither : I will do My part that you may not , and of you I was confident before I came . The residence of an Army is not usually pleasant to any place ; and Mine may carry more fear with it , since it may be thought ( being robbed and spoiled of all My Own , and such terror used to fright and keep all men from supplying Me ) I must only live upon the aid and relief of My People . But be not afraid ; I would to God my poor Subjects suffered no more by the insolence and violence of that Army raised against Me , though they have made themselves wanton even with Plenty , than you shall do by Mine . And yet I fear I cannot prevent all Disorders : I will do my best ; and this I will promise you , No man shall be a loser by Me , if I can help it . I have sent hither for a Mint : I will melt down all my own Plate , and expose all my Land to Sale or Morgage , that , if it be possible , I may not bring the least pressure upon you . In the mean time , I have summoned you hither , to invite you to do that for Me and your selves , for the maintenance of your Religion , and the Law of the Land , by which you enjoy all that you have , which other men to against us . Do not suffer so good a Cause to be lost for want of supplying Me with that which will be taken from you by those who pursue Me with this violence . And whilst these ill men sacrifice their Mony , Plate , and utmost Industry to destroy the Commonwealth , be you no less liberal to preserve it . Assure your selves , if it please God to bless Me with success , I shall remember the Assistance every particular man here gives Me , to his Advantage . However , it will hereafter , how furiously soever the minds of some men are now possessed , be honor and comfort to you , that with some charge and trouble to your selves , you did your part to support your King , and preserve the Kingdom . I desire Master Sheriff and the rest of the Gentlemen to distribute themselves in that method , that they may best receive the expressions which you shall make of your affections , the which I will have particularly represented to Me. XLVIII . To the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire , at OXFORD , Nov. 2. MDCXLII . GEntlemen , Though you see My Army marching from hence , I do not intend to leave you ; My Residence shall be so near , that My Power shall have an influence upon this place ( of which I will besides take a particular care ) for your preservation : Therefore fear not to express your affections to Me with that courage which becomes you . I know how and by whom the Countrey hath been awed ; but I hope no man shall have more power to fright you from your Loyalty than I have to restore you to it ; and I shall guess by the evidence of this day at your natural dispositions . In assisting Me you defend your selves ; for , believe it , the Sword which is now drawn against Me will destroy you , if I defend you not . I have and will venture My Life for you : 't will be a shame for you to venture nothing . Whatsoever you shall be willing freely to contribute , I will take kindly of you ; and whatsoever you shall lend Me , I will , in the word of a King , see justly repayed to you . I appoint the Sheriff to receive such Money or Plate as you , Gentlemen , shall be willing to assist Me with , and to return their names to Me : And you of the Clergy shall repair to Master Vice-Chancellor , who shall do the like . And I expect that you should advance this Service throughout the Countrey , and return your Collections suddenly to Me by the hand of the Sheriff . And I assure you , I shall take especial notice of such who shall be backward in this time of so visible Necessity . XLIX . To the Lords and Commons assembled at OXFORD , Jan. 22. MDCXLIII , IV. MY Lords and Gentlemen , When I consider your publick Interests and Concernments in the Happiness and Honor of this Nation , and your particular sufferings in this Rebellion for your affection and Loyalty to Me , I must look upon you as the most competent Considerers and Counsellers how to manage and improve the Condition we are all in : for sure our Condition is so equal , that the same Violence hath oppressed us all . I have therefore called you together to be witnesses of my Actions , and privy to my Intentions : and certainly if I had the least thought disagreeing with the happiness and security of this Kingdom , I would not advise with such Counsellors . And I doubt not but your Concurrence with Me will so far prevail over the hearts and understandings of this whole Kingdom , who must look upon you as persons naturally and originally trusted by and for them , that it will be above the reach and Malice of those who have hitherto had too great an influence upon the People , to discredit my most intire Actions and sincere Promises . You will be the best witnesses for the one , and security for the other . Very many of you can bear me witness , with what unwillingness I suffered my self first to take up these Defensive Arms : indeed with so great , that I was first almost in the power of those who in two set Battels have sufficiently informed the world how tender they have been of the safety of my Person . I foresaw not only the rage and oppression which would every day break out upon my Subjects , as the Malice of these ill men increased , and their purposes were detected ; but also the great inconveniences my best Subjects would suffer even by my own Army , raised and kept for their preservation and protection . For I was not so ill a Souldier , as not to foresee how impossible it was to keep a strict discipline , I being to struggle with so many defects and necessities : and I assure you , the sense I have of their sufferings who deserve well of Me by my Forces , hath been a greater grief to me than any thing to my own particular . My hope was , that either by Success on my part , or Repentance on theirs , God would have put a short end to this great storm . But guilt and despair have made these men more wicked than I imagine they at first intended to be : for instead of removing and reconciling these bloudy Distractions , and restoring Peace to this languishing Countrey , they have invited a Forein power to invade this Kingdom , and that in your names , and challenge this Invasion from them as a debt to the Commonwealth . You , My Lords , have , like your selves , as good Patriots , expressed your dissent , and vindicated your selves from that imputation : and I doubt not but you , Gentlemen , will let your Countreys know how far you are from desiring such assistance ; and how absolute and peremptory a breach this raising of Arms of my Scotish Subjects is of that Pacification which was so lately and solemnly made by you , and can intend nothing but a conquest of you and your Laws . I shall send you all the advertisements I have of that business which is threatned from Scotland , and what is already acted from thence ; and shall desire your speedy advice and assistance , what is to be said or done both with reference to this and that Kingdom . Our ends being the same , I am sure there will be no other difference in the way than what upon debate and right understanding will be easily adjusted . Let our Religion , in which we are all most nearly concerned , and without care of which we must not look for God's blessing , be vindicated and preserved ; let my Honor and Rights , which you find to have an inseparable relation with your own Interests , be vindicated and restored ; let your Liberties , Properties , Priviledges , without which I would not be your King , be secured and confirmed ; there is nothing you can advise Me to I will not meet you in . And I doubt not but we shall together inform Posterity , how much our trust and confidence in each other is a better expedient for the Peace and preservation of the Kingdom , than Fears and Jealousies . I shall keep you no longer from consulting together , than in telling you that I have prepared fit places for your Meetings , to which I desire you to repair this night ; assuring you that I shall be always ready to receive any thing from you , admitting you to Me , or coming to you My self , whensoever you shall desire . And so God direct you the best way . L. To the Lord Primate of Ireland and the Congregation at Christ-Church in OXFORD , MDCXLIII . HIS Majesty being to receive the Sacrament from the hands of the Lord Archbishop of Armagh , rising up from His knees , and beckening to the Archbishop for a short forbearance ; said , My Lord , I espy here many resolved Protestants , who may declare to the world the Resolution I do now make . I have to the utmost of My power prepared My Soul to become a worthy Receiver : and may I so receive comfort by the Blessed Sacrament , as I do intend the establishment of the true Reformed Protestant Religion as it stood in its beauty in the happy days of Queen Elizabeth , without any connivence at Popery . I bless God , that in the midst of these publick Distractions I have still liberty to communicate : And may this Sacrament be My Damanation , if My Heart do not joyn with My Lips in this Protestation . LI. To the Lords and Commons , at OXFORD , February 7. MDCXLIII . IV. MY Lords and Gentlemen , I have hardly thus long forborn to give you thanks for the care and pains you have taken for the publick safety since your coming together . And first I thank you for your inclination to Peace ; to which as My willingness of complying shewed the constancy of My endeavours in the best way for the publick good ; so the Rebels , by their scornfully rejecting your Overtures , as they have done heretofore Mine , have shewed their constancy in their way . Next , I must thank every one of you for so chearfully applying your selves to the maintenance and recruiting of My Army , which I hope God will so bless , that thereby these enemies of Peace shall have their due reward . And truly , My Lords and Gentlemen , this alacrity of yours in providing for My Army doth please Me in no consideration so much , as that it is the best way for Peace ; for certainly this strange arrogance of refusing to treat with you can proceed from nothing but their contempt of our Forces . But it is your present Honor , and will be more to posterity , that God hath made you instruments to defend your Sovereign , and to preserve your Country ; to see that Religion and Law to flourish which you have rescued from the violence of Rebellion ; for which I hope in time to recompense every one of you : but if I shall not , here is one I hope will ; in which He shall but perform My Commands : For I have no greater sadness for those who are My ill Subjects , than I have joy and comfort in your affections and fidelities . And so God prosper your proceedings . LII . To the Lords and Commons , at their Recess , OXFORD , April 16. MDCXLIV . MY Lords and Gentlemen , I am now brought to you by your selves ; for I should not so soon have parted with you , if you had not desired it : and I believe that the same zeal and affection to Me and your Country which hath brought and stai'd you here , hath caused you to seek this Recess , that so by distributing your selves into your several Countries , we may all the better reap the fruits of our Consultations . Wherefore in God's name dispose of your selves as you think fit . I heartily thank you for what you have done , and fully approve of what you desire . I think most , if not all , of you are ingaged in My Service , either in a Civil or Martial way . To you that have charge in My Armies I recommend the diligent attendance on your Commands , that so by your good example and discipline you may suppress Licence and Disorder , which will discredit , and may destroy the best Cause . And to you who are ingaged in the Civil Affairs , I must recommend these few particulars : That you expedite those supplies of Monies which , by your advice , I have sent for , whether by Subscription or Excise ; remembring that Monies are the Nerves of War. Likewise that you use your best diligence for the pressing of men , and incouragement of Voluntiers , by shewing them , that now the only way to preserve themselves from Slavery and their Country from Ruine , is freely to ingage their persons . But chiefly , and with all possible care , to inform all My Subjects of the barbarity and odiousness of this Rebellion , how solicitous I have been for Peace , and how insolently and scornfully rejected ; assuring them , that My Arms are raised and kept only for the defence of their Religion , Laws , and Liberties , which being once secured and vindicated , I shall most chearfully lay them down , I having , God knows , with much unwillingness taken them up . Lastly , assure them that these extraordinary ways which necessity hath produced , and most of them not without your consent or advice , for My supply , shall not hereafter be brought in example to their prejudice ; and I shall in the mean time do My best to prevent and punish all exorbitancies and disorders . To conclude , My Lords and Gentlemen , I do now again , yet never enough , thank you for your great and unanimous expressions of your affections to Me , which hath laid an unexpressible obligation upon Me : and be assured that there is no profession which I have made for the defence and maintenance of our Religion , Laws , and Liberties , which I will not inviolably observe . Now God , who hath blessed this Meeting with an unexpected unanimity , which I esteem as one not of his least Blessings , will , I hope , bring us all safe together again the eight day of October next . In the mean time I shall be ready to receive any thing from your Committees that shall be desired . LIII . To the Inhabitants of Somerset , at KING'S-MORE , July 23. MDCXLIV . GEntlemen , I have often desired before these Troubles to visit these Western parts , that I might with joy have been an eye-witness of the blessings of Peace which you then enjoyed , and have been welcom'd with the hearty and unanimous affections of My good People here : But the malicious designs of the Authors of this most unnatural War have made those My intentions impossible ; yet My coming to you in this posture may sufficiently express what value I set upon these Associated Counties . I am now come to relieve you from the violence of a Rebellious Army sent hither by those that have plunged this whole Kingdom into these desperate Distractions . They have got footing in your Country , and under the false pretences they carry with them ( wherewith they have abused too many of My People ) are ready to devour you , and bring destruction to your Religion , Property and Liberty . These I am come to defend ; and shall refuse no danger that may conduce to your deliverance from this Slavery attempted on you by those men . All that I ask of you is , that you will not be wanting to your selves , but will heartily joyn with Me in this good work , by contributing your chearful assistance to My Army , and by performing your Duty in bearing Arms with Me in this good Cause , wherein whoever shall fall carrieth this comfort with him , that he falleth in defence of the true Protestant Religion , his King , his Countrey , and the Law of the Land. And he that will not venture his life for these , I had rather have his room than his company . Upon these grounds I shall lead you on : Follow Me with courage , and the God of Power give us his Blessing . I shall further remember you of this , that if by your assistance it shall please God to inable Me to reduce this Army now in the bowels of your Country , you will not only thereby free these Associated Counties from those Miseries which threaten you ; but it may please God in mercy so to look upon this poor Kingdom , that the fruits of this Victory may be a means to restore Peace to us all , that blessed Peace which I have so often and so importunately sought for from them at Westminster , and which they have so scornfully rejected , as if the blood of their fellow-Subjects were their delight . God turn their hearts : neither shall I despair of it , if the success of that Army , the chiefest strength on which they rely , shall fail their expectation ; for then it may have such an influence upon them , that I hope they may be prevailed with to give you leave to be happy again ; and , which I have so often desired , to have all that is in question between them and Me determined in a full and free convention of Parliament . Then I shall not fear but the united power of this Kingdom will easily free us from that Northern Invasion , which making use of our Divisions , threatneth no less than the Conquest of this whole Nation . This I assure you , that no success shall make Me less zealously seek for Peace , well knowing whose blood is to be spilt in this unhappy quarrel ; but rather I shall more fervently encrease My desires , by how much I may have better grounded hopes to attain what I so earnestly desire . When I mention Peace , I would be understood to intend that Peace which is built upon such foundations as are most likely to render it firm and stable , wherein God's true Religion may be best secured from the danger of Popery , Sectaries and Innovations ; the Crown may possess those just Prerogatives which may inable Me to protect and govern My People according to Law ; and the Subject be confirmed in those Rights which they have derived from their Forefathers , and which I have granted to them in Parliament , to which I shall always be ready to add such new Graces as I shall find most to conduce to their Happiness . This is the Peace which I labour for , wherein I may justly expect your best assistance , with your hearts , and hands , and purses . Neither shall I be more burthensome to you with My Army than of necessity I must for its support ( so far I must desire your help , being violently robb'd of all My Revenues . ) I have and shall use all possible means to suppress the disorders of the Souldiers . The best way to do it is , by taking order that they be not provoked with want of necessary Provisions . That being done by you , Master Sheriff and the Commissioners of this County , which I most earnestly commend to your care , you shall find Me very strict in such discipline as may best secure you . This night I hope to have joyned to Me other considerable Forces , which are upon their march towards Me ; and tomorrow morning we shall humbly ask God's blessing on us , and begin the Work. This care I shall further take for you , that as soon as possibly I can , other men to be levied by Impress shall supply the place of such of you , as I shall then give liberty to return to your Harvest . I shall conclude with this promise to you , that I shall look upon your chearfulness in this Service as the greatest expression of your Loyalty and Affections that you can make or I receive ; which I shall require if it be in My power . If I live not to do it , I hope this young man , My Son , your fellow-Souldier in this Expedition , will ; to Whom I shall particularly give it in charge . LIV. To the Committee of both Houses , at the delivery of the Votes for a Personal Treaty , at CARISBROOK Castle , Aug. 7. MDCXLVIII . ON Monday the seventh of August , the Commissioners being admitted into the King's presence , the Votes were first read , and then presented to His Majesty by the Earl of Middlesex , who desired His Majestie 's speedy Answer , for that their return was limited to ten days . The King then asked , Whether the ten days were not to be counted from that of the delivery of the Message . The Earl answering , No , Sir ; they are to be counted from the day of our setting forth : The King replied , I have not then five days allowed Me to consider of My Answer , which I presume you expect in writing ; and I have none to help Me , no not so much as a Clerk to transcribe . However I will really contribute My best endeavours to an happy Peace . After a short pause He added , I would have sent to the Parliament : but I desire them to take notice that My long Silence proceeds not from a dull stupid Laziness , or My being insensible of My Own or the Kingdoms condition ; but from the incapacity that lay on Me by reason of former Votes . But now a way is opened to a Treaty , which I ever apprehended as the only means to a durable Peace , I shall chearfully embrace it , and none shall more speedily run to it than My Self . And for My part , as being more concerned than any one in this Kingdom , nay , should I say more than all , I speak it without vanity , I hope it will be thought no Hyperbolical expression , for I am assured , whosoever gains , I shall be a loser , — His Majesty then read the Votes to Himself ; after which He said , I like them well , My desires being included in these Votes ; for what can I desire more than to treat with Honor , Freedom and Safety , upon the Propositions , and such other things as either I or the two Houses shall offer ? Then asking Whether the Commissioners to treat were yet nominated : The Earl of Middlesex answered , No , Sir. And the King added , In a Treaty two sorts of things are considerable ; some Necessary , others convenient , — Then breaking off He said , I will go and apply my Self to my Answer , that I may not delay a minute to promote so good a Work. And so withdrew , dismissing the Commissioners . Thursday , Aug. 10. THe Commissioners coming to receive His Majestie 's Answer , upon their entrance he told them , He was sorry He was limited to so short a time , and had so little helps for dispatch , yet notwithstanding He had prepared His Answer . Before the reading of it , He added , That the last Message He sent to the Houses was delivered to the Commissioners sealed ; and had it been so presented , it would have been better for Him : But now he thought it fit to send this open , because He could not be in a worse condition , being under so close a Restraint , none being suffered to speak a word to Him without suspicion . Then producing His Answer , He read it aloud in the Presence-Chamber , being full of company : Which done , he said , That He hoped He had therein endeavoured to give satisfaction to His Parliament , there being nothing in it but but what He conceived was implied in their Votes . And further added , That there might be some that would oppose this Treaty , as being gainers by these Wars , and therefore desired the continuance of it . Others might think Him revengeful ; but He said , He was so far from seeking Revenge , that if a Straw lay in their way to hurt them , He would stoop and take it up to prevent it . God forgive them , for I do . Then the Commissioners coming to take their leaves , His Majesty asked them , How they liked His Answer . They answered , They thought and hoped it would produce a sudden and happy well-grounded Peace . LV. To the Commissioners of both Houses , at the first Close of the Treaty at NEWPORT , Nov. 4. MDCXLVIII . HIS Majesty said , That He hoped they were now sensible that none was more desirous of a good and lasting Peace than Himself ; That He had gone very far to give His two Houses satisfaction ; That He thought , though the time for the Treaty was ended , yet the Treaty it self was not ; That He expected to hear from His two Houses about His own Propositions ; and would be ready to make His Concessions binding , by giving them the force of Laws . He desired , That they would put a good interpretation upon His vehement expressions in some of His Debates , there being nothing in His intentions but Kindness : and that as they had taken abundance of freedom , and shewed great Abilities in their Debates , which have taken His Majesty off from some of His Own Opinions ; so He doubted not , had they had power to recede , some of His Reasons would have prevailed with them , as He is confident , had it been with His two Houses , it would have done with them : and therefore beseeches them to take the same freedom with His two Houses , to press them to a compliance with Him in those things His Conscience is not yet satisfied in , which more time may do , His Opinion not being like the Laws of the Medes and Persians , unalterable , or infallible . He added His very hearty thanks for the pains they had taken to satisfie Him , professing that He wanted Eloquence to commend their Abilities . He desired them candidly to represent all the Transactions of this Treaty to His two Houses , that they might see , Nothing of His Interest , how near or dear soever , but that wherein His Conscience is unsatisfied , can hinder on His part a happy conclusion of this Treaty . LVI . To the Lords Commissioners , at their taking leave , NEWPORT , Nov. MDCXLVIII . MY Lords , You are come to take your leave of Me ; and I believe we shall scarce never see each other again : but God's Will be done . I thank God , I have made my Peace with Him , and shall without fear undergo what He shall be pleased to suffer man to do unto Me. My Lords , you cannot but know that in My Fall and Ruine you see your own , and that also near to you : I pray God send you better Friends than I have found . I am fully informed of the whole carriage of the Plot against Me and Mine ; and nothing so much afflicts Me , as the sense and feeling I have of the Sufferings of my Subjects , and the Miseries that hang over my three Kingdoms , drawn upon them by those who upon pretences of Good violently pursue their own Interests and Ends. LVII . His MAJESTIE's Speeches to the pretended High Court of Justice ; with the History of His Tryal . Jan. MDCXLVIII , IX . Westminster-Hall , Jan. 20. ON Saturday the twentieth of January afternoon Serjeant John Bradshaw , President of the pretended Court , with about fifty seven of his fellow-Commissioners , came into Westminster-Hall , having sixteen men with Partisans , and their Officers , with a Sword and Mace , marching before them ; ( thus profaning the Name , the Place , and the Ensigns of Justice , in the perpetration of the most enormous and unexampled Villany : ) And at the West end of the Hall , prepared for their purpose , Bradshaw seated himself in a Crimson-Velvet Chair in the midst , having a Desk with a Crimson-Velvet Cushion before him , and at his feet a Table covered with a Turkey Carpet , whereon the Sword and Mace were laid ; the rest were placed on each side upon Benches hung with Scarlet ; and the Partisans divided themselves on each hand before them . Being thus sate , and Silence made , the great Gate of the Hall was set open , and all persons promiscuously let in , so that the Hall was presently filled , and Silence again ordered . Then Colonel Matthew Tomlinson was commanded to bring the Prisoner ( their King ) into the Court : which he did , within a quarter of an hour , with about twenty Officers with Partisans marching before Him , and others behind . Their Serjeant at Arms with his Mace received Him , and brought Him to the Bar , where a Crimson-Velvet Chair was set . His Majesty , with an unconcerned Look upon his pretended Judges and the People in the Galleries on each side , sate down , without taking notice of their Court ; but presently rose up again , and turned about , looking down upon the Guards placed on the left side , and the multitude of Spectators on the right side of the Hall. After Silence made , the pretended Act for His Trial was read by their Clerk , sitting at the side of the Table where the Sword and Mace lay . An Act of Parliament of the House of Commons , for Trial of Charles Stuart King of England . WHereas it is notorious that Charles Stuart , the now King of England , not content with the many incroachments which his Predecessors had made upon the People in their Rights and Freedom , hath had a wicked Design to subvert the Ancient and Fundamental Laws and Liberties of this Nation , and in their place to introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government ; and that besides all evil ways to bring his Design to pass , he hath prosecuted it with Fire and Sword , levied and maintained a Civil War in the Land against the Parliament and Kingdom , whereby this Country hath been miserably wasted , the publick Treasure exhausted , Trade decaied , thousands of People murthered , and infinite other mischiefs committed ; for all which high Offences the said Charles Stuart might long since have been brought to exemplary and condign Punishment : Whereas also the Parliament , well hoping that the Restraint and Imprisonment of his Person , after it had pleased God to deliver him into their hands , would have quieted the Distempers of the Kingdom , did forbear to proceed judicially against him ; but found by sad experience , that such their Remissenss served only to encourage him and his Complices in the continuance of their evil practices , and in raising new Commotions , Rebellions , and Invasions : For prevention of the like and greater inconveniences , and to the end no Chief Officer or Magistrate may hereafter presume Traiterously and maliciously to imagine or contrive the enslaving or destroying of the English Nation , and to expect impunity , Be it Enacted and Ordained by the Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and it is hereby Enacted and Ordained , that Thomas Lord Fairfax , General , Oliver Cromwell , Lieutenant-General , Commissary General Henry Ireton , Major General Philip Skippon , Sir Hardresse Waller , Colonel Valentine Walton , Colonel Thomas Harrison , Colonel Edward Whaley , Colonel Thomas Pride , Colonel Isaac Ewer , Colonel Richard Ingoldsby , Sir Henry Mildmay , Sir Thomas Honywood , Thomas Lord Grey , Philip Lord Lisle , William Lord Mounson , Sir John Danvers , Sir Thomas Maleverer , Sir John Bourchier , Sir James Harrington , Sir William Brereton , Robert Wallop Esq William Heveningham Esquire , Isaac Pennington Alderman , Thomas Atkins Alderman , Colonel Rowland Wilson , Sir Peter Wentworth , Colonel Henry Marten , Colonel William Purefoy , Colonel Godfrey Bosvile , John Trenchard Esquire , Colonel Herbert Morley , Colonel John Berkstead , Colonel Matthew Tomlinson , John Blakeston Esq ; Gilbert Millington Esquire , Sir William Constable , Colonel Edward Ludlow , Colonel John Lambert , Colonel John Hutchinson , Sir Arthur Hasilrig , Sir Michael Livesey , Richard Salway Esquire , Humphrey Salway Esquire , Colonel Robert Tichborne , Colonel Owen Roe , Colonel Robert Manwaring , Colonel Robert Lilborn , Colonel Adrian Scroope , Colonel Richard Dean , Colonel John Okey , Colonel Robert Overton , Colonel John Harrison , Colonel John Disborough , Colonel William Goffe , Colonel Robert Duckenfield , Cornelius Holland Esquire , John Carew Esquire , Sir William Armyne , John Jones Esquire , Miles Corbet Esquire , Francis Allen Esquire , Thomas Lister Esquire , Benjamin Weston Esquire , Peregrine Pelham Esq ; John Gourdon Esquire , Serjeant Francis Thorp , John Nutt Esquire , Thomas Chaloner Esq ; Colonel Algernon Sidney , John Anlaby Esquire , Colonel John Moore , Rich. Darley Esq ; William Say Esquire , John Aldred Esquire , John Fagge Esquire , James Nelthrop Esquire , Sir William Roberts , Colonel Francis Lassels , Colonel Alexander Rigby , Henry Smith Esq ; Edmond Wilde Esquire , James Chaloner Esquire , Josias Barners Esquire , Dennis Bond Esq ; Humphry Edwards Esquire , Gregory Clement Esquire , John Fry Esquire , Thomas Wogan Esq ; Sir Gregory Norton , Serjeant John Bradshaw , Colonel Edmund Harvey , John Dove Esq ; Colonel John Venne , John Foulk Alderman , Thomas Scot Esquire , Thomas Andrews Alderman , William Cawley Esquire , Abraham Burrell Esquire , Colonel Anthony Stapely , Roger Gratwicke Esquire , John Downes Esquire , Colonel Thomas Horton , Colonel Thomas Hammond , Colonel George Fenwick , Serjeant Robert Nichols , Robert Reynolds Esquire , John Liste Esquire , Nicholas Love Esquire , Vincent Potter , Sir Gilbert Pickering , John Weaver Esquire , John Lenthal Esquire , Sir Edward Baynton , John Corbet Esquire , Thomas Blunt Esquire , Thomas Boone Esquire , Augustine Garland Esquire , Augustine Skinner Esquire , John Dixwel Esquire , Colonel George Fleetwood , Simon Maine Esquire , Colonel James Temple , Colonel Peter Temple , Daniel Blagrave Esquire , Sir Peter Temple , Colonel Thomas Waite , John Brown Esquire , John Lowry Esquire , shall be and are hereby appointed , Commissioners and Judges for the hearing , Trying , and Judging of the said Charles Stuart : And the said Commissioners , or any twenty or more of them , shall be , and are hereby Authorized and constituted , an High Court of Justice , to meet at such convenient times and places as by the said Commissioners , or the major part , or twenty or more of them , under their hands and seals shall be appointed , and notified by publick Proclamation in the great Hall or Palace-yard of Westminster ; and to adjourn from time to time , and from place to place , as the said High Court or the major part thereof meeting shall hold fit ; and to take order for the charging of him , the said Charles Stuart , with the Crimes above mentioned , and for the receiving His Personal Answer thereunto , and for examination of Witnesses upon Oath ( if need be ) concerning the same ; and thereupon , or in default of such Answer , to proceed to final Sentence , according to Justice and the merit of the Cause , to be executed speedily and impartially . And the said Court is hereby Authorized and required to chuse and appoint all such Officers , Attendanrs and other circumstances , as they or the major part of them shall in any sort judge necessary or useful for the orderly and good managing of the premisses : and Thomas Lord Fairfax the General , with all Officers of Justice and other well-affected persons , are hereby Authorized and required to be aiding and assisting unto the said Commissioners in the due execution of the Trust hereby committed unto them . Provided that this Ordinance , and the Authority hereby granted do continue for the space of one Month from the Date of the making hereof , and no longer . After the reading of this , the several Names of the Commissioners were called over ; every one who was present rising up , and answering to his call . The King having again placed Himself in the Chair with His face towards the Commissioners , Silence was again ordered , and Bradshaw , with Impudence befitting his person and his place , stood up and said , CHARLES STUART , King of England , The Commons of England assembled in Parliament being deeply sensible of the Calamities that have been brought upon this Nation , which is fixed upon you as the principal Author of it , have resolved to make inquisition for Blood ; and according to that Debt and Duty they owe to Justice , to God , the Kingdom , and themselves , and according to the Fundamental Power that rests in themselves , they have resolved to bring you to Trial and Judgment , and for that purpose have constituted this High Court of Justice , before which you are brought . Then their Solicitor John Cook standing within a Bar on the right hand began ; My Lord , in behalf of the Commons of England , and of all the People thereof , I do accuse CHARLES STUART , here present , of high Treason and high Misdemeanures ; and I do , in the name of the Commons of England , desire the Charge may be read unto him . As he was speaking , the King held up his Staffe , and laying it on his shoulders two or three times , bid him , Hold a little . But Bradshaw ordered him to go on ; and the Charge being delivered to their Clerk , Bradshaw told the King , Sir , the Court Commands the Charge to be read : If you have any thing to say afterwards , you may be heard . Then the Clerk being ordered to read , began . The Charge of the Commons of England against CHARLES STUART King of England , of High Treason and other High Crimes , exhibited to the High Court of Justice . THat the said CHARLES STUART being admitted King of England , and therein trusted with a limited Power , to govern by and according to the Laws of the Land , and not otherwise , and by his Trust , Oath and Office , being obliged to use the Power committed to him for the good and benefit of the People , and for the preservation of their Rights and Liberties : yet nevertheless , out of a wicked Design to erect and uphold in himself an unlimited and Tyrannical Power , to Rule according to his Will , and to overthrow the Rights and Liberties of the People , yea , to take away and make void the Foundations thereof , and of all redress and remedy of Mis-government , which by the Fundamental Constitutions of this Kingdom were reserved on the Peoples behalf in the Right & Power of frequent and successive Parliaments , or National Meetings in Council ; he , the said Charles Stuart , for accomplishment of such his Designs , and for the protecting himself and his Adherents in his and their wicked practices to the same Ends , hath traiterously and maliciously levied War against the present Parliament , and the People therein Represented : Particularly , upon or about the thirtieth day of June , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and two , at Beverly in the County of York ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of July , in the year aforesaid , in the County of the City of York ; and upon or about the twenty fourth day of August , in the same year , at the County of the Town of Nottingham , ( when and where he set up his Standard of War ; ) and upon or about the twenty third day of October , in the same year , at Edge-Hill and Kineton field in the County of Warwick ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November , in the same year , at Brainford in the County of Middlesex ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of August , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and three , at Cavesham Bridge near Reading in the County of Berks ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of October , in the year last mentioned , at or near the City of Gloucester ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November , in the year last mentioned , at Newbury in the County of Berks ; and upon or about the one and thirtieth day of July , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and four , at Croperdy Bridge in the County of Oxon ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of September , in the year last mentioned , at Bodmin and other places near adjacent in the County of Cornwall ; and upon or about the thirtieth day of November , in the year last mentioned , at Newbury aforesaid ; and upon or about the eighth day of June , in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and five , at the Town of Leicester ; and also upon the fourteenth day of the same month , in the same year , at Naseby-field in the County of Northampton : At which several times and places , or most of them , and at many other places in this Land , at several other times within the years aforementioned , and in the year of our Lord one thousand six hundred forty and six , he , the said Charles Stuart , hath caused and procured many thousands of the Free People of the Nation to be slain , and by Divisions , Parties and Infurrections within this Land , by Invasions from Forein Parts , endeavoured and procured by him , and by many other evil ways and means , he , the said Charles Stuart , hath not only maintained and carried on the said War both by Land and Sea , during the years before mentioned , but also hath renewed , or caused to be renewed , the said War against the Parliament and good People of this Nation in this present year one thousand six hundred forty and eight , in the Counties of Kent , Essex , Surry , Sussex , Middlesex , and many other places in England and Wales , and also by Sea ; and particularly , he , the said Charles Stuart , hath for that purpose given Commission to his Son , the Prince , and others , whereby , besides multitudes of other persons , many such as were by the Parliament intrusted and imployed for the safety of the Nation , being by him or his Agents corrupted to the betraying of their Trust , and revolting from the Parliament , have had entertainment and Commission for the continuing and renewing of War and Hostility against the said Parliament and People , as aforesaid . By which cruel and unnatural Wars by him , the said Charles Stuart , levied , continued and renewed , as aforesaid , much innocent blood of the Free People of this Nation hath been spilt , many Families have been undone , the publick Treasury wasted and exhausted , Trade obstructed and miserably decayed , vast expence and damage to the Nation incurred , and many parts of the Land spoiled , some of them even to Desolation . And for further prosecution of his said evil Designs , he , the said Charles Stuart , doth still continue his Commissions to the said Prince , and other Rebels and Revolters , both English and Foreiners , and to the Earl of Ormond , and to the Irish Rebels and Revolters associated with him , from whom further Invasions upon this Land are threatned , upon the procurement and on the behalf of the said Charles Stuart . All which wicked Designs , Wars , and evil Practices of him , the said Charles Stuart , have been and are carried on for the advancing and upholding of the Personal Interest of Will and Power , and pretended Prerogative to himself and his Family , against the Publick Interest , Common Right , Liberty , Justice , and Peace of the People of this Nation , by and for whom he was intrusted , as aforesaid . By all which it appeareth that he , the said Charles Stuart , hath been and is the Occasioner , Author and Contriver of the said unnatural , cruel and bloody Wars , and therein guilty of all the Treasons , Murders , Rapines , Burnings , Spoils , Desolations , Damage and Mischief to this Nation , acted or committed in the said Wars , or occasioned thereby . And the said John Cook ( by Protestation saving on the behalf of the People of England the liberty of exhibiting at any time hereafter any other Charge against the said Charles Stuart , and also of replying to the Answers which the said Charles Stuart shall make to the Premisses or any of them , or any other Charge that shall be so exhibited ) doth for the said Treasons and Crimes , on the behalf of the said People of England , impeach the said Charles Stuart as a Tyrant , Traitor , Murtherer , and a publick and implacable Enemy to the Commonwealth of England ; and pray that the said Charles Stuart , King of England , may be put to answer all and every the Premisses , that such Proceedings , Examinations , Tryals , Sentence and Judgment may be thereupon had , as shall be agreeable to Justice . His Majesty with His wonted Patience heard all these Slanders and Reproaches , sitting in the Chair , and looking sometimes on the pretended Court , sometimes up to the Galleries ; and rising again turned about to behold the Guards and Spectators : then he sate down with a Majestick and unmoved countenance , and sometimes smiling , especially at those words [ Tyrant , Traitor ] and the like . Also the silver head of His Staff happened to fall off ; at which He wondred , and seeing none to take it up , He stooped for it Himself . The Charge being read , Bradshaw began . Sir , you have now heard your Charge read , containing such matters as appear in it : you find that in the close of it , it is prayed to the Court , in the behalf of the Commons of England , that you answer to your Charge : The Court expects your Answer . KING . I would know by what Power I am called hither . I was not long ago in the Isle of Wight ; how I came there , is a longer story than I think is fit at this time for Me to speak of : but there I entred into a Treaty with both Houses of Parliament , with as much publick Faith as it 's possible to be had of any People in the World. I treated there with a number of Honourable Lords and Gentlemen , and treated honestly and uprightly ; I cannot say but they did very nobly with Me : we were upon a conclusion of the Treaty . Now I would know by what Authority ( I mean , lawful ; there are many unlawful Authorities in the world , Thieves and Robbers by the high-ways ; but I would know , by what Authority ) I was brought from thence , and carried from place to place , and I know not what . And when I know by what lawful Authority , I shall answer . Remember , I am your King , your lawful King , and what sins you bring upon your heads , and the Judgment of God upon this Land : Think well upon it , I say , think well upon it , before you go further from one sin to a greater . Therefore let Me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here , and I shall not be unwilling to answer . In the mean time I shall not betray My Trust : I have a Trust committed to Me by God , by old and lawful Descent ; I will not betray it , to answer to a new unlawful Authority . Therefore resolve Me that , and you shall hear more of Me. Bradshaw . If you had been pleased to have observed what was hinted to you by the Court at your first coming hither , you would have known by what Authority : which Authority requires you , in the name of the People of England , of which you are elected King , to answer . KING . No , Sir , I deny that . Bradshaw . If you acknowledge not the Authority of the Court , they must proceed . KING . I do tell them so : England was never an Elective Kingdom , but an Hereditary Kingdom for near these thousand years : therefore let Me know by what Authority I am called hither . I do stand more for the Liberty of My People than any here that come to be My pretended Judges : and therefore let Me know by what lawful Authority I am seated here , and I will answer it ; otherwise I will not answer it . Bradshaw . Sir , how really you have managed your Trust , is known : your way of Answer is to interrogate the Court , which beseems not you in this Condition . You have been told of it twice or thrice . KING . Here is a Gentleman , Lieutenant Colonel Cobbet , ask him if he did not bring Me from the Isle of Wight by force . I do not come here as submitting to the Court. I will stand as much for the Privilege of the House of Commons , rightly understood , as any man here whatsoever : I see no House of Lords here , that may constitute a Parliament ; and the King too should have been . Is this the bringing of the King to His Parliament ? Is this the bringing an end to the Treaty in the Publick Faith of the World ? Let Me see a Legal Authority , warranted by the Word of God , the Scriptures , or warranted by the Constitutions of the Kingdom , and I will answer . Bradshaw . Sir , you have propounded a Question , and have been answered . Seeing you will not answer , the Court will consider how to proceed . In the mean time , those that brought you hither are to take charge of you back again . The Court desires to know whether this be all the Answer you will give , or no. KING . Sir , I desire that you would give Me and all the World satisfaction in this . Let Me tell you , It is not a slight thing you are about , I am sworn to keep the Peace , by that Duty I owe to God and My Countrey ; and I will do it to the last breath of My body : And therefore you shall do well to satisfie , first God , and then the Country , by what Authority you do it . If you do it by an usurped Authority , you cannot answer it : There is a God in Heaven that will call you , and all that give you Power , to account . Satisfie Me in that , and I will answer ; otherwise I betray My Trust , and the Liberties of the People : and therefore think of that , and then I shall be willing . For I do avow , That it is as great a Sin to withstand Lawful Authority , as it is to submit to a Tyrannical , or any otherways unlawful Authority . And therefore satisfie God , and Me , and all the World in that , and you shall receive My Answer . I am not afraid of the Bill . Bradshaw , The Court expects you should give them a final Answer . Their purpose is to adjourn till Monday next : If you do not satisfie your self , though we do tell you our Authority , we are satisfied with our Authority , and it is upon God's Authority and the Kingdoms ; and that Peace you speak of will be kept in the doing of Justice , and that 's our present Work. KING . For Answer , let Me tell you , you have shewn no Lawful Authority to satisfie any reasonable man. Bradshaw . That 's in your apprehension ; we are satisfied that are your Judges . KING . 'T is not My apprehension , nor yours neither , that ought to decide it . Bradshaw . The Court hath heard you , and you are to be disposed of as they have commanded . So commanding the Guard to take Him away , His Majesty only replied . Well , Sir. And at His going down , pointing with His Staff toward the Ax , He said , I do not fear that . As He went down the stairs , the People in the Hall cried out , God save the King ; notwithstanding some were there set by the Faction to lead the clamour for Justice . O yes being called , they adjourn . Westminster-Hall , Monday , Jan. 22. Afternoon . SVnday being spent in Fasting and Preaching , ( according to their manner of making Religion a pretence and prologue to their Villanies ) on Monday afternoon they came again into the Hall , and after Silence commanded , called over their Court , where Seventy persons being present answered to their Names . His Majesty being brought in , the People gave a shout . Command given to the Captain of their Guard to fetch and take into his custody those who make any Disturbance . Then their Solicitor Cook began , May it please your Lordship , my Lord President , I did at the last Court , in the behalf of the Commons of England , exhibite and give into this Court a Charge of High Treason and other high Crimes against the Prisoner at the Bar , whereof I do accuse him in the name of the People of England ; and the Charge was read unto him , and his Answer required . My Lord , he was not then pleased to give an Answer ; but in stead of answering , did there dispute the Authority of this High Court. My humble motion to this High Court , in behalf of the Kingdom of England , is , That the Prisoner may be directed to make a Positive Answer , either by way of Confession , or Negation ; which if he shall refuse to do , that the matter of Charge may be taken pro confesso , and the Court may proceed according to Justice . Bradshaw . Sir , you may remember , at the last Court you were told the occasion of your being brought hither , and you heard a Charge read against you , containing a Charge of High Treason and other high Crimes against this Realm of England ; you heard likewise , that it was prayed in the behalf of the People , that you should give an Answer to that Charge , that thereupon such proceedings might be had as should be agreeable to Justice : you were then pleased to make some scruples concerning the Authority of this Court , and knew not by what Authority you were brought hither : you did divers time propound your Questions , and were as often answer'd , That it was by the Authority of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , that did think fit to call you to account for those high and capital Misdemeanours wherewith you were then charged . Since that , the Court hath taken into consideration what you then said : they are fully satisfied with their own Authority , and they hold it fit you should stand satisfied with it too ; and they do require it , that you do give a positive and particular Answer to this Charge that is exhibited against you . They do expect you should either confess , or deny it : If you deny , it is offered , in the behalf of the Kingdom , to be made good against you . Their Authority they do avow to the whole World , that the whole Kingdom are to rest satisfied in , and you are to rest satisfied with it ; and therefore you are to lose no more time , but to give a positive Answer thereunto . KING . When I was here last , 't is very true , I made that Question ; and if it were only My own particular Case , I would have satisfied My self with the Protestation I made the last time I was here against the Legality of this Court , and that a King cannot be tried by any superior Jurisdiction on Earth : But it is not My Case alone , it is the Freedom and the Liberty of the People of England ; and do you pretend what you will , I stand more for their Liberties . For if Power without Law may make Laws , may alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , I do not know what Subject he is in England that can be sure of his Life , or any thing that he calls his own . Therefore , when that I came here , I did expect particular Reasons , to know by what Law , what Authority you did proceed against Me here ; and therefore I am a little to seek what to say to you in this particular , because the Affirmative is to be proved , the Negative often is very hard to do . But since I cannot perswade you to do it , I shall tell you My Reasons as short as I can . My Reasons why in Conscience , and the Duty I owe to God first , and My People next , for the preservation of their Lives , Liberties and Estates ; I conceive I cannot answer this , till I be satisfied of the Legality of it . All proceedings against any man whatsoever — Bradshaw . Sir , I must interrupt you ; which I would not do , but that what you do is not agreeable to the proceedings of any Court of Justice . You are about to enter into Argument and Dispute concerning the Authority of this Court , before whom you appear as a Prisoner , and are charged as an high Delinquent : If you take upon you to dispute the Authority of the Court , we may not do it , nor will any Court give way unto it : you are to submit unto it , you are to give a punctual and direct Answer ; whether you will answer your Charge or no , and what you Answer is . KING . Sir , by your favour , I do not know the Forms of Law ; I do know Law and Reason , though I am no Lawyer profess'd , but I know as much Law as any Gentleman in England ; and therefore , under favour , I do plead for the Liberties of the People of England more than you do : and therefore if I should impose a belief upon any man without Reasons given for it , it were unreasonable : but I must tell you , that that Reason that I have as thus informed , I cannot yield unto it . Bradshaw . Sir , I must interrupt you ; you may not be permitted . You speak of Law and Reason , it is fit there should be Law and Reason ; and there is both against you . Sir , the Vote of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament , it is the Reason of the Kingdom ; and they are these too that have given that Law according to which you should have ruled and reigned . Sir , you are not to dispute our Authority ; you are told it again by the Court : Sir , it will be taken notice of , that you stand in contempt of the Court , and your Contempt will be recorded accordingly . KING . I do not know how a King can be a Delinquent : but by any Law that ever I heard of , all men ( Delinquents , or what you will ) let Me tell you , they may put in Demurrers against any proceeding as Legal ; and I do demand that , and demand to be heard with My Reasons : If you deny that , you deny Reason . Bradshaw , Sir , you have offered something to the Court ; I shall speak something unto you the sense of the Court. Sir , neither you nor any man are permitted to dispute that point ; you are concluded , you may not demurr to the Jurisdiction of the Court ; if you do , I must let you know that they over-rule your Demurrer : They sit here by the Authority of the Commons of England , and all your Predecessors and you are responsible to them . KING . I deny that ; shew Me one Precedent . Bradshaw , Sir , you ought not to interrupt while the Court is speaking to you . This point is not to be debated by you , neither will the Court permit you to do it . If you offer it by way of Demurrer to the Jurisdiction of the Court , they have considered of their Jurisdiction , they do affirm their own Jurisdiction . KING . I say , Sir , by your favour , that the Commons of England was never a Court of Judicature ; I would know how they came to be so . Bradshaw . Sir , you are not to be permitted to go on in that speech and these discourses . Then the Clerk of the Court read , Charles Stuart , King of England , you have been accused on the behalf of the People of England of High Treason and other High Crimes , the Court have determined that you ought to answer the same . KING . I will answer the same , so soon as I know by what Authority you do this . Bradshaw , If this be all that you will say , then , Gentlemen , you that brought the Prisoner hither , take charge of him back again . KING . I do require that I may give in My Reasons why I do not answer , and give Me time for that . Bradshaw . Sir , 't is not for Prisoners to require . KING . Prisoners , Sir ? I am not an ordinary Prisoner . Bradshaw . The Court hath considered of their Jurisdiction , and they have already affirmed their Jurisdiction : If you will not answer , we shall give order to record your Default . KING . You never heard My Reasons yet . Bradshaw , Sir , your Reasons are not to be heard against the Highest Jurisdiction . KING . Shew Me that Jurisdiction where Reason is not to be heard . Bradshaw . Sir , we shew it you here , the Commons of England : and the next time you are brought , you will know more of the pleasure of the Court ; and , it may be , their final Determination . KING . Shew Me where ever the House of Commons was a Court of Judicature of that kind . Bradshaw . Serjeant , take away the Prisoner . KING . Well , Sir , remember that the King is not suffered to give in His Reasons for the Liberty and Freedom of all His Subjects . Bradshaw . Sir , you are not to have liberty to use this language . How great a Friend you have been to the Laws and Liberties of the People , let all England and the World judge . KING . Sir , under favour , it was the Liberty , Freedom , and Laws of the Subject that ever I took — defended My self with Arms : I never took up Armes against the People , but for the Laws . Bradshaw . The Command of the Court must be obeyed . No Answer will be given to the Charge . KING . Well , Sir. Then Bradshaw ordered the Default to be recorded , and the Contempt of the Court , and that no Answer would be given to the Charge . The King was guarded forth to Sir Robert Cotton's house . The Court adjourned to the Painted Chamber on Tuesday at twelve of Clock , and from thence they intend to adjourn to Westminster-Hall , at which time all persons concerned are to give their attendance . His Majesty not being suffered to deliver His Reasons against the Jurisdiction of their pretended Court by word of mouth , thought fit to leave them in writing to the more impartial judgment of Posterity , as followeth ; HAving already made My Protestations , not only against the Illegality of this pretended Court , but also That no Earthly Power can justly call Me ( who am your King ) in question as a Delinquent ; I would not any more open My mouth upon this occasion , more than to referr My self to what I have spoken , were I in this Case alone concerned . But the Duty I owe to God in the preservation of the true Liberty of My People will not suffer Me at this time to be silent . For , how can any free-born Subject of England call Life , or any thing he possesseth his own , if Power without Right daily make new , and abrogate the old Fundamental Law of the Land ? which I now take to be the present Case . Wherefore when I came hither , I expected that you would have endeavoured to have satisfied Me concerning these grounds which hinder Me to answer to your pretended Impeachment : But since I see that nothing I can say will move you to it , ( though Negatives are not so naturally proved as Affirmatives ) yet I will shew you the Reason why I am confident you cannot Judge Me , nor indeed the meanest man in England : For I will not , ( like you ) without shewing a Reason , seek to impose a belief upon My Subjects . There is no proceeding just against any man , but what is warranted either by God's Laws or the Municipal Laws of the Countrey where he lives . Now I am most confident this dayes proceeding cannot be warranted by God's Law ; for , on the contrary , the authority of Obedience unto Kings is clearly warranted and strictly commanded both in the Old and new Testament ; which if denyed , I am ready instantly to prove . And for the question now in hand , there it is said , That where the Word of a King is , there is Power ; and who may say unto him , What dost thou ? Eccl. 8. 4. Then for the Law of this Land , I am no less confident that no learned Lawyer will affirm that an Impeachment can lye against the King , they all going in His Name ; and one of their Maxims is , That the King can do no wrong . Besides , the Law upon which you ground your proceedings must either be old or new : if old , shew it ; if new , tell what Authority warranted by the Fundamental Laws of the Land hath made it , and when . But how the House of Commons can erect a Court of Judicature , which was never one it self ( as is well known to all Lawyers ) I leave to God and the world to judge : And it were full as strange , that they should pretend to make Laws without King or Lords House , to any that have heard speak of the Laws of England . And admitting , but not granting , that the People of England's Commission could grant your pretended Power , I see nothing you can shew for that ; for certainly you never asked the question of the tenth man in the Kingdom ; and in this way you manifestly wrong even the poorest Plough-man , if you demand not his free consent : nor can you pretend any colour for this your pretended Commission without the consent at least of the major part of every man in England , of whatsoever quality or condition , which I am sure you never went about to seek ; so far are you from having it . Thus you see that I speak not for My own Right alone , as I am your King , but also for the true Liberty of all My Subjects , which consists not in the power of Government , but in living under such Laws , such a Government , as may give themselves the best assurance of their Lives and propriety of their Goods . Nor in this must or do I forget the Privileges of both Houses of Parliament , which this days Proceedings do not only violate , but likewise occasion the greatest breach of their publick Faith that ( I believe ) ever was heard of : with which I am far from charging the two Houses ; for all pretended Crimes laid against Me bear Date long before this late Treaty at Newport , in which I having concluded as much as in Me lay , and hopefully expecting the Houses agreement thereunto ; I was suddenly surprized , and hurried from thence as a Prisoner , upon which account I am against My will brought hither ; where since I am come , I cannot but to My power defend the ancient Laws and Liberties of this Kingdom , together with My own just Right . Then , for any thing I can see , the Higher House is totally excluded . And for the House of Commons , it is too well known that the major part of them are detained or deterred from sitting ; so as , if I had no other , this were sufficient for Me to protest against the Lawfulness of your pretended Court. Besides all this , the Peace of the Kingdom is not the least in My thoughts ; and what hopes of Settlement is there , so long as Power reigns without Rule or Law , changing the whole frame of that Government under which this Kingdom hath flourished for many hundred years ? ( nor will I say what will fall out , in case this Lawless unjust proceeding against Me do go on . ) And believe it , the Commons of England will not thank you for this Change , for they will remember how happy they have been of late years under the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , the King My Father , and My self , until the beginning of these unhappy Troubles , and will have cause to doubt that they shall never be so happy under any new . And by this time it will be too sensibly evident , that the Arms I took up were only to defend the Fundamental Laws of this Kingdom , against those who have supposed My Power hath totally changed the ancient Government . Thus having shewed you briefly the Reasons why I cannot submit to your pretended Authority , without violating the Trust which I have from God for the Welfare and Liberty of My People ; I expect from you either clear Reasons to convince My Judgment , shewing Me that I am in an Error ( and then truly I will answer ) or that you will withdraw your proceedings . This I intended to speak in Westminster-Hall on Monday 22. January , but against Reason was hindred to shew My Reasons . Westminster-Hall , Tuesday , Jan. 23. Afternoon . O Yes made , Silence commanded . The Court called ; Seventy one present . The King brought in by the Guard , looks with a Majestick Countenance upon his pretended Judges , and sits down . After the second O yes , and Silence commanded , Cooke began more insolently ; May it please your Lordship , my Lord President , this is now the third time that , by the great grace and favour of this High Court , the Prisoner hath been brought to the Bar , before any Issue joyned in the Cause . My Lord , I did at the first Court exhibite a Charge against him , containing the Highest Treason that ever was wrought upon the Theatre of England , That a King of England , trusted to keep the Law , that had taken an Oath so to do , that had Tribute pay'd him for that end , should be guilty of a wicked Design to subvert and destroy our Laws , and introduce an Arbitrary and Tyrannical Government , in the * defence of the Parliament and their Authority , set up his Standard for War against the Parliament and People : and I did humbly pray , in the behalf of the People of England , that he might speedily be required to make an Answer to the Charge . But , My Lord , in stead of making any Answer , he did then dispute the Authority of this High Court. Your Lordship was pleased to give him a further day to consider , and to put in his Answer ; which day being yesterday , I did humbly move , that he might be required to give a direct and positive Answer , either by denying or confession of it : But , my Lord , he was then pleased for to demur to the Jurisdiction of the Court , which the Court did then over-rule , and command him to give a direct and positive Answer . My Lord , besides this great delay of Justice , I shall now humbly move your Lordship for speedy Judgment against him . My Lord , I might press your Lordship upon the whole , that according to the known rules of the Law of the Land , That if a Prisoner shall stand as contumacious in contempt , and shall not put in an issuable Plea , guilty or not guilty of the Charge given against him , whereby he may come to a fair Tryal , that as by an implicite confession it may be taken pro confesso , as it hath been done to those who have deserved more favour than the Prisoner at the Bar has done . But besides , my Lord , I shall humbly press your Lordship upon the whole fact . The House of Commons , the Supreme Authority and Jurisdiction of the Kingdom , they have declared , That it is notorious that the matter of the Charge is true ; as it is in truth , my Lord , as clear as Crystal , and as the Sun that shines at noon day : which if your Lordship and the Court be not satisfied in , I have notwithstanding , on the People of England's behalf , several Witnesses to produce . And therefore I do humbly pray , ( and yet I must confess it is not so much I , as the innocent blood that hath been shed , the Cry whereof is very great for Justice and Judgment , and therefore I do humbly pray ) that speedy Judgment be pronounced against the Prisoner at the Bar. Bradshaw went on in the same strain , Sir , you have heard what is moved by the Counsel on the behalf of the Kingdom against you . Sir , you may well remember , and if you do not , the Court cannot forget , what dilatory dealings the Court hath found at your hands . You were pleased to propound some Questions ; you have had your Resolution upon them . You were told over and over again , that the Court did affirm their own Jurisdiction ; That it was not for you nor any other man to dispute the Jurisdiction of the supreme and highest Authority of England , from which there is no Appeal , and touching which there must be no dispute : yet you did persist in such carriage , as you gave no manner of Obedience , nor did you acknowledge any authority in them , nor the High Court that constituted this Court of Justice . Sir , I must let you know from the Court , that they are very sensible of these delays of yours , and that they ought not , being thus authorized by the supreme Court of England , to be thus trifled withal , and that they might in Justice , if they pleased , and according to the rules of Justice , take advantage of these delays , and proceed to pronounce Judgment against you : yet nevertheless they are pleased to give direction , and on their behalfs I do require you , that you make a positive Answer unto this Charge that is against you . Sir , in plain terms , ( for Justice knows no respect of Persons ) you are to give your positive and final Answer in plain English , whether you be guilty or not guilty of these Treasons laid to your Charge . The King , after a little pause , said , When I was here yesterday , I did desire to speak for the Liberties of the People of England : I was interrupted : I desire to know yet whether I may speak freely or not . Bradshaw , Sir , you have had the Resolution of the Court upon the like Question the last day , and you were told , That having such a Charge of so high a nature against you , your work was , that you ought to acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court , and to answer to your Charge . Sir , if you answer to your Charge , which the Court gives you leave now to do , though they might have taken the advantage of your Contempt , yet if you be able to answer to your Charge , when you have once answered , you shall be heard at large , make the best Defence you can . But , Sir , I must let you know from the Court , as their Commands , that you are not to be permitted to issue out into any other discourses , till such time as you have given a positive Answer concerning the matter that is charged upon you . KING . For the Charge , I value it not a rush . It is the Liberty of the People of England that I stand for . For Me to acknowledge a new Court that I never heard of before , I that am your King , that should be an Example to all the People of England for to uphold Justice , to maintain the old Laws ; indeed I do not know how to do it . You spoke very well the first day that I came here , on Saturday , of the Obligations that I had laid upon Me by God to the maintenance of the Liberties of My People ; the same Obligation you spake of I do acknowledge to God , that I owe to Him and to My People to defend , as much as in Me lies , the ancient Laws of the Kingdom : therefore until that I may know that this is not against the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , by your favour , I can put in no particular * Charge . If you will give Me time , I will shew you My Reasons why I cannot do it , and this — Here being interrupted , He said , By your favour , you ought not to interrupt Me. How I came here , I know not ; there 's no Law for it , to make your King your Prisoner . I was in a Treaty upon the Publick Faith of the Kingdom , that was the known — two Houses of Parliament that was the Representative of the Kingdom ; and when that I had almost made an end of the Treaty , then I was hurried away , and brought hither ; and therefore — Bradshaw . Sir , you must know the pleasure of the Court. KING . By your favour , Sir. Bradshaw . Nay , Sir , by your favour , you may not be permitted to fall into those discourses : you appear as a Delinquent ; you have not acknowledged the Authority of the Court. The Court craves it not of you ; but once more they command you to give your positive Answer . Clerk , Do your Duty . KING . Duty , Sir ! The Clerk reads ; Charles Stuart , King of England , you are accused , in the behalf of the Commons of England , of divers high Crimes and Treasons , which Charge hath been read unto you : the Court now requires you to give your positive and final Answer by way of Confession or Denial of the Charge . KING . Sir , I say again to you , so that I might give satisfaction to the People of England of the clearness of My Proceeding , not by way of Answer , not in this way , but to satisfie them that I have done nothing against that Trust that hath been committed to Me , I would do it : but to acknowledge a new Court against their Privileges , to alter the Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , Sir , you must excuse Me. Bradshaw . Sir , this is the third time that you have publickly disown'd this Court , and put an Affront upon it . How far you have preserv'd the Privileges of the People , your Actions have spoke it ; but truly , Sir , mens Intentions ought to be known by their Actions : you have written your meaning in bloody Characters throughout the whole Kingdom . But , Sir , you understand the pleasure of the Court. Clerk , record the Default . And , Gentlemen , you that took charge of the Prisoner , take him back again . KING . I will only say this one word more to you ; If it were only My own particular , I would not say any more nor interrupt you . Bradshaw . Sir , you have heard the pleasure of the Court , and you are ( notwithstanding you will not understand it ) to find that you are before a Court of Justice . Then the King went forth with the Guard. And Proclamation was made , That all persons which had then appeared , and had further to do at the Court , might depart into the Painted Chamber , to which place the Court did forthwith adjourn , and intended to meet in . Westminster-Hall by ten of the Clock next morning . Cryer . God bless the Kingdom of England . Westminster-Hall , Saturday , Jan. 27. Afternoon . TWo or three dayes being spent in a formal Examination of Witnesses , and preparing themselves for the last scene of this Mock-shew , at length , on Saturday the twenty seventh of January , Bradshaw in his Scarlet Robes appeared in the Hall , and Sixty * seven others answered to their Names . As the King came in ( in His wonted posture , with his Hat on ) and passed toward them , some few Souldiers began a clamour for Justice , Justice , and Execution . O yes made , and Silence commanded , the Captain of their Guard ordered to take into Custody such as made any disturbance . His Majesty began ; I desire a word , to be heard a little ; and I hope I shall give no occasion of interruption . Bradshaw saucily answered , You may answer in your time ; hear the Court first . His Majesty patiently replied , If it please you , Sir , I desire to be heard , and I shall not give any occasion of interruption ; and it is only in a word . A sudden Judgment — Bradshaw . Sir , you shall be heard in due time ; but you are to hear the Court first . KING . Sir , I desire it , it will be in order to what I believe the Court will say ; and therefore , Sir , — A hasty Judgment is not so soon recalled . Bradshaw . Sir , you shall be heard before the Judgment be given ; and in the mean time you may forbear . KING . Well , Sir , shall I be heard before the Judgment be given ? Bradshaw . Gentlemen , it is well known to all or most of you here present , that the Prisoner at the Bar hath been several times convented and brought before this Court , to make Answer to a Charge of Treason and other high Crimes exhibited against him in the name of the People of England . To which Charge being required to answer , he hath been so far from obeying the Commands of the Court , by submitting to their Justice , as he began to take upon him to offer Reasoning and Debate unto the Authority of the Court , and to the highest Court , that appointed them to try and judge him : But being over-ruled in that , and required to make his Answer , he was still pleased to continue Contumacious , and to refuse to submit to Answer . Hereupon the Court , that they might not be wanting to themselves nor the Trust reposed in them , nor that any man's wilfulness prevent Justice , they have thought fit to take the matter into their consideration ; they have considered of the Charge , they have considered of the Contumacy , and of that Confession which in Law doth arise upon that Contumacy ; they have likewise considered of the Notoriety of the Fact charged upon this Prisoner : and , upon the whole matter , they are resolved and are agreed upon a Sentence to be pronounced against this Prisoner . But in respect he doth desire to be heard before the Sentence be read and pronounced , the Court hath resolved that they will hear him . Yet , Sir , thus much I must tell you beforehand , which you have been minded of at other Courts , That if that which you have to say be to offer any debate concerning the Jurisdiction , you are not to be heard in it . You have offered it formerly , and you have struck at the Root , that is , the Power and Supreme Authority of the Commons of England ; which this Court will not admit a debate of , and which indeed it is an irrational thing in them to do , being a Court that acts upon Authority derived from them . But , Sir , if you have any thing to say in defence of your self concerning the matter charged , the Court hath given me in command to let you know they will hear you . KING . Since I see that you will not hear any thing of Debate concerning that which I confess I though most material for the Peace of the Kingdom and for the Liberty of the Subject , I shall wave it , I shall speak nothing to it . But only I must tell you , that this many-a day all things have been taken away from Me , but that that I call dearer to Me than My Life , which is , My Conscience and My Honor : And if I had a respect to My Life more than the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , certainly I should have made a particular Defence for My Self ; for by that at leastwise I might have delayed an ugly Sentence , which I believe will pass upon Me. Therefore certainly , Sir , as a man that hath some understanding , some knowledge of the World , if that My true Zeal to My Countrey had not overborn the care that I have for My own Preservation , I should have gone another way to work than that I have done . Now , Sir , I conceive that an hasty Sentence once past may sooner be repented of than recalled : and truly the self-same desire that I have for the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , more than my own particular Ends , makes Me now at last desire , That I having something to say that concerns both , I desire , before Sentence be given , that I may be heard in the Painted Chamber before the Lords and Commons . This Delay cannot be prejudicial unto you , whatsoever I say . If that I say no Reason , those that hear Me must be Judges : I cannot be Judge of that that I * have . If it be Reason , and really for the welfare of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , I am sure on it , it is very well worth the hearing . Therefore I do conjure you , as you love that that you pretend , ( I hope it is real ) the Liberty of the Subject , the Peace of the Kingdom , that you will grant me this hearing before any Sentence be past . I only desire this , That you will take this into your Consideration : it may be you have not heard of it before-hand . If you will , I will retire , and you may think of it : but if I cannot get this Liberty , I do protest , That these fair shews of Liberty and Peace are pure shews , and that you will not hear your King. Bradshaw . Sir , you have now spoken . KING . Yes , Sir. Bradshaw . And this that you have said is a further declining of the Jurisdiction of this Court , which was the thing wherein you were limited before . KING . Pray excuse Me , Sir , for My interruption , because you mistake Me. It is not a declining of it ; you do judge Me before you hear Me speak . I say it will not , I do not decline it ; though I cannot acknowledge the Jurisdiction of the Court , yet , Sir , in this , give Me leave to say , I would do it , though I did not acknowledge it ; in this , I do protest , it is not the declining of it , since , I say , if that I do say any thing but that that is for the Peace of the Kingdom and the Liberty of the Subject , then the shame is Mine . Now I desire that you will take this into your Consideration ; if you will , I will withdraw . Bradshaw . Sir , this is not altogether new that you have moved unto us , not altogether new to us , though the first time in person you have offered it to the Court. Sir , you say you do not decline the Jurisdiction of the Court. KING . Not in this that I have said . Bradshaw . I understand you well , Sir ; but nevertheless , that which you have offered seems to be contrary to that saying of yours ; for the Court are ready to give a Sentence . It is not as you say , That they will not hear their King ; for they have been ready to hear you , they have patiently waited your pleasure for three Courts together , to hear what you would say to the Peoples Charge against you : to which you have not vouchsafed to give any Answer at all . Sir , this tends to a further Delay . Truly , Sir , such Delays as these neither may the Kingdom nor Justice well bear . You have had three several days to have offered in this kind what you would have pleased . This Court is founded upon that Authority of the Commons of England , in whom rests the Supreme Jurisdiction . That which you now tender is to have another Jurisdiction , and a co-ordinate Jurisdiction : I know very well you express your self , Sir , That notwithstanding that you would offer to the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber , yet nevertheless you would proceed on here ; I did hear you say so . But , Sir , that you would offer there , whatever it is , must needs be in delay of the Justice here ; so as if this Court be resolved and prepared for the Sentence , this that you offer they are not bound to grant . But , Sir , according to that you seem to desire , and because you shall know the further pleasure of the Court upon that which you have moved , the Court will withdraw for a time . This he did to prevent the disturbance of their Scene by one of their own Members Colonel John Downes , who could not stifle the reluctance of his Conscience , when he saw his Majesty press so earnestly for a short hearing , but declaring himself unsatisfied , forced them to yield to the King's Request . KING . Shall I withdraw ? Bradshaw . Sir , You shall know the pleasure of the Court presently . The Court withdraws for half an hour into the Court of Wards . Serjeant at Arms. The Court gives command that the Prisoner be withdrawn ; and they give order for his return again . Then withdrawing into the Chamber of the Court of Wards , their business was not to consider of his Majesties desire , but to Chide Downes , and with reproaches and threats to harden him to go through the remainder of their Villany with them . Which done , they return ; and being sate , Bradshaw commanded , Serjeant at Armes , send for your Prisoner . Who being come , Bradshaw proceeded : Sir , you were pleased to make a motion here to the Court , to offer a desire of yours touching the propounding of somewhat to the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber for the Peace of the Kingdom . Sir , you did in effect receive an Answer before the Court adjourned : truly , Sir , their withdrawing and adjournment was pro forma tantùm , for it did not seem to them that there was any difficulty in the thing . They have considered of what you have moved , and have considered of their own Authority , which is founded , as hath been often said , upon the supreme Authority of the Commons of England assembled in Parliament : the Court acts accordingly to their Commission . Sir , the return I have to you from the Court is this , That they have been too much delayed by you already , and this that you now offer hath occasioned some little further Delay , and they are Judges appointed by the highest Authority , and Judges are no more to delay than they are to deny Justice : they are good words in the Great old Charter of England , Nulli negabimus , nulli vendemus , & nulli deferemus Justitiam ; there must be no delay . But the truth is , Sir , and so every man here observes it , that you have much delayed them in your Contempt and Default , for which they might long since have proceeded to Judgment against you ; and notwithstanding what you have offered , they are resolved to proceed to Sentence and to Judgment , and that is their unanimous Resolution . KING . Sir , I know it is in vain for Me to dispute ; I am no Sceptick for to deny the Power that you have ; I know that you have Power enough . Sir , I must confess , I think it would have been for the Kingdoms Peace , if you would have taken the pains for to have shewn the Lawfulness of your Power . For this Delay that I have desired , I confess it is a Delay , but it is a Delay very important for the Peace of the Kingdom ; for it is not My Person that I look at alone , it is the Kingdoms Welfare , and the Kingdoms Peace . It is an old Sentence , That we should think on long before we resolve of great matters suddenly . Therefore , Sir , I do say again , that I do put at your doors all the inconveniency of a hasty Sentence . I confess I have been here now , I think , this Week , this day eight dayes was the day I came here first ; but a little Delay of a day or two further may give Peace , whereas a hasty Judgment may bring on that Trouble and perpetual Inconveniency to the Kingdom , that the Child that is unborn may repent it . And therefore again , out of the Duty I owe to God and to My Country , I do desire that I may be heard by the Lords and Commons in the Painted Chamber , or any other Chamber that you will appoint Me. Bradshaw . You have been already answered to what you even now moved , being the same you moved before , since the Resolution and the Judgment of the Court in it : And the Court now requires to know whether you have any more to say for your self than you have said , before they proceed to Sentence . KING . I say this , Sir , That if you hear Me , if you will give Me but this Delay , I doubt not but I shall give some satisfaction to you all here , and to My People after that ; and therefore I do require you , as you will answer it at the dreadful Day of Judgment , that you will consider it once again . Bradshaw . Sir , I have received direction from the Court. KING . Well , Sir. Bradshaw . If this must be re-inforced , or any thing of this nature , your Answer must be the same ; and they will proceed to Sentence , if you have nothing more to say . KING . I have nothing more to say ; but I shall desire that this may be entred what I have said . Bradshaw . The Court then , Sir , hath something to say unto you , which although I know it will be very unacceptable , yet notwithstanding they are willing and are resolved to discharge their Duty . Then Bradshaw went on in a long Harangue , endeavouring to justifie their proceedings , misapplying Law and History , and raking up and wresting whatsoever he thought fit for his purpose , alleging the Examples of former Treasons and Rebellions , both at home and abroad , as authentick proofs ; and concluding that the King was a Tyrant , Traitor , Murtherer , and publick Enemy to the Commonwealth of England . His Majesty having with His wonted Patience heard all these Reproaches , answered , I would desire only one word before you give Sentence , and that is , That you would hear Me concerning those great Imputations that you have laid to My charge . Bradshaw . Sir , you must give me now leave to go on , for I am not far from your Sentence , and your time is now past . KING . But I shall desire you will hear Me a few words to you ; for , truly whatever Sentence you will , put upon Me , in respect of those heavy Imputations that I see by your speech you have put upon Me. Sir , it is very true that — Bradshaw . Sir , I must put you in mind : truly , Sir , I would not willingly , at this time especially , interrupt you in any thing you have to say that is proper for us to admit of ; but , Sir , you have not owned us as a Court , and you look upon as a sort of people met together , and we know what Language we receive from your Party . KING . I know nothing of that . Bradshaw . You disavow us as a Court , and therefore for you to address your self to us , not to acknowledge us as a Court to judge of what you say , it is not to be permitted . And the truth is , all along from the first time you were pleased to disavow and disown us , the Court needed not to have heard you one word ; for unless they be acknowledged a Court , and engaged , it is not proper for you to speak . Sir , we have given you too much Liberty already , and admitted of too much Delay , and we may not admit of any further . Were it proper for us to do , we should hear you freely , and we should not have declined to have heard you at large , what you could have said or proved on your behalf , whether for totally excusing , or for in part excusing , those great and hainous Charges that in whole or in part are laid upon you . But , Sir , I shall trouble you no longer ; your Sins are of so large a dimension , that if you do but seriously think of them , they will drive you to a sad consideration , and they may improve in you a sad and serious repentance . And that the Court doth heartily wish , that you may be so penitent for what you have done amiss , that God may have mercy at least-wise upon your better part . Truly Sir , for the other , it is our parts and duties to do that that the Law prescribes . We are not here Jus dare , but Jus dicere : we cannot be unmindful of what the Scripture tells us , For to acquit the guilty is of equal abomination as to condemn the innocent ; we may not acquit the guilty . What sentence the Law affirms to a Traitor , Tyrant , a Murtherer , and a publick enemy to the Countrey , that Sentence you are now to hear read unto you , and that is the Sentence of the Court. Make an O yes , and command Silence while the Sentence is read . Which done , their Clerk , Broughton , read the Sentence , drawn up in Parchment . WHereas the Commons of England in Parliament had appointed them an High Court of Justice for the Trial of Charles Stuart King of England , before whom he had been three times convented , and at the first time a Charge of High Treason , and other Crimes and Misdemeanours , was read in the behalf of the Kingdom of England . [ Here the Charge was repeated . ] Which Charge being read unto him as aforesaid , he , the said Charles Stuart , was required to give his Answer ; but he refused so to do : [ Expressing the several passages of His refusing in the former Proceedings : ] For all which Treasons and Crimes this Court doth adjudge , That he , the said Charles Stuart , as a Tyrant , Traitor , Murtherer , and a publick Enemy , shall be put to death by the severing of his Head from his Body . Which being read , Bradshaw added , This Sentence now read and published , it is the Act , Sentence , Judgment and Resolution of the whole Court. To which they all expressed their Assent by standing up , as was before agreed and ordered . His Majesty then said , Will you hear Me a word , Sir ? Bradshaw . Sir , you are not to be heard after the Sentence . KING . No , Sir ? Bradshaw . No , Sir ; by your favour , Sir. Guard , withdraw your Prisoner . KING . I may speak after Sentence , by your favour , Sir , I may speak after Sentence , ever . By your favour , hold : The Sentence , Sir , — I say , Sir , I do — I am not suffered to speak ; expect what Justice other People will have . The Persons that sate when Judgment was given upon the Life of their KING , were these . Serjeant John Bradshaw . Lieutenant General Cromwell . Commissary General Ireton . John Lisle , Esquire . William Say , Esquire . Sir Hardresse Waller . Colonel Valentine Walton . Colonel Thomas Harrison . Colonel Edward Whaley . Colonel Thomas Pride . Colonel Isaac Ewer . Thomas Lord Gray of Groby . Sir John Danvers , Knight . Sir Thomas Maleverer , Baronet . Sir John Bourchier , Knight . William Heveningham , Esquire . Isaac Ponnington , Alderman . Colonel Henry Marten . Colonel William Poresoy . Colonel John Berksted . John Blakeston , Esquire . Gilbert Millington . Sir William Constable , Baronet . Colonel Edmund Ludlow . Colonel John Hutchinson . Sir Michael Livesey , Baronet . Colonel Robert Tichburne . Colonel Owen Rowe . Colonel Robert Lilburne . Colonel Adrian Scroope . Colonel Richard Deane . Colonel John Okey . Colonel John Hewson . Colonel William Goffe . Cornelius Holland , Esquire . John Carew , Esquire . Colonel John Jones . Miles Corbet , Esquire . Francis Allen , Esquire . Peregrine Pelham , Esquire . Colonel John More . Colonel John Alured . Colonel Henry Smith . Humphrey Edwards , Esquire . Gregory Clement , Esquire . Thomas Wogan , Esquire . Sir Gregory Norton , Baronet . Colonel Edmund Harvey . Colonel John Venne . Thomas Scot. Esquire . Thomas Andrewes , Alderman . William Cawley , Esquire . Antony Stapely , Esquire . Colonel John Downes . Colonel Thomas Horton . Colonel Thomas Hammond . Nicholas Love , Esquire . Vincent Potter . Augustine Garland , Esquire . John Dixwell , Esquire . Colonel George Fleetwood . Simon Mayne , Esquire . Colonel James Temple . Peter Temple . Daniel Blagrave , Esquire . Colonel Thomas Waite . Counsellors Assistant to draw up the Charge , Doctor Isaac Dorislaw . — Aske . William Steele , who excused himself by sickness . John Cooke , Solicitor . Dendy Serjeant , Mace-bearer . Broughton and Phelps , Clerk● . His Majesty being taken away by the Guard , as He passed down the Stairs the insolent Souldiers scoffed at Him , casting the smoak of their Tobacco ( a thing very distastful to Him ) in His Face , and throwing their Pipes in his way : And one more insolent than the rest , spitting in His Face , His Majesty , according to His wonted Heroick Patience took no more notice of so strange and barbarous an indignity , than to wipe it off with His Handkerchief . As He passed along , hearing the rabble of Souldiers crying out Justice , Justice , He said , Poor souls , for a piece of Money they would do so for their commanders . Being brought first to Sir Cotton's , and thence to White Hall , the Souldiers continued their brutish carriage toward Him , abusing all that seemed to shew any respect or even pity to Him ; not suffering Him to rest in his Chamber , but thrusting in , and smoaking their Tobacco , and disturbing His Privaty . But through all these Trials ( unusual to Princes ) He passed with such a calm and even temper , that He let fall nothing unbeseeming His former Majesty and Magnanimity . In the Evening a Member of the Army acquainted the Committee with His Majestie 's desire , That seeing they had passed a Sentence of Death upon Him , and His time might be nigh , He might see His Children , and Doctor Juxon Bishop of London might be admitted to assist Him in His private Devotions , and receiving the Sacrament . Both which at length were granted . And the next day , being Sunday , He was attended by the Guard to Saint James ' s , where the Bishop preached before Him upon these words , In the day when God shall judge the secrets of all men by Jesus Christ according to my Gospel . LVIII . His MAJESTIE's Speech to the Lady ELIZABETH , and HENRY Duke of GLOUCESTER . Jan. 29. MDCXL VIII . IX . Of His MAJESTIE's discourse to His Children , there being several Relations , it is thought fit to represent the several Copies . I. A true Relation of the King's Speech to the Lady ELIZABETH and the Duke of GLOUCESTER the day before His Death . HIS Children being come to meet Him , He first gave His Blessing to the Lady Elizabeth , and bade Her Remember to ●ell Her Brother James , whenever She should see Him , that it was his Fathers last ●●sire , that he should no more look upon Charles as his Eldest Brother only , but be obedient unto Him as his Sovereign : And that they should love one another , and forgive their Fathers Enemies . Then said the King to Her , Sweet Heart , you will forget this . No , said She , I shall never forget it whilst I live : and pouring forth abundance of tears , promised Him to write down the particulars . Then the King taking the Duke of Gloucester upon His Knee , said , Sweet Heart , now they will cut off thy Fathers Head ( upon which words the Child looked very stedfastly on Him ) Mark , Child , what I say ; They will cut off My Head , and perhaps make thee a King : But mark what I say , You must not be a King so long as your Brothers CHARLES and JAMES do live ; for they will cut off your Brothers Heads ( when they can catch them ) and cut off thy Head too at last : and therefore I charge you do not be made a King by them . At which the Child sighing , said , I will be torn in pieces first . Which falling so unexpectedly from one so young , it made the King rejoyce exceedingly . II. Another Relation from the Lady ELIZABETHS own Hand . WHat the King said to me the 29. of Jan. 1648. being the last time I had the Happiness to see Him. He told me , He was glad I was come ; and although He had not time to say much , yet somewhat He had to say to Me which He had not to another , or leave in writing , because He feared their Cruelty was such as that they would not have permitted Him to write to me . He wished me not to grieve and torment my self for Him , for that would be a glorious Death that He should die , it being for the Laws and Liberties of this Land , and for maintaining the true Protestant Religion . He bid me read Bishop Andrewes Sermons , Hooker's Ecclesiastical Polity , and Bishop Laud's Book against Fisher , which would ground me against Popery . He told me , He had forgiven all his Enemies , and hoped God would forgive them also ; and commanded us , and all the rest of my Brothers and Sisters , to forgive them . He bid me tell my Mother , that His thoughts had never strayed from Her , and that His Love should be the same to the last . Withal He commanded me and my Brother to be obedient to Her , and bid me send His Blessing to the rest of my Brothers and Sisters , with commendation to all His Friends . So after He had given me his Blessing , I took my leave . Further , He commanded us all to forgive those People , but never to trust them , for they had been most false to Him , and to those that gave them Power ; and He feared also to their own Souls : And desired me not to grieve for Him , for He should die a Martyr ; and that He doubted not but the Lord would settle His Throne upon His Son , and that we should be all happier than we could have expected to have been if he had lived . With many other things which at present I cannot remember . ELIZABETH . III. Another Relation from the Lady ELIZABETH . THE King said to the Duke of Glocester , that He would say nothing to him but what was for the good of his Soul. He told him that He heard the Army intended to make him King ; but it was a thing not for him to take upon him , if he regarded the welfare of his Soul , for he had two Brothers before him : and therefore commanded him upon his Blessing never to accept of it , unless it redounded lawfully upon him : and commanded him to fear the Lord , and he would provide for him . LIX . His MAJESTIE's Speech upon the Scaffold before White-Hall ; with the Manner of His Martyrdom , Jan. 30. MDCXLVIII . IX . IN pursuance of the bloody Sentence passed upon His Sacred Majesty , the same Sixty four persons met the same day in the Painted Chamber , and appointed Waller , [ Harrison , ] Ireton , Deane and Okey , a Committee to consider of the time and place for the Execution . Painted Chamber , Lunae , Jan. 29. 1648. Forty eight of the Commissioners met , and Upon Report made from the Committee for considering of the Time and Place of the Executing of the Judgment against the King , That the said Committee have Resolved , That the open Street before White-Hall is a fit place ; and that the said Committee conceive it fit , That the King be there executed to morrow , the King having already notice thereof : The Court approved thereof , and ordered a Warrant to be drawn for that purpose ; which Warrant was accordingly drawn and agreed unto , and ordered to be ingrossed , which was done , and Signed and Sealed accordingly , as followeth . At the High Court of Justice for the Trying and Judging of CHARLES STUART King of England , Januar. 29. 1648. WHereas Charles Stuart , King of England , is , and standeth Convicted , Attainted , and Condemned of High Treason and other high Crimes , and Sentence upon Saturday last was pronounced against him by this Court , to be put to death by the severing of his Head from his Body ; of which Sentence Execution yet remains to be done : These are therefore to will and require you to see the said Sentence executed in the open Street before White-hall upon the morrow , being the 30. day of this instant Month of January , between the hours of Ten in the Morning and Five in the Afternoon of the same day , with full effect : And so doing this shall be your sufficient Warrant . And these are to require all Officers and Souldiers , and other the good People of this Nation of England , to be assisting unto you in this Service . To Colonel Francis Hacker , Colonel Huncks , and Lieutenant Colonel Phayre , and to every of them . Given under our hands and seals . John Bradshaw . Thomas Gray . Ol. Cromwel . Edw. Whaley . Mi. Livesey . John Okey . Jo. Danvers . Jo. Bourchier . Rich. Ingoldsby . W. Cawley . J. Barkestead . Isaac Ewer . J. Dixwell . Val. Wauton . Symon Meyne . Tho. Horton . H. Ireton . Tho. Maleverer . John Blakeston . Jo. Hutchinson . Will. Goffe . Tho. Pride . Pe. Temple . Tho. Harrison . Hen. Smith . Per. Pelham . Ri. Dean . Rob. Tichburne . Hum. Edwards . Dan. Blagrave . Owen Rowe . William Purefoy . Ad. Scroope . James Temple . A. Garland . Edm. Ludlow . Hen. Marten . Vincent Potter . W. Constable . Jo. Jones . Jo. Moore : Ha. Waller . Gilb. Millington . G. Fleetwood . J. Alured . Rob. Lilburne . W. Saye . Anth. Stapeley . Gre. Norton . Tho. Chaloner . Tho. Wogan . Jo. Venne . Greg. Clement . Jo. Downes . Tho. Waite . Tho. Scott . Jo. Carew . Miles Corbet . Tuesday the thirtieth of January , the Fatal Day being come , the Commissioners met , and ordered four or five of their Ministers to attend upon the King at James's , where they then kept Him : but his Majesty well knowing what miserable comforters they were like to prove , refused to have conference with them . That Morning , before his Majesty was brought thence , the Bishop of London ( who with much ado was permitted to wait upon Him a day or two before , and to assist Him in that sad instant ) read Divine Service in his presence , in which the 27th of Saint Matthew ( the History of our Saviour's Crucifixion ) proved the second Lesson . The King supposing it to have been selected on purpose , thank'd him afterwards for his seasonable choice . But the Bishop modestly declining that undue thanks , told him that it was the Lesson appointed by the Calendar for that day . He also then and there received of the Bishop the holy Sacrament , and performed all His Devotions in preparation to His Passion . Which ended , about ten of the clock His Majesty was brought from Saint James's to White-Hall by a Regiment of Foot , with Colours flying and Drums beating , part marching before and part behind , with a private guard of Partisans about Him , the Bishop on the the one hand , and Colonel Tomlinson ( who had the charge of Him ) on the other , both bare-headed . His Majesty walking very fast , and bidding them go faster , added , That He now went before them to strive for an Heavenly Crown with less solicitude than He had often incouraged His Souldiers to fight for an Earthly Diadem . Being come to the end of the Park , He went up the Stairs leading to the long Gallery in White-Hall , and so into the Cabinet Chamber , where He used formerly to lodge . There , finding an unexpected delay in being brought upon the Scaffold , which they had not as then fitted , He past the time , at convenient distances , in Prayer . About twelve of the clock , His Majesty refusing to dine , only eat a bit of Bread and drank a Glass of Claret : and about an hour after Colonel Hacker with other Officers and Souldiers brought Him , with the Bishop and Colonel Tomlinson , through the Banqueting-house , to the Scaffold , to which the passage was made through a Window . Divers Companies of Foot and Troups of Horse were placed on each side of the Street , which hindred the approach of the very numerous Spectators , and the King from speaking what He had premeditated and prepared for them to hear . Whereupon His Majesty finding Himself disappointed , omitted much of His intended matter , and for what He meant to speak directed Himself chiefly to Colonel Tomlinson . I Shall be very little heard of any body here ; I shall therefore speak a word unto you here . Indeed I could hold My peace very well , if I did not think that holding My peace would make some men think that I did submit to the Guilt as well as to the Punishment : But I think it is My Duty , to God first , and to My Country , for to clear My self both as an honest Man , and a good King , and a good Christian . I shall begin first with My Innocency . In troth , I think it not very needful for Me to insist long upon this , for all the World knows that I never did begin a War first with the two Houses of Parliament ; and I call God to witness , to whom I must shortly make an account , that I never did intend for to incroach upon their Privileges : they began upon Me ; it is the Militia they began upon : they confest that the Militia was Mine ; but they thought it fit for to have it from Me. And to be short , if any body will look to the Dates of Commissions , of their Commissions and Mine , and likewise to the Declarations , they will see clearly that they began these unhappy Troubles , not I. So that as to the guilt of these enormous Crimes that are laid against Me , I hope in God that God will clear Me of it . I will not , ( I am in Charity ) God forbid that I should lay it on the two Houses of Parliament ; there is no necessity of either : I hope they are free of this Guilt . For I do believe that ill Instruments between them and Me have been the chief cause of all this blood-shed . So that by way of speaking , as I find my self clear of this , I hope , and pray God , that they may too . Yet for all this , God forbid that I should be so ill a Christian as not to say that God's Judgments are just upon Me ; many times he does pay Justice by an unjust Sentence ; that is ordinary . I will only say this , That an unjust Sentence that I suffered for to take effect is punished now by an unjust Sentence upon Me. That is — So far I have said , to shew you that I am an innocent man. Now for to shew you that I am a good Christian ; I hope there is a good man that will bear Me witness that I have forgiven all the World , and even those in particular that have been the chief causers of My Death : Who they are , God knows , I do not desire to know ; I pray God forgive them . But this is not all . My Charity must go further ; I wish that they may repent ; for indeed they have committed a great Sin in that particular : I pray God , with Saint Stephen , that this be not laid to their charge . Nay , not only so , but that they may take the right way to the Peace of the Kingdom : For My Charity commands me not only to forgive particular men , but My Charity commands Me to endeavour to the last gasp the Peace of the Kingdom . So , Sirs , I do wish with all My Soul , ( and I do hope there is some here will carry it further ) that they may endeavour the Peace of the Kingdom . Now , Sirs , I must shew you both how you are out of the way , and will put you in a way . First , you are out of the way . For certainly all the way you ever have had yet , as I could find by any thing , is in the way of Conquest . Certainly this is an ill way : For Conquest , Sir , in My opinion , is never just , except there be a good just Cause , either for matter of Wrong , or just Title ; and then if you go beyond it , the first quarrel that you have to it , that makes it unjust at the end that was just at the first . But if it be only matter of Conquest , then it is a great Robbery , as a Pirate said to Alexander , that He was the great Robber , he was but a petty Robber . And so , Sir , I do think the way that you are in is much out of the way . Now , Sir , for to put you in the way ; believe it , you will never do right , nor God will never prosper you , until you give God his Due , the King his Due , ( that is , My Successors ) and the People their Due : I am as much for them as any of you . You must give God his due , by regulating rightly his Church according to his Scripture , which is now out of order . For to set you in a way particularly , now I cannot ; but only this , A National Synod , freely called , freely debating among themselves ; must settle this , when that every Opinion is freely and clearly heard . For the King , indeed I will not , — ( Then turning to a Gentleman that touched the Axe , He said , Hurt not the Axe , that may hurt Me. ) For the King , the Laws of the Land will clearly instruct you for that ; therefore , because it concerns My Own particular , I only give you a touch of it . For the People ; And truly I desire their Liberty and Freedom as much as any body whomsoever : but I must tell you , that their Liberty and Freedom consists in having of Government , those Laws by which their Life and their Goods may be most their own . It is not for having share in Government , Sir ; that is nothing pertaining to them ; a Subject and a Soveraign are clear different things . And therefore until they do that , I mean , that you do put the People in that Liberty as I say , certainly they will never enjoy themselves . Sirs , It was for this that now I am come here : If I would have given way to an Arbitrary way , for to have all Laws changed according to the power of the Sword , I needed not to have come here ; and therefore I tell you , ( and I pray God it be not laid to your charge ) that I am the Martyr of the People . In troth , Sirs , I shall not hold you much longer ; for I will only say this to you , That in truth I could have desired some little time longer , because that I would have put this that I have said in a little more order , and a little better digested than I have done ; and therefore I hope you will excuse Me. I have delivered My Conscience : I pray God that you do take those courses that are best for the good of the Kingdom and your own Salvation . Then the Bishop said , Though it be very well known what Your Majesty's affections are to the Protestant Religion , yet it may be expected that You should say somewhat for the Worlds satisfaction in that particular . Whereupon the King replied , I thank you very heartily , My Lord , for that ; I had almost forgotten it . In troth , Sirs , My Conscience in Religion , I think , is very well known to all the World ; and therefore I declare before you all , That I die a Christian , according to the Profession of the Church of England , as I found it left Me by My Father : and this honest man , I think , will witness it . Then turning to the Officers he said , Sirs , Excuse Me for this same . I have a good Cause , and I have a gracious God. I will say no more . Then to Colonel Hacker He said , Take care that they do not put Me to pain . And , Sir , this , and it please you — But a Gentleman coming near the Axe , the King said , Take heed of the Axe ; pray take heed of the Axe . And to the Executioner , He said , I shall say but very short Prayers , and when I thrust out My hands — Then He called to the Bishop for His Cap , and having put it on , asked the Executioner , Does My Hair trouble you ? Who desired Him to put it all under His Cap ; which as he was doing by the help of the Bishop and the Executioner , He turned to the Bishop , and said , I have a good Cause , and a gracious God on My side . The Bishop said , There is but one Stage more ; which though turbulent and troublesome , yet is a very short one . You may consider it will soon carry You a very great way ; it will carry You from Earth to Heaven ; and there You shall find , to Your great joy , the prize You hasten to , a Crown of Glory . The King adjoyns , I go from a corruptible to an incorruptible Crown ; where no disturbance can be , no disturbance in the world . Bishop . You are exchanged from a Temporal to an Eternal Crown : A good Exchange . Then the King asked the Executioner , Is My Hair well ? And taking off His Cloak and George , He delivered His George to the Bishop , saying , Remember . Then putting off His Doublet , and being in His Wast-coat , He put on His Cloak again , and looking upon the Block , said to the Executioner , You must set it fast . Execut. It is fast , Sir. KING . It might have been a little higher . Execut. It can be no higher , Sir. KING . When I put out My hands this way , then — Then having said a few words to Himself , as He stood , with hands and eyes lift up , immediately stooping down He laid His Neck upon the Block ; and the Executioner again putting His Hair under His Cap , His Majesty thinking he had been going to strike , bad him Stay for the Sign . Execut. Yes , I will , and it please Your Majesty . After a very short pause , His Majesty stretching forth his hands , the Executioner at one blow severed His Head from His Body : Which being held up and shewed to the People , was with His Body put into a Coffin covered with black Velvet , and carried into His Lodging . His Blood was taken up by divers persons for different ends ; by some as Trophies of their Villany , by others as Reliques of a Martyr ; and in some hath had the same effect , by the blessing of God , which was often found in His Sacred Touch when living . The Malice of His Enemies ended not with His Life ; For when His Body was carried to Saint James's to be opened , they directed their Empericks to search for such Symptomes as might disgrace His Person or His Posterity . But herein they were prevented by an honest Intruder , who gave a true account of His sound and excellent Temperament . Being imbalmed , and laid in a Coffin of Lead to be seen , for some days , by the People , at length , upon Wednesday the seventh of February , it was delivered to four of His Servants , Herbert , Mildmay , Preston and Joyner , who , with some others , in mourning equipage attended the Herse that night to Windsore , and placed it in the Room which was formerly the Kings Bed-chamber . Next day it was removed into the Deans Hall , which was hung with black and made dark , and Lights were set burning round the Herse . About three afternoon , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Harford , the Earls of Southampton and Lindsey , and the Bishop of London , ( others that were sent to refusing that last Service to the best of Princes ) came thither with two Votes passed that Morning , whereby the ordering of the King's Burial was committed to the Duke , provided that the Expences thereof exceeded not five hundred pounds . This Order they sheved to Colonel Whichcot the Governor of the Castle , desiring that the Interrment might be in Saint George's Chappel , and according to the form of the Common-Prayer . The latter Request the Governour denied , saying , That it was improbable the Parliament would permit the use of what they had so solemnly abolished , and therein destroy their own Act. The Lords replied , That there was a difference betwixt destroying their own Act , and dispensing with it ; and that no Power so binds its own hands , as to disable it self in some cases . But all prevailed not . The Governour had caused an ordinary Grave to be digged in the body of the Church of Windsore for the Interment of the Corps ; which the Lords disdaining , found means by the direction of an honest man , one of the old Knights , to use an artifice to discover a Vault in the middle of the Quire , by the hollow sound they might perceive in knocking with a Staff upon that place ; that so it might seem to be their own accidental finding out , and no person receive blame for the discovery . This place they caused to be opened , and entring saw one large Coffin of Lead in the middle of the Vanlt covered with a Velvet Pall , and a lesser on one side ( supposed to be Henry the Eighth , and His beloved Queen Jane Saint-Maure ) on the other side was room left for another ( probably intended for Queen Katherine Parre , who survived Him ) where they thought fit to lay the King. Hither the Herse was born by the Officers of the Garrison , the four Lords bearing up the Corners of the Velvet Pall , and the Bishop of London following . And in this manner was this Great King , upon Friday the ninth of February , about three afternoon , silently , and without other Solemnity than of Sighs and Tears , committed to the Earth , the Velvet Pall being thrown into the Vault over the Coffin ; to which was fastened an Inscription in Lead of these words , KING CHARLES 1648. CAROLI Primi 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 Epitaphium 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . SIstas sacrilegum Pedem , Viator , Nè forsan temeres sacros sepulchri Augusti Cineres . Repôc est In Terrae Gremio Decor Stupórque Humani Generis ; Senex , & Infans ; Prudens scilicet Innocésque Princeps : Regni Praesidium , Ruina Regni ; Vitâ Praesidium , Ruina Morte . Quem Regem potiùs , Patrémve dicam ? O Patrem priùs , & deinde Regem ! Regem quippe Suî , Patrémque Regni . Hic Donúmque Dei , Deíque Cura , ( Quem , Vitáque refert , refértque Morte , ) Ringente Satanâ , Canente Coelo , Diro in Pegmate [ Gloriae Theatro ] Et Christi Cruce , Victor , & Securi Baptistae emicuit . Ruina Felix ! Quâ Divum Carolus secutus Agnum , Et postliminiò domum vocatus Primaevae Patriae fit Inquilinus . Sic Lucis priùs Hesperus Cadentis Resplendet modò Phosphorus Reversae . Hic Vindex Fidei sacer Vetustae , Cui par est nihil , & nihil secundum , Naturae Typus absolutioris , Fortunae Domitor ferendo suae ; Qui quantum Calicis bibit tremendi , Tatundem sibi Gloriae reportat ; Regum Maximus , unicúsque Regum , In quo Res minima est , fuisse Regem . Solus , qui superâ locatus Arce Vel Vitâ poterit frui priore . Quum sint Relliquiae , Cadaver , Umbra Tam sacri Capitis vel ipsa sacra , Ipsis Eulogiis coinquinata , Quiaeque ipsum 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 prophanat ; Sistas sacrilegum Pedem , Viator . Tho. Pierce D. D. Coll. Magd. apud Oxon. Praeses . An Elegy upon the Death of Our Dread Sovereign Lord King CHARLES the MARTYR . COme , come , let 's Mourn ; all eyes that see this Day , Melt into Showts , and weep your selves away . O that each private head could yield a Floud Of Tears , whil'st Britain's Head streams out His Bloud ! Could we pay what His Sacred Drops might claim , The World must needs be drowned once again . Hands cannot write for Trembling ; let our Eye Supply the Quill , and shed an Elegy . Tongues cannot speak ; this Grief knows no such vent : Nothing but Silence can be Eloquent . Worlds are not here significant ; in This Our Sighs , our Groans bear all the Emphasis . Dread SIR ! What shall we say ? Hyperbole Is not a Figure , when it speaks of Thee . Thy Book is our best Language ; what to this Shall e're be added is Thy Meiosis : Thy Name 's Text too hard for us ; no men Can write of it , without Thy Parts and Pen. Thy Prisons , Scorns , Reproach , and Poverty How could'st Thou bear ? Thou Meeker Moses , how ? Was ever Lion bit with Whelps till now And did not roar ? Thou England's David , how Did Shimei's Tongue not move Thee ? Where 's the Where is the King ? CHARLES is all Christian . ( Man ? Rebell'd , Thou mad'st Thy Passions to obey . Hadst Thou regain'd Thy Throne of State by Power , Thou hadst not then been more a Conqueror . But Thou , thine own Soul's Monarch , art above Revenge and Anger : Canst Thou tame Thy Love ? How could'st Thou bear Thy Queen's Divorce ? must She At once Thy Wife , and yet Thy Widow be ? Where are Thy tender Babes once Princely bred , Thy choicest Jewels ? are they Sequestred ? Where are Thy Nobles ? Lo , in stead of these , Base savage Villains , and Thy Enemies . Egyptian Plague ! 't was only Pharaoh's doom , To see such Vermin in His Lodging-room . What Guards are set ? what Watches do they keep ? They do not think Thee safe though lock'd in Sleep . Would they confine Thy Dreams within to dwell , Nor let Thy Fancy pass their Centinel ? Are Thy Devotions dangerous ? Or do Thy Prayers want a Guard ? These faulty too ? Varlets , 't was only when they spake for You. But lo a Charge is Drawn , a Day is set , The silent LAMB is brought , the Wolves are met . Law is arraign'd of Treason , Peace of War , And Justice stands a Prisoner at the Bar. This Scene was like the Passion-Tragedy : His Saviour's Person none could Act but He. Behold , what Scribes were here , what Pharisees ! What Bands of Souldiers ! what false Witnesses ! Here was a Priest , and that a Chief one , who Durst strike at God , and His Vicegerent too . Here Bradshaw , Pilate there : This makes them twain , Pilate for Fear , Bradshaw condemn'd for Gain . Wretch ! couldst not thou be rich till Charles was dead ? Thou might'st have took the Crown , yet spar'd the Head , Th' hast justifi'd that Roman Judge ; He stood And washt in Water , thou hast dipt in Blood. And where 's the Slaughter-House ? White-hall must be , Lately His Palace , now His Calvary . Great CHARLES , is this Thy dying-place ? And where Thou wer 't our KING , art Thou our MARTYR there ? Thence , thence Thy Soul took flight ; and there will we Not cease to Mourn , where Thou didst cease to Be. And thus , blest Soul , He 's gone : a Star , whose fall , As no Eclipse , proves Oecumenical . That Wretch had skill to sin , whose Hand did know How to behead three Kingdoms at one blow . England hath lost the Influence of her KING . No wonder that so backward was her Spring . O dismal Day ! but yet how quickly gone ? It must be short , Our SUN went down at Noon . And now , ye Senators , is this the Thing So oft declar'd ? is this your Glorious King ? Did you by Oaths your God and Country mock ? Pretend a Crown , and yet prepare a Block ? Did you , that swore you 'd Mount CHARLES higher yet , Intend the Scaffold for His Olivet ? Was this , Hail Master ? Did you bow the knee That you might murther Him with Loyalty ? Alas ! two Deaths ! what Cruelty was this ? The Axe design'd , you might have spar'd the Kiss . London , didst thou Thy Prince's Life betray ? What ? could Thy Sables vent no other way ? Or else didst thou bemoan His Cross ? then , ah ! Why would'st thou be the cursed Golgotha ? Thou once hadst Men , Plate , Arms , a Treasury To bind thy KING , and hast thou none to free ? Dull beast ! thou should'st , before thy Head did fall , Have had at least thy Spirits Animal . Did You , Ye Nobles , envy CHARLES His Crown ? Jove being fal'n the Puny-gods must down : Your Raies of Honour are eclip'st in Night , The Sun is set from whence You drew your Light. Religion Veils her self , and Mourns that she Is forc'd to own such horrid Villany . The Church and State do shake ; that Building must Expect to fall , whose Prop is turn'd to Dust . But cease from Tears-CHARLES is most blest of men ; A God on Earth , more than a Saint in Heav'n . THE END . A COLLECTION OF DECLARATIONS , TREATIES , AND OTHER Principal Passages concerning the DIFFERENCES BETWIXT King Charles I. AND HIS TWO HOUSES OF PARLIAMENT . Clearly Manifesting The Justice of His Cause . His Sincerity in Religion . His Constant Endeavours for Peace . Bona agere , & mala pati , Regium est . LONDON Printed , MDCLXXXVII . THE PREFACE TO THE NOBILITY and GENTRY OF ENGLAND . I Might call this Collection , A Complete Body of English Politicks , as comprehending both the Duty and the Interest of all true English-men ; and those largely set forth in some of the most excellent Discourses that were ever written in this kind : Which , for their own sakes , might claim some better respect from the present Age , than to be cast aside as out-dated Pamphlets , or , at the best , confusedly scattered like the Leaves of Sibylla , without any care of conserving and transmitting them to Posterity . The sad Experience of so many years hath taught this Nation to their cost , how miserable even the greatest Subjects make themselves , by incroaching upon that Soveraignty which alone can protect them from the Injuries and the Scorn of their Inferiours . Here you will discover the Arts , the Means , and the Degrees , by which those Mischiefs were attempted and atchieved ; Which whensoever you see repeated , you will know , the Plot is as well against your Privilege , and the Liberty of your Countrey , as the Prerogative of your Prince . Indeed , If it were as easie to root out the remembrance of the ill Examples , as it is to remit the punishment of the Crimes , by Acts of Grace , and Pardon , and Oblivion ; it were perhaps no Imprudence to let those Mischiefs sleep with their Authors , and leave their Memories buried in the Ruines they have made . But since many that are content to take the utmost advantage of a Pardon , are yet too good to acknowledge they ever stood in need of any ; since most will remember only What hath been done , and few trouble themselves to inquire How , or Why : it cannot be thought impertinent , together with the Actions , to represent also the true Causes that have produced such Effects , and the Circumstances that attended them ; which may remain as Marks to warn Posterity of those Errors which have cost the present Age so dear . This is here done , not from the private phancies or observations of any one Person or Party , but from the Publick and Authentick Writings of Both , digested in such order , that the Reader may compare what both sides had to say for themselves , and thereby discern , whose Designs and what Counsels tended most to the Peace and Welfare of the Nation : A study most proper for those Ranks of men whom the Favour of Princes hath raised above the Common Multitude , to this one End , that they may assist Them in the administration of Their Government , and in keeping Peace and good order in their Countries . To have Collected all that passed in these great Contests , would have been the Work of many Volumes : But the most material , and most necessary to carry on the Series of Times and Things ( which , in a manner , comprehend the Sum , or at least shew the Result of all the rest ) are here disposed according to their most natural order of time , under these few heads . I. His Majesties Declarations concerning His Proceedings in His Four first Parliaments . p. 217. II. Declarations and Papers concerning the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His Fifth Parliament . p. 241. III. Declarations and Paper concerning the Treaty of Peace at Oxford , MDCXLII . III. p. 325. IV. A Declaration concerning the Cessation in Ireland . Also Declarations and Passages of the Parliament at Oxford . p. 401. V. Papers and Passages concerning the Treaty of Peace at Vxbridge . p. 437. VI. Messages , Propositions , and Treaties for Peace : With divers Resolutions and Declarations thereupon , MDCXLV . VI. VII . VIII . p. 547. HIS MAJESTIES DECLARATIONS CONCERNING HIS PROCEEDINGS IN HIS FOUR FIRST PARLIAMENTS . A Declaration of the true Causes which moved His MAJESTY to Assemble , and after inforced Him to Dissolve the First and Second Meetings in Parliament . THE King 's most Excellent Majesty , since His happy access to the Imperial Crown of this Realm , having by His Royal Authority summoned and assembled two several Parliaments , the first whereof was in August last by adjournment held at Oxford , and there dissolved , and the other begun in February last , and continued until the fifteenth day of this present month of June , and then to the unspeakable grief of Himself and ( as He believeth ) of all His good and well-affected Subjects , dissolved also ; although He well knoweth the the calling , adjourning , proroguing and dissolving of Parliaments , being His Great Council of the Kingdom , do peculiarly belong unto Himself by an undoubted Prerogative inseparably united to His Imperial Crown , of which , as of His other Regal Actions , He is not bound to give an account to any but to God only , whose immediate Lieutenant and Vicegerent He is in these His Realms and Dominions , by the Divine Providence committed to His Charge and Government : yet forasmuch as , by the assistance of the Almighty , His purpose is so to order Himself and all His Actions , especially the great and publick Actions of State concerning the weal of His People , as may justifie themselves not only to His own Conscience and to His own People , but to the whole World ; His Majesty hath thought it fit and necessary , as the Affairs now stand both at home and abroad , to make a true , plain and clear Declaration of the causes which moved His Majesty to assemble , and after inforced Him to dissolve these Parliaments ; that so the mouth of Malice it self may be stopped , and the doubts and fears of His own good Subjects at home , and of His Friends and Allies abroad , may be satisfied , and the deserved blame of so unhappy accidents may justly light upon the Authors thereof . When His Majesty , by the death of His dear and Royal Father of ever-blessed memory , first came to the Crown , He found himself ingaged in a War with a potent Enemy , not undertaken rashly , nor without just and honourable grounds , but inforced , for the necessary defence of Himself and His Dominions , for the support of His Friends and Allies , for the redeeming of the ancient honour of this Nation , for the recovering of the Patrimony of His dear Sister , her Consort and their Children , injuriously and under colour of Treaties and Friendship taken from them , and for the maintenance of the true Religion ; and invited thereunto and incouraged therein by the humble advice of both the Houses of Parliament , and by their large promises and protestations to His late majesty , to give Him full and real assistance in those Enterprises which were of so great importance of this Realm , and to the general Peace and Safety of all His Friends and Allies . But when His majesty entred into a view of His Treasure , He found how ill provided He was to proceed effectually with so great an Action , unless He might be assured to receive such Supplies from His loving Subjects as might inable Him to manage the same . Hereupon His majesty being willing to tread in the steps of His Royal Progenitors , for the making of good and wholsome Laws for the better government of His people , for the right understanding of their true Grievances , and for the supply of moneys to be imployed for those publick services , He did resolve to summon a Parliament with all convenient speed He might ; and finding a former Parliament already called in the life of His Father , He was desirous , for the speedier dispatch of His weighty affairs and gaining of time , to have continued the same without any alteration of the members thereof , had He not been advised to the contrary by His Judges and Counsel at Law , for that it had been subject to question in Law , which He desired to avoid . But as soon as possibly He could , He summoned a new Parliament , which He did with much confidence and assurance of the love of His People , that those who not long before had with some importunity won his Father to break off his former Treaties with Spain , and to effect it had used the mediation of his now majesty , being then Prince and a member of the Parliament , and had promised in Parliament their uttermost assistance for the inabling of his late majesty to undergo the War which they then foresaw might follow , would assuredly have performed it to his now majesty , and would not have suffered him in his first Enterprise of so great an expectation to have run the least hazard through their defaults . This Parliament ( after some adjournment by reason of his majestie's unavoidable occasions interposing ) being assembled on the eighteenth day of June , it is true that his Commons in Parliament , taking into their due and serious consideration the manifold occasions which at his first entry did press his majesty , and his most important affairs which both at home and abroad were then in action , did with great readiness and alacrity , as a pledge of their most bounden Duty and Thankfulness , and as the first-fruits of the most dutiful affections of his loving and loyal Subjects devoted to his service , present his majesty with the free and chearful gift of two entire Subsidies ; which their gift , and much more the freeness and heartiness expressed in the giving thereof , his majesty did thankfully and lovingly accept . But when he had more narrowly entred into the consideration of his great affairs wherein he was imbarked , and from which he could not without much dishonour and disadvantage withdraw his hand , He sound that this summe of money was much short of that which of necessity must be presently expended for the setting forward of those great actions which by advice of his Council he had undertaken , and were that Summer to be pursued . This his majesty imparted to his Commons House of Parliament : but before the same could receive that debate and due consideration which was fit , the fearful visitation of the Plague in and about the Cities of London and Westminster , where the Lords and the principal Gentlemen of quality of his whole Kingdom were for the time of this their service lodged and abiding , did so much increase , that his majesty , without extream peril to the lives of His good Subjects , which were dear unto him , could not continue the Parliament any longer in that place . His Majesty therefore on the eleventh day of July then following adjourned the Parliament from Westminster until the first day of August then following , to the City of Oxford ; and his Highness was so careful to accommodate his Lords and Commons there , that , as He made choice of that place , being then the freest of all others from the danger of that grievous Sickness , so He there fitted the Parliament-men with all things convenient for their entertainment : and his Majesty himself being in his own heart sincere and free from all ends upon his people ( which the Searcher of hearts best knoweth ) He little expected that any misconstruction of His Actions would have been made , as He there found . But when the Parliament had been a while there assembled , and His Majestie 's Affairs opened unto them , and a further supply desired , as necessity required , He found them so slow and so full of delays and diversions in their resolutions , that before any thing could be determined , the fearful Contagion daily increased , and was dispersed into all the parts of this Kingdom , and came home even their doors where they were assembled . His Majesty therefore rather preferred the safety of His People from that present and visible danger , than the providing for that which was more remote , but no less dangerous to the state of this Kingdom , and of the affairs of that part of Christendom which then were and yet are in friendship and alliance with His Majesty ; and thereupon His Majesty , not being then able to discern when it might please God to stay His hand of Visitation , nor what place might be more secure than other at a time convenient for their re-assembling , His Majesty dissolved that Parliament . That Parliament being now ended , His Majesty did not therewith cast off His Royal care of His great and important affairs ; but by the advice of His Privy Council and of His Council of War , He continued His preparations and former resolutions , and therein not only expended those moneys which by the two Subsidies aforesaid were given unto Him for His own private use , whereof He had too much occasion , as He found the state of His Exchequer at His first entrance ; but added much more of His own , as by His credit and the credit of some of His Servants He was able to compass the same . At last , by much disadvantage by the retarding of provisions and uncertainty of the means , His Navy was prepared and set to Sea , and the designs unto which they were sent and specially directed were so probable and so well advised , that had they not miscarried in the execution , His Majesty is well assured they would have given good satisfaction not only to His own people , but to all the world , that they were not lightly or unadvisedly undertaken and pursued . But it pleased God , who is the Lord of Hosts , and unto whose Providence and good pleasure His Majesty doth and shall ever submit Himself and all His endeavours , not to give that success which was desired . And yet were those attempts not altogether so fruitless as the envy of the Times hath apprehended , the Enemy receiving thereby no small loss , and our party no little advantage ; and it would much avail to further His Majestie 's great affairs and the Peace of Christendom , which ought to be the true end of all hostility , were these first beginnings , which are most subject to miscarry , well seconded and pursued , as His Majesty intended , and as , in the judgment of all men conversant in actions of this nature , were fit not to have been neglected . These things being thus acted , and God of his infinite Goodness , beyond expectation , asswaging the rage of the Pestilence , and in a manner of a sudden restoring health and safety to the Cities of London and Westminster , which are the fittest places for the resort of His Majesty , His Lords and Commons , to meet in Parliament , His Majesty in the depth of Winter , no sooner descried the probability of a safe assembling of His people , and in His Princely Wisdom and Providence foresaw , that if the opportunity of seasons should be omitted , preparations both defensive and offensive could not be made in such sort as was requisite for their common safety , but He advised and resolved of the summoning of a new Parliament , where He might freely communicate the necessities of the State , and by the counsel and advice of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , who are the representative body of the whole Kingdom , and the great Counsel of the Realm , He might proceed in these enterprises , and be inabled thereunto , which concern the common good , safety and honour both of Prince and People ; and accordingly the sixth of February last a new Parliament was begun . At the first meeting His Majesty did forbear to press them with any thing which might have the least appearance of His own Interest , but recommended unto them the care of making of good Laws , which are the ordinary subject for a Parliament : His Majesty believing that they could not have suffered many days , much less many weeks , to have passed by , before the apprehension and care of the common safety of this Kingdom , and of the true Religion prosessed and maintained therein , and of Our Friends and Allies , who must prosper or suffer with us , would have led them to a due and a timely consideration of all the means which might best conduce to those ends : which the Lords of the higher House by a Committee of that House did timely and seasonably consider of , and invited the Commons to a Conference concerning that great business ; at which Conference there were opened unto them the great occasions which pressed His Majesty : which making no impression with them , His majesty did , first by message , and after by Letters , put the House of Commons in mind of that which was most necessary , the defence of the Kingdom , and due and timely preparations for the same . The Commons House after this , upon the seven and twentieth of March last , with one unanimous consent at first agreed to give unto His Majesty three intire Subsidies and three Fiteens for a present supply unto Him ; and upon the six and twentieth of April after , upon second cogitations they added a fourth Subsidy , and ordered the days of payment for them all ; whereof the first should have been on the last day of this present month of June . Upon this , the King of Denmark and other Princes and States being ingaged with His Majesty in this Common Cause , His Majesty fitted His occasions according to the times which were appointed for the payment of those Subsidies and Fifteens , and hastned on the Lords Committees and His Council at War to perfect their resolutions for the ordering and setting of His designs : which they accordingly did , and brought them to that maturity , that they found no impediment to a final conclusion of their Counsels , but want of money to put things into Action . His Majesty hereupon , who had with much patience expected the real performance of that which the Commons had promised , finding the time of the year posting away , and having intelligence , not only from His own Ministers and Subjects in forein parts , but from all parts of Christendom , of the great and powerful preparations of the King of Spain , and that His design was upon this Kingdom , or the Kingdom of Ireland , or both , ( and it is hard to determine which of them would be of worst consequence ) He acquainted the House of Commons therewith , and laid open unto them truly and clearly how the state of things then stood , and yet stand , and at several times and upon several occasions re-iterated the same . But that House being abused by the violent and ill-advised Passions of a few members of the House , for private and personal ends , ill beseeming publick persons trusted by their Country , as then they were , not only neglected , but wilfully refused to hearken to all the gentle admonitions which His Majesty could give them , and neither did nor would intend any thing but the prosecution of one of the Peers of this Realm ; and that in such a disordered manner , as being set at their own instance into a Legal way , wherein the proofs on either part would have ruled the cause , which His Majesty allowed , they were not therewith content , but in their intemperate passions and desires to seek for errors in another , fell into a greater error themselves , and not only neglected to give just satisfaction to His Majesty in several cases which happened concerning His Regality , but wholly forgot their ingagements to His Majesty for the publick defence of the Realm : whereupon His Majesty wrote a Letter to the Speaker , dated the ninth day of June , 1626. in these words . TRusty and well-beloved , We greet you well . Our House of Commons cannot forget how often and how earnestly We have called upon them for the speeding of that aid which they intend unto Vs for Our great and weighty Affairs , concerning the safety and honour of Vs and Our Kingdoms ; and now the time being so far spent , that unless it be presently concluded , it can neither bring Vs money nor credit by the time which themselves have prefixed , which is the last of this month , and being further deferred would be of little use , We being daily advertised from all parts of the great preparation of the Enemy ready to assail us , We hold it necessary by these Our Letters to give them Our last and final admonition , and to let them know , that We shall account all further delays and excuses to be express denials : and therefore We will and require you to signifie unto them , that We do expect that they forthwith bring forth their Bill of Subsidy to be passed without delay or condition , so as it may fully pass that House by the end of the next week at the furthest ; which if they do not , it will force Vs to take other resolutions . But let them know , that if they finish this according to Our desire , that We are resolved to let them sit together for the dispatch of their other affairs , and after their recess to bring them together again the next Winter . And if by their denial or delay any thing of ill consequence shall fall out either at home or abroad , We may call God and man to witness , that We have done Our part to prevent it , by calling Our people together to advise with Vs , by opening the weight of Our occasions unto them , and by requiring their timely help and assistance in those Actions wherein We stand ingaged by their own Counsels . And We will and command you , that this Letter be publickly read in the House . Notwithstanding which Letter read in the House , being a clear and gracious manifest of His Majesty's resolutions , they never so much as admitted one reading to the Bill of Subsidies ; but in stead thereof they prepared and voted a Remonstrance or Declaration , which they intended to prefer to His Majesty , containing ( though palliated with glosing terms ) as well many dishonourable aspersions upon His Majesty , and upon the Sacred memory of His deceased Father , as also dilatory excuses for their not proceeding with the Subsidies , adding thereto also coloured conditions , crossing thereby His Majestie 's direction , which His Majesty understanding , and esteeming ( as He had cause ) to be a denial of the promised Supply , and finding that no admonitions could move , no reasons or perswasions could prevail , when the time was so far spent , that they had put an impossibility upon themselves to perform their promises , when they esteemed all gracious Messages unto them to be but interruptions ; His Majesty upon mature advisement discerning that all further patience would prove fruitless , on the fifteenth day of this present month He hath dissolved this unhappy Parliament : the acting whereof as it was to his Majesty an unexpressible grief ; so the memory thereof doth renew the hearty sorrow which all His good and well-affected Subjects will compassionate with Him. These passages his Majesty hath at the more length and with the true Circumstances thereof expressed , and published to the world , lest that which hath been unfortunate in it self , through the Malice of the authors of so great a mischief , and the malevolent Report of such as are ill-affected to this State or the true Religion here professed , or the fears or jealousies of Friends and dutiful Subjects , might be made more unfortunate in the Consequences of it , which may be of worse effect than at the first can be well apprehended . And his Majesty , being best privy to the integrity of His own heart , for the constant maintaining of the sincerity and unity of the true Religion professed in the Church of England , and to free it from the open contagion of Popery and secret infection of Schism , of both which by His publick Acts and Actions He hath given good testimony , and with a single heart , as in the presence of God , who can best judge thereof , purposeth resolutely and constantly to proceed in the due execution of either ; and observing the subtilty of the adverse party , He cannot but believe that the hand of Joab hath been in this disaster , that the common Incendiaries of Christendom have subtilly and secretly insinuated those things which unhappily ( and , as his Majesty hopeth , beyond the intentions of the Actors ) have caused these diversions and distractions : and yet notwithstanding His most Excellent Majesty , for the comfort of His good and well-affected Subjects , in whose loves He doth repose Himself with confidence , and esteemeth it as his greatest riches ; for the assuring of his Friends and Allies , with whom , by God's assistance , He will not break in the substance of what he hath undertaken ; for the discouraging of his Adversaries , and the adversaries of his Cause , and of his Dominions and Religion , hath put on this resolution , which He doth hereby publish to all the world ; That as God hath made him King of this great People and large Dominions , famous in former Ages both by Land and Sea , and trusted him to be a Father and Protector both of their persons and fortunes , and a Defender of the Faith and true Religion : so He will go on chearfully and constantly in the defence thereof , and ( notwithstanding so many difficulties and discouragements ) will take his Scepter and Sword into his hand , and not expose the persons of the people committed to his charge to the unsatiable desires of the King of Spain , who hath long thirsted after an universal Monarchy , nor their Consciences to the yoke of the Pope of Rome ; and that at home he will take care to redress the just Grievances of his good Subjects as shall be every way fit for a good King. And in the mean time his Majesty doth publish this to all his loving Subjects , that they may know what to think with truth , and speak with duty , of his Majesties Actions and Proceedings in these two last dissolved Parliaments . Given at His Majestie 's Palace at White-Hall , this thirtieth day of June , in the Second year of His Majestie 's Reign of Great Britain , France , and Ireland . His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His Loving Subjects , of the Causes which moved Him to dissolve His Third Parliament . Published by His Majestie 's special command . By the KING . A Proclamation about the dissolving of the Parliament . WHereas We , for the general good of Our Kingdom , caused Our High Court of Parliament to assemble and meet by Prorogation the twentieth day of January last past , sithence which time the same hath been continued : and although in this time , by the malevolent dispositions of some ill-affected persons of the House of Commons , We have had sundry just causes of offence and dislike of their proceedings ; yet We resolved with patience to try the uttermost , which We the rather did , for that We found in that House a great number of sober and grave persons , well affected to Religion and Government , and desirous to preserve Unity and Peace in all parts of Our Kingdom ; and therefore having on the five and twentieth day of February last , by the uniform Advice of Our Privy Council , caused both Houses to be adjourned until this present day , hoping in the mean time that a better and more right understanding might be begotten between Us and the Members of that House , whereby this Parliament might have an happy end and issue ; and for the same intent , We did again this day command the like Adjournment to be made until the tenth day of this month : It hath so happened by the disobedient and seditious carriage of those said ill-affected persons of the House of Commons , that We and Our Regal authority and Commandment have been so highly contemned , as Our Kingly Office cannot bear , nor any former Age can parallel . And therefore it is Our full and absolute resolution to dissolve the same Parliament ; whereof We thought good to give notice unto all the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , and to the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses of this present Parliament , and to all others whom it may concern , that they may depart about their needful affairs , without attending any longer here . Nevertheless We will that they and all others should take notice , that We do and ever will distinguish between those who have shewed good affection to Religion and Government , and those that have given themselves over to Faction , and to work disturbance to the Peace and good order of our Kingdom . Given at Our Court at White-hall , this second day of March , in the fourth year of Our Reign of Great Britain , France , and Ireland . God save the KING . His MAJESTIE's Speech at the Dissolving of the Parliament . My Lords , I Never came here upon so unpleasant an occasion , it being the Dissolution of a Parliment . Therefore men may have some cause to wonder why I should not rather chuse to do this by Commission , it being a general Maxim of Kings , to leave harsh commands to their Ministers , Themselves only executing pleasing things . Yet considering that Justice as well consists in reward and praise of Vertue as punishing of Vice ; I thought it necessary to come here to day , to declare to you and all the world , that it was meerly the undutiful and seditious carriage in the lower House that hath made the Dissolution of this Parliament . And you , my Lords , are so far from being causes of it , that I take as much comfort in your dutiful demeanors , as I am justly distasted with their proceedings . Yet to avoid mistakings , let me tell you , that it is so far from me to adjudge all the House alike guilty , that I know that there are many there as dutiful Subjects as any in the world ; it being but some few Vipers amongst them that did cast this mist of undutifulness over most of their eyes : yet to say truth , there was a good number there that could not be infected with this contagion ; insomuch that some did express their duties in speaking ; which was the general fault of the House the last day . To conclude , as these Vipers must look for their reward of punishment ; so you , my Lords , may justly expect from Me that favour and protection that a good King oweth to His loving and dutiful Nobility . And now , my Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , of the Causes which moved Him to Dissolve the Parliament . HOwsoever Princes are not bound to give account of their Actions but to God alone ; yet for the satisfaction of the minds and affections of Our loving Subjects , We have thought good to set down thus much by way of Declaration , that We may appear to the world in the truth and sincerity of Our own Actions , and not in those colours in which We know some turbulent and ill-affected Spirits ( to masque and disguise their own wicked intentions , dangerous to the State ) would represent Us to the publick view . We assembled Our Parliament the seventeenth day of March , in the third year of Our Reign , for the safety of Religion , for securing Our Kingdoms and Subjects at home , and Our Friends and Allies abroad : and therefore at the first sitting down of it We declared the miserable afflicted estate of those of the Reformed Religion in Germany , France and other parts of Christendom ; the distressed extremities of Our dearest Uncle the King of Denmark , chased out of a great part of his Dominions ; the strength of that party which was united against Us ; that ( besides the Pope and house of Austria and their ancient Confederates ) the French King professed the rooting out of the Protestant Religion ; that of the Princes and States on Our party some were over run , others diverted , and some disabled to give assistance . For which and other important motives We propounded a speedy supply of Treasure , answerable to the necessities of the Cause . These things in the beginning were well resented by the House of Commons , and with much alacrity and readiness they agreed to grant a liberal aid : But before it was brought to any perfection they were diverted by a multitude of questions raised amongst them concerning their Liberties and Priviledges , and by other long disputes , that the Bill did not pass in a long time ; and by that delay Our affairs were put into far worse case than at the first , Our forein actions then in hand being thereby disgraced and ruined for want of timely help . In this , as We are not willing to derogate from the merit and good intentions of those wise and moderate men of that House ( to whose forwardness We attribute it that it was propounded and resolved so soon , ) so We must needs say , that the delay of passing it when it was resolved , occasioned by causless jealousies stirred up by men of another temper , did much lessen both the reputation and reality of that supply : and their spirit infused into many of the Commissioners and Assessors in the Country , hath returned up the Subsidies in such a scanty proportion as is infinitely short , not only of Our great Occasions , but of the precedents of former Subsidies , and of the intentions of all well-affected men in that House . In those large disputes , as We permitted many of Our high Prerogatives to be debated , which in the best times of Our Predecessors had never been questioned without punishment or sharp reproof ; so We did endeavour to have shortned those debates , for winning of time , which would have much advantaged Our great Affairs both at home and abroad : And therefore both by Speeches and Messages We did often declare Our gracious and clear resolution to maintain , not only the Parliament , but all Our People , in their ancient and just liberties , without either violation or diminution ; and in the end , for their full satisfaction and security , did by an answer , framed in the from by themselves desired , to their Parliamentary Petition , confirm their ancient and just Liberties and Rights ; which We resolve with all Constancy and Justice to maintain . This Parliament , howsoever , besides the setling Our necessary Supply and their own Liberties , they wasted much time in such proceedings ( blasting Our Government ) as We are unwilling to remember , yet We suffered to sit until themselves desired us to appoint a time for their recess , not naming either Adjournment or Prorogation . Whereupon , by advice of Our Council , We resolved to Prorogue , and make a Session : and to that end prefixed a day , by which they might ( as was meet in so long a sitting ) finish some profitable and good Laws ; and withal gave order for a gracious pardon to all Our Subjects : which , according to the use of former Parliaments , passed the higher House , and was sent down to the Commons . All which being graciously intended by Us , was ill entertained by some disaffected persons of that House , who by their artifices in a short time raised so much heat and distemper in the House , for no other visible cause , but because We had declared Our resolution to prorogue , as Our Counsel advised , and not to adjourn , as some of that House ( after Our resolution declared , and not before ) did manifest themselves to affect ; that seldom hath greater passion been seen in that House upon the greatest occasions . And then some glances in the House , but open rumors abroad , were spread , that by the Answer to the Petition We had given away not only Our Impositions upon goods exported and imported , but the Tonnage and Poundage : whereas in the debate and hammering of that Petition there was no speech or mention in either House concerning those Impositions , but concerning Taxes and other charges within the Land ; much less was there any thought thereby to debar Us of Tonnage and Poundage , which both before and after the Answer to that Petition , the House of Commons , in all their Speeches and Treaties , did profess they were willing to grant . And at the same time many other misinterpretationss were raised of that Petition and Answer , by men not well distinguishing between well-ordered liberty and licentiousness ; as if by Our Answer to that Petition We had let loose the Reins of Our Government . And in this distemper , the House of Commons laying aside the pardon ( a thing never done in any former Parliament ) and other businesses fit to have been concluded that Session , some of them went about to frame and contrive a Remonstrance against Our receiving of Tonnage and Poundage ; which was so far proceeded in , the night before the prefixed time for concluding the Session , and so hastened by the contrivers thereof , that they meant to have put it to the Vote of the House the next morning , before We should prorogue the Session . And therefore finding Our gracious favaours in that Session afforded to Our people so ill requited , and such sinister strains made upon Our Answer to that Petition , to the diminution of Our Profit , and ( which was more ) to the danger of Our Government ; We resolved to prevent the finishing of that Remonstrance , and other dangerous intentions of some ill-affected persons , by ending the Session the next morning some few hours sooner than was expected , and by Our own mouth to declare to both Houses the causes thereof ; and , for hindring the spreading of those sinister interpretations of that Petition and Answer , to give some necessary directions for setling and quieting Our Government until another meeting , which We performed accordingly the six and twentieth of June last . The Session thus ended and the Parliament risen , that intended Remonstrance gave Us occasion to look into that business of Tonnage and Poundage . And therefore , though Our necessities pleaded strongly for Us , yet We were not apt to strain that point too far , but resolved to guide Our self by the practice of former Ages , and examples of Our most Noble Predecessors ; thinking those Counsels best warranted , which the wisdom of former Ages concurring with the present occasions did approve : And therefore gave order for a diligent search of Records ; upon which it was found , that although in the Parliament holden in the first year of the Reign of King Edward the Fourth , the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not granted unto that King , but was first granted unto him by Parliament in the third year of his Reign ; yet the same was accounted and answered to that King from the first day of his Reign , all the first and second years of his Reign , and until it was granted by Parliament : and that in the succeeding times of King Richard the Third , King Henry the Seventh , King Henry the Eighth , King Edward the Sixth , Queen Mary , and Queen Elizabeth , the Subsidy of Tonnage and Poundage was not only enjoyed by every of those Kings and Queens , from the death of each of them deceasing , until it was granted by Parliament unto the Successor ; but in all those times , ( being for the most part peaceable , and not burthen'd with like charges and necessities as these modern times ) the Parliament did most readily and chearfully , in the beginning of every of those Reigns , grant the same , as a thing most necessary for the guarding of the Seas , safety and defence of the Realm , and supportation of the Royal Dignity . And in the time of Our Royal Father , of blessed memory , He enjoyed the same a full year , wanting very few days , before his Parliament began , and above a year before the Act of Parliament for the grant of it was passed : and yet when the Parliament was assembled , it was granted without difficulty . And in Our own time , We quietly received the same three years and more , expecting with patience in several Parliaments the like grant thereof as had been made to so many of Our Predecessors ; the House of Commons still professing , that multitude of other business , and not want of willingness on their part , had caused the setling thereof to be so long deferred . And therefore finding so much reason and necessity for the receiving of the ordinary duties in the Custom-House to concur with the practice of such a Succession of Kings and Queens , famous for Wisdom , Justice and Government , and nothing to the contrary , but that intended Remonstrance hatched out of the passionate brains of a few particular persons ; We thought it so far from the wisdom and duty of a House of Parliament , as We could not think that any moderate and discreet man ( upon composed thoughts , setting aside passion and distemper ) could be against receiving of Tonnage and Poundage ; especially since We do and still must pursue those ends , and undergo that Charge , for which it was first granted to the Crown ; it having been so long and constantly continued to Our Predecessors , as that in four several Acts of Parliament for the granting thereof to King Edward the Sixth , Queen Mary , Queen Elizabeth , and Our blessed Father , it is in express terms mentioned to have been had and enjoyed by the several Kings named in those Acts , time out of mind , by authority of Parliament . And therefore , upon these reasons , We held it agreeable to Our Kingly Honour , and necessary for the safety and good of Our Kingdom , to continue the receipt thereof , as so many of Our Predecessors had done . Wherefore when a few Merchants ( being at first but one or two ) fomented , as it is well known , by those evil Spirits that would have hatched that undutiful Remonstance , began to oppose the payment of Our accustomed duties in the Custom-house , We gave order to the Officers of Our Customs to go on ; notwithstanding that opposition in the receiving of the usual duties ; and caused those that refused to be warned to attend at the Council-board , that by the wisdom and authority of Our Council they might be reduced to obedience and duty : where some of them , without reverence or respect to the honour and dignity of that presence , behaved themselves with such boldness and insolency of speech , as was not to be endured by a far meaner Assembly ; much less to be countenanced by a House of Parliament , against the body of Our Privy Council . And as in this We did what in honour and reason was fit for the present ; so Our thoughts were daily intentive upon the re-assembling of Our Parliament , with full intention on Our part to take away all ill understanding between Us and Our people , whose loves as We desired to continue and preserve , so We used Our best endeavours to prepare and facilitate the way to it . And to this end , having taken a strict and exact survey of Our Government both in the Church and Commonwealth , and what things were most fit and necessary to be reformed , We found in the first place , that much exception had been taken at a book intituled Appello Caesarem , or An Appeal to Caesar , and published in the year 1625. by Richard Mountague , then Batchelour of Divinity , and now Bishop of Chichester : and because it did open the way to those Schisms and Divisions which have since ensued in the Church , We did , for remedy and redress thereof , and for satisfaction of the Consciences of Our good people , not only by Our publick Proclamation call in that Book , which ministred matter of offence ; but , to prevent the like danger for hereafter , reprinted the Articles of Religion established in the time of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory ; and , by a Declaration before those Articles , We did tie and restrain all Opinions to the sense of those Articles , that nothing might be left for private fancies and innovation . For We call God to record , before whom We stand , that it is , and always hath been , Our hearts desire to be found worthy of that Title which We accompt the most glorious in all Our Crown , Defender of the Faith : neither shall We ever give way to the authorizing of any thing whereby any Innovation may steal or creep into the Church , but preserve that unity of Doctrine and Discipline established in the time of Queen Elizabeth , whereby the Church of England hath stood and flourished ever since . And as We were careful to make up all breaches and rents in Religion at home ; so did We , by Our Proclamation and Commandment for the execution of Laws against Priests and Popish Recusants , fortifie all ways and approaches against that foreign Enemy : which if it have not succeeded according to Our intention , We must lay the fault where it is , in the subordinate Officers and Ministers in the Country , by whose remissness Jesuites and Priests escape without apprehension , and Recusants from those convictions and penalties which the Laws and Our Commandment would have inflicted on them . For We do profess that , as it is Our duty , so it shall be our care , to command and direct well ; but it is the part of others to perform the Ministerial Office. And when We have done Our Office , We shall account Our Self , and all charitable men will accompt Us , innocent both to God and Men : and those that are negligent , We will esteem as culpable both to God and Us ; and therefore will expect that hereafter they give Us a better accompt . And as We have been careful for the setling of Religion and quieting the Church , so were We not unmindful of the preservation of the just and ancient Liberties of Our Subjects ; which We secured to them by Our gracious Answer to the Petition in Parliament , having not since that time done any Act whereby to infringe them ; but Our care is , and hereafter shall be , to keep them intire and inviolable , as We would do Our own Right and Sovereignty ; having for that purpose enrolled the Petition and Answer in Our Courts of Justice . Next to the care of Religion and of Our Subjects Rights , We did Our best for the provident and well ordering of that aid and supply which was granted Us the last Session ; whereof no part hath been wastfully spent , nor put to any other use than those for which it was desired and granted , as upon payment of Our Fleet and Army : wherein Our care hath been such , as We chose rather to discontent Our dearest Friends and Allies , and Our nearest Servants , than to leave Our Souldiers and Mariners unsatisfied , whereby any vexation or disquiet might arise to Our people . We have also with part of those Moneys begun to supply Our Magazines and stores of Munition , and to put Our Navy into a constant form and order . Our Fleet likewise is fitting , and almost in a readiness ; whereby the Narrow Seas may be guarded , Commerce maintained , and Our Kingdom secured from all forein attempts . These Acts of Ours might have made this impression in all good minds , that We were careful to direct Our counsels and dispose Our actions so as might most conduce to the maintenance of Religion , honour of Our Government , and safety of Our People . But with mischievous men once ill-affected , Seu bene , seu malè facta premunt : and whatsoever once seemed amiss , is ever remembred ; but good endeavours are never regarded . Now all these things , that were the chief complaints the last Session , being by Our Princely care so seriously reformed , the Parliament re assembled the twentieth of January last : We expecting , according to the candor and sincerity of Our own thoughts , that men would have framed themselves for the effecting a right understanding between Us and Our people . But some few malevolent persons , like Empiricks and lewd Artists , did strive to make new work , and to have some Disease on foot to keep themselves in request , and to be imployed and entertained in the Cure. And yet , to manifest how much offences have been diminished , the Committees for Grievances , Committees for Courts of Justice , and Committees for Trade have since the sitting down of the Parliament received few complaints ; and those such , as they themselves have not thought to be of that moment or importance with which Our ears should be acquainted . No sooner therefore was the Parliament set down , but these ill-affected men began to sow and disperse their Jealousies , by casting out some glances and doubtful speeches , as if the Subject had not been so clearly and well dealt with touching their Liberties , and touching the Petition answered the last Parliament . This being a plausible Theme , thought on for an ill purpose , easily took hold on the minds of many that knew not the practice : And thereupon the second day of the Parliament a Committee was appointed to search , whether the Petition and Our Answer thereunto were enrolled in the Parliament Roll and in the Courts at Westminster , and in what manner the same was done . And a day was then also appointed on which the House , being resolved into a Committee , should take into consideration those things wherein the Liberty of the Subject had been invaded , against that Petition . This , though it produced no other effect of moment or importance , yet was sufficient to raise a jealousie against Our Proceedings in such as were not well acquainted with the sincerity and clearness of them . There followed another of no less skill : for although Our proceeding before the Parliament about matters of Religion might have satisfied any moderate men of Our zealous care thereof ( as We are sure it did the most ; ) yet , as bad stomachs turn the best things into their own nature for want of good digestion , so those distempered persons have done the like of Our good intents , by a bad and sinister interpretation . For when they did observe that many honest and Religious minds in that House did complain of those dangers that did threaten the Church ; they likewise took the same word in their mouth , and their cry likewise was Templum Domini , Templum Domini , when the true care of the Church never came into their hearts : and what the one did out of zeal unto Religion , the other took up as a plausible Theme to deprave Our Government ; as if We , Our Clergy and Council , were either senseless or careless of Religion . And this wicked practice hath been to make Us seem to walk before Our people as if We halted before God. Having by these Artifices made a jealous impression in the hearts of many , and a day being appointed to treat of the Grant of Tonnage and Poundage ; at the time prefixed all express great willingness to grant it : but a new strain is found out , that it could not be done without great peril to the Right of the Subject , unless We should disclaim any right therein but by Grant in Parliament ; and should cause all those goods to be restored which upon Commandment from Us or Our Council were stayed by Our Officers , until those duties were payed ; and consequently should put Our self out of possession of the Tonnage and Poundage before they were granted : for else it was pretended the Subject stood not in fit case to grant it . A fancy and cavil raised of purpose to trouble the business ; it being evident that all the Kings before named did receive that duty , and were in actual possession of it , before , and at the very time when it was granted to them by Parliament . And although We , to remove all difficulties , did from Our own mouth , in those clear and open terms that might have satisfied any moderate and well-disposed minds , declare , that it was Our meaning by the gift of Our people to enjoy it , and that We did not challenge it of right , but took it de bene esse , shewing thereby not the right , but the necessity by which We were to take it ; wherein We descended for their satisfaction so far beneath Our self , as We are confident never any of Our Predecessors did the like , nor was the like ever required or expected from them : yet for all this the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage was laid aside , upon pretence they must first clear the right of the Subject therein ; under colour whereof they entertain the complaints not only of John Rolls , a member of their House , but also of Richard Chambers , John Fowkes and Bartholomew Gilman , against the Officers of Our Customs , for detaining their goods upon refusal to pay the ordinary duty accustomed to be paid for the same . And upon these complaints they send for the Officers of the Customs , enforcing them to attend day after day by the space of a month together ; they cause them to produce their Letters Patents under Our great Seal , and the Warrants made by Our Privy Council for levying of those duties ; they examine the Officers upon what questions they please , thereby to entrap them for doing Our Service and Commandment . In these and other their Proceedings , because We would not give the least shew of interruption , We endured long with much patience both these and sundry other strange and exorbitant incroachments and usurpations , such as were never before attempted in that House . We are not ignorant how much that House hath of late years endeavoured to extend their Priviledges , by setting up general Committees for Religion , for Courts of Justice , for Trade , and the like ; a course never heard of until of late : so as where in former times the Knights and Burgesses were wont to communicate to the House such business as they brought from their Countries , now there are so many Charis erected to make enquiry upon all sorts of men , where complaints of all sorts are entertained , to the unsufferable disturbance and scandal of Justice and Government ; which having been tolerated a while by Our Father and Our self , hath daily grown to more and more height ; insomuch as young Lawyers sitting there take on them to decry the Opinions of the Judges , and some have not doubted to maintain that the resolutions of that House must bind the Judges ; a thing never heard of in Ages past . But in this last Assembly of Parliament they have taken on them much more than ever before . They sent Messengers to examine Our Attorney General , who is an Officer of trust and secrecy , touching the execution of some Commandments of Ours ; of which , without Our leave first obtained , he was not to give account to any but to Our self . They sent a captious and directory message to the Lord Treasurer , Chancellor , and Barons of the Exchequer , touching some judicial proceedings of theirs in Our Court of Exchequer . They sent Messengers to examine upon sundry questions Our two chief Justices , and three other of Our Judges , touching their judicial proceedings at the Gaol-Delivery at Newgate ; of which they are not accomptable to the House of Commons . And whereas Suits were commenced in Our Court of Star-Chamber against Richard Chambers , John Fowkes , Bartholomew Gilman and Richard Philips , by Our Attorney General , for great misdemeanors , they resolved that they were to have Priviledge of Parliament against Us for their persons , for no other cause , but because they had Petitions depending in that House ; and ( which is more strange ) they resolved that a Signification should be made from that House , by a Letter to issue under the hand of their Speaker , unto the Lord Keeper of Our Great Seal , that no Attachments should be granted out against the said Chambers , Fowkes , Gilman , or Philips , during their said Priviledge of Parliament : whereas it is far above the power of that House , to give direction to any of Our Courts at Westminster to stop Attachments against any man , though never so strongly priviledged ; the breach of priviledge being not in the Court that grants , but in the party or Minister that puts in execution such Attachments . And therefore if any such Letter had come to the Lord Keeper , as it did not , he should have highly offended Us if he had obeyed it . Nay , they went so far , as they spared not the Honour of Our Council-board , but examined their proceedings in the case of Our Customers , interrogating what this or that man of Our Council said in direction of them in the business committed to their charge . And when one of the members of that House , speaking of Our Counsellers , said , We had wicked Counsel , and another said , That the Council and Judges sought to trample under feet the Liberty of the Subject , and a third traduced Our high Court of Star-Chamber for the sentence given against Savage ; they passed without check or censure by the House . By which may appear how far the members of that House have of late swollen beyond the rules of moderation , and the modesty of former times ; and this under pretence of priviledge and freedom of speech , whereby they take liberty to declare against all authority of Council and Courts at their pleasure . They sent for Our Sheriff of London , to examine him in a cause whereof they had no jurisdiction ; their true and ancient jurisdiction extending only to their own Members , and to the conservation of their Priviledges , and not to the censure of forein persons and causes , which have no relation to their Priviledges ; the same being but a late Innovation . And yet , upon an enforced strain of a contempt , for not answering to their satisfaction , they committed him to the Tower of London , using that outward pretext for a cause of their committing him ; the true and inward cause being , for that he had shewed himself dutiful to Us and Our Commandments in the matter concerning Our Customs . In these Innovations ( which We will never permit again ) they pretended , indeed , Our service ; but their drift was to break by this means through all respects and ligaments of Government , and to erect an universal overswaying power to themselves , which belongs only to Us , and not to them . Lastly , in their proceedings against Our Customers , they went about to censure them as Delinquents , and to punish them for staying some goods of some factious Merchants in Our Store-house , for not paying those duties which themselves had formerly payed , and which the Customers without interruption had received of all other Merchants many years before , and to which they were authorized both by Our great Seal , and by several directions and commandments from Us and Our Privy Council . To give some colour to their proceedings herein , they went about to create a new Priviledge , which We will never admit ; That a Parliament-man hath priviledge for his goods against the King : the consequence whereof would be , that he may not be constrained to pay any duties to the King during the time of Priviledge of Parliament . It is true , they would have made this case to have been between the Merchant and Our Farmers of Our Custom , and have severed them from Our Interest and Commandment , thereby the rather to make them liable to the censure and punishment of that House . But on the other side We , holding it both unjust and dishonourable to withdraw Our self from Our Officers in any thing they did by Our Commandment , or to disavow any thing that We had enjoyned to be done , upon Monday , the three and twentieth day of February , sent a Message unto them by Secretary Coke , thanking them for the respect they had shewed in severing the Interest of Our Farmers from Our own Interest and Commandment : nevertheless We were bound in Honour to acknowledge as truth , that what was done by them was done by Our express direction and commandment ; and if for doing thereof Our Farmers should suffer , it would highly concern Us in Honour . Which Message was no sooner delivered unto them , but in a tumultuous and discontented manner they called , Adjourn , Adjourn ; and thereupon , without any cause given on Our part , in a very unusual manner adjourned themselves until the Wednesday following : on which day , by the uniform advice of Our Privy Council , We caused both Houses to be adjourned until the second day of March ; hoping that in the mean time a better and more right understanding might be begotten between Us and the members of that House , whereby the Parliament might come to an happy issue . But understanding by good advertisement that their discontent did not in that time digest and pass away , We resolved to make a second Adjournment until the tenth of March ; which was done as well to take time to Our self to think of some means to accommodate those difficulties , as to give them time to advise better : and accordingly We gave commandment for a second Adjournment in both Houses , and for cessation of all businesses till the day appointed . Which was very dutifully obeyed in the Higher House , no man contradicting or questioning it . But when the same commandment was delivered in the House of Commons by their Speaker , it was straightways contradicted : and although the Speaker declared unto them , it was an absolute Right and power in Us to adjourn , as well as to prorogue or dissolve , and declared and read unto them divers precedents of that House to warrant the same , yet Our commandment was most contemptuously disobeyed ; and some rising up to speak , saying they had business to do before the House should be adjourned , the Speaker again declared Our express and peremptory command to adjourn , and that himself should presently leave the House , and come unto Us : which he offered to do , but was withstood by two that had of purpose placed themselves , one on either side of the Speaker's Chair , and by force held him in for a time : yet the Speaker finding means to get out of the Chair , and purposing to come to Us , as We had commanded , those two and divers others caught hold of him , and by strong hand brought him back , and set him in the Chair against his will ; and then a member of that House cast out a most seditious paper , framed by himself and his Adherents , without any warrant from the House , and containing a proscription of such as in duty and obedience to Us should advise or assist Us in the receipt of Tonnage and Poundage , or should pay that duty , as Enemies to the State ; and required it to be read . A most audacious insolency , for any to presume to do that of their own heads , which if the whole House had done in that manner , had been above their power , and had deserved the highest censure . But the Speaker refusing to read it , the Author of it took on him most seditiously and factiously to declare the contents of it , and he and other his Adherents required it should be put to the question . Which being misliked by many grave and wise men in the House , and refused by the Speaker ( as We doubt not but all good men will believe he had cause , and even abhor the memory of that insolent and seditious Act ) yet many bitter taunts and invectives were uttered against the Speaker by those factious persons , and the doors being fast locked , such as were well-affected to Our service were , against their wills , kept in the House all the time of this tumult and disorder . And when some Advertisement came to Us that the House was in great distemper , We first sent for the Serjeant of the House ; whom they , after they knew Our pleasure therein , presumptuously detained . And after We sent a Message unto them by the Gentleman-usher of the Higher House : but he coming to the door , and declaring that he had a Message from Us , was refused to be admitted ; and being kept at the door a long time , at last the House adjourned themselves without receiving Our Message . A proceeding so irregular as no Parliament can parallel ; when Our absolute Commands , warranted by Law and precedents of former times , were disobeyed , the Speaker violated , Our Messenger and message excluded , which ought to have been admitted if they were a House ; and if they were not a House , they ought not at all to have disputed , much less to blast , the honour of Our Servants , to proscribe Our best Subjects , and give Law to Sovereignty , striking at the very essence of Monarchy . By all which it appears , that there wanted not men in that House that would get themselves a name by setting Diana's Temple on fire , and make themselves popular by putting all the Kingdom in combustion . For what other end could there be in that malicious speech , whereby a wicked Shimei at that time would make Us odious in the eyes of all Our people , as if it were meant to transfer all Trade , and give the fatness of the Land to Strangers ? A conceipt ( We call God to witness ) which never entred into Our Soul , and , We think , never harboured in any heart but that seditious heart which first broached it . For God forbid We should love any ends so well , as by any necessity to be driven to forget that indissoluble bond between Us and Our people . We could and would have expected longer , had We conceived any hope of their returning to their duty . Whilest the Duke of Buckingham lived , He was intituled to all the distempers and ill events of former Parliaments ; and therefore much endeavour was used to demolish him , as the only wall of separation between us and Our people . But now he is dead , no alteration was found amongst those envenomed spirits , which troubled then the blessed harmony between Us and Our Subjects , and continue still to trouble it . For now , under the pretence of publick care of the Common-wealth , they suggest new and causeless fears , which in their own hearts they know to be false ; and devise new engines of mischief , so to cast a blindness upon the good affections of Our people , that they may not see the truth and largeness of Our heart towards them : so that now it is manifest the Duke was not alone the mark that those men shot at , but was only , as a near Minister of Ours , taken upon the by , and in their passage to their more secret designs ; which only were to cast Our Affairs into a desperate condition , to abate the powers of Our Crown , and to bring Our Government into obloquy , that in the end all things may be overwhelmed with anarchy and confusion . We do not impute these disasters to the whole House of Commons , knowing that there were amongst them many religious , grave , and well-minded men ; but the sincerer and better part of the House being over-born by the practices and clamors of the other , who , careless of their duties , and taking advantage of the Times and Our Necessities , have forced Us to break off this meeting , which had it been answered with like duty on their parts as it was invited and begun with love on Ours , might have proved happy and glorious both to Us and this whole Nation . We have thus declared the manifold causes We had to dissolve this Parliament : whereby all the world may see how much they have forgotten their former ingagements at the entry into the War , themselves being perswaders to it , promising to make us feared by Our Enemies , and esteemed by Our Friends ; and how they turned the necessities grown by that War , to enforce Us to yield conditions incompetible with Monarchy . And now , that Our people may discern that these provocations of evil men ( whose punishment We reserve to a due time ) have not changed Our good intentions to Our Subjects , We do here profess to maintain the true Religion and Doctrine established in the Church of England , without admitting or conniving at any backsliding either to Popery or Schism . We do also declare , that We will maintain the ancient and just Rights and Liberties of Our Subjects with so much constancy and justice , that they shall have cause to acknowledge , that under Our Government and gracious protection they live in a more happy and free estate than any Subjects in the Christian world . Yet let no man hereby take the boldness to abuse that Liberty , turning it to licentiousness , nor misinterpret the Petition , by perverting it to a lawless liberty , wantonly or frowardly under that or any other colour to resist lawful and necessary Authority . For as We will maintain Our Subjects in their just Liberties ; so We do and will expect that they yield as much submission and duty to Our Royal Prerogatives , and as ready obedience to Our Authority and Commandments , as hath been performed to the greatest of Our Predecessors . And for Our Ministers , We will not that they be terrified by those harsh proceedings that have been strained against some of them . For as We will not command any thing unjust or dishonourable , but shall use Our Authority and Prerogatives for the good of Our People ; so We will expect that Our Ministers obey Us , and they shall assure themselves We will protect them . As for Our Merchants , We let them know , We shall always endeavour to cherish and enlarge the trade of such as be dutiful , without burthening them beyond that which is fitting ; but the duty of five in the hundred for the guarding of the Seas and defence of the Realm ( to which We hold Our selves still obliged , and which duty hath continued without interruption so many successions of Ages , ) We hold no dutiful or good Subject will deny it , being so necessary for the good of the whole Kingdom . And if any factious Merchant will affront Us in a thing so reasonable , and wherein We require no more nor in no other manner than so many of our Predecessors have done , and have been dutifully obeyed ; let them not deceive themselves , but be assured that We shall find Honourable and just means to support Our Estate , vindicate Our Sovereignty , and preserve that Authority which God hath put into Our hands . And now , having laid down the truth and clearness of Our proceedings , all wise and discreet men may easily judge of those rumors and jealous fears that are maliciously and wickedly bruited abroad ; and may discern by examination of their own hearts , whether in respect of the free passage of the Gospel , indifferent and equal administration of Justice , freedom from Oppression , and the great Peace and quietness which every man enjoyeth under his own vine and fig-tree , the Happiness of this Nation can be parallel'd by any other of Our neighbour Countries : and if not , then to acknowledge their own blessedness , and for the same be thankful to God , the Author of all goodness . By the KING . A Proclamation for suppressing of false Rumours touching Parliaments . WHereas , notwithstanding Our late Declaration for satisfying of the minds and affections of Our loving Subjects , some ill-disposed persons do spread false and pernicious Rumours abroad , as if the scandalous and seditious Proposition in the House of Commons , made by an outlawed man , desperate in mind and fortune , which was tumultuously taken up by some few after that by Our Royal Authority We had commanded their Adjournment , had been the Vote of the whole House , whereas the contrary is the truth ; for it was then decried by the wisest and best affected , and is since disavowed upon examination by such as were suspected to have consented thereunto , and affirmed , as well by them as others who served in the House that day , to be a thing of a most wicked and dangerous consequence to the good estate of this Kingdom : which appeareth to be so , by those impressions which this false Rumour hath made in mens minds , whereby , out of causeless fears , the Trade of the Kingdom is disturbed , and Merchants discouraged to continue in their wonted Traffique : We have thought it expedient , not only to manifest the truth hereof , but to make known Our Royal pleasure , that those who raise or nourish such false reports shall be severely punished , and such as chearfully go on with their Trade have all good incouragement , not purposing to overcharge Our Subjects by any new burthens , but to satisfie Our selves with those Duties that were received by the King Our Father of blessed memory : which We neither can nor will dispense withal , but shall esteem them unworthy of Our Protection who shall deny the same ; We intending to imploy it for defence of Our Kingdoms , Dominion of Our Seas , and safeguard of Our Merchants , specially by such Shipping as are now making ready , and such further preparation for aid of Our Friends and Allies as need shall require . And whereas , for several ill ends , the calling again of a Parliament is divulged ; howsoever We have shewed , by Our frequent meeting with Our People , Our love to the use of Parliaments ; yet the late abuse having for the present driven Us unwillingly out of that course , We shall accompt it presumption for any to prescribe any time unto Us for Parliaments , the Calling , Continuing , and Dissolving of which is always in Our own power : and We shall be more inclinable to meet in Parliament again , when Our People shall see more clearly into our Intents and Actions , when such as have bred this interruption shall have received their condign punishment , and those who are mis-led by them , and by such ill reports as are raised upon this occasion , shall come to a better understanding of Us and themselves . Given at Our Court of White-hall , this seven and twentieth day of March , in the fifth year of Our Reign of Great Britain , France , and Ireland . God save the KING . MDCXXIX . His MAJESTIE's Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money . To Our Trusty and Well-beloved , Sir John Bramston , Knight , Chief Justice of Our Bench , Sir John Finch , Knight , Chief Justice of Our Court of Common Pleas , Sir Humphrey Davenport , Knight , Chief Baron of Our Court of Exchequer , and to the rest of the Judges of Our Courts of Kings Bench , Common Pleas , and the Barons of Our Court of Exchequer . CHARLES R. TRusty and Well-beloved , We greet you well . Taking into Our Princely consideration , that the Honour and Safety of this Our Realm of England , the preservation whereof is only entrusted to Our care , was and is more nearly concerned in late than former times , as well by divers counsels and attempts to take from us the Dominion of the Seas , of which We are sole Lord and rightful Owner , or Proprietor , and the loss whereof would be of greatest danger and peril to this Kingdom , and other Our Dominions , as many other ways ; We , for the avoiding of these and the like dangers , well weighing with Our self , that where the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and the whole Kingdom in danger , there the charge and defence ought to be born by all the Realm in general , did , for the preventing so publick a mischief , resolve with Our self to have a Royal Navy prepared , that might be of force and power ( with Almighty God's blessing and assistance ) to protect and defend this Our Realm and Our Subjects therein from all such perils and dangers : and for that purpose We issued forth Writs under Our Great Seal of England , directed to all Our Sheriffs of Our several Counties of England and Wales , commanding thereby all Our said Subjects in every City , Town and Village , to provide such a number of Ships , well furnisht , as might serve for this Royal purpose , and which might be done with the greatest equality that could be . In performance whereof , though generally throughout all the Counties of this Our Realm We have found in Our Subjects great chearfulness and alacrity , which We graciously interpret as a testimony as well of their dutiful affection to Us and Our service , as of the respect they have to the Publick , which well becometh every good Subject : nevertheless finding that some few , haply out of ignorance what the Laws and Customs of this Realm are , or out of a desire to be eased in their particulars , how general soever the charge be or ought to be , have not yet paid and contributed to the several Rates and Assessments that were set upon them ; and foreseeing in Our Princely Wisdom , that from thence divers Suits and Actions are not unlikely to be commenced and prosecuted in Our several Courts at Westminster ; We , desirous to avoid such inconveniences , and out of Our Princely love and affection to all Our People , being willing to prevent such errors as any of Our loving Subjects may happen to run into , have thought fit , in a case of this nature , to advise with you Our Judges , who We doubt not are well studied and informed in the Rights of Our Sovereignty : And because the Trials in Our several Courts by the formalities in pleading will require a long protraction , We have thought fit by this Letter directed to you all , to require your Judgment in the Case , as it is set down in the inclosed Paper ; which will not only gain time , but also be of more authority to over-rule any prejudicate opinions of others in the point . Given under Our Signet at Our Court of White-hall , the second day of February , in the twelfth year of Our Reign , 1636. C. R. CHARLES R. WHen the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and the whole Kingdom in danger , whether may not the King , by Writ under the Great Seal of England , command all the Subjects in His Kingdom at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men , Victuals and Munition , and for such time as He shall think fit , for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such danger and peril ; and by Law compel the doing thereof , in case of refusal or refractoriness : And whether in such case is not the King the sole judge both of the Danger , and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided . The Answer of the Judges . MAY it please Your most Excellent Majesty , We have , according to Your Majestie 's command , severally and every man by himself , and all of us together , taken into serious consideration the Case and Questions signed by Your Majesty , and inclosed in Your Letter : And We are of opinion , That when the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and the whole Kingdom in danger , Your Majesty may , by Writ under Your Great Seal of England , command all the Subjects of this Your Kingdom , at their charge to provide and furnish such number of Ships with Men , Victual , Munition , and for such time as Your Majesty shall think fit , for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom from such peril and danger : And that by Law Your Majesty may compel the doing thereof in case of refusal or refractoriness . And we are also of opinion , that in such case Your Majesty is the sole judge both of the Danger , and when and how the same is to be prevented and avoided . John Bramston . John Finch . Humphrey Davenport . John Denham . Richard Hutton . William Jones . George Crook . Thomas Trevor . George Vernon . Robert Barkly . Francis Crauley . Richard Weston . His MAJESTIE's Declaration to all His loving Subjects of the Causes which moved Him to dissolve His Fourth Parliament . THE King 's most Excellent Majesty well knoweth that the Calling , Adjourning , Proroguing and Dissolving of Parliaments , are undoubted Prerogatives inseparably annexed to His Imperial Crown , of which He is not bound to render any account but to God alone , no more than of His other Regal actions . Nevertheless His Majesty , whose Piety and Goodness have made Him ever so order and govern all things , that the clearness and Candor of His Royal heart may appear to all His Subjects , especially in those great and publick matters of State that have relation to the weal and safety of His People , and the Honour of His Royal Person and Government , hath thought fit , for avoiding and preventing all sinister constructions and misinter pretations , which the Malice of some persons ill-affected to His Crown and Soveraignty hath or may practise to infuse into the minds an ears of His good and faithful Subjects , to set down by way of Declaration the true Causes as well of His Assembling , as of His Dissolving the late Parliament . IT is not unknown to most of His Majestie 's loving Subjects , what discouragements He hath formerly had by the undutiful and seditious carriage of divers of the lower House in preceding Assemblies of Parliament , enough to have made Him averse to those ancient and accustomed ways of calling His People together , when in stead of dutiful expressions towards His Person and Government , they vented their own Malice and disaffections to the State , and by their subtle and malignant courses endeavoured nothing more than to bring into contempt and disorder all Government and Magistracy . Yet His Majesty well considering that but few were guilty of that seditious and undutiful behaviour , and hoping that time and experience had made His loving Subjects sensible of the distemper the whole Kingdom was in danger to be put into by the ill-govern'd actions of those men , and His Majesty being ever desirous to tread in the steps of His most noble Progenitors , was pleased to issue forth His Writs under the great Seal of England , for a Parliament to be holden on the thirteenth day of April last . At which day His Majesty by the Lord Keeper of His great Seal was graciously pleased to let both Houses of Parliament know , how desirous He was that all His people would unite their hearts and affections in the execution of those Counsels that might tend to the Honour of His Majesty , the Safety of His Kingdoms , and the good and preservation of all His people ; and withal how confident He was that they would not be failing in their duties and affections to Him and to the publick . He laid open to them the manifest and apparent mischiefs threatned to this and all His other Kingdoms by the mutinous and rebellious behaviour of divers of the Scotish nation , who had by their examples drawn many of His Subjects there into a course of disloyalty and disobedience , not fit for His Majesty in Honour , Safety , or Wisdom to endure . How , to strengthen themselves in their disloyal courses , they had addrest themselves to forein States , and treated with them to deliver themselves up to their protection and defence , as was made apparent under the proper hands of the prime Ring-leaders of that Rebellious Faction . These courses of theirs , tending so much to the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchy , united by the descent of the Crown of England upon His Majesty and his Father of blessed Memory , His Majesty ( in His great Wisdom , and in discharge of the trust reposed in Him by God , and by the Fundamental Laws of both Kingdoms , for the protection and government of them ) resolved to suppress , and thereby to vindicate that Sovereign power entrusted to Him. He had by the last Summers trial found that his Grace and Goodness was abused , and that , contrary to his expectation and their faithful promises , they had , since his being at Berwick and the Pacification there made , pursued their former rebellious designs ; and therefore it was necessary now for his Majesty by power to reduce them to the just and modest condition of their Obedience and subjection , which whenever they should be brought unto , or seeing their own Errors should put themselves into a way of Humility and Obedience becoming them , his Majesty should need no other Mediatours for Clemency and Mercy to them than his own Piety and Goodness , and the tender affection he hath ever born to that his native Countrey . This being of so great weight and consequence to the whole Kingdo , and the charge of an Army , fit to master such a business , amounting to so great a sum as his Majesty had no means to raise , having not only emptied his own coffers , but issued between three and four hundred thousand pounds , which he borrowed of his servants upon security out of his own estate , to provide such things as were necessary to begin such an action with ; his Majesty , after the example of his Predecessors , resorted to his People in their representative Body the Parliament , whom he desired ( with all the expressions of Grace and Goodness which could possibly come from him ) that taking into serious and dutiful consideration the nature of these bleeding evils , and how dangerous it was to lose the least minute of time , lest thereby those of Scotland should gain opportunity to frame their parties with forein States , that they would for a while lay aside all other debates , and pass an Act for the speedy payment of so many Subsidies as might enable his Majesty to put in readiness for this Summer those things which were to be prepared before so great an Army could be brought into the field . For further supply necessary for so great an undertaking , his Majesty declared that He expected it not till there might be a happy conclusion of that Session , and till their just Grievances might be first graciously heard and relieved . Wherein as His Majesty would most willingly have given them the precedence before matter of Supply , if the great necessity of his occasions could have permitted ; so he was graciously pleased , for their full assurance and satisfaction therein to give them His Royal word , That without determining the Session upon granting of the Subsidies , He would give them before they parted as much time as the season of the year and the great affairs in hand would permit , for considering all such Petitions as they should conceive to be good for the Commonwealth ; and what they could not now finish , they should have full time to perfect towards Winter : His Majesty graciously assuring them , that He would go along with them for their advantage through all the expressions of a gracious and pious King , to the end there might be such a happy conclusion of that as might be the cause of many more meetings with them in Parliament . From their first assembling until the 21 of April , the House of Commons did nothing that could give His Majesty any content or confidence in their speedy supplying of Him : whereupon He commanded both the Houses to attend Him in the Banquetting House at White-Hall in the afternoon of that 21 day of April . Where by the Lord Keeper His Majesty put them in mind of the end for which they were assembled , which was for His Majestie 's Supply ; that if it were not speedy , it would be of no use unto Him , part of the Army then marching at the charge of above a hundred thousand pounds a month , which would all be lost if His Majesty were not presently supplied , so as it was not possible to be longer forborn . Yet His Majestie then exprest , that the Supply He for the present desired was only to enable Him to go on with His designs for three or four months , and that He expected no further Supply till all their just Grievances were relieved . And because His Majesty had taken notice of some misapprehensions about the levying of the Shipping-money , His Majesty commanded the Lord Keeper to let them know , That He never had any intention to make any Revenue of it , nor had ever made any ; but that all the money collected had been paid to the Treasurer of the Navy , and by Him expended , besides great sums of money every year out of His Majestie 's own purse . That His Majesty had once resolved this year to have levied none ; but that He was forced to alter His resolution , in regard He was of necessity to send an Army for reducing those of Scotland , during which time it was requisite the Seas should be well guarded : And besides , His Majesty had knowledge of the great Fleets prepared by all neighbouring Princes this year , and of the insolencies committed by those of Algiers , with the store of Ships which they had in readiness . And therefore though His Majesty for this present year could not forbear it , but expected their concurrence in the levying of it ; yet for the future to give all His Subjects assurance how just and Royal His intentions were , and that all His aim was but to live like their King , able to defend Himself and them , to be useful to His friends and considerable to His enemies , to maintain the Soveraignty of the Seas , and so make the Kingdom flourish in trade and commerce , He was graciously pleased to let them know that the ordinary Revenue now taken by the Crown could not serve the turn , and therefore that it must be by Shipping-money or some other way , wherein He was willing to leave it to their considerations what better course to find out , and to settle it how they would , so the thing were done , which so much imported the honour and safety of the Kingdom ; and His Majesty for His part would most readily and chearfully grant any thing they could desire for securing them in the propriety of their Goods and Estates , and in the Liberty of their Persons . His Majesty telling them it was in their power to make this as happy a Parliament as ever was , and to be the cause of the King 's delighting to meet with His people , and His People with Him. That there was no such way to effect this as by putting obligations of trust and confidence upon Him : which as it was the way of good manners with a King , so it was a surer and safer course for themselves than any that their own jealousies and fears could invent ; His Majesty being a Prince that deserved their trust , and would not lose the honour of it , and a Prince of such a gracious nature that disdained His People should overcome Him by kindness . He had made this good to some other Subjects of His ; and if they followed His counsel , they should be sure not to repent it , being the people that were nearest and dearest to Him , and Subjects whom He did and had reason to value more than the Subjects of any His other Kingdoms . His Majesty having thus graciously expressed Himself unto them , He expected the House of Commons would have the next day taken into consideration the matter of Supply , and laid aside all other debates till that were resolved of according to His desire . But in stead of giving an Answer therein , such as the pressing and urgent occasions required , they fell into discourses and debates about their pretended Grievances and raised up so many , and of so several natures , that in a Parliamentary way they could not but spend more time than His Majestie 's great and weighty Affairs could possibly afford . His Majesty foreseeing in His great Wisdom that they were not in the way to make this an happy Parliament , which He so much desired and hoped ; that nothing might be wanting on His part to bring them into the right way for His Honour , the safety of the Kingdom , and their own good , He resolved to desire the assistance of the Lords of the higher House , as persons in rank and degree nearest to the Royal Throne , and who having received Honour from Him and His Royal Progenitors , He doubted not would for those and many other reasons be moved in honour and dutiful affection to His Person and Crown , to dispose the House of Commons to express their duties to His Majesty , in expediting the matter of Supply , for which they were called together , and which required so present a dispatch . For this purpose , His Majesty in His Royal Person came again to the Lords House on Wednesday the 24. day of April , where Himself declared to the Lords the cause of His coming , which was , to put them in mind of what had been by the Lord Keeper in His name delivered unto both Houses the first day of the Parliament , and after at White-Hall ; how contrary to His expectation the House of Commons , having held consultation of matter of Religion , Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , and voted some things concerning those three heads , had thereby given them the precedence before the matter of His Supply ; that His necessities were such they could not bear delay ; that whatever He had by the Lord Keeper promised He would perform , if the House of Commons would trust Him. For Religion , that His Heart and Conscience went together with the Religion established in the Church of England , and He would give order to His Archbishops and Bishops , that no Innovation in matter of Religion should creep in . For the Ship-money , that He never made or intended to make any profit to Himself of it , but only to preserve the Dominion of the Seas , which was so necessary , that without it the Kingdom could not subsist ; but for the way and means , by Ship-money or otherwise , He left it to them . For Property of Goods and Liberty of Parliament , He ever intended His People should enjoy them , holding no King so great as He that was King of a rich and free people ; and if they had not Property of Goods and Liberty of Persons , they could be neither rich nor free . That if the House of Commons would not first trust Him , all His affairs would be disordered , and His business lost . That though they trusted Him in part at first , yet before the Parliament ended He must totally trust them , and in conclusion they must for execution of all things wholly trust Him. Therefore since the matter was no more than who should be first trusted , and that the trust of Him first was but a trust in part , His Majesty desired the Lords to take into their considerations His and their own Honour , the Safety and welfare of this Kingdom , with the great danger it was in , and that they would by their advice dispose the House of Commons to give His Supply the precedence before the Grievances . His Majesty being departed , the Lords took into serious consideration what His Majesty had commended to their care ; and forthwith laying aside all other debates ( such was their Lordships dutiful and affectionate carriage ) they remembring well what had been formerly declared in His Majestie 's name to both Houses , His Majestie 's gracious promises and expressions then and at this time , with the pressing and urgent occasions which so much imported the Honour of His Majesty and the good of this Kingdom , their Lordship 's delivered their votes in these words , We are of opinion that the matter of His Majestie 's Supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever ; and we think fit there shall be a Conference desired with the House of Commons to dispose them thereunto . Accordingly the next day , being Saturday the 25. day of April , a Conference was had in the Painted Chamber by a Committee of both Houses , where the Lord Keeper , by the Lords command , told the House of Commons of His Majestie 's being the day before in person in the higher House , how graciously he had expressed Himself in matter of Religion , Property of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , and that He would therein graciously hear and relieve them , and give them what in reason could be desired , with the effect of what else had been graciously delivered unto them by his Majesty , as well touching His constant Zeal and affection to the Religion established in the Church of England , as touching the Ship-money , and the necessity of His affairs , which was such , that delay was as prejudicial as denial , and that if time were lost , both Houses could not recover it : and therefore their Lordship's , though they would move nothing , nor give any advice concerning Subsidies , but decline it , as that which naturally was to begin with the House of Commons ; yet being alike interessed and concerned in the Honour and Safety of the Kingdom , they held it fit to let them know their opinions and desires , which was , That they should go first on with the matter of his Majestie 's Supply , as that which was most necessary and fit to have precedence ; and that being done , they would chearfully joyn with them in the presenting of their Grievances . The House of Commons having heard their Lordships opinion and desire , in stead of concurring with their Lordships in preferring the consideration of his Majestie 's Supply before their Grievances , they spent the whole day on Monday following , being the 27 of April , in taking causless exceptions to what had been at the Conference related to them : and the next day , being Tuesday the 28. of April , they desired a Conference with the Lords : and their Lordships meeting them presently in the Painted Chamber , they were so far from their expressing of any willingness to joyn with their Lordships in what had been upon so weighty reasons recommended unto them , that on the contrary they challenged the Lords for invading the Privileges of the House of Commons ; alledging , That the Lords having in the former Conference acknowledged that the matter of Subsidie and Supply ought to begin in the House of Commons , had in their voting that it was fit and most necessary that matter of Supply should have precedence before all other business , not only been transported beyond the bounds which their Lordships had formerly set to themselves , but by medling with matter of Supply had , as far as in them lay , concluded both the matter and order of proceeding , which the House of Commons took to be a breach of their Privilege , and for it desired reparation of their Lordships . And because the Lords had in the first Conference enumerated those three particulars , of Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Privilege of Parliament , the House of Commons collected they had taken notice of some proceedings in their House concerning those particulars , and thereby broken another great Privilege of the House of Commons established in Parliament , and called the Indempnity of the Commons . This , how strange and unexpected soever , the Lords heard with patience ; and being desirous to remove all impediments , and clear any mistakings that might retard or avert the resolutions of supplying his Majesty , they seriously debated in the higher House what had been objected by the House of Commons , and resolved , first , That their Lordships former voting , That in their opinions His Majestie 's Supply should have precedence before all other matters , was no breach of the Privileges of the House of Commons ; and secondly , That it was no breach of the Privileges of the House of Commons for their Lordships to hear what His Majesty declared to them , and thereupon to report the same to the House of Commons . And to the end the House of Commons might have a right understanding of their Lordships proceedings , their Lordships desired another Conference with them , which was accordingly had on Friday the first of May in the Painted Chamber ; where , by the Command of the Lords , the Lord Keeper declared to the House of Commons , That the Lords of the higher House had , as in duty and affection to his Majestie 's Crown and Government they were bound , taken into serious consideration the great and weighty motives of his Majestie 's calling this Parliament , the great evils and calamities that hung over their heads , and the apparent danger the Kingdom was like to run into , if by speedy and fitting supply his Majesty were not enabled to prevent it ; how insupportable delay and protraction was , and how impossible for both Houses to recover the loss of time in a matter of so pressing and urgent necessity ; that his Majesty had both in the higher House and in the banqueting house at White-Hall , expressed his gracious and Princely desire to do all that from a just and gracious King might be expected , whereby this Parliament might have a happy conclusion ; how his Majesty had promised all their just Grievances should be graciously heard and relieved , that their Lordships were witnesses His Majesty had given His Royal word herein , which their Lordships for their parts did as much trust and confide in as ever Subjects did . It was also then further declared unto them , That His Majesty had lately honoured their House with His presence again , and had there renewed the remembrance of what had before been delivered to both Houses , with the impossibility of admitting delay , and the clearness of His Majestie 's intentions and resolutions , to give all just satisfaction to what with reason could be desired of Him. That His Majesty had taken notice of somewhat voted in the House of Commons concerning Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Liberty of Parliament , by which His Majesty conceived the matter of His Supply set aside , which He had so often and with such weight of reason desired might have precedence . That His Majesty after very gracious assurances of His constant affection and zeal for true Religion , and for preventing all Innovations therein , relterating His often promises for relieving all their just Grievances , with His Royal intentions in that particular of Ship-money which he found much stood upon , was pleased to desire their Lordships ( as persons in rank and degree nearest Him , in Honour as much or more concern'd than others , and in the safety and prosperity of the Kingdom at least equally interessed with others ) that in a case of this great and important weight , their Lordships would by their counsel and perswasion encline the House of Commons to give His Majesty a speedy answer and resolution in the matter of Supply . That their Lordships had taken His Majestie 's desire into serious and dutiful consideration , and upon great and solemn debate had only voted in these words , We are of opinion that the matter of His Majestie 's Supply should have precedence , and be resolved of before any other matter whatsoever ; and that they did think fit there should be a Conference d●sired with the House of Commons to dispose them thereunto : which as it was just and honourable for their Lordships to do , so it was no breach of any Privilege of the House of Commons . For though their Lordships did admit , that the Bill of Subsidies ought to begin in the House of Commons , and when it is agreed unto by the Lords , must be returned back , and be by their Speaker presented , and therefore their Lordships disclaimed to meddle with Subsidy or Supply by such beginning in the higher House , or by naming the number of Subsidies , times of payment , or any such circumstances incident to a Bill : yet their Lordships might confer and talk about Supplies in general , and give their advice therein , that being no whit derogatory to the Privileges of the House of Commons , their Lordships in all reason being likelier to communicate in the Counsels and secrets of State , as those that were nearer to the Royal Throne , and having just cause therein to impart their fears and foresight of dangers to the House of Commons . That such proceedings of their Lordships , as they were grounded upon just and weighty reason , so they were agreeable to ancient usage and custom , and were fully justified by that establishment in Parliament mentioned by the House of Commons at the last Conference , being made at Gloucester in the 9th year of Henry the Fourth , and styled , not The Indempnity of the Commons ( as had been said ) but The Indempnity of Lords and Commons . And for the other breach of Privilege which had been objected , their Lordships declared , That His Majesty had told them the House of Commons had resolved something concerning those three heads , of Religion , Propriety of Goods , and Privilege of Parliament . How His Majesty knew of this resolution , belonged not to their Lordships to enquire into , their Lordship 's not medling with any thing that others said to the King , but what the King said to them . And that their Lordships were so far from holding it any violation of the Privileges of the House of Commons for their Lordships to hear what the King declared to them , and for them thereupon to report the same to the House of Commons , that on the contrary in duty to His Majesty their Lordships could do no other ; and the communicating of it was an argument of affection and desire of good correspondence with the House of Commons , and merited no such misconstruction as had been made of it : neither did that establishment in Parliament 9 H. 4. contain any words that could be construed to make their Lordships proceedings in this behalf any breach of the Privileges of the House of Commons . Their Lordships proceedings and intentions being thus cleared , the Lord Keeper by their Lordships command added further , That their Lordships could not but return to their first grounds and resolutions , which were in all fair and affectionate manner to stir up in those of the House of Commons the just consideration of those great and imminent Dangers that threatned the Kingdom at this time , and how dangerous and irrecoverable delay was , and withal to dispose them to take into their first and best thoughts the matter of His Majestie 's Supply , and give Him a speedy answer therein . Which their Lordships were confident would be the means to make this a happy Parliament , and to avert the publick Calamities that menaced the ruine and overthrow of this famous Monarchy . This having been delivered at that Conference in their Lordships names , was by His Majesty most gratiously interpreted as the noble testimony of their Lordships affections to His Person and Government ; for which His Majesty by the Lord Keeper the next day gave their Lordships hearty thanks . And withal , that nothing on His part might be left undone , His Majesty that morning also , being Saturday the second of May , sent a Message to the House of Commons , which was delivered to them in these words ; That His Majesty hath divers times and by sundry ways acquainted this House with the urgent necessity of Supply , and with the great danger inevitably to fall upon the whole State , upon His own Honour , and the Honour of this Nation , if more time shall be lost therein . That nevertheless His Majesty hither to hath received no answer at all . And therefore considering that as heretofore His Majesty hath told this House , that a delay of His Supply is as destructive as a denial , His Majesty doth again desire them to give Him a present answer concerning His Supply , His Majesty being still resolved on His part to make good whatsoever He hath promised by Himself or the Lord Keeper . After which Message delivered unto them , they spent from nine in the morning till six a clock at night in many discourses and debates touching their pretended Grievances , but never came to any resolution what Supply they would give His Majesty , or whether they would give Him any at all , but adjourned the farther debate till Monday following . At which time , because His Majesty had understood the matter of Shipping-money was that which was most insisted upon , and that the taking away of that not only for the present but for the future would be pleasing and acceptable unto them , His Majesty sent another Message unto them , which was before they entred into any debate delivered unto them in these words ; Whereas upon Saturday last His Majesty was pleased to send a Message to this House , desiring you to give a present answer concerning His Supply , to which as yet His Majesty hath had no other answer , but that upon this day you will take it into further consideration ; therefore His Majesty , the better to facilitate your resolutions this day , hath thought fit to let you know , That of His grace and favour He is pleased , upon your granting of twelve Subsidies to be presently passed , and to be paid in three years , with a Proviso that it shall not determine the Session , His Majesty will not only for the present forbear the levying of any Shipping-money , but will give way to the utter abolishing of it by any course that your selves shall like best . And for your Grievances , His Majesty will , according to His Royal Promise , give you as much time as may be now , and the rest at Michaelmas next . And His Majesty expects a present and positive answer upon which He may rely , His affairs being in such condition as can endure no longer delay . Notwithstanding this gracious Message , and all other His Majestie 's former Desires and Promises , and the Lords earnest perswasions , the House of Commons spent eight or nine hours more in debating the matter of Supply , without coming to any resolution at all ; and so mixed the consideration of that with other matters impertinent , and trenching highly to the diminution of His Majestie 's Royal Prerogative , that His Majesty plainly discerned they went about to weary and tire Him with delays : And though in words some did not deny to supply Him , yet in that also most moved to clog the Bill of Subsidies in such sort , that His Majesty could not have accepted it without great prejudice to His Prerogative ; and they were so far from declaring what they would do , that they entertained themselves with discourses tending to render odious to His people that gracious Government of His , under which all his People have during his happy Reign lived in such Peace and Felicity , when all the neighbouring Kingdoms and States were in Troubles and Combustions . His Majesty was hereupon enforced by the advice of his Privy Council to resolve to break up and dissolve the Parliament , from which he could hope for no other fruit than the hindring of his great Affairs , and disordering his happy Government . And therefore on Tuesday the fifth of May his Majesty came again in person to the Lords House , and sending for the Speaker and the House of Commons , when they were come up , said thus ; My LORDS , THere can no occasion of My coming to this House be so unpleasing to Me as this is at this time . The fear of doing that which I am to do this day made Me not long ago come to this House , where I expressed as well My Fears , as the Remedies I thought necessary for the eschewing of it : Vnto which I must confess and acknowledge that you ( My Lords of the Higher House ) did give Me so willing an ear , and with such affection did shew your selves thereafter , that certainly , I may say , if there had been any means to have given an happy end to this Parliament , you took it ; so that it was neither your Lordships fault , nor Mine , that it is not so . Therefore in the first place , I must give your Lordships thanks for your good Endeavours . I hope you remember what My Lord Keeper said to you the first day of the Parliament in My Name ; what likewise he said in the Banqueting-House in White Hall , and what I lately said to you in this place My self . I name all this unto you , not in doubt that you do not well remember it , but to shew you , that I never said any thing in way of favour to My people , but that by the grace of God I will punctually and really perform it . I know that they have insisted very much on Grievances , and I will not say but that there may be some , ( though I will confidently affirm , that there are not by many degrees so many as the publick voice doth make them . ) Wherefore I desire you to take notice , now especially at this time , that out of Parliament I shall be as ready ( if not more willing ) to hear and redress any just Grievances , as in Parliament . There is one thing that is much spoken of , though not so much insisted on as others , and that is Religion ; concerning which , albeit I expressed My self fully the last day in this place to your Lordships , yet I think it fit again , on this occasion , to tell you , that ( as I am most concerned , so ) I shall be most careful to preserve that purity of Religion which , I thank God , is so well established in the Church of England , and that as well out of as in Parliament . My Lords , I shall not trouble you long with words , it being not My fashion : wherefore to conclude , what I offered the last day to the House of Commons , I think is well known to you all , as likewise how they accepted it ; which I desire not to remember , but wish that they had remembred how at first they were told in My Name by my Lord Keeper , That delay was the worst kind of denial . Yet I will not lay this fault on the whole House ( for I will not judge so uncharitably of those whom , for the most part , I take to be Loyal and well-affected Subjects ) but that it hath been the malicious cunning of some few seditiously-affected men that hath been the cause of this Misunderstanding . I shall now end as I began , in giving your Lordships thanks for your affection shewn to Me at this time ; desiring you to go on to assist me in the maintaining of that Regal power that is truly Mine : and as for the Liberty of the People , that they now so much seem to startle at , know , ( My Lords ) that no King in the world shall be more careful to maintain them in the Property of their Goods , Liberty of their Persons , and true Religion , than I shall be . And now , My Lord Keeper , do what I have commanded you . Then the Lord Keeper added , My Lords , and you Gentlemen of the House of Commons , The King's Majesty doth dissolve this Parliament . BY all the proceedings herein declared , it is evident to all men how willing and desirous his Majesty hath been to make use of the ancient and noble way of Parliament , used and instituted by his Royal Predecessors , for the preservation and honour of this famous Monarchy ; and that on his Majestie 's part nothing was wanting that could be expected from a King , whereby this Parliament might have had an happy conclusion , for the comfort and content of all his Majesties Subjects , and for the good and safety of this Kingdom . On the contrary , it is apparent how those of the House of Commons ( whose sinister and malitious courses enforced his Majesty to dissolve this Parliament ) have vitiated and abused that ancient and noble way of Parliament , perverting the same to their own unworthy ends , and forgetting the true use and institution of Parliaments . For whereas these meetings and assemblies of his Majesty with the Peers and Commons of this Realm were in their first original , and in the practice of all succeeding ages , ordained and held as pledges and testimonies of Affection between the King and his People , the King for his part graciously hearing and redressing such Grievances as his People in humble and dutiful manner should represent unto Him , and the Subjects on their part , as Testimonies of their Duty , supplying His Majesty upon all extraordinary occasions , for the support of his Honour and Soveraignty , and for preserving the Kingdom in glory and safety ; those ill-affected Members of the House of Commons , instead of an humble and dutiful way of presenting their Grievances to his Majesty , have taken upon them to be the Guiders and Directors in all matters that concern his Majestie 's Government , both Temporal and Ecclesiastical , and ( as if Kings were bound to give an account of their Regal Actions and of their manner of Government to their Subjects assembled in Parliament ) they have in a very audacious and insolent way entred into examination and censuring of the present Government , traduced his Majestie 's administration of Justice , rendred ( as much as in them lay ) odious to the rest of his Majestie 's Subjects not only the Officers and Ministers of State , but even his Majestie 's very Government ; which hath been so just and gracious , that never did this or any other Nation enjoy more Blessings and Happiness than hath been by all his Majestie 's Subjects enjoyed ever since his Majestie 's access to the Crown , nor did this Kingdom ever so flourish in Trade and Commerce as at this present , or partake of more Peace and Plenty in all kinds whatsoever . And whereas the ordinary Revenues of the Crown not sufficing to defray extraordinary charges , it hath ever been the usage in all Parliaments to aid and assist the Kings of this Realm with free and fitting supply towards the maintenance of their Wars , and for making good their Royal undertakings , whereby the Kingdom intrusted to their protection might be held up in splendor and greatness ; those ill-affected persons of the House of Commons have been so far from treading in the steps of their Ancestors by their dutiful expressions in this kind , that contrarily they have introduced a way of bargaining and contracting with the King , as if nothing ought to be given Him by them but what He should buy and purchase of them , either by quitting somewhat of His Royal Prerogative , or by diminishing and lessening His Revenues . Which courses of theirs how repugnant they are to the duty of Subjects , how unfit for His Majesty in Honour to permit and suffer , and what hazard and dishonour they subject this Kingdom to , all men may easily judge that will but equally and impartially weigh them . His Majesty hath been by this means reduced to such streights and extremities , that were not His care of the Publick good and safety the greater , these men ( as much as in them lies ) would quickly bring ruine and confusion to the State , and render contemptible this glorious Monarchy . But this frowardness and undutiful behaviour of theirs cannot lessen His Majestie 's care of preserving the Kingdoms intrusted to His Protection and Government , nor His gracious and tender affection to His people ; for whose good and comfort His Majesty by God's gracious assistance will so provide , that all His loving Subjects may still enjoy the happiness of living under the blessed shade and protection of His Royal Scepter . In the mean time , to the end all His Majestie 's loving Subjects may know how graciously His Majesty is enclined to hear and redress all the just Grievances of His People , as well out of Parliament as in Parliament , His Majesty doth hereby further declare His Royal will and pleasure , that all His loving Subjects , who have any just cause to present or complain of any Grievances or Oppressions , may freely address themselves by their humble Petitions to His Sacred Majesty , who will graciously hear their complaints , and give such fitting redress therein , that all His people shall have just cause to acknowledge His Grace and Goodness towards them , and to be fully satisfied , that no persons or assemblies can more prevail with His Majesty than the Piety and Justice of His own Royal nature , and the tender affection He doth and shall ever bear to all His people and loving Subjects . THE PARABLE OF IOTHAN IUD . 9 And the Bramble sayd unto the Trees If in truth ye anoint me King over you , then come and put your trust in my shadow ; and if not , let Fire come out of the Bramble , and devour the Cedars of Lebanon . Iudg. 9. v. 15. Imperium Flagitio acquisitum nemo unquam bonis Artibus exercuit . Tacit. Hist. lib. 1. ( i. e. ) NO man ever used that Power Iustly which unjustly he did Usurp . ) Place this P. 241. The most high ruleth in the Kingdome of Men , and giueth it to Who●s●ever he will , and setteth up over it the Basest of men Dan 4. v. 17. Ph. Fruitiers deli● Iac. Nee●●s sculp 〈◊〉 DECLARATIONS AND PAPERS Concerning the Difference betwixt His MAJESTY AND HIS Fifth Parliament . MDCXLI Decemb. 1. The House of Commons PETITION , and Remonstrance of the state of the Kingdom : with his Majesties Answers . The PETITION of the House of Commons which accompanied the Declaration of the state of the Kingdom , when it was presented to His MAJESTY at Hampton-Court . Most Gracious Sovereign , YOUR Majesties most humble and faithful Subjects , the Commoners in this present Parliament assembled , do with much thankfulness and joy acknowledge the great mercy and favour of God , in giving Your Majesty a safe and peaceable return out of Scotland into Your Kingdom of England , where the pressing Dangers and Distempers of the State have caused us with much earnestness to desire the comfort of Your gracious presence , and likewise the Unity and Justice of your Royal Authority to give more life and power to the dutiful and loyal Counsels and Endeavours of Your Parliament , for the prevention of that imminent Ruine and Destruction wherein Your Kingdoms of England and Scotland are threatned . The duty which we owe to Your Majesty and our Country cannot but make us very sensible and apprehensive , that the multiplicity , sharpness and malignity of those evils under which we have now many years suffered , are fomented and cherished by a corrupt and ill-affected party , who amongst other their mischievous devices for the alteration of Religion and Government , have sought by many false scandals and imputations cunningly insinuated , and dispersed among the People , to blemish and disgrace our proceedings in this Parliament , and to get themselves a party and faction amongst Your Subjects , for the better strengthening of themselves in their wicked courses , and hindering those provisions and remedies which might by the Wisdom of Your Majesty and Counsel of Your Parliament be opposed against them . For preventing whereof , and the better information of Your Majesty , Your Peers , and all other Your loyal Subjects , we have been necessitated to make a Declaration of the state of the Kingdom , both before and since the Assembly of this Parliament unto this time ; which we do humbly present to Your Majesty without the least intention to lay any blemish upon Your Royal Person , but only to represent how Your Royal Authority and trust have been abused , to the great prejudice and danger of Your Majesty and of all Your good Subjects . And because we have reason to believe that those malignant parties , whose proceedings evidently appear to be mainly for the advantage and increase of Popery , are composed , set up , and acted by the subtile practice of the Jesuites and other Engineers and Factors for Rome , and to the great danger of this Kingdom , and most grievous affliction of Your loyal Subjects , have so far prevailed , as to corrupt divers of Your Bishops , and others in prime places of the Church , and also to bring divers of these Instruments to be of Your Privy Council and other employments of trust and nearness about your Majesty , the Prince and the rest of Your Royal Children ; And by this means have had such an operation in Your Council , and the most important affairs and proceedings of Your Government , that a most dangerous division and chargeable preparation for War betwixt your Kingdoms of England and Scotland , the increase of Jealousies betwixt Your Majesty and Your most obedient Subjects , the violent distraction and interruption of this Parliament , the Insurrection of the Papists in Your Kingdom of Ireland , and bloody Massacre of Your People , have been not only endeavoured and attempted , but in a great measure compassed and effected : For preventing the final accomplishment hereof , Your poor Subjects are enforced to ingage their Persons and Estates to the maintaining of a very expenceful and dangerous War , notwithstanding they have already , since the beginning of this Parliament undergone the charge of 150000. pounds sterling , or thereabouts , for the necessary support and supply of Your Majesty in these present and perillous Designs . And because all our most faithful endeavours and engagements will be ineffectual for the peace , safety , and preservation of Your Majesty and Your People , if some present , real , and effectual course be not taken for suppressing this wicked and malignant party , We Your most humble and obedient Subjects do with all faithfulness and humility beseech Your Majesty . 1. That You will be graciously pleased to concurre with the humble desires of Your People in a Parliamentary way , for the preserving the peace and safety of the Kingdom from the malicious designs of the Popish party . For depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , and abridging their immoderate power usurped over the Clergy and other Your good Subjects , which they have most perniciously abused to the hazard of Religion , and great prejudice and oppression of the Laws of the Kingdom , and just Liberty of Your People . For the taking away such oppressions in Religion , Church-Government and Discipline , as have been brought in and fomented by them . For uniting all such Your loyal Subjects together , as joyn in the same Fundamental Truths against the Papists , by removing some oppressions and unnecessary Ceremonies , by which divers weak Consciences have been scrupled , and seem to be divided from the rest . For the due execution of those good Laws which have been made for securing the Liberty of Your Subjects . 2. That Your Majesty will likewise be pleased to remove from Your Council all such as persist to favour and promote any of those Pressures and Corruptions wherewith Your People have been grieved ; and that for the future Your Majesty will vouchsafe to employ such persons in Your great and publick Affairs , and to take such to be near You in places of trust , as Your Parliament may have cause to confide in ; that in Your Princely Goodness to Your People , You will reject and refuse all mediation and solicitation to the contrary , how powerful and near soever . 3. That You will be pleased to forbear to alienate any of the forfeited and escheated Lands in Ireland which shall accrue to Your Crown by reason of this Rebellion , that out of them the Crown may be the better supported , and some satisfaction made to Your Subjects of this Kingdom for the great expences they are like to undergo this War. Which humble desires of ours being graciously fulfilled by Your Majesty , we will by the blessing and favour of God , most chearfully undergo the hazard and expences of this War , and apply our selves to such other courses and counsels as may support Your Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home , with Power and Reputation abroad , and by our Loyal Affections , Obedience and Service , lay a sure and lasting foundation of the Greatness and Prosperity of Your Majesty , and Your Royal Posterity in future times . A REMONSTRANCE of the State of the Kingdom . THE Commons in this present Parliament assembled having with much earnestness , and faithfulness of affection and zeal to the publick good of this Kingdom , and His Majesties Honour and Service , for the space of twelve months wrastled with the great Dangers and Fears , the pressing Miseries and Calamities , the various Distempers and Disorders which had not only assaulted , but even overwhelmed and extinguisht the Liberty , Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom , the comfort and hopes of all His Majesties good Subjects , and exceedingly weakned and undermined the foundation and strength of His own Royal Throne ; do yet find an abounding malignity and opposition in those Parties and Factions who have been the cause of those evils , and do still labour to cast aspersions upon that which hath been done , and to raise many difficulties for the hinderance of that which remains yet undone , and to foment Jealousies betwixt the King and the Parliament , that so they may deprive Him and His People of the fruit of his own gracious intentions , and their humble desires of procuring the publick Peace , Safety , and Happiness of this Realm . For the preventing of those miserable effects which such malicious endeavours may produce , We have thought good to declare , First , The Root and the growth of these mischievous Designs . Secondly , The Maturity and ripeness to which they have attained before the beginning of the Parliament . Thirdly , The effectual Means which have been used for the extirpation of those dangerous evils , and the Progress which hath therein been made by His Majesties Goodness and the wisdom of the Parliament . Fourthly , The ways of Obstruction and Opposition , by which that progress hath been interrupted . Fifthly , The courses to be taken for the removing those Obstacles , and for the accomplishing of our most dutiful and faithful intentions and endeavours of restoring and establishing the ancient Honour , Greatness , and Security of this Crown and Nation . The Root of all this mischief we find to be a malignant and pernicious design of subverting the Fundamental Laws and Principles of Government , upon which the Religion and Justice of this Kingdom are firmly establish'd . The Actors and Promoters hereof have been , First , The Jesuited Papists , who hate the Laws as the obstacles of that Change and subversion of Religion which they so much long for . Secondly , The Bishops and the corrupt part of the Clergy , who cherish Formality and Superstition , as the natural effects and more probable supports of their own Ecclesiastical Tyranny and Vsurpation . Thirdly , Such Counsellors and Courtiers as for private ends have engaged themselves to further the interests of some foreign Princes or States , to the prejudice of His Majesty and the State at home . The Common Principles by which they moulded and governed all their particular Counsels and Actions were these . First , To maintain continual Differences and Discontents betwixt the King and the People , upon questions of Prerogative and Liberty , that so they might have the advantage of siding with Him , and under the notions of men addicted to His Service , gain to themselves and their parties the places of greatest trust and power in the Kingdom . A Second , To suppress the purity and power of Religion , and such persons as were best affected to it ; as being contrary to their own ends , and the greatest impediment to that Change which they thought to introduce . A Third , to conjoyn those parties of the Kingdom which were most propitious to their own ends , and to divide those who were most opposite , which consisted in many particular observations ; to cherish the Arminian part in those Points wherein they agreè with the Papists , to multiply and enlarge the Differences betwixt the common Protestants and those whom they call Puritans , to introduce and countenance such Opinions and Ceremonies as are fittest for accommodation with Popery , to encrease and maintain ignorance , looseness and prophaneness in the People ; that of those three parties , Papists , Arminians and Libertines , they might compose a body fit to act such Counsels and resolutions as were most conducible to their own ends . A Fourth , To disaffect the King to Parliaments by Slanders and false Imputations , and by putting Him upon other waies of supply , which in shew and appearance were fuller of advantage then the ordinary course of Subsidies , though in truth they brought more loss than gain both to the King and People , and have caused the great Distractions under which we both suffer . As in all compounded bodies the Operations are qualified according to the predominant Element ; so in this mixt party the Jesuited Counsels being most active and prevailing , may easily be discovered to have had the greatest sway in all their determinations , and if they be not prevented , are likely to devour the rest , or to turn them into their own nature . In the beginning of His Majesties Reign the party begun to revive and flourish again , having been somewhat dampt by the breach with Spain in the last year of King James , and by His Majesties Marriage with France ; the Interests and Counsels of that State being not so contrary to the good of Religion and the prosperity of this Kingdom as those of Spain , and the Papists of England having been evermore addicted to Spain then France : yet they still retained a purpose and resolution to weaken the Protestant parties in all parts , and even in France , whereby to make way for the Change of Religion which they intended at home . The first effect and evidence of their recovery and strength was , the dissolution of the Parliament at Oxford , after there had been given two Subsidies to His Majesty , and before they received relief in any one Grievance : many other more miserable effects followed . The loss of the Rochel Fleet , by the help of our Shipping , set forth and delivered over to the French , in opposition to the advice of Parliament ; which left that Town without defence by Sea , and made way not only to the loss of that important place , but likewise to the loss of all the strength and security of the Protestant Religion in France . The diverting of His Majesties course of Wars from the West - Indies , which was the most facile and hopeful way for this Kingdom to prevail against the Spaniard , to an expenceful and succesless attempt upon Cales ; which was so ordered , as if it had rather been intended to make us weary of War , then to prosper in it . The precipitate breach with France , by taking their Ships to a great value , without making recompence to the English , whose goods were thereupon imbarg'd and confiscate in that Kingdom . The Peace with Spain without consent of Parliament , contrary to the promise of King James to both Houses ; whereby the Palatine Cause was deserted , and left to chargeable and hopeless Treaties , which , for the most part , were managed by those who might justly be suspected to be no friends to that Cause . The charging of the Kingdom with billetted Souldiers in all parts of it , and that concomitant design of Germane horse ; that the Land might either submit with fear , or be enforced with rigour to such Arbitrary Contributions as should be required of them . The dissolving of the Parliament in the second year of His Majesties reign , after a Declaration of their intent to grant five Subsidies . The exacting of the like proportion of five Subsidies after the Parliament dissolved , by Commission of Loan ; and divers Gentlemen and others imprisoned for not yielding to pay that Loan , whereby many of them contracted such Sicknesses as cost them their lives . Great sums of Money required and raised by privy Seals . An unjust and pernicious attempt to extort great payments from the Subject by way of Excise , and a Commission issued under Seal to that purpose . The Petition of Right , which was granted in full Parliament , blasted with an illegal Declaration , to make it destructive to it self , to the power of Parliament , to the Liberty of the Subject , and to that purpose printed with it ; and the Petition made of no use , but to shew the bold and presumptuous injustice of such Ministers as durst break the Laws , and suppress the Liberties of the Kingdom , after they had been so solemnly and evidently declared . Another Parliament dissolved 4 Car. the Priviledge of Parliament broken by imprisoning divers Members of the House , detaining them close Prisoners for many months together , without the liberty of using Books , Pen , Ink or Paper , denying them all the comforts of life , all means of preservation of health , not permitting their Wives to come unto them , even in time of their Sickness ; and for the compleating of that Cruelty , after years spent in such miserable durance , depriving them of the necessary means of Spiritual consolation , not suffering them to go abroad to enjoy God's Ordinances in God's House , or God's Ministers to come to them , to administer comfort unto them in their private Chambers : and to keep them still in this oppressed condition , not admitting them to be bailed according to Law , yet vexing them with Informations in inferiour Courts , sentencing and fining some of them for matters done in Parliament , and extorting the payments of those Fines from them ; enforcing others to put in Security of good behaviour , before they could be released . The imprisonment of the rest which refused to be bound still continued ; which might have been perpetual , if necessity had not the last year brought another Parliament to relieve-them ; of whom one died by the cruelty and harshness of his Imprisonment , which would admit of no relaxation , notwithstanding the imminent danger of his life did sufficiently appear by the declaration of his Physician , and his release , or at least his refreshment , was sought by many humble Petitions . And his blood still cries either for vengeance or repentance of those Ministers of State , who have at once obstructed the course both of His Majesties Justice and Mercy . Upon the dissolution of both these Parliaments , untrue and scandalous Declarations were published , to asperse their proceedings and some of their Members , unjustly to make them odious , and colour the violence which was used against them ; Proclamations set out to the same purpose , and to the great dejecting of the hearts of the people , forbidding them even to speak of Parliaments . After the breach of the Parliament , in the fourth year of His Majesty , Injustice , Oppression and Violence broke in upon us without any restraint or moderation : and yet the first project was the great sums exacted through the whole Kingdom for default of Knighthood , which seemed to have some colour and shadow of a Law ; yet if it be rightly examined by that obsolete Law which was pretended for it , it would be found to be against all the rules of Justice , both in respect of the persons charged , the proportion of the Fines demanded , and the absurd and unreasonable manner of their proceedings . Tonnage and Poundage hath been received without colour or pretence of Law ; many other heavy Impositions continued against Law ; and some so unreasonable , that the sum of the charge exceeds the value of the Goods . The Book of Rates lately inhanced to a high proportion ; and such Merchants as would not submit to their illegal and unreasonable payments , were vexed and oppressed above measure , and the ordinary course of Justice , the common Birth-right of the Subject of England , wholly obstructed unto them . And although all this was taken upon pretence of guarding the Sea , yet a new and unheard-of Tax of Ship-money was devised upon the same pretence . By both which there was charged upon the Subject near 700000 l. some years ; and yet the Merchants have been left so naked to the violence of the Turkish Pirats , that many great Ships of value and thousands of His Majesties Subjects have been taken by them , and do still remain in miserable slavery . The enlargement of Forests , contrary to Charta de Foresta and the composition thereupon . The exactions of Coat and Conduct-Money , and divers other Military charges . The taking away the Arms of the Trained Bands of divers Counties . The desperate design of engrossing all the Gun-powder into one hand , keeping it in the Tower of London , and setting so high a rate upon it that the poorer sort were not able to buy it , nor could any have it without Licence ; thereby to leave the several parts of the Kingdom destitute of their necessary defence , and by selling so dear that which was sold , to make an unlawful advantage of it , to the great charge and detriment of the Subject . The general destruction of the Kings Timber , especially that in the Forest of Dean , sold to Papists , which was the best Store-house of this Kingdom for the maintenance of our Shipping . The taking away of mens Right , under colour of the Kings title to Land between high and low water-Marks . The Monopolies of Sope , Salt , Wine , Leather , Sea-coal , and in a manner , of all things of most common and necessary use . The restraint of the Liberties of the Subjects in their Habitation , Trades , and other Interest . Their vexation and oppression by Purveyors , Clarks of the Market , and Salt-Peter-men . The sale of pretended Nusanzes , as Buildings in and about London , conversion of Arable into Pasture , continuance of Pasture under the name of depopulation , have drawn many Millions out of the Subjects Purses , without any considerable profit to His Majesty . Large quantities of Common and several Grounds have been taken from the Subject by colour of the Statute of Improvement , and by abuse of the Commission of Sewers , without their consent and against it . And not only private Interest , but also publick Faith have been broken , in seizing of the Money and Bullion in the Mint ; and the whole Kingdom like to be robb'd at once in that abominable project of Brass Money . Great numbers of His Majesties Subjects , for refusing those unlawful charges , have been vext with long and expensive suits ; some fined and censured , others committed to long and hard imprisonments and confinements , to the loss of health in many , of life in some ; and others have had their Houses broken up , their Goods seized ; some have been restrained from their lawful Callings : Ships have been interrupted in their Voyages , surprized at Sea in an hostile manner by Projectors , as by a common Enemy ; Merchants prohibited to unlade their goods in such Ports as were for their own advantage , and forced to bring them to those places which were most for the advantages of the Monopolizers and Projectors . The Court of Star-Chamber hath abounded in extravagant Censures , not only for the maintenance and improvement of Monopolies and other unlawful Taxes , but for divers other Causes , where there hath been no offence , or very small ; whereby His Majesties Subjects have been oppressed by grievous Fines , Imprisonments , Stigmatizings , Mutilations , Whippings , Pillories , Gags , Confinements , Banishments , after so rigid a manner , as hath not only deprived men of the society of their Friends , exercise of their Professions , comfort of Books , use of Paper or Ink , but even violated that near Union which God hath establisht betwixt Men and their Wives , by forced and constrained separation ; whereby they have been bereaved of the comfort and conversation one of another for many years together , without hope of relief , if God had not by his over-ruling Providence given some interruption to the prevailing power and counsel of those who were the Authors and Promoters of such peremptory and heady courses . Judges have been put out of their places for refusing to do against their Oaths and Consciences : Others have been so awed , that they durst not do their duties ; and the better to hold a rod over them , the Clause Quamdiu se bene gesserit was left out of their Patents , and a new Clause Durante beneplacito inserted . Lawyers have been checkt for being faithful to their Clients ; Solicitors and Attorneys have been threatned , and some punished , for following lawful Suites : And by this means all the approaches to Justice were interrupted and fore-cluded . New Oathes have been forced upon the Subject against Law ; new Judicatories erected without Law. The Council-Table have by their Orders offered to bind the Subjects in their Free-holds , Estates , Suites and Actions . The pretended Court of the Earl-Marshal was Arbitrary and Illegal in its being and proceedings . The Chancery , Exchequer-Chamber , Court of Wards , and other English Courts have been grievous in exceeding their Jurisdiction : The estate of many Families weakned , and some ruined , by excessive Fines exacted from them for Compositions of Wardships : All Leases of above a hundred years made to draw on Wardship contrary to Law. Undue proceedings used in the finding of Offices , to make the Jury find for the King. The Common-Law Courts , seeing all men more inclined to seek Justice there where it may be fitted to their own desire , are known frequently to forsake the Rules of the Common-Law , and straining beyond their bounds , under pretence of Equity to do Injustice . Titles of Honour , Judicial places , Serjeantships at Law and other Offices , have been sold for great sums of money , whereby the common Justice of the Kingdom hath been much endangered ; not only by opening a way of employment in places of great Trust and advantage to men of weak parts , but also by giving occasion to Bribery , Extortion , Partiality ; it seldom hapning that places ill gotten are well used . Commissions have been granted for examining the excess of Fees : and when great Exactions have been discovered , Compositions have been made with Delinquents , not only for the time past , but likewise for immunity and security in offending for the time to come ; which under colour of remedy , hath but confirmed and encreased the Grievance to the Subject . The usual course of pricking Sheriffs not observed , but many times Sheriffs made in an extraordinary way : sometimes as a punishment and charge unto them ; sometimes such were pricked out as would be Instruments to execute whatsoever they would have to be done . The Bishops and the rest of the Clergy did triumph in the Suspensions , Excommunications , Deprivations and Degradations of divers painful , learned and pious Ministers , in the vexation and grievous oppression of great numbers of His Majesties good Subjects . The High-Commission grew to such excess of sharpness and severity , as was not much less then the Romish Inquisition ; and yet in many cases by the Arch-bishops power was made much more heavy , being assisted and strengthened by authority of the Council-Table . The Bishops and their Courts were as eager in the Country ; and although their Jurisdiction could not reach so high in rigor and extremity of punishment , yet were they no less grievous in respect of the generality and multiplicity of vexations , which lighting upon the meaner sort of Trades-men and Artificers , did impoverish many thousands , and so afflict and trouble others , that great numbers , to avoid their miseries , departed out of the Kingdom , some into New-England and other parts of America , others into Holland , where they have transported their Manufactures of Cloth ; which is not only a loss , by diminishing the present stock of the Kingdom , but a great mischief , by impairing and endangering the loss of that peculiar Trade of Cloathing , which hath been a plentiful fountain of Wealth and Honour to this Nation . Those were fittest for Ecclesiastical preferment , and soonest obtained it , who were most officious in promoting Superstition , most virulent in railing against Godliness and Honesty . The most publick and solemn Sermons before His Majesty were either to advance Prerogative above Law , and decry the Property of the Subject ; or full of such kind of Invectives whereby they might make those odious who sought to maintain the Religion , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom : and such men were sure to be weeded out of the Commission of the Peace , and out of all other imployments of power in the Government of the Countrey . Many noble Personnages were Councellors in name , but the power and authority remained in a few of such as were most addicted to this party ; whose resolutions and determinations were brought to the Table for countenance and execution , and not for debate and deliberation ; and no man could offer to oppose them without disgrace and hazard to himself . Nay all those that did not wholly concur and actively contribute to the furtherance of their designs , though otherwise persons of never so great Honour and Abilities , were so far from being employed in any place of trust and power , that they were neglected , discountenanced , and upon all occasions injured and oppressed . This Faction was grown to that height and entireness of power , that now they began to think of finishing their Work , which consisted of these three parts . 1. The Government must be set free from all restraint of Laws concerning our Persons and States . 2. There must be a Conjunction betwixt Papists and Protestants in Doctrine , Discipline and Ceremonies ; only it must not yet be called Popery . 3. The Puritans , ( under which name they include all those that desire to preserve the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , and to maintain Religion in the power of it ) must be either rooted out of the Kingdom with force , or driven out with fear . For the effecting of this , it was thought necessary to reduce Scotland to such Popish Superstitions and Innovations as might make them apt to joyn with England in that great Change which was intended . Whereupon new Canons and a new Liturgy were prest upon them ; and when they refused to admit of them , an Army was raised to force them to it , towards which the Clergy and the Papists were very forward in their Contribution . The Scots likewise raised an Army for their defence : and when both Armies were come together , and ready for a bloody encounter , His Majesties own Gracious Disposition , and the Counsel of the English Nobility , and Dutiful submission of the Scots , did so far prevail against the evil Counsel of others , that a Pacification was made , and His Majesty returned with Peace and much Honour to London . The unexpected Reconciliation was most acceptable to all the Kingdom , except to the malignant party ; whereof the Archbishop and the Earl of Strafford being heads , they and their faction begun to inveigh against the Peace , and to aggravate the proceeding of the States , which so incensed His Majesty , that He forthwith prepared again for War. And such was their confidence , that having corrupted and distempered the whole frame and Government of the Kingdom , they did now hope to corrupt that which was the only means to restore all to a right frame and temper again . To which end they perswaded His Majesty to call a Parliament , not to seek counsel and advice of them , but to draw countenance and Supply from them , and engage the whole Kingdom in their Quarrel : and in the mean time continued all their unjust Levies of Money , resolving either to make the Parliament pliant to their Will , and to establish mischief by a Law , or else to brake it ; and with more colour to go on by violence , to take what they could not obtain by consent . The ground alledged for the justification of this War was this , That the undutiful Demands of the Parliaments of Scotland was a sufficient reason for His Majesty to take Arms against them , without hearing the Reason of those Demands . And thereupon a new Army was prepared against them , their Ships were seized in all Ports both of England and Ireland , and at Sea , their Petitions rejected , their Commissioners refused Audience , this whole Kingdom most miserably distempered with Levies of Men and Money , and Imprisonments of those who denied to submit to those Levies . The Earl of Strafford past into Ireland , caused the Parliament there to declare against the Scots , to give four Subsidies towards that War , and to ingage themselves , their Lives and Fortunes for the prosecution of it ; and gave directions for an Army of eight thousand foot and one thousand horse to be levied there , which were for the most part Papists . The Parliament met upon the thirteenth of April one thousand six hundred and forty . The Earl of Strafford and Archbishop of Canterbury with their Party so prevailed with His Majesty , that the House of Commons was prest to yield to a Supply for maintenance of the War with Scotland , before they had provided any relief for the great and pressing Grievances of the people : which being against the fundamental Privilege and proceeding of Parliament , was yet in humble respect to His Majesty so far admitted , as that they agreed to take the matter of Supply into consideration , and two several days it was debated . Twelve Subsidies were demanded for the release of Ship-money alone . A third day was appointed for conclusion : when the Heads of that Party begun to fear the people might close with the King in satisfying his desire of money ; but that withal they were like to blast their malicious designs against Scotland , finding them very much indisposed to give any countenance to that War. Thereupon they wickedly advised the King to break off the Parliament , and to return to the ways of Confusion , in which their own evil intentions were most like to prosper and succeed . After the Parliament ended the fifth of May 1640. this Party grew so bold , as to counsel the King to supply Himself out of his Subjects states by His own Power , at His own will , without their consent . The very next day some Members of both Houses had their studies and cabinets , yea their pockets , searched : another of them not long after was committed close prisoner , for not delivering some Petitions which he received by authority of that House . And if harsher courses were intended ( as was reported ) it is very probable that the sickness of the Earl of Strafford , and the tumultuous rising in Southwark and about Lambeth , were the causes that such violent intentions were not brought to execution . A false and scandalous Declaration against the House of Commons was published in his Majesties Name ; which yet wrought little effect with the people , but only to manifest the impudence of those who were Authors of it . A forced Loan of money was attempted in the City of London . The Lord Mayor and Aldermen in their several Wards enjoyned to bring in a list of the names of such persons as they judged fit to lend , and of the summ they should lend . And such Aldermen as refused so to do , were committed to prison . The Archbishop and the other Bishops and Clergy continued the Convocation , and by a new Commission turned it to a Provincial Synod , in which , by an unheard of presumption , they made Canons that contain in them many matters contrary to the Kings Prerogative , to the fundamental Laws and Statutes of the Realm , to the Right of Parliaments , to the Property and Liberty of the Subject , and matters tending to Sedition and of dangerous consequence , thereby establishing their own Usurpations , justifying their Altar-worship , and those other superstitious Innovations which they formerly introduced without warrant of Law. They imposed a new Oath upon divers of his Majesties Subjects , both Ecclesiastical and Lay , for maintenance of their own Tyranny , and laid a great tax upon the Clergy for supply of his Majesty ; and generally they shewed themselves very affectionate to the War with Scotland , which was by some of them styled Bellum Episcopale , and a Prayer composed , and enjoyned to be read in all Churches , calling the Scots Rebels , to put the two Nations into blood , and make them irreconcilable . All those pretended Canons and Constitutions were armed with the several Censures of Suspension , Excommunication , Deprivation , by which they would have thrust out all the good Ministers , and most of the well affected people of the Kingdom , and left an easie passage to their own design of reconciliation with Rome . The Popish party enjoyned such exemptions from the Penal Laws as amounted to a Toleration , besides many other encouragements and Court-favours : They had a Secretary of State , Sir Francis Windebank , a powerful Agent for the speeding of all their desires ; a Pope's Nuntio residing here to act and govern them according to such influences as he received from Rome , and to intercede for them with the most powerful concurrence of the foreign Princes of that Religion . By his authority the Papists of all sorts , Nobility , Gentry and Clergy were convocated after the manner of a Parliament , new Jurisdictions were erected of Romish Archbishops , Taxes levied , another State moulded within this State independent in Government , contrary in Interest and affection , secretly corrupting the ignorant or negligent Professours of our Religion , and closely uniting and combining themselves against such as were sound , in this posture waiting for an opportunity by force to destroy those whom they could not hope to seduce . For the effecting whereof they were strengthened with Arms and Munition , encouraged by superstitious Prayers enjoyned by the Nuntio to be weekly made for the prosperity of some great Design . And such power had they at Court , that secretly a Commission was issued out , intended to be issued to some Great men of that profession , for the levying of Souldiers , and to command and employ them according to private instructions , which we doubt were framed for the advantage of those who were the contrivers of them . His Majesties Treasure was consumed , His Revenue anticipated , His Servants and Officers compelled to lend great sums of mony ; Multitudes were called to the Council-Table , who were tired with long attendances there , for refusing illegal payments . The Prisons were filled with their Commitments ; many of the Sheriffs summoned into the Star-Chamber , and some imprisoned for not being quick enough in levying the Ship-money ; the people languished under grief and fear , no visible hope being left but in desperation . The Nobility began to be weary of their silence and patience , and sensible of the duty and trust which belongs to them : and thereupon some of the most eminent of them did petition His Majesty , at such a time when evil Counsels were so strong that they had reason to expect more hazard to themselves then redress of those publick evils for which they interceded . Whilest the Kingdom was in this agitation and distemper , the Scots , restrained in their Trades , impoverished by the loss of many of their Ships , bereaved of all possibility of satisfying His Majesty by any naked Supplication , entred with a powerful Army into the Kingdom , and without any hostile Act or spoil in the Countrey as they passed , more then forcing a passage over the Tyne at Newborne near Newcastle , possessed themselves of Newcastle , and had a fair opportunity to press on further upon the Kings Army : but duty and reverence to His Majesty , and brotherly love to the English Nation , made them stay there , whereby the King had leisure to entertain better Counsels ; wherein God so blessed and directed Him , that He summoned the great Council of Peers to meet at York upon the twenty fourth of September , and there declared a Parliament to begin the third of November then following . The Scots the first day of the great Council presented an humble Petition to His Majesty ; whereupon the Treaty was appointed at Rippon , a present Cessation of arms agreed upon , and the full conclusion of all Differences referred to the wisdom and care of the Parliament . At our first meeting all Oppositions seemed to vanish ; the mischiefs were so evident which those evil Counsellors produced , that no man durst stand up to defend them . Yet the work it self afforded difficulty enough . The multiplied evils and corruption of sixteen years , strengthned by Custome and Authority , and the concurrent interest of many powerful Delinquents , were now to be brought to judgment and Reformation . The Kings Houshold was to be provided for ; they had brought Him to that want , that He could not supply His ordinary and necessary Expences without the assistance of His People . Two Armies were to be payed , which amounted very near to thirty thousand pounds a month ; the people were to be tenderly charged , having been formerly exhausted with many burthensome Projects . The Difficulties seemed to be insuperable , which by the Divine Providence we have overcome ; the Contrarieties incompatible , which yet in a great measure we have reconciled . Six Subsidies have been granted , and a Bill of Poll-money , which , if it be duly levied , may equal six Subsidies more , in all six hundred thousand pounds . Besides , we have contracted a debt to the Scots of two hundred and twenty thousand pounds ; and yet God hath so blessed the endeavours of this Parliament , that the Kingdom is a great gainer by all these charges . The Ship-money is abolished which cost the Kingdom above 200000 pounds a year . The Coat and Conduct-money and other military charges are taken away , which in many Countries amounted to little less then the Ship-money . The Monopolies are all supprest , whereof some few did prejudice the Subject above a Million yearly : the Soap an hundred thousand pounds , the Wine three hundred thousand pounds , the Leather must needs exceed both , and Salt could not be less then that ; besides the inferiour Monopolies , which , if they could be exactly computed , would make up a great sum . That which is more beneficial then all this is , that the root of these evils is taken away , which was the arbitrary power pretended to be in His Majesty , of taxing the Subject , or charging their estates without consent in Parliament , which is now declared to be against Law by the judgment of both Houses , and likewise by an Act of Parliament . Another step of great advantage is this , the living Grievances , the evil Counsellors and actors of these mischiefs have been so quelled by the Justice done upon the Earl of Strafford , the flight of the Lord Finch and Secretary Windebank , the accusation and imprisonment of the Archbishop of Canterbury , of Judge Bartlet , and the impeachment of divers other Bishops and Judges , that it is like not only to be an ease to the present times , but a preservation to the future . The discontinuance of Parliaments is prevented by the Bill for a Triennial Parliament , and the abrupt dissolution of this Parliament by another Bill ; by which it is provided it shall not be dissolved or adjourned without the consent of both Houses . Which two Laws well considered may be thought more advantageous then all the former , because they secure a full operation of the present remedy , and afford a perpetual Spring of remedies for the future . The Star-chamber , the High-Commission , the Courts of the President and Council in the North , were so many forges of Misery , Oppression , and Violence , and are all taken away ; whereby men are more secured in their Persons , Liberties and Estates , then they could be by any Law or Example for the regulation of those Courts , or Terror of the Judges . The immoderate power of the Council-Table and the excessive abuse of that power is so ordered and restrained , that we may well hope that no such things as were frequently done by them , to the prejudice of the publick Liberty , will appear in future times , but only in Stories , to give us and our posterity more occasion to praise God for his Majesties Goodness , and the faithful endeavours of this Parliament . The Canons and the power of Canon-making , are blasted by the Vote of both Houses . The exorbitant power of Bishops and their Courts are much abated , by some Provisions in the Bill against the High-Commission Court. The Authors of the many Innovations in Doctrine and Ceremonies , the Ministers that have been scandalous in their lives , have been so terrified in just Complaints and Accusations , that we may well hope they will be more modest for the time to come ; either inwardly convicted by the sight of their own folly , or outwardly restrained by the fear of punishment . The Forests are by a good Law reduced to their right bounds ; the encroachments and oppressions of the Stannary Courts , the Extortions of the Clark of the Market , and the Compulsion of the Subject to receive the Order of Knight-hood against his will , paying of Fines for not receiving it , and the vexatious proceedings thereupon for levying of those Fines , are by other beneficial Laws reformed and prevented . Many excellent Laws and provisions are in preparation for removing the inordinate power , vexation and usurpation of Bishops , for reforming the pride and idleness of many of the Clergy , for easing the people of unnecessary Ceremonies in Religion , for censuring and removing unworthy and unprofitable Ministers , and for maintaining godly and diligent Preachers through the Kingdom . Other things of main importance for the good of this Kingdom are in proposition ; though little could hitherto be done , in regard of the many other more pressing businesses , which yet before the end of this Session we hope may receive some progress and perfection . The establishing and ordering the Kings Revenue , that so the abuse of Officers and superfluity of expences may be cut off , and the necessary disbursements for His Majesties Honour , the defence and government of the Kingdom , may be more certainly provided for : The regulating of Courts of Justice , and abridging both the delaies and charges of Law-suits : The setling of some good courses for preventing the exportation of Gold and Silver , and the inequality of exchanges betwixt us and other Nations ; for the advancing of native Commodities , increase of our Manufactures , and well-balancing of Trade , whereby the stock of the Kingdom may be increased , or at least kept from impairing , as through neglect hereof it hath done for many years last past ; for improving the Herring-fishing upon our own Coasts , which will be of mighty use in the imployment of the poor , and a plentiful Nursery of Mariners for inabling the Kingdom in any great action . The Oppositions , Obstructions , and other Difficulties wherewith we have been encountred , and which still lye in our way with some strength and much obstinacy , are these : The malignant party , whom we have formerly described to be the Actors and Promoters of all our Misery , they have taken heart again : They have been able to prefer some of their own Factors and Agents to degrees of Honour , to places of Trust and imployment , even during the Parliament : They have indeavoured to work in His Majesty ill impressions and opinions of our proceedings , as if we had altogether done our own work , and not his , and had obtained from Him many things very prejudicial to the Crown , both in respect of Prerogative and Profit . To wipe out this Slander , We think good ouly to say thus much , That all that we have done is for His Majesty , His Greatness , Honour and Support . When we yielded to give twenty five thousand pounds a month for the relief of the Northern Countries , this was given to the King , for he was bound to protect His Subjects ; they were His Majesties evil Counsellors and their ill instruments that were actors in these Grievances which brought in the Scots : and if His Majesty please to force those who were the Authors of this War to make satisfaction , as He might justly and easily do , it seems very reasonable that the people might well be excused from taking upon them this burthen , being altogether innocent , and free from being any causes of it . When we undertook the charge of the Army , which cost above 50000 pound a month , was not this given to the King ? was it not His Majesties Army ? were not all the Commanders under contract with His Majesty at higher rates and greater wages then ordinary ? And have not we taken upon us to discharge all the brotherly assistance of three hundred thousand pounds which we gave the Scots ? was it not toward repair of those damages and losses which they received from the Kings Ships and from His Ministers ? These three particulars amount to above eleven hundred thousand pounds ; besides His Majesty hath received by Impositions upon Merchandise at least four hundred thousand pounds : so that his Majesty hath had out of the Subjects purse since the Parliament began one million and an half , and yet these men can be so impudent as to tell His Majesty that we have done nothing for Him. As to the second branch of this Slander , we acknowledge with much thankfulness that his Majesty hath passed more good Bills to the advantage of the Subjects then have been in many Ages : but withall we cannot forget that these venomous counsels did manifest themselves in some endeavours to hinder these good Acts. And for both Houses of Parliament we may with truth and modesty say thus much , That we have ever been careful not to desire any thing that should weaken the Crown , either in just Profit or useful Power . The Triennial Parliament , for the matter of it , doth not extend to so much as by Law we ought to have required , there being two Statutes still in force for a Parliament to be once a year ; and for the manner of it , it is in the Kings power that it shall never take effect , if he by a timely summons shall prevent any other way of assembling . In the Bill for continuance of this present Parliament , there seems to be some restraint of the Royal power in dissolving of Parliaments ; not to take it out of the Crown , but to suspend the execution of it for this time and occasion onely ; which was so necessary for the Kings own security and the publick Peace , that without it we could not have undertaken any of these great charges , but must have left both the Armies to disorder and confusion , and the whole Kingdom to blood and rapine . The Star-chamber was much more fruitful in oppression then in profit , the great Fines being for the most part given away , and the rest stalled at long times . The Fines of the High-Commission were in themselves unjust , and seldom or never came into the Kings purse . These four Bills are particularly and more specially instanced , in the rest there will not be found so much as a shadow of prejudice to the Crown . They have sought to diminish our reputation with the people , and to bring them out of love with Parliaments : the aspersions which they have attempted this way have been such as these : That we have spent much time and done little , especially in those Grievances which concern Religion . That the Parliament is a burthen to the Kingdom by the abundance of Protections , which hinder Justice and Trade ; and by many Subsidies granted , much more heavy then any they formerly endured . To which there is a ready answer : If the time spent in this Parliament be considered in relation backward to the long growth and deep root of those Grievances which we have removed , to the powerful supports of those Delinquents which we have pursued , to the great necessities and other charges of the Commonwealth for which we have provided ; or if it be considered in relation forward to many advantages which not only the present but future ages are like to reap by the good Laws and other proceedings in this Parliament ; we doubt not but it will be thought by all indifferent judgments , that our time hath been much better imployed then in a far greater proportion of time in many former Parliaments put together ; and the charges which have been laid upon the Subjects , and the other inconveniences which they have born , will seem very light in respect of the benefit they have and may receive . And for the matter of Protections , the Parliament is so sensible of it , that therein they intend to give them whatsoever ease may stand with Honour and Justice ; and are in a way of passing a Bill to give them satisfaction . They have sought by many subtle practices to cause jealousies and divisions betwixt us and our brethren of Scotland , by slandering their proceedings and intentions towards us , and by secret endeavours to instigate and incense them and us one against another . They have had such a party of Bishops and Popish Lords in the House of Peers as hath caused much opposition and delay in the prosecution of Delinquents , hindered the proceedings of divers good Bills passed in the Commons House concerning the reformation of sundry great abuses and corruptions both in Church and State. They have laboured to seduce and corrupt some of the Commons House , to draw them into Conspiracies and Combinations against the Liberty of the Parliament : and by their Instruments and agents they have attempted to disaffect and discontent His Majesties Army , and to engage it for the maintenance of their wicked and traiterous designs , the keeping up of Bishops in their Votes and Functions , and by force to compel the Parliament to order , limit and dispose their proceedings in such manner as might best concur with the intentions of this dangerous and potent faction . And when one mischievous design and attempt of theirs to bring on the Army against the Parliament and the City of London had been discovered and prevented , they presently undertook another of the same damnable nature , with this addition to it , to endeavour to make the Scotish Army neutral , whilst the English Army , which they had laboured to corrupt and invenome against us by their false and slanderous suggestions , should execute their malice to the subversion of our Religion and the dissolution of our Government . Thus they have been continually practising to disturb the Peace , and plotting the destruction even of all the Kings dominions , and have employed their Emissaries and Agents in them all for the promoting of their devilish designs , which the vigilancy of those who were well-affected hath still discovered and defeated before they were ripe for execution in England and Scotland ; only in Ireland , which was farther off , they have had time and opportunity to mould and prepare their work , and had brought it to that perfection , that they had possessed themselves of that whole Kingdom , totally subverted the Government of it , rooted out Religion , and destroyed all the Protestants , whom the conscience of their duty to God , their King and Countrey , would not have permitted to joyn with them , if by God's wonderful providence their main enterprise upon the City and Castle of Dublin had not been detected and prevented upon the very Eve before it should have been executed . Notwithstanding they have in other parts of that Kingdom broken out into open Rebellion , surprized Towns and Castles , committed murders , rapes and other villanies , and shaken off all bonds of Obedience to His Majesty and the Laws of the Realm ; and in general have kindled such a fire , as nothing but God's infinite blessing upon the wisdom and endeavours of this State will be able to quench it . And certainly , had not God in his great mercy unto this Land discovered and confounded their former designs , we had been the Prologue to this Tragedy in Ireland , and had by this time been made the lamentable spectacle of misery and confusion . And now what hope have we but in God , when as the only means of our subsistence and power of Reformation is under Him in the Parliament ? But what can we the Commons , without the conjunction of the House of Lords ? and what conjunction can we expect there , when the Bishops and Recusant Lords are so numerous and prevalent , that they are able to cross and interrupt our best endeavours for Reformation , and by that means give advantage to this malignant party to traduce our proceedings ? They infuse into the People , that we mean to abolish all Church-government , and leave every man to his own fancy for the Service and Worship of God , absolving him of that Obedience which he owes under God unto His Majesty , whom we know to be entrusted with the Ecclesiastical Law as well as with the Temporal , to regulate all the members of the Church of England by such rules of order and discipline as are established by Parliament , which is his great Council in all affairs both of Church and State. We confess our intention is , and our endeavours have been , to reduce within bounds that exorbitant power which the Prelates have assumed unto themselves so contrary both to the Word of God and to the Laws of the Land : to which end we past the Bill for the removing them from their Temporal power and employments , that so the better they might with meekness apply themselves to the discharge of their functions : Which Bill themselves opposed , and were the principal instruments of crossing it . And we do here declare , that it is far from our purpose or desire to let loose the golden reins of Discipline and Government in the Church , to leave private persons or particular Congregations to take up what form of Divine Service they please : for we hold it requisite that there should be throughout the whole Realm a Conformity to that Order which the Laws enjoyn , according to the Word of God ; and we desire to unburthen the Consciences of men of needless and superstitious Ceremonies , suppress innovations , and take away the monuments of Idolatry . And the better to effect the intended Reformation , we desire there may be a general Synod of the most grave , pious , learned and judicious Divines of this Island , assisted with some from foreign parts , professing the same Religion with us , who may consider of all things necessary for the peace and good Government of the Church , and represent the results of their consultations unto the Parliament , to be there allowed of and confirmed , and receive the stamp of Authority , thereby to find passage and obedience throughout the Kingdom . They have malitiously charged us that we intend to destroy and discourage Learning , whereas it is our chiefest care and desire to advance it , and to provide a competent maintenance for conscionable and preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom , which will be a great encouragement to Scholars , and a certain means whereby the want , meanness and ignorance to which a great part of the Clergy is now subject will be prevented . And we intend likewise to reform and purge the fountains of Learning , the two Universities , that the streams flowing from thence may be clear and pure , and an honour and comfort to the whole Land. They have strained to blast our proceedings in Parliament , by wresting the interpretation of our Orders from their genuine intention . They tell the people , that our medling with the power of Episcopacy hath caused Sectaries and Conventicles , when Idolatry and Popish Ceremonies introduced in the Church by the command of the Bishops have not only debarred the people from thence , but expelled them from the Kingdom . Thus with El ah we are called by this malignant party the Troublers of the State ; and still while we endeavour to reform their abuses , they make us the Authors of those mischiefs we study to prevent . For the perfecting of the Work begun , and removing all future impediments , we conceive these courses will be very effectual : seeing the Religion of the Papists hath such Principles as do certainly tend to the destruction and extirpation of all Protestants , when they shall have opportunity to effect it . It is necessary in the first place to keep them in such a condition as that they may not be able to do us any hurt . And for avoiding of such connivence and favour as hath heretofore been shewed unto them , that His Majesty be pleased to grant a standing Commission to some choice men named in Parliament , who may take notice of their encrease , their counsels and proceedings , and use all due means by execution of the Laws to prevent all mischievous designs against the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom . That some good course be taken to discover the counterfeit and false conformity of Papists to the Church ; by colour whereof persons very much disaffected to the true Religion have been admitted into place of greatest authority and trust in the Kingdom . For the better preservation of the Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , that all illegal Grievances and Exactions be presented and punished at the Sessions and Assizes : and that Judges and Justices be very careful to give this in charge to the Grand-Jury , and both the Sheriff and Justices to be sworn to the due execution of the Petition of Right and other Laws . That His Majesty be humbly petitioned by both Houses , to employ such Counsellours , Ambassadours and other Ministers in managing His business at home and abroad , as the Parliament may have cause to confide in ; without which we cannot give His Majesty such Supplies for support of His own estate , nor such assistance to the Protestant party beyond the Sea as is desired . It may often fall out that the Commons may have just cause to take exceptions at some men for being Counsellors , and yet not charge those men with crimes : for there be grounds of diffidence which lye not in proof ; there are others which , though they may be proved , yet are not legally criminal . To be a known favourer of Papists , or to have been very forward in defending or countenancing some great Offendors questioned in Parliament , or to speak contemptuously of either House of Parliament or Parliamentary proceedings , or such as are Factours or Agents for any foreign Prince of another Religion , such are justly suspect to get Counsellours places , or any other of trust concerning publick employment , for money . For all these and divers others we may have great reason to be earnest with His Majesty , not to put His great affairs into such hands , though we may be unwilling to proceed against them in any legal way of charge or impeachment . That all Counsellours of State may be sworn to observe those Laws which concern the Subject in his Liberty . That they may likewise take an Oath , not to receive or give reward or pension from any foreign Prince , but such as they shall within some reasonable time discover to the Lords of His Majesties Council : And although they should wickedly forswear themselves , yet it may herein do good , to make them known to be false and perjured to those who employ them , and thereby bring them into as little credit with them as with us . That His Majesty may have cause to be in love with good counsel and good men , by shewing Him in an humble and dutiful manner how full of advantage it would be to Himself , to see His own estate settled in a plentiful condition to support His Honour ; to see His people united in ways of Duty to Him and endeavours of the publick good ; to see Happiness , Wealth , Peace and Safety derived to His own Kingdom , and procured to His Allies , by the Influence of His own Power and Government . That all good courses may be taken to unite the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland , to be mutually aiding and assisting of one another for the common good of the Island , and honour of both . To take away all differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion ; and to unite our selves against the common enemies , which are the better enabled by our Divisions to destroy us all , as they hope , and have often endeavoured . To labour by all offices of friendship to unite the foreign Churches with us in the same Cause , and to seek their liberty , safety and prosperity , as bound thereunto both by charity to them and by wisdom for our own good . For by this means our own strength shall be encreased , and by a mutual concurrence to the same common End we shall be enabled to procure the good of the whole body of the Protestant profession . If these things may be observed , we doubt not but God will crown this Parliament with such success as shall be the beginning and foundation of more Honour and Happiness to His Majesty then ever yet was enjoyed by any of His Royal Predecessours . Die Mercurii , 15. Decemb. 1641. It is this day resolved upon the Question by the House of Commons , that Order shall be now given for the Printing of this REMONSTRANCE of the State of the Kingdom . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTIES Answer to the Petition which accompanied the Declaration presented to him at Hampton-Court , 1 December 1641. WE having received from you , soon after Our return out of Scotland , a long Petition , consisting of many desires of great moment , together with a Declaration of a very unusual nature annexed thereunto , We had taken some time to consider of it , as befitted Us in a matter of that consequence , being confident that your own reason and regard to Us , as well as Our express intimation by Our Comptroller to that purpose , would have restrained you from the publishing of it , till such time as you should have received Our Answer to it : But much against our expectation , finding the contrary , that the said Declaration is already abroad in Print by directions from your House , as appears by the printed Copy , We are very sensible of the disrespect . Notwithstanding , it is Our Intention that no failing on your part shall make Us fail in Ours , of giving all due satisfaction to the desires of Our People , in a Parliamenatry way ; and therefore We send you this Answer to your Petition , reserving Our self in point of the Declaration , which We think unparliamentary , and shall take a course to do that which We shall think fit in Prudence and Honour . To the Petition We say , That although there are divers things in the Preamble of it which We are so far from admitting , that We profess We cannot at all understand them , as , Of a wicked and malignant party prevalent in the Government ; of some of that party admitted to Our Privy Council , and to other Imployments of trust , and nearest to Vs and Our Children ; of endeavours to sow among the People false Scandals and Imputations , to blemish and disgrace the Proceedings of the Parliament ; all or any of which did We know of , We should be as ready to remedy and punish as you to complain of : that the Prayers of your Petition are grounded upon such Premises as we must in no wise admit : Yet notwithstanding We are pleased to give this Answer to you . To the first , concerning Religion , consisting of several branches , We say , That for the preserving the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom from the designs of the Popish party , We have , and will still concur with all the just desires of Our People in a Parliamentary way . That for the depriving of the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , We would have you consider , that their Right is grounded upon the Fundamental Law of the Kingdom and constitution of Parliament . This We would have you consider : but since you desire Our concurrence herein in a Parliamentary way , We will give no farther answer at this time . As for the abridging of the inordinate power of the Clergy , We conceive that the taking away the High-Commission Court hath well moderated that : but if there continue any Usurpations or Excesses in their Jurisdictions , We therein neither have nor will protect them . Unto that Clause which concerneth Corruptions ( as you style them ) in Religion , in Church-Government and in Discipline , and the removing of such unnecessary Ceremonies as weak Consciences might check at ; That for any illegal Innovations which may have crept in , We shall willingly concurr in the removal of them . That if Our Parliament shall advise Us to call a National Synod , which may duely examin such Ceremonies as give just cause of offence to any , We shall take it into consideration , and apply Our self to give due satisfaction therein . But We are very sorry to hear in such general terms Corruption in Religion objected , since We are perswaded in Our Conscience , that no Church can be found upon the earth that professeth the true Religion with more purity of Doctrine than the Church of England doth , nor where the Government and Discipline are jointly more beautified and free from Superstition then as they are here established by Law ; which ( by the grace of God ) We will with Constancy maintain ( while We live ) in their Purity and Glory , not only against all invasions of Popery , but also from the irreverence of those many Schismaticks and Separatists wherewith of late this Kingdom and this City abounds , to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State ; for the suppressing of whom We require your timely and active assistance . To the second prayer of the Petition , concerning the removal and choice of Counsellours , We know not any of Our Council to whom the Character set forth in the Petition can belong . That by those whom We had exposed to Trial , We have already given you sufficient testimony , that there is no man so near unto Us in place or affection whom We will not leave to the Justice of the Law , if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him ; and of this We do again assure you : but in the mean time We wish you to forbear such general aspersions as may reflect upon all Our Council , since you name none in particular . That for the choice of Our Counsellours and Ministers of State , it were to debarr Us that natural liberty all Free-men have : and as it is the undoubted right of the Crown of England to call such persons to Our secret Counsels , to publick employment , and Our particular service , as We shall think fit ; so We are and ever shall be very careful to make election of such persons in those places of trust , as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrity , and against whom there can be no just cause of exception whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence : and to choices of this nature We assure you that the mediation of the nearest unto Us hath always concurred . To the third prayer of your Petition , concerning Ireland , We understand your desire of not alienating the forfeited lands thereof to proceed from your much care and love , and likewise that it may be a Resolution very fit for Us to take : but whether it be seasonable to declare Resolutions of that nature before the Events of a War be seen , that We much doubt of . Howsoever , We cannot but thank you for this care , and your chearful ingagement for the suppression of that Rebellion ; upon the speedy effecting whereof the Glory of God in the Protestant Profession , the safety of the British there , Our Honour and that of the Nation , so much depends . All the Interests of this Kingdom being so involved in that business , We cannot but quicken your affections therein , and shall desire you to frame your Counsels , and to give such expedition to the Work , as the nature thereof and the pressures in point of Time require , and whereof you are put in mind by the daily insolence and increase of those Rebels . For Conclusion , your promise to apply your selves to such courses as may support Our Royal Estate with Honour and Plenty at home , and with Power and Reputation abroad , is that which We have ever promised Our self both from your Loyalties and Affections , and also for what We have already done , and shall daily goe adding unto , for the comfort and happiness of Our People . His MAJESTIES Declaration to all His loving Subjects : Published with the Advice of his Privy Council . ALthough We do not believe that Our House of Commons intended by their Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom to put Us to any Apology either for Our past or present Actions ; notwithstanding , since they have thought it so very necessary ( upon their observation of the present Distemper ) to publish the same , for the satisfaction of all Our loving Subjects , We have thought it very sutable to the duty of Our place , ( with which God hath trusted Us ) to do Our part to so good a Work : in which we shall not think it below Our Kingly Dignity to descend to any particular which may compose and settle the affections of Our meanest Subjects , since We are so conscious to Our Self of such upright Intentions and Endeavours , and only of such , ( for which We give God thanks ) for the Peace and Happiness of Our Kingdom , in which the Prosperity of Our Subjects must be included , that We wish from Our heart that even Our most secret Thoughts were published to their view and examination . Though We must confess We cannot but be very sorry in this conjuncture of time ( when the unhappiness of this Kingdom is so generally understood abroad ) there should be such a necessity of publishing so many Particulars , from which We pray no Inconveniences may insue that were not intended . We shall in few words pass over that part of the Narrative , wherein the Misfortunes of this Kingdom from Our first entring to the Crown to the beginning of this Parliament are remembred in so sensible expressions : and that other which acknowledgeth the many good Laws passed by Our Grace and Favour this Parliament , for the Security of Our People ; of which we shall only say thus much , That as We have not refused to pass any Bill presented to Us by Our Parliament for redress of those Grievances mentioned in the Remonstrance , so We have not had a greater Motive for the passing those Laws then Our own resolution ( grounded upon Our Observation and understanding the state of Our Kingdom ) to have freed Our Subjects for the future from those Pressures which were grievous to them , if those Laws had not been propounded , which therefore We shall as inviolably maintain as We look to have Our own Rights preserved , not doubting but all Our loving Subjects will look on those Remedies with that full gratitude and affection , that even the memory of what they have formerly undergone by the Accidents and necessities of those times will not be unpleasant to them : and possibly in a pious sense of God's blessing upon this Nation ( how little share soever We shall have of the acknowledgment ) they will confess they have enjoyed a great measure of happiness ( even these last sixteen years ) both in Peace and Plenty , not only comparatively in respect of their Neighbours , but even of those times which were justly accounted Fortunate . The Fears and Jealousies which may make some impression in the minds of Our People We will suppose may be of two sorts ; either for Religion , or Liberty and their Civil Interests . The Fears for Religion may haply be , not only as Ours here established may be invaded by the Romish party , but as it is accompanied with some Ceremonies , at which some tender Consciences really are or pretend to be scandalized ; for of any other , which have been used without any legal Warrant or Injunction , and already are or speedily may be abolished , We shall not speak . Concerning Religion , as there may be any suspicion of favour or inclination to the Papists , We are willing to declare to all the world , That as We have been from Our Childhood brought up in , and practised the Religion now established in this Kingdom , so it is well known , We have ( not contented simply with the Principles of Our Education ) given a good proportion of Our time and pains to the examination of the grounds of this Religion , as it is different from that of Rome ; and are from Our Soul so fully satisfied and assured that it is the most pure and agreeable to the Sacred Word of God of any Religion now practised in the Christian world , that as We believe We can maintain the same by unanswerable reasons , so We hope We should readily seal to it by the effusion of Our Blood , if it pleased God to call Us to that sacrifice . And therefore nothing can be so acceptable unto Us as any proposition which may contribute to the advancement of it here , or the propogation of it abroad , being the only means to draw down a Blessing from God upon Our selves and this Nation . And We have been extremely unfortunate , if this profession of Ours be wanting to Our People ; Our constant practice in Our own Person having always been ( without ostentation ) as much to the evidence of Our Care and Duty herein , as We could possibly tell how to express . For differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion , We shall , in tenderness to any number of Our loving Subjects , very willingly comply with the advice of Our Parliament , that some Law may be made for the exemption of Tender Consciences from punishment or prosecution for such Ceremonies and in such cases which by the judgment of most men are held to be matters indifferent , and of some to be absolutely unlawful . Provided that this ease be attempted and pursued with that modesty , temper and submission , that in the mean time the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom be not disturbed , the Decency and comeliness of Gods Service discountenanced , nor the pious , sober and devout actions of those Reverend Persons who were the first labourers in the blessed Reformation , or of that time , be scandal'd and defamed . For We cannot without grief of heart , and without some Tax upon Our Self and Our Ministers for the not execution of Our Laws , look upon the bold Licence of some men , in printing of Pamphlets , in preaching and printing of Sermons , so full of bitterness and malice against the present Government , against the Laws established , so full of Sedition against Our Self and the Peace of the Kingdom , that We are many times amazed to consider by what Eyes these things are seen , and by what Ears they are heard . And therefore We have good cause to command , as We have done , and hereby do , all Our Judges and Ministers of Justice , Our Attorney and Sollicitor General , and the rest of Our learned Counsel , to proceed with all speed against such and their Abettors , who either by writing or words have so boldly and maliciously violated the Laws , disturbed the peace of the Commonwealth , and as much as in them lies , shaken the very foundation upon which that Peace and Happiness is founded and constituted . And We doubt not but all Our loving Subjects will be very sensible that this busie virulent demeanour , is a fit Prologue to nothing but Confusion ; and if not very seasonably punished and prevented , will not only be a blemish to that wholsome Accommodation We intend , but an unspeakable scandal and imputation even upon the Profession and Religion of this Our Kingdom of England . Concerning the Civil Liberties and Interest of Our Subjects We shall need to say the less , having erected so many lasting Monuments of Our Princely and Fatherly care of Our People in those many excellent Laws passed by Us this Parliament , which in truth ( with very much content to Our self ) We conceive to be so large and ample , that very many sober men have very little left to wish for . We understood well the Right and pretences of Right We departed from in the consenting to the Bills of the Triennial Parliament , for the Continuance of this present Parliament , and in the Preamble to the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage ; the matter of which having begot so many disturbances in late Parliaments , We were willing to remove , that no Interest of Ours might hereafter break that correspondence , abundantly contenting Our self with an Assurance ( which we still have ) that We should be repaired and supplyed by a just proportion of Confidence , Bounty , and Obedience of Our People . In the Bills for the taking away the High-Commission and Star-chamber Courts We believed We had given that real satisfaction , that all jealousies and apprehensions of arbitrary pressures under the Civil or Ecclesiastical State would easily have been abandoned , especially when they saw all possible doubts secured by the visitation of a Triennial Parliament . These , and others of no mean consideration , We had rather should be valued in the hearts and affections of Our People , then in any mention of Our own ; not doubting but as We have taken all these occasions to render their condition most comfortable and happy , so they will always , in a grateful and dutiful relation , be ready with equal tenderness and alacrity to advance Our Rights and preserve Our Honour , upon which their own Security and subsistence so much depends . And We will beso careful , that no particular shall be presented unto Us for the compleating and establishing that Security , to which We will not with the same readiness contribute Our best assistance . If these Resolutions be the effects of Our present Councils , ( and We take God to witness that they are such , and that all Our loving Subjects may confidently expect the benefit of them from Us ) certainly no ill design upon the Publick can accompany such Resolutions , neither will there be great cause of suspicion of any Persons preferred by Us to degrees of Honour and places of Trust and imployment since this Parliament . And We must confess , that amongst Our misfortunes We reckon it not the least , That having not retained in Our Service , nor protected any one person against whom Our Parliament hath excepted during the whole sitting of it , and having in all that time scarce vouchsafed to any man an instance of Our Grace and Favour , but to such who were under some eminent character of Estimation amongst Our People , there should so soon be any misunderstanding or jealousie of their Fidelity and uprightness , especially in a time when We take all occasions to declare , that We conceive Our self only capable of being served by honest men and in honest ways . However , if in truth We have been mistaken in such Our election , the particular shall be no sooner discovered to Us , either by Our own observation or other certain information , then We will leave them to publick Justice under the marks of Our Displeasure . If notwithstanding this any Malignant Party shall take heart , and be willing to sacrifice the Peace and Happiness of their Country to their own sinister ends and ambitions , under what pretence of Religion and Conscience soever ; if they shall endeavour to lessen Our Reputation and Interest , and to weaken Our lawful Power and Authority with Our good Subjects ; if they shall go about , by discountenancing the present Laws , to loosen the Bonds of Government , that all Disorder and Confusion may break in upon Us ; We doubt not but God in his good time will discover them unto Us , and the wisdom and courage of Our High Court of Parliament joyn with Us in their suppression and punishment . Having now said all that We can to express the clearness and uprightness of Our Intensions to Our People , and done all We can to manifest those Intentions , We cannot but confidently believe all Our good Subjects will acknowledge Our part to be fully performed , both in Deeds past and present Resolutions , to do whatsoever with Justice may be required of Us , and that their quiet and prosperity depends now wholly upon themselves , and is in their own power , by yielding all obedience and due reverence to the Law , which is the inheritance of every Subject , and the only security he can have for his Life , Liberty or Estate , and the which being neglected or disesteemed ( under what specious shews soever ) a great measure of Infelicity , if not an irreparable Confusion , must without doubt fall upon them . And We doubt not it will be the most acceptable Declaration a King can make to His Subjects , that for Our part We are resolved not only duely to observe the Laws Our Self , but to maintain them against what opposition soever , though with the hazard of Our Being . And Our hope is , that not only the Loyalty and good Affections of all Our loving Subjects will concur with Us in the constant preserving a good understanding between Us and and Our People , but at this time their own and Our Interest , and compassion of the lamentable condition of Our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland , will invite them to a fair Intelligence and Unity amongst themselves ; that so We may with one heart intend the relieving and recovering that unhappy Kingdom , where those barbarous Rebels practise such inhumane and unheard-of Outrages upon Our miserable people , that no Christian ear can hear without horrour , nor Story parallel . And as We look upon this as the greatest affliction it hath pleased God to lay upon Us ; so Our unhappiness is increased , in that by the Distempers at home so early remedies have not been applyed to those growing evils as the expectation and necessity there requires : though for Our part , as We did upon the first notice acquaint Our Parliament of Scotland ( where We then were ) with that Rebellion , requiring their aid and assistance , and gave like speedy intimation and recommendation to our Parliament here ; so since Our return hither , We have been forward to all things which have been proposed to Us towards that Work , and have lately Our Self offered ( by a Message to Our House of Peers , and communicated to Our House of Commons ) to take upon Us the care to raise speedily ten thousand English Voluntiers for that Service , if the House of Commons shall declare that they will pay them . Which particulars ( We are in a manner ) necessitated to publish , since We are informed that the Malice of some persons hath whispered it abroad , That the no speedier advancing of this business hath proceeded from some want of alacrity in Us to this great Work ; whereas we acknowledge it a high crime against Almighty God , and inexcusable to Our good Subjects of Our three Kingdoms , if We did not to the utmost imploy all Our powers and faculties to the speediest and most effectual assistance and protection of that distressed People . And we shall now conjure all Our good Subjects ( of what degree soever ) by all the Bonds of Love , Duty or Obedience , that are precious to good men , to joyn with Us for the recovery of the Peace of that Kingdom , and the preservation of the Peace of this ; to remove all their Doubts and Fears , which may interrupt their Affection to Us , and all their Jealousies and apprehensions , which may lessen their Charity to each other : and then ( if the Sins of this Nation have not prepared an inevitable Judgment for us all ) God will yet make Us a Great and a Glorious King over a Free and Happy People . MDCXLI . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty , and the Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament , The humble PETITION and PROTESTATION of all the Bishop and Prelates now called by His Majesties Writs to attend the Parliament , and present about London and Westminster for that service . THat whereas the Petitioners are called up by several and respective Writs , and under great Penalties , to attend in Parliament , and have a clear and indubitate Right to vote in Bills and other matters whatsoever debatable in Parliament , by the Ancient Customes , Laws and Statutes of this Realme , and ought to be protected by Your Majesty , quietly to attend and prosecute that great Service : They humbly remonstrate and protest before God , Your Majesty , and the Noble Lords and Peers now assembled in Parliament , That as they have an indubitate Right to sit and vote in the House of the Lords , so are they ( if they may be protected from Force and Violence ) most ready and willing to perform their Duties accordingly : and that they do abominate all Actions or Opinions tending to Popery , and the maintenance thereof ; as also all propension and inclination to any Malignant party , or any other side or party whatsoever , to the which their own Reasons and Consciences shall not move them to adhere . But whereas they have been at several times violently Menaced , Affronted , and Assaulted by multitudes of people , in their coming to perform their services in that Honourable House , and lately chased away , and put in danger of their lives , and can find no redress or protection , upon sundry complaints made to both Houses in these particulars : They likewise humbly protest before Your Majesty and the Noble House of Peers , That saving unto themselves all their Rights and Interests of Sitting and Voting in that House at other times , they dare not Sit or Vote in the House of Peers , until Your Majesty shall further secure them from all Affronts , Indignities and Dangers in the premisses . Lastly , Whereas their Fears are not built upon Phantasies and Conceits , but upon such Grounds and Objects as may well terrifie men of good Resolutions and much Constancy ; they do in all humility protest before Your Majesty and the Peers of that most Honourable House of Parliament , against all Laws , Orders , Votes , Resolutions and Determinations , as in themselves Null and of none effect , which in their absence , since the twenty seventh of this instant Month of December 1641. have already passed ; as likewise against all such as shall hereafter pass in that most Honourable House , during the time of this their forced and violent absence from the said most Honourable House : Not denying , but if their absenting of themselves were wilful and voluntary , that most Honourable House might proceed in all these premisses , their Absence or this their Protestation notwithstanding . And humbly beseeching Your most Excellent Majesty to command the Clerk of that House of Peers to enter this their Petition and Protestation among his Records , They will ever pray to God to bless and preserve , &c. Jo. Eborac . Thomas Duresme . Rob. Co. Lich. Jos . Norwich . Jo. Asaphen . Guil. Ba. & Wells . Geo. Hereford . Rob. Oxon. Mat. Ely. Godfr . Glouc. Jo. Peterburg . Mor. Llandaff . MDCXLI Jan. 3. ARTICLES of HIGH TREASON , and other High Misdemeanours , against the Lord Kimbolton , Mr. Denzil Hollis , Sir Arthur Hesilrig , Mr. John Pym , Mr. John Hambden , and Mr. William Stroude . I. THAT they have traitorously endeavoured to subvert the Fundamental Laws and Government of the Kingdom of England , to deprive the King of His Regal Power , and to place in Subjects an Arbitrary and Tyrannical power over the Lives , Liberties , and Estates of His Majesties Liege People . II. That they have traitorously endeavoured , by many foul Aspersions upon His Majesty and His Government , to alienate the Affections of His People , and to make His Majesty odious unto them . III. That they have endeavoured to draw His Majesties late Army to disobedience to His Majesties Commands , and to side with them in their Traitorous Designs . IV. That they have traitorously invited and encouraged a foreign Power to invade His Majesties Kingdom of England . V. That they have traitorously indeavoured to subvert the Rights and very Being of Parliaments . VI. That for the compleating of their Traitorous Designs they have indeavoured ( as far as in them lay ) by force and Terror to compel the Parliament to joyn with them in their Traitorous Designs , and to that end have actually raised and countenanced Tumults against the King and Parliament . VII . That they have traitorously conspired to levy , and actually have levied War against the King. MDCXLII Jun. 2. PROPOSITIONS made by both Houses of Parliament to the KINGS Majesty , for a Reconciliation of the Differences between His Majesty and the said Houses . YOUR Majesties most humble and faithful Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament , having nothing in their thoughts and desires more pretious and of higher esteem ( next to the Honour and immediate Service of God ) then the just and faithful Performance of their Duty to Your Majesty and this Kingdom ; and being very sensible of the great Distractions and Distempers , and of the imminent Dangers and Calamities which those Distractions and Distempers are like to bring upon Your Majesty and Your Subjects , all which have proceeded from the subtle Insinuations , mischievous Practices , and evil Counsels of men disaffected to God's true Religion , Your Majesties Honour and Safety , and the publick Peace and Prosperity of Your People ; after a serious observation of the Causes of those Mischiefs , do in all humility and sincerity present to Your Majesty their most dutiful Petition and Advice , That out of your Princely Wisdome , for the establishing Your own Honour and Safety , and gracious tenderness of the welfare and security of Your Subjects and Dominioins , You will be pleased to grant and accept these their humble Desires and Propositions , as the most necessary effectual means , through God's blessing , of removing those Jealousies and Differences which have unhappily fallen betwixt You and Your People , and procuring both Your Majesty and them a constant course of Honour , Peace and Happiness . I. That the Lords and others of Your Majesties Privy Council , and such great Officers and Ministers of State , either at home or beyond the seas , may be put from Your Privy Council , and from those Offices and Imployments , excepting such as shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament . And that the persons put into the places and imployments of those that are removed may be approved of by both Houses of Parliament . And that all Privie-Counsellours shall take an Oath for the due execution of their places in such form as shall be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament . II. That the great Affairs of this Kingdom may not be concluded or transacted by the advice of private men , or by any unknown or unsworn Counsellors ; but that such matters as concern the publick , and are proper for the High Court of Parliament , which is Your Majesties great and supreme Council , may be debated , resolved , and transacted only in Parliament , and not elsewhere ; and such as shall presume to do any thing to the contrary , shall be reserved to the censure and judgment of Parliament : And such other matters of State as are proper for Your Majesties Privy Council , shall be debated and concluded by such of the Nobility and others as shall from time to time be chosen for that place by approbation of both Houses of Parliament . And that no publick Act concerning the Affairs of the Kingdom , which are proper for Your Privy Council , may be esteemed of any validity as proceeding from the Royal Authority , unless it be done by the advice and consent of the major part of Your Council attested under their hands . And that Your Council my be limited to a certain number , not exceeding twenty five , nor under fifteen . And if any Counsellors place happen to be void in the Intervals of Parliament , it shall not be supplied without the assent of the major part of the Council ; which choice shall be confirmed at the next sitting of the Parliament , or else to be void . III. That the Lord High Steward of England , Lord High Constable , Lord Chancellor , or Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , Lord Treasure , Lord Privy Seal , Earl Marshal , Lord Admiral , Warden of the Cinque-Ports , chief Governor of Ireland , Chancellor of the Exchequer , Master of the Wards , Secretaries of State , two Chief Justices and Chief Baron , may always be chosen with the approbation of both Houses of Parliament ; and in the Intervals of Parliament , by assent of the major part of the Council , in such manner as is before exprest in the choice of Counsellors . IV. That he or they unto whom the government and education of the King's Children shall be committed , shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament , and in the Intervals of Parliaments , by the assent of the major part of the Council , in such manner as is before exprest in the choice of Counsellours : And that all such Servants as are now about Them , against whom both Houses shall have any just exception , shall be removed . V. That no Marriage shall be concluded or treated for any of the King's Children , with any foreign Prince , or other person whatsoever abroad or at home , without the consent of Parliament , under the penalty of a Praemunire unto such as shall so conclude or treat any Marriage as aforesaid ; and that the said Penalty shall not be pardoned or dispensed with , but by the consent of both Houses of Parliament . VI. That the Laws in force against Jesuites , Priests and Popish Recusants , be strictly put in execution , without any toleration , or dispensation to the contrary ; and some more effectual course may be enacted by authority of Parliament , to disable them from making any disturbance in the State , or eluding the Law by trusts or otherwise . VII . That the Votes of Popish Lords in the House of Peers may be taken away , so long as they continue Papists : And that His Majesty would consent to such a Bill as shall be drawn for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . VIII . That Your Majesty will be pleased to consent that such a Reformation be made in the Church-Government and Liturgy as both Houses of Parliament shall advise , wherein they intend to have consultations with Divines , as is expressed in their Declaration to that purpose . And that your Majesty will contribute Your best assistance to them , for the raising of a sufficient maintenance for Preaching Ministers through the Kingdom . And that Your Majesty will be pleased to give Your consent to Laws for the taking away of Innovations and Superstition , and of Pluralities , and against Scandalous Ministers . IX . That Your Majesty will be pleased to rest satisfied with that course that the Lords and Commons have appointed for ordering the Militia , until the same shall be further setled by a Bill : And that Your Majesty will recall Your Declarations and Proclamations against the Ordinance made by the Lords and Commons concerning it . X. That such Members of either House of Parliament as have during this present Parliament been put out of any Place and Office , may either be restored to that Place and Office , or otherwise have satisfaction for the same , upon the Petition of that House whereof he or they are Members . XI . That all Privy-Counsellours and Judges may take an Oath , the form whereof to be agreed on and setled by Act of Parliament , for the maintaining of the Petition of Right , and of certain Statutes made by this Parliament which shall be mentioned by both Houses of Parliament . And that an inquiry of all the breaches and violations of these Laws may be given in charge by the Justices of the King's Bench every Term , and by the Judges of Assize in their Circuits , and Justices of Peace at the Sessions , to be presented and punished according to Law. XII . That all the Judges and all Officers placed by approbation of both Houses of Parliament , may hold their places Quam diu bene se gesserint . XIII . That the Justice of Parliament may pass upon all Delinquents , whether they be within the Kingdom or fled out of it : And that all persons cited by either House of Parliament may appear and abide the censure of Parliament . XIV . That the General Pardon offered by Your Majesty may be granted with such Exceptions as shall be advised by both Houses of Parliament . XV. That the Forts and Castles of this Kingdom may be put under the Command and Custody of such persons as Your Majesty shall appoint with the approbation of Your Parliament ; and in the Intervals of Parliament , with the approbation of the major part of the Council , in such manner as is before expressed in the choice of Counsellours . XVI . That the extraordinary Guards and Military Forces now attending Your Majesty may be removed and discharged : And that for the future You will raise no such Guards or extraordinary Forces , but according to Law , in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion . XVII . That Your Majesty will be pleased to enter into a more strict Alliance with the States of the United Provinces , and other neighbour-Princes and States of the Protestant Religion , for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his adherents to subvert and suppress it ; whereby Your Majesty will obtain a great access of strength and reputation , and Your Subjects be much encouraged and enabled in a Parliamentary way for Your aid and assistance , in restoring Your Royal Sister and the Princely Issue to those Dignities and Dominions which belong unto them , and relieving the other distressed Protestant Princes , who have suffered in the same Cause . XVIII . That Your Majesty will be pleased by Act of Parliament , to clear the Lord Kimbolton and the Five Members of the House of Commons in such manner that future Parliaments may be secured from the consequence of that evil Precedent . XIX . That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to pass a Bill for restraining Peers made hereafter from sitting or voting in Parliament , unless they be admitted thereunto with the Consent of both Houses of Parliament . And these our humble desires being granted by Your Majesty , we shall forthwith apply our selves to regulate Your present Revenue in such sort as may be for Your best advantage , and likewise to settle such an ordinary and constant increase of it as shall be sufficient to support Your Royal Dignity in Honour and Plenty , beyond the proportion of any former grants of the Subjects of this Kingdom to Your Majesties Royal Predecessors . We shall likewise put the Town of Hull into such hands as Your Majesty shall appoint with the consent and approbation of Parliament , and deliver up a just account of all the Magazine ; and chearfully imploy the uttermost of our power and endeavour in the real expression and performance of our most dutiful and loyal Affections , to the preserving , and maintaining the Royal Honour , Greatness and Safety of Your Majesty and Your Posterity . Die Jovis 2 die Junii , 1642. Ordered by the Lords in Parliament , that these Propositions shall be forthwith Printed and Published . Jo. Brown Cleric . Parliamentorum . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament . BEfore We shall give you Our Answer to your Petition and Propositions , We shall tell you , that We are now clearly satisfied why the Method which We traced out to you by Our Message of the 20 th of January , and have since so often pressed upon you as the proper way to compose the Distractions of this Kingdom , and render it truly happy , hath been hitherto declined , and is at length thought fit to be looked upon ; We now see plainly ( and desire that you and all other Our good Subjects should do so too ) that the Cabalists of this business have with great Prudence reserved themselves , until due preparations should be made for their Design . If they had unseasonably vented such Propositions as the Wisdom and Modesty of your Predecessours never thought fit to offer to any of Our Progenitours , nor We in honour or regard to our Regal Authority ( which God hath entrusted Us with for the good of Our People ) could receive without just indignation , ( and such many of your present Propositions are ) their hopes would soon have been blasted , and those Persons to whom Offices , Honours , Power and Commands were designed , by such ill timing of their business would have failed of their expectation , not without a brand upon the attempt . Therefore before any of this nature should appear , they have ( certainly with great wisdom in the conduct of it ) thought fit to remove a troublesome Rub in their way , the Law : To this end ( that they might undermine the very foundations of it ) a new Power hath been assumed to interpret and declare Laws without Us by extemporary Votes , without any Case judicially before either House , ( which is in effect the same thing as to make Laws without Us ; Orders and Ordinances made only by both Houses ( tending to a pure Arbitrary power ) were pressed upon the people as Laws , and their obedience required to them . Their next step was , to erect an upstart Authority without Us , ( in whom , and only in whom , the Laws of this Realm have placed that Power ) to command the Militia , ( very considerable to this their Design . ) In further order to it they have wrested from Us Our Magazin and Town of Hull , and bestrid Sir John Hotham in his bold-faced Treason : they have prepared and directed to the People unprecedented Invectives against Our Government , thereby ( as much as lay in their power ) to weaken Our just Authority and due esteem among them : they have as injuriously as presumptuously ( though We conceive by this time Impudence it self is ashamed of it ) attempted to cast upon Us aspersions of an unheard-of nature , as if We had favoured a Rebellion in Our own Bowels : they have likewise broached new Doctrine , That We are obliged to pass all Laws that shall be offered to Vs by both Houses ( howsoever Our own Judgment and Conscience shall be unsatisfied with them ) a point of Policy as proper for their present business , as destructive to all Our Rights of Parliament ; and so with strange shamelesness will forget a Clause in a Law still in force , made in the second year of King H. 5. wherein both Houses of Parliament do acknowledge , That it is of the Kings Regality to grant or deny such of their Petitions as pleaseth himself : they have interpreted Our necessary Guard , legally assembled for the Defence of Us and our Childrens Persons against a Traitour in open Rebellion against Us , to be with intent to levie War against Our Parliament , ( the thought whereof Our very Soul abhorreth ) thereby to render Us odious to Our People . They have so awed Our good Subjects with Pursivants , long chargeable Attendance , heavy Censures and illegal Imprisonments , that few of them durst offer to present their tenderness of Our Sufferings , their own just Grievances , and their sense of those violations of the Law , ( the Birthright of every Subject of this Kingdom ) though in an humble Petition directed to both Houses ; and if any did , it was stifled in the Birth , called Sedition , and burnt by the common Hangman . They have restrained the Attendance of Our ordinary and necessary Houshould-servants , and seized upon those small sums of Money which Our Credit hath provided to buy Us Bread , with Injunctions that none shall be suffered to be conveyed or returned to Us to York , or any of Our Peers or Servants with us ; so that ( in effect ) they have blocked Us up in that County . They have filled the ears of the People with the noise of Fears and Jealousies , ( though taken up upon trust ) tales of Skippers , Salt-Fleets , and such like ; by which Alarms they might prepare them to receive such impressions as might best advance this Design when it should be ripe . And now it seems they think We are sufficiently prepared for these bitter Pills , We are in a handsome Posture to receive these Humble Desires , ( which probably are intended to make way for a Superfoetation of a ( yet ) higher nature , ( if We had not made this discovery to you ) for they do not tell Us this is all . ) In them We must observe that these Contrivers ( the better to advance their true ends ) disguised as much as they could their intents with a mixture of some things really to be approved by every honest man , others specious and popular , and some which are already granted by Us : All which are cunningly twisted and mixed with those other things of their main Design of Ambition and private Interest ; in hope that at the first view every eye may not so clearly discern them in their proper colours . We would not be understood , that We intend to fix this Design upon both or either House of Parliament ; We utterly profess against it , being most confident of the Loyalty , good Affections and Integrity of the intentions of that great Body , and knowing well that very many of both Houses were absent , and many dissented from all those particulars We complain of . But we do believe , and accordingly profess to all the world , that the Malignity of this Design ( as dangerous to the Laws of this Kingdom , the Peace of the same , and the Liberties of all Our good Subjects , as to Our Self and Our just Prerogative ) hath proceeded from the subtle Informations , mischievous Practices and evil Counsels of ambitious turbulent Spirits , disaffected to God's true Religion and the Unity of the Professors thereof , Our Honour and Safety , and the publick Peace and Prosperity of Our People , not without a strong influence upon the very actions of both Houses . But how faulty soever others are , We shall ( with God's assistance ) endeavour to discharge Our Duty with uprightness of heart : and therefore since these Propositions come to Us in the name of both Houses of Parliament , We shall take a more particular notice of every of them . If the 1 , 2 , 3 , 4 , 5 , 9 , 10 , 15 , 16 , 19. Demands had been writ and printed in a tongue unknown to Us and Our People , it might have been possible We and they might have charitably believed the Propositions to be such as might have been in order to the ends pretended in the Petition , ( to wit ) the establishing of Our Honour and Safety , the Welfare and Security of Our Subjects and Dominions , and the removing those Jealousies and Differences which are said to have unhappily fallen betwixt Vs and Our People , and procuring both Vs and them a constant course of Honour , Peace and Happinss . But being read and understood by all , We cannot but assure Our Self that this Profession joyned to these Propositions will rather appear a Mockery and a Scorn ; the Demands being such , as We were unworthy of the Trust reposed in Us by the Law , and of Our Descent from so many great and famous Ancestours , if We could be brought to abandon that Power which only can inable Us to perform what We are sworn to , in protecting Our People and the Laws , and so assume others into it , as to devest Our Self of it ; although not only Our present Condition ( which it can hardly be ) were more necessitous then it is , and We were both vanquish'd and a Prisoner , and in a worse condition then ever the most unfortunate of Our Predecessours have been reduced to by the most criminal of their Subjects ; and though the Bait laid to draw Us to it , and to keep Our Subjects from indignation at the mention of it , the promises of a plentiful and unparallel'd Revenue , were reduced from generals ( which signifie nothing ) to clear and certain particulars : since such a Bargain would have but too great a resemblance of that of Esau's , if We should part with such Flowers of Our Crown as are worth all the rest of the Garland , and have been transmitted to us from so many Ancestours , and have been found so useful and necessary for the Welfare and Security of Our Subjects , for any present Necessity , or for any low and sordid considerations of Wealth and Gain . And therefore all men knowing that those Accommodations are most easily made and most exactly observed that are grounded upon reasonable and equal Conditions , We have great cause to believe that the Contrivers of these had no intention of setling any firm Accommodation , but to increase those Jealousies , and widen that Division which ( not by Our fault ) is now unhappily fallen between Us and both Houses . It is asked , That all the Lords and others of Our Privy Council , and such ( We know now what you mean by such , but We have cause to think you mean all ) great Officers and Ministers of State , either at home or beyond the Seas , ( For care is taken to leave out no Person or Place , that Our Dishonour may be sure not to be bounded within this Kingdom , though no subtle Insinuations at such a distance can probably be believed to have been the cause of our Distractions and Dangers ) should be put from our Privy Council , and from those Offices and imployments , unless they be approved by both Houses of Parliament , how faithful soever We have found them to Us and the publick , and how far soever they have been from offending against any Law , the only rule they had , or any others ought to have , to walk by . We therefore to this part of this Demand return you this Answer , That We are willing to grant that they shall take a larger Oath then you your selves desire in your Eleventh Demand , for maintaining not of any part , but of the whole Law ; and We have , and do assure you , That We will be careful to make election of such Persons in those places of trust , as shall have given good testimonies of their abilities and integrities , and against whom there can be no just cause of exception , whereon reasonably to ground a diffidence : That if We have or shall be mistaken in Our election , We have and do assure you , that there is no man so near to Us in place or affection , whom we will not leave to the Justice of the Law , if you shall bring a particular charge and sufficient proofs against him ; and that We have given you ( the best pledge of the effects of such a promise on Our part , and the best security for the performance of their duty on theirs ) a Triennial Parliament , the apprehension of whose Justice will in all probability make them wary how they provoke it , and Us wary how We chuse such as by the discovery of their faults may in any degree seem to discredit Our Election . But that without any shadow of a Fault objected , only perhaps because they follow their Conscience , and preserve the established Laws , and agree not in such Votes , or assent not to such Bills , as some persons , who have now too great an Influence even upon both Houses , judge , or seem to judge , to be for the publick good , and as are agreeable to that new Vtopia of Religion and Government into which they endeavour to transform this Kingdom ; ( for We remember what names , and for what Reasons , you left out in the Bill offered Us concerning the Militia , which you had your selves recommended in the Ordinance ) We will never consent to the displacing of any whom for their former Merits from , and Affection to Us and the publick , We have intrusted , since We conceive that to do so , would take away both from the affection of Our Servants , the care of Our Service , and the Honour of Our Justice . And We the more wonder that it should be ask'd by you of Us , since it appears by the Twelfth Demand , That your selves count it reasonable , after the present turn is served , that the Judges and Officers who are then placed may hold their places , quamdiu se bene gesserint . And We are resolved to be as careful of those We have chosen , as you are of those you would chuse , and to remove none , till they appear to Us to have otherwise behaved themselves , or shall be evicted by Legal proceedings to have done so . But this Demand ( as unreasonable as it is ) is but one link of a great Chain , and but the first round of that Ladder by which Our Just , Ancient , Regal Power is endeavoured to be fetched down to the ground . For it appears plainly , that it is not with the Persons now chosen , but with Our chusing , that you are displeased : For you demand , That the persons put in the places and imployments of those who shall be removed may be approved by both Houses ; which is so far ( as to some it may at the first sight appear ) from being less then the power of nomination , that of two things ( of which We will never grant either ) We would sooner be content that you should nominate and We approve , than you approve and we nominate ; the meer nomination being so far from being any thing , that if We could do no more , We would never take the pains to do that , when We should only hazard those whom We esteemed to the scorn of a refusal , if they happened not to be agreeable not only to the Judgment , but to the Passion , Interest or Humour of the present major part of either House . Not to speak now of the great factions , animosities and divisions which this power would introduce in both Houses , between both Houses , and in the several Countries , for the choice of persons to be sent to that place where that power was , and between the persons that were so chosen . Neither is this strange Potion prescribed to Us only for once , for the cure of a present , pressing , desperate disease , but for a Diet to Us and Our Postetity : It is demanded , That Our Counsellors , all Chief Officers both of Law and State , Commanders of Forts and Castles , and all Peers hereafter made ( as to voting , without which how little is the rest ? ) be approved of ( that is , chosen ) by them from time to time ; and rather then it should ever be left to the Crown ( to whom it onely doth and shall belong ) if any place fall void in the intermission of Parliament , the major part of the approved Council is to approve them . Neither is it only demanded , that We should quit the Power and Right our Predecessors have had of appointing Persons in these places , but for Counsellors We are to be restrained as well in the Number as in the Persons , and a power must be annext to these places which their Predecessors had not : And indeed if this power were past to them , it were not fit We should be trusted to chuse those who were to be trusted as much as We. It is demanded , That such matters as concern the publick , and are proper for the High Court of Parliament , ( Which is Our Great and Supreme Council ) may be debated , resolved and transacted only in Parliament , and not elsewhere ; and such as presume to do any thing to the contrary shall be reserved to the Censure and Judgment of the Parliament : and such other matters of State as are proper for Our Privy Council , shall be debated and concluded by such of Our Nobility ( though indeed , if being made by Us they may not vote without the Consent of both Houses , We are rather to call them your Nobility ) and others , as shall be from time to time chosen for that place by approbation of both Houses of Parliament : and that no publick Act concerning the affairs of the Kingdom which are proper for Our Privy Council , may be esteemed of any validity as proceeding from the Royal Authority , unless it be done by the Advice and Consent of the major part of Our Council , attested under their hands . Which Demands are of that nature , that to grant them were in effect at once to depose both Our Self and Our Posterity . These being past , We may be waited on bare-headed ; We may have our hand kist , the style of Majesty continued to Us , and the Kings Authority , declared by both Houses of Parliament , may be still the style of your Commands ; We may have Swords and Maces carried before Us , and please Our Self with the sight of a Crown and Scepter , ( and yet even these Twigs would not long flourish , when the Stock upon which they grew were dead : ) but as to true and real Power We should remain but the outside , but the Picture , but the Sign of a King. We were ever willing that Our Parliament should debate , resolve , and transact such matters as are proper for them , as far as they are proper for them : and We heartily wish , that they would be as careful not to extend their Debates and Resolutions beyond what is proper to them , that multitudes of things punishable and Causes determinable by the ordinary Judicatures may not be entertained in Parliament , and so cause a long , chargeable , fruitless attendance of Our People , and ( by degrees ) draw to you as well all the Causes as all the faults of Westminster-Hall , and divert your proper Business : That the course of Law be no ways diverted , much less disturbed , as was actually done by the stop of the proceedings against a Riot in Southwark by Order of the House of Commons , in a time so riotous and tumultuous , as much increased the danger of Popular Insolencies by such a countenance to Riots and discountenance of Law : That you descend not to the leisure of recommending Lecturers to Churches , nor ascend to the Legislative Power by commanding ( the Law not having yet commanded it ) that they whom you recommend be received , although neither the Parson nor Bishop do approve of them ; and that the Refusers ( according to the course so much formerly complained of to have been used at the Council Table ) be not sent for to attend to shew cause ; at least that you would consider Conveniency , if not Law , and recommend none but who are well known to you to be Orthodox , Learned and Moderate , or at least such as have taken Orders , and are not notorious depravers of the Book of Common-Prayer ; a care which appeareth by the Discourses , Sermons and Persons of some recommended by you , not to have been hitherto taken , and it highly concerns both you in duty , and the Commonwealth in the consequences , that it should have been taken : That neither one Estate transact what is proper for two , nor two what is proper for three ; and consequently , that ( contrary to Our declared will ) Our Forts may not be seized , Our Arms may not be removed , Our Moneys may not be stop'd , Our legal Directions may not be countermanded by you , nor We desired to countermand them Our Self , nor such entrances made upon a real War against Us upon pretence of an imaginary War against you , and a Chimoera of Necessity . So far do you pass beyond your limits , whilst you seem by your Demand to be strangely streightned within them . At least we could have wish'd you would have expressed what matters you meant as fit to be transacted only in Parliament , and what you meant by only in Parliament . You have ( of late ) been perswaded by the new doctrines of some few , to think that proper for your debates which hath not used to be at all debated within those walls , but been trusted wholly with Our Predecessors and Us , and to transact those things which without the Regal Authority , since there were Kings of this Kingdom , were never transacted : It therefore concerns us the more that you speak out , and that both We and Our People may either know the bottom of your Demands , or know them to be bottomless . What concerns more the Publick , and is more ( indeed ) proper for the high Court of Parliament , then the making of Laws ? which not only ought there to be transacted , but can be transacted no where else : but then you must admit Us to be a part of the Parliament , you must not ( as the sense is of this part of this Demand , if it have any ) deny the freedom of Our Answer , when We have as much right to reject what We think unreasonable , as you have to propose what you think convenient or necessary ; nor is it possible Our Answers either to Bills or any other Propositions should be wholly free , if We may not use the Liberty of every one of you , and of every Subject , and receive advice ( without their danger who shall give it ) from any person known or unknown , sworn or unsworn , in these matters in which the manage of Our Vote is trusted by the Law to Our own judgment and Conscience , which how best to inform is ( and ever shall be ) left likewise to Us : and most unreasonable it were that two Estates proposing something to the third , that third should be bound to take no advice whether it were fit to pass , but from those two that did propose it . We shall ever in these things which are trusted wholly to Us by the Law , not decline to hearken to the Advice of Our great Council , and shall use to hear willingly the free debates of Our Privy Council ( whensoever We may be suffered to have them for sending for , and they shall not be terrified from that freedom by Votes and Brands of Malignants and Enemies to the State , for advising what no Law forbids to advise : ) but We will retain Our power of admitting no more to any Counsel then the nature of the business requires , and of discoursing with whom We please , of what We please , and informing Our Understanding by debate with any Persons , who may be well able to inform and advise Us in some particular , though their Qualities , Education or other Abilities may not make them so fit to be of Our sworn Council , and not tye Our Self up not to hear any more then twenty five ( and those not chosen absolutely by Us ) out of a Kingdom so replenished with Judicious and experienced Persons in several kinds . And though We shall ( with the proportionable Consideration due to them ) always weigh the Advices both of Our Great and Privy Council , yet We shall also look upon their Advices as Advices , not as Commands or Impositions ; upon them as Our Counsellours , not as Our Tutors and Guardians : and upon Our self as their King , not as their Pupil or Ward . For whatsoever of Regality were by the Modesty of interpretation left in Us in the first part of the Second Demand , as to the Parliament , is taken from Us in the second part of the same , and placed in this new-fangled kind of Counsellours , whose power is such and so expressed by it , that in all publick Acts concerning the Affairs of this Kingdom which are proper for Our Privy Council ( for whose Advice all publick Acts are sometimes proper , though never necessary ) they are desired to be admitted joynt-Patentees with Us in the Regality , and it is not plainly expressed whether they mean Us so much as a single Vote in these Affairs : but it is plain they mean Us no more at most then a single Vote in them , and no more power then every one of the rest of Our Fellow Counsellours ; only leave to Us , out of their respect and duty , ( and that only is left of all Our ancient Power ) a Choice whether these that are thus to be joyned with ( or rather set over ) Us shall be fifteen or twenty five ; and great care is taken that the Oath which these men shall take shall be such , in the framing the form of which ( though sure We are not wholy unconcerned in it ) We may be wholy excluded , and that wholy reserved to be agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament . And to shew that no more care is taken of Our Safety then of Our Power , after so great Indignities offered to Us , and countenanced by those who were most obliged to resent them , after Our Town and Fort kept from Us ( from which , if it were no otherwise Ours then the whole Kingdom is , We can no more legally be kept out then out of Our whole Kingdom , which sure your selves will not deny to be Treason ) Our Arms , Our Goods sent away , and our Money stopt from Us , Our Guards ( in which We have no other Intention then to hinder the End of these things from being proportionable to their Beginnings ) are not only desired to be dismissed before satisfaction for the Injury , punishments of the Injurers , and care taken for Our future Security from the like ; but it is likewise desired , ( and for this Law is pretended , and might as well have been for the rest , which yet with some ingenuity are it seems acknowledged to be but Desires of Grace ) that We shall not for the future raise any Guards or extraordinary Forces but in case of actual Rebellion or Invasion : which if it had been Law , and so observed in the time of Our famous Predecessours , few of those Victories which have made this Nation famous in other Parts could have been legally atchieved , nor could Our blessed Predecessour Queen Elizabeth have so defended Her self in 88. And if no forces must be levied till Rebellions and Invasions ( which will not stay for the calling of Parliaments , and their consent for raising Forces ) be actual , they must undoubtedly ( at least most probably ) be effectual and prevalent . And as neither care is taken for Our Rights , Honour , nor Safety as a Prince , so Our Rights as a Private person are endeavoured to be had from Us ; it being asked , that it may be unlawful and punishable , not only to conclude , but even to treat of any Marriage with any Person for Our own Children , or to place Governours about them , without consent of Parliament , and in the intermission of those , without the consent of Our good Lords of the Council ; that We may not only be in a more despicable state then any of Our Predecessours , but in a meaner and viler condition then the lowest of Our Subjects , who value no Liberty they have more then that of the free Education and Marriage of their Children ; from which We are asked to debar Our Self , and have the more reason to take it ill that We are so , because for Our choice of a Governour for Our Son , and of a Husband for Our Daughter , ( in which the Protestant Religion was Our principal Consideration ) We conceived We had reason to expect your present thanks , and the increase of your future trusts . We suppose these Demands by this time to appear such , as the Demanders cannot be supposed to have any such real fear of Us as hath been long pretended , they are too much in the style not only of Equals , but of Conquerours , and as little to be intended for removing of Jealousies ( for which end they are said to be asked , and that is not as Merchants ask at first , much more then they will take , but as most necessary to effect it ; which if they be , God help this poor Kingdom , and those who are in the hands of such persons whose Jealousies nothing else will remove : ) which indeed is such a way , as if there being differences and suits between two persons , whereof one would have from the other several parcels of his ancient Land , he should propose to him by way of Accommodation , that he would quit to him all those in question , with the rest of his Estate , as the most necessary and effectual means to remove all those suits and differences . But We call God to witness , that as for our Subjects sake these Rights are vested in Us ; so for their sakes , as well as for Our own , We are resolved not to quit them , nor to subvert ( though in a Parliamentary way ) the ancient , equal , happy , well-poised and never-enough-commended Constitution of the Government of this Kingdom , nor to make Our Self of a King of England a Duke of Venice , and this of a Kingdom a Republick . There being three kinds of Government amongst men , absolute Monarchy , Aristocracy and Democracy , and all these having their particular conveniences and inconveniences , the experience and wisdom of your Ancestors hath so moulded this out of a mixture of these , as to give to this Kingdom ( as far as humane Prudence can provide ) the conveniences of all three without the inconveniences of any one , as long as the Balance hangs even between the three Estates , and they run joyntly on in their proper Chanel ( begetting Verdure and Fertility in the Meadows on both sides ) and the overflowing of either on either side raises no Deluge or Inundation . The ill of absolute Monarchy is Tyranny , the ill of Aristocracy is Faction and Division , the ills of Democracy are Tumults , Violence and Licentiousness . The good of Monarchy is the uniting a Nation under one Head to resist Invasion from abroad , and Insurrection at home : the good of Aristocracy is the Conjunction of Counsel in the ablest Persons of a State for the publick benefit : the good of Democracy is Liberty , and the Courage and Industry which Liberty begets . In this Kingdom the Laws are joyntly made by a King , by a House of Peers , and by a House of Commons chosen by the People , all having free Votes and particular Privileges . The Government according to these Laws is trusted to the King ; power of Treaties of War and Peace , of making Peers , of chusing Officers and Counsellours for State , Judges for Law , Commanders for Forts and Castles , giving Commissions for raising men to make War abroad , or to prevent or provide against Invasions or Insurrections at home , benefit of Confiscations , power of Pardoning , and some more of the like kind are placed in the King. And this kind of regulated Monarchy having this power to preserve that Authority , without which it would be disabled to preserve the Laws in their force , and the Subjects in their Liberties and Proprieties , is intended to draw to Him such a Respect and Relation from the Great ones as may hinder the ills of Division and Faction , and such a Fear and Reverence from the People as may hinder Tumults , Violence and Licentiousness . Again , that the Prince may not make use of this high and perpetual Pow'r to the hurt of those for whose good He hath it , and make use of the name of publick Necessity for the gain of His private Favourites and Followers , to the detriment of His People , the House of Commons ( an excellent Conserver of Liberty , but never intended for any SHARE in GOVERNMENT , or the chusing of them that should GOVERN ) is solely intrusted with the first Propositions concerning the Levies of Monies ( which is the sinews as well of Peace as War ) and the impeaching of those who for their own ends , though countenanced by any surreptitiously-gotten Command of the King , have violated that Law which He is bound ( when He knows it ) to protect , and to the protection of which they were bound to advise Him , at least not to serve Him in the contrary . And the Lords being trusted with a Judicatory power , are an excellent Screen and Bank between the Prince and People , to assist each against any Incroachments of the other , and by just Judgments to preserve that Law which ought to be the Rule of every one of the Three . For the better enabling them in this , beyond the Examples of any of Our Ancestors , We were willingly contented to oblige Our Self bouth to call a Parliament every three years , and not to dissolve it in fifty days , and for the present Exigent , the better to raise Money , and avoid the pressure ( no less grievous to Us then them ) Our People must have suffered by a longer continuance of so vast a Charge as two great Armies , and for their greater certainty of having sufficient time to remedy the inconveniences arisen during so long an absence of Parliaments , and for the punishment of the Causers and Ministers of them , We yielded up Our Right of dissolving this Parliament , expecting an extraordinary moderation from it in gratitude for so unexampled a Grace , and little looking that any Malignant Party should have been encouraged or enabled to have perswaded them , first to countenance the Injustices and Indignities We have endured , and then by a new way of Satisfaction for what was taken from Us , to demand of Us at once to confirm what was so taken , and to give up almost all the rest . Since therefore the Power Legally placed in both Houses is more then sufficient to prevent and restrain the power of Tyranny , and without the Power which is now asked from Us We shall not be able to discharge that Trust which is the End of Monarchy ; since this would be a total Subversion of the Fundamental Laws , and that excellent Constitution of this Kingdom which hath made this Nation so many years both Famous and Happy to a great degree of Envy ; since to the power of Punishing ( which is already in your hands according to Law ) if the power of Preferring be added , We shall have nothing left for Us but to look on ; since the incroaching of one of these Estates upon the power of the other is unhappy in the effects both to them and all the rest ; since this power of at most a joynt-Government in Us with Our Counsellors , ( or rather Our Guardians ) will return Us to the worst kind of Minority , and make Us despicable both at home and abroad , and beget eternal Factions and Dissentions ( as destructive to publick Happiness as War ) both in the chosen , and the Houses that chuse them , and the People who chuse the Chusers ; since so new a Power will undoubtedly intoxicate persons who were not born to it , and beget not only Divisions among them as Equals , but in them contempt of Us as become an Equal to them , and Insolence and Injustice towards Our People , as now so much their Inferiors , which will be the more grievous unto them , as suffering from those who were so lately of a nearer degree to themselves , and being to have redress only from those that placed them , and fearing they may be inclined to preserve what they have made both out of kindness and policy ; since all great Changes are extremely inconvenient , and almost infallibly beget yet greater Changes , which beget yet greater Inconveniences ; since as great an one in the Church must follow this of the Kingdom ; since the Second Estate would in all probability follow the Fate of the Frst , and by some of the same turbulent spirits Jealousies would be soon raised against them , and the like Propositions for reconciliation of Differences would be then sent to them as they now have joyned to send to Us , till ( all Power being vested in the House of Commons , and their number making them incapable of transacting Affairs of State with the necessary Secrecy and Expedition , those being re-trusted to some close Committee ) at last the Common people ( who in the mean time must be flattered , and to whom Licence must be given in all their wilde humours , how contrary soever to established Law or their own real Good ) discovering this Arcanum Imperii , That all this was done by them , but not for them , grow weary of Journey-work , and set up for themselves , call Parity and Independence Liberty , devour that Estate which had devoured the rest , destroy all Rights and Proprieties , all distinctions of Families and Merit , and by this means this splendid and excellently distinguished form of Government end in a dark equal Chaos of Confusion , and the long Line of Our many noble Ancestors in a Jack Cade or a Wat Tyler : For all these Reasons to all these Demands Our Answer is , Nolumus Leges Angliae mutari . But this We promise , that We will be as careful of preserving the Laws in what is supposed to concern wholly Our Subjects , as in what most concerns Our Self . For indeed We profess to believe that the preservation of every Law concerns Us , those of Obedience being not secure when those of Protection are violated ; and We being most of any injured in the least violation of that by which We enjoy the highest Rights and greatest Benefits , and are therefore obliged to defend no less by Our Interest then by Our Duty , and hope that no Jealousies to the contrary shall be any longer nourished in any of Our good People by the subtle insinuations and secret practices of men , who for private ends are disaffected to Our Honour and Safety , and the Peace and Prosperity of Our People . And to shew you that no just indignation at so reproachful offers shall make Us refuse to grant what is probable to conduce to the good of Our good People , because of the ill company it comes in , We will search carefully in this heap of unreasonable Demands for so much as We may ( complying with Our Conscience and the Duty of Our Trust ) assent unto , and shall accordingly agree to it . In pursuance of which Search , in the Fourth Proposition , under a Demand which would take from Us that Trust which God , Nature , and the Laws of the Land have placed in Us , and of which none of you could endure to be deprived , We find something to which We give this Answer ; That We have committed the principal places about Our Children to persons of Quality , Integrity and Piety , with special regard that their tender years might be so seasoned with the Principles of the true Protestant Religion , as ( by the blessing of God upon this Our Care ) this whole Kingdom may in due time reap the fruit thereof . And as We have likewise been very careful in the choice of Servants about them that none of them may be such as by ill Principles or by ill Examples to cross Our endeavours for their Pious and Vertuous Education ; so if there shall be found ( for all Our care to prevent it ) any person about Our Children ( or about Us , which is more then you ask ) against whom both Houses shall make appear to Us any just exception , We shall not only remove them , but thank you for the Information : Only We shall expect , that you shall be likewise careful that there be no under-hand dealing by any to seek faults , to make room for others to Succeed in their places . For the Fifth Demand , As We will not suffer any to share with Us in our power of Treaties , which are most improper for Parliaments , and least in those Treaties in which We are nearliest concerned , not only as a King , but as a Father ; yet We do ( such is Our desire to give all reasonable satisfaction ) assure you by the word of a King , that We shall never propose or entertain any Treaty whatsoever for the Marriage of any of Our Children , without due regard to the true Protestant Profession , the good of Our Kingdoms , and the Honour of Our Family . For the Sixth Demand , concerning the Laws in force against Jesuits , Priests and Popish Recusants , We have by many of Our Messages to you , by Our voluntary promise to you , so solemnly made , never to pardon any Popish Priest , by Our strict Proclamations lately published in this point , and by the Publick Examples which We have made in that case since Our Residence at York , and before at London , sufficiently expressed Our zeal herein . Why do you then ask that in which Our own Inclination hath prevented you ? And if you can yet find any more effectual Course to disable them from disturbing the State , or eluding the Law by trusts or otherwise , We shall willingly give Our Consent to it . For the Seventh , concerning the Votes of popish Lords , We understand that they in discretion have withdrawn themselves from the Service of the House of Peers , ( and had done so when use was publickly made of their Names to asperse the Votes of that House , which was then counted as Malignant as those who are called Our unknown and Vnsworn Counsellors are now . ) Neither do We conceive that such a Positive Law against the Votes of any whose blood gives them that Right is so proper in regard of the Privilege of Parliament ; but are content , that so long as they shall not be conformable to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church of England , they shall not be admitted to sit in the House of Peers , but only to give their Proxies to such Protestant Lords as they shall chuse , who are to dispose of them as they themselves shall think fit , without any reference at all to the giver . As to the desires for a Bill for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Profession , many about Us can witness with Us , that we have often delivered Our Opinion , that such a course ( with God's blessing upon it ) would be the most effectual for the rooting out of Popery out of this Kingdom ; We shall therefore thank you for it , and encourage you in it , and when it comes unto Us , do Our Duty : And We heartily wish , for the publick good , that the time you have spent in making Ordinances without Us , had been imployed in preparing this and other good Bills for Us. For the Eighth , touching the Reformation to be made of the Church-Government and Liturgy . We had hoped , that what We had formerly declared concerning the same had been so sufficiently understood by you and all good Subjects , that We should not need to have expressed Our Self further in it . We told you in Our Answers to your Petition presented to Us at Hampton-Court the first of December , That for any illegal Innovations which may have crept in , We should willingly concurre in the removal of them ; that if Our Parliament should advise Vs to call a National Synod , which may duely examine such Ceremonies as give just cause of Offence to any , We should take it into Consideration , and apply Our Self to give due satisfaction therein ; that We were perswaded in Our Conscience , that no Church could be found upon the Earth , that professeth the true Religion with more Purity of Doctrine then the Church of England doth , nor where the Government and Discipline are jointly more beautified , and free from Superstition , then as they are here established by Law ; which ( by the Grace of God ) We will with Constancy maintain ( while We live ) in their Purity and Glory , not only against all Invasions of Popery , but also from the Irreverence of those many Schismaticks and Separatists wherewith of late this Kingdom and Our City of London abounds , to the great dishonour and hazard both of Church and State ; for the suppression of whom We required your timely and active assistance . We told you in Our first Declaration , printed by the Advice of Our Privy Council , That for differences amongst our selves for matters indifferent in their own nature concerning Religion , We should in tenderness to any number of Our loving Subjects very willingly comply with the Advice of Our Parliament , that some Law might be made for the exemption of tender Consciences from punishment or prosecution for such Ceremonies , and in such Cases , which by the judgment of most men are held to be matters indifferent , and of some to be absolutely unlawful : Provided , that this ease should be attempted and pursued with that modesty , temper and submission , that in the mean time the Peace and Quiet of the Kingdom be not disturbed , the Decency and Comeliness of God's Service discountenanced , nor the Pious , Sober , Devout actions of those Reverend Persons who were the first Labourers in the blessed Reformation , or of that time , be scandaled and defamed . And we heartily wish , that others whom it concerned had been as ready as their Duty bound them , ( though they had not received it from Us ) to have pursued this Caution as We were , and still are willing and ready to make good every particular of that Promise . Nor did we onely appear willing to joyn in so good a Work when it should be brought Us , but prest and urged you to it by Our Message of the fourteenth of February in these words ; And because His Majesty observes great and different troubles to arise in the hearts of His People concerning the Government and Liturgy of the Church , His Majesty is willing to declare , That He will refer the whole consideration to the wisdom of His Parliament , which he desires them to enter into speedily , that the present Distractions about the same may be composed : but desires not to be pressed to any single Act on His part , till the whole be so digested and settled by both Houses , that His Majesty may clearly see what is fit to be left , as well as what is fit to be taken away . Of which We the more hoped of a good success to the general satisfaction of Our People , because you seem in this Proposition to desire but a Reformation , and not ( as is daily preached for as necessary in those many Conventicles which have within these nineteen months begun to swarm , and which , though their Leaders differ from you in this opinion , yet appear to many as countenanced by you , by not being punished by you ; few else , by reason of the Order of the House of Commons of the 9th of September , daring to do it ) a destruction of the present Discipline and Liturgy . And We shall most chearfully give Our best assistance for raising a sufficient maintenance for Preaching Ministers , in such course as shall be most for the encouragement and advancement of Piety and Learning . For the Bills you mention , and the Consultation you intimate , knowing nothing of the particular matters of the one ( though We like the Titles well ) nor of the manner of the other , but from an Informer ( to whom We give little credit , and We wish no man did more ) common Fame , We can say nothing till We see them . For the Eleventh , We would not have the Oath of all Privy Counsellors and Judges streightned to particular Statutes of one or two particular Parliaments , but extend to all Statutes of all Parliaments , and the whole Law of the Land ; and shall willingly consent that an enquiry of all the breaches and violations of the Law may be given in charge by the Justices of the Kings Bench every Term , and by the Judges of Assize in their Circuits , and Justices of Peace at the Sessions , to be presented and punished according to Law. For the Seventeenth , We shall ever be most ready , ( and We are sorry it should be thought needful to move Us to it ) not only to join with any ( particularly with the States of the United Provinces , of which We have given a late proof in the Match of Our Daughter ) for the defence and maintenance of the Protestant Religion , against all designs and attempts of the Pope and his Adherents ; but singly ( if need were ) to oppose with Our Life and Fortune all such Designs in all other Nations , were they joyned : And that for Considerations of Conscience , far more then any temporal end of obtaining access of Strength and Reputation , or any natural end of restoring Our Royal Sister and her Princely Issue to their Dignities and Dominions ; though these be likewise much considered by Us. For the Eighteenth , It was not Our fault that an Act was not passed to clear the Lord Kimbolton and the Five Members of the House of Commons , but yours , who inserted such Clauses into both the Preamble and Act ( perhaps perswaded to it by some who wish not that you should in any thing receive satisfaction from Us ) as by passing the Preamble We must have wounded Our Honour against Our Conscience , and by another Clause have admitted a Consequence from which We could never have been secured , by declaring , That no Member of either House , upon any Accusation of Treason , could have his Person seized without the Consent of that House of which he is a Member ; though the known Law be , That Privilege of Parliament extends not to Treason , and if it did , any Member the House being for a short time adjourned , and so their Consent not being so had ) how treasonable soever his Intentions were , how clearly soever known , and how suddenly soever to be executed , must have fair leave given him to go on and pursue them , no way , how Legal soever , after the passing such a Clause , being left to prevent it . To conclude , We conjure you and all men to rest satisfied with the Truth of Our Professions , and the Reality of Our Intentions ; not to ask such things as deny themselves ; that you declare against Tumults , and punish the Authors ; that you allow Us Our Propriety in Our Towns , Arms and Goods , and Our share in the Legislative Power , which would be counted in Us not only breach of Privilege , but Tyranny and Subversion of Parliaments to deny to you : And when you shall have given Us satisfaction upon those Persons who have taken away the one , and recalled those Declarations ( particularly that of the 26. of May , and those in the point of the Militia , Our just Rights wherein We will no more part with then with Our Crown , lest We enable others by them to take that from Us ) which would take away the other , and declined the beginnings of a War against Us under pretence of Our Intention of making one against you ; as We have never opposed the first part of the Thirteenth Demand , so We shall be ready to concurre with you in the latter . And being then confident that the Credit of those men who desire a general Combustion will be so weakned with you , that they will not be able to do this Kingdom any more harm , We shall be willing to grant Our general Pardon , with such Exceptions as shall be thought fit , and shall receive much more joy in the hope of a full and constant Happiness of Our People in the True Religion , and under the Protection of the Law , by a blessed Union between Us and Our Parliament ( so much desired by Us ) then in any such increase of Our own Revenue ( how much soever beyond former Grants ) as ( when Our Subjects were wealthiest ) Our Parliament could have settled upon Us. His MAJESTIES Declaration , made the 13 of June 1642. to the Lords attending his Majesty at York , and to others of His Majesties Privy Council there . Together with their Promise thereupon subscribed by them . Charles R. WE do declare , That We will not require nor exact any Obedience from you , but what shall be warranted by the known Law of the Land ; as We do expect , that you shall not yield to any Commands not legally grounded , or imposed by any other . And We do further declare , That We will defend every one of you , and all such as shall refuse any such Commands , whether they proceed from Votes and Orders of both Houses , or any other way , from all dangers and hazards whatsoever . And We do further declare , That We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Law of the Land , the lawful Liberties of the Subjects of England , and just Privileges of all the three Estates of Parliament : and shall require no further Obedience from you , then as accordingly We shall perform the same . And We do declare , That we will not ( as is falsly pretended ) engage you , or any of you , in any War against the Parliament , except it be for Our necessary defence and safety against such as do insolently invade or attempt against Us or such as shall adhere to Us. York , 13. Junii , 1642. The Promise of the said Lords and others . WE do engage our selves , not to obey any Orders or Commands whatsoever , not warranted by the known Laws of the Land. We do engage our selves to defend Your MAJESTIES Person , Crown and Dignity , together with Your Majesties Just and Legal Prerogative , against all persons and power whatsoever . We will defend the true Protestant Religion established by the Law of the Land , the lawful Liberties of the Subject of England , and just Priviledges of Your Majesty and both Your Houses of Parliament . And lastly , we engage our selves , not to obey any Rule , Order or Ordinance whatsoever , concerning any Militia , that hath not the Royal Assent . York , 13. Junii , 1642. Subscribed by Lord Keeper . L. D. of Richmond . L. Marquess Hartford . E. of Lindsey . E. of Cumberland . E. of Huntington . E. of Bath . E. of Southampton . E. of Dorset . E. of Salisbury . E. of Northampton . E. of Devonshire . E. of Cambridge . E. of Bristol . E. of Westmorland . E. of Berkshire . E. of Monmouth . E. of Rivers . E. of Newcastle . E. of Dover . E. of Carnarvon . E. of Newport . L. Mowbray and Maltravers . L. Willoughby of Eresby . L. Rich. L. Ch. Howard of Charleton . L. Newark . L. Paget . L. Chandos . L. Falconbridge . L. Paulet . L. Lovelace . L. Savile . L. Coventry . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Grey of Ruthen . L. Capell . L. Falkland . Mr. Comptroller . Mr. Secretary Nicholas . Mr. Chancellor of the Exchequer . L. Chief Justice Banks . His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , occasioned by a false and scandalous Imputation laid upon His Majesty , of an intention of Raising or Levying War against His Parliament , and of having raised Force to that end . Published at His Court at York , the 16 day of June . THough We have these last seven months met with so many several Encounters of strange and unusual Declarations , under the names of both Our Houses of Parliament , that we should not be amazed at any new Prodigy of that kind ; and though their last of the six and twentieth of May gave Us a fair warning , that the Contrivers of it having spent all their stock of bitter and reproachful Language upon Us ▪ We were to expect they should now break out into some bold and disloyal Actions against Us , and having by that Declaration ( as far as in them lies ) divested Us of that Preeminence and Authority which God , the Law , the Custom and Consent of this Nation had placed in Us , and assumed it to themselves , that they should likewise with expedition put forth the fruits of that supreme Power for the violating and suppressing that Power they despised , ( an effect of which Resolution of their wild Declaration against Our Proclamation concerning the pretended Ordinance for the Militia , and the punishing of the Proclaimers appears to be : ) yet We must confess , in their last Attempt ( We speak of the last We know , they may probably since , or at this present , have outdone that too ) they have outdone what We conceive was their present intention ▪ and whosoever hears of Propositions and Orders for bringing in of Money or Plate to maintain Horse Horsemen and Arms , for the preservation of the publick Peace , or for the Defence of the King and both Houses of Parliament , ( such is their Declaration , or what else they please to call it , of the tenth of June ) will surely believe the Peace of this Kingdom to be extreamly shaken , and at least the King himself to be consulted with , and privy to these Propositions . But We hope that when Our good Subjects shall find , that this goodly pretence of the Defence of the King is but a specious bait to seduce weak and inconsiderate men into the highest Acts of Disobedience and Disloyalty against Us , and of Violence and Destruction upon the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom , they will no longer be captivated by an implicite Reverence to the name of both Houses of Parliament , but will carefully examine and consider what number of persons are present , and what persons are prevalent in those Consultations , and how the Debates are probably managed from whence such horrid and monstrous Conclusions do result ; and will , at least , weigh the Reputation , Wisdom and Affection of those who are notoriously known , out of the very horrour of their Proceedings , to have withdrawn themselves , or by their skill and violence to be driven from them and their Counsels . Whilst their Fears and Jealousies did arise , or were infused into the people from Discourses of the Rebels in Ireland , of Skippers at Roterdam , of Forces from Denmark , France , or Spain , ( how improbable and ridiculous soever that bundle of Informations appeared to all wise and knowing men ) it is no wonder if the easiness to deceive , and the willingness to be deceived did prevail over many of Our weak Subjects , to believe that the Dangers which they did not see might proceed from Causes which they did not understand : But for them to declare to all the world , That We intend to make War against Our Parliament , ( whilest We sit still , complaining to God Almighty of the Injury offered to Us and to the very Being of Parliaments ) and that We have already begun actually to levy Forces both of Horse and Foot ( whilest We have only , in a Legal way , provided a smaller Guard for the security of Our own Person so near a Rebellion at Hull , than they have had , without lawful Authority , above these eight Months upon imaginary and impossible Dangers ) to impose upon Our peoples Sense as well as Understanding , by telling them We are doing that which they see We are not doing , and intending that they all know ( as much as Intentions can be known ) We are not intending , is a boldness agreeable to no power , but the Omnipotence of those Votes whose absolute Supremacy hath almost brought Confusion upon King and People , and against which no Knowledge in matter of Fact , or Consent and Authority in matter of Law , they will endure shall be opposed . We have upon all occasions with all possible Expressions professed Our fast and unshaken Resolutions for Peace . And We do again ( in the presence of Almighty God , Our Maker and Redeemer ) assure the World , that We have no more thought of making a War against Our Parliament than against Our own Children ; that We will maintain and observe the Acts assented to by Us this Parliament without Violation , ( of which that for the frequent assembling of Parliaments is one ; ) and that We have not , or shall not have any thought of using any force , unless We shall be driven to it for the security of Our Person , and for the defence of the Religion , Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom , and the just Rights and Privileges of Parliament . And therefore We hope the Malignant Party , who have so much despised Our Person and usurped Our Office , shall not by their specious fraudulent insinuations prevail with Our good Subjects to give credit to their wicked Assertions , and so to contribute their Power and Assistance for the ruine and destruction of Us and themselves . For Our Guard about Our Person , ( which not so much their Example as their Provocation inforced Us to take ) 't is known , it consists of the prime Gentry ( in Fortune and Reputation ) of this County , and of one Regiment of Our Trained Bands , who have been so far from offering any Affronts , Injuries or Disturbance to any of Our good Subjects , that their principal end is to prevent such ; and so may be Security , can be no Grievance to our People . That some ill affected persons , or any persons , have been employed in other parts to raise Troops under colour of Our Service , or have made large ( or any ) offers of Reward and Preferment to such as will come in , is , for ought We know , and as We believe , an Untruth devised by the Contrivers of this false Rumour ; We disavow it , and are confident there will be no need of such Art or Industry to induce Our loving Subjects , when they shall see Us oppressed , and their Liberties and Laws confounded ( and till then We shall not call on them ) to come in to Us and to assist Us. For the Delinquents whom We are said with a high and forcible hand to protect , let them be named , and their Delinquency , and if We give not satisfaction to Justice , when We shall have received satisfaction concerning Sir John Hotham , by his legal Trial , then let Us be blamed . But if the Design be ( as it is well known to be ) after We have been driven by force from Our City of London , and kept by force from Our Town of Hull , to protect all those who are Delinquents against Us , and to make all those Delinquents who attend on Us or execute Our lawful Commands , We have great reason to be satisfied in the Truth and Justice of such Accusation , lest to be Our Servant and to be a Delinquent grow to be terms so convertible , that in a short time We be left as naked in Attendance as they would have Us in Power , and so compel Us to be waited on only by such whom they shall appoint and allow , and in whose presence We should be more miserably alone than in Desolation it self . And if the seditious Contrivers and Fomenters of this Scandal upon Us shall have ( as they have had ) the power to mis-lead the major part present of either or both Houses , to make such Orders and send such Messages and Messengers as they have lately done , for the apprehension of the great Earls and Barons of England , as if they were Rogues or Felons , and whereby Persons of Honour and Quality are made Delinquents merely for attending upon Us and upon Our Summons , whilst other men are forbid to come near Us ( though obliged by the Duty of their Places and Oaths ) upon Our lawful Commands ; 't is no wonder if such Messengers are not very well intreated , and such Orders not obeyed : Neither can there be a surer and a cunninger way found out to render the Authority of both Houses scorned and vilified , than to assume to themselves ( merely upon the Authority of the Name of Parliament ) a power monstrous to all Understandings , and to do Actions and to make Orders evidently and demonstrably contrary to all known Law and Reason , ( as to take up Arms against Us , under colour of defending Us ; to cause Money to be brought in to them , and to forbid Our own Money to be paid to Us or to Our use , under colour that We will imploy it ill ; to beat Us and starve Us for Our own good , and by Our own Power and Authority ) which must in short time make the greatest Court and the greatest Person cheap and of no estimation . Who those sensible men are of the publick Calamities , of the Violations of the Privileges of Parliament , and the Common Liberty of the Subject , who have been baffled and injured by Malignant men and Cavaliers about Us , We cannot imagine : And if those Cavaliers are so much without the fear of God and Man , and so ready to commit all manner of Outrage and Violence as is pretended , Our Government ought to be the more esteemed , which hath kept them from doing so , insomuch as We believe no Person hath cause to complain of any injury or of any damage in the least degree by any man about , or who hath offered his service to Us. All which being duly considered , if the Contrivers of these Propositions and Orders had been truly sensible of the Obligation which lies upon them in Honour , Conscience and Duty , according to the high Trust reposed in them by Us and Our People , they would not have published such a sense and apprehension of imminent Danger , when themselves in their Consciences know , that the greatest , and indeed only , Danger which threatens this Church and State , the blessed Religion and Liberty of Our People , is in their own desperate and seditious Designs ; and would not endeavour upon such weak and groundless Reasons to seduce Our good Subjects from their Affection and Loyalty to Us , to run themselves into Actions unwarrantable , and destructive to the Peace and Foundation of the Commonwealth . And that all Our loving Subjects may see how causless and groundless this scandalous Rumour and Imputation of Our raising War upon Our Parliament is , We have , with this Our Declaration , caused to be printed the Testimony of those Lords and other Persons of Our Counsel who are here with Us , who being upon the place , could not but discover such Our Intentions and Preparations , and cannot be suspected for their Honours and their Interests to combine in such mischievous and horrid Resolutions . And therefore We streightly charge and command all Our loving Subjects upon their Allegiance , and as they will answer the contrary at their peril , That they yield no Obedience or Consent to the said Propositions and Orders , and that they presume not , under any such Pretences , or by colour of any such Orders , to Raise or Levy any Horse or Men , or to bring in any Money or Plate to such purpose . But if notwithstanding this clear Declaration and Evidence of Our Intentions , these men ( whose Design is to compell Us to raise War upon Our Parliament , which all their Skill and Malice shall never be able to effect ) shall think fit by these Alarms to awaken Us to a more necessary care of the defence of Our Self and Our People , and shall themselves ( under colour of Defence ) in so unheard-of a manner provide ( and seduce others to do so too ) to offend Us , having given Us so lively testimony of their Affections what they are willing to do , when they have once made themselves able , all Our good Subjects will think it necessary to look to Our Self : and We do then excite all Our well-Affected people , according to their Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , and according to their solemn Vow and Protestation ( whereby they are obliged to defend Our Person , Honour and Estate ) to contribute their best Assistance to the Preparations necessary for the opposing and suppressing of the Traitorous Attempts of such wicked and Malignant persons , who would destroy Our Person , Honour and Estate , and ingage the whole Kingdom in a Civil War , to satisfie their own lawless Fury and Ambition , and so rob Our good Subjects of the blessed fruit of this present Parliament ; which they already in some degree have , and might still reap , to the abundant satisfaction and joy of the whole Kingdom , if such wicked hands were not ready to ruine all their possession , and frustrate all their hopes . We do therefore declare , That whosoever , of what degree or quality soever , shall then , upon so urgent and visible necessity of Ours , and such an apparent Distraction of the Kingdom ( caused and begotten by the Malice and Contrivance of this Malignant Party ) bring in to Us , and to Our use , ready Money or Plate , or shall underwrite to furnish any number of Horse , Horsemen and Arms , for the preservation of the publick Peace , the defence of Our Person , and the vindication of the Privilege and Freedom of Parliament , We shall receive it as a most acceptable Service , and as a testimony of his singular Affection to the Protestant Religion , the Laws , Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom , and shall no longer desire the continuance of that Affection , than We shall be ready to justifie and maintain those with the hazard of Our Life . And We do farther declare , That whosoever shall then bring in any sums of Money or Plate to assist Us in this great Extremity , shall receive consideration after the rate of eight pounds per cent . for all such Moneys as he shall furnish Us withall , and shall , upon the payment of such Money to such persons whom We shall appoint to receive the same , receive Security for the same , by good lawful Assurance of such of Our Lands , Forests , Parks and Houses , as shall be sufficient for the same , and more real Security than the name of Publick Faith , given without Us and against Us , as if We were no part of the Publick ; and besides , We shall always look upon it as a service most affectionately and seasonably performed for the preservation of Us and the Kingdom . But We shall be much gladder that their submission to those Our Commands , and their desisting from any such attempts of raising Horse or Men , may ease all Our good subjects of that trouble , charge and vexation . His MAJESTY's Declaration and Profession , disavowing any Preparations or Intentions in Him to Levy War against His Houses of Parliament . By the KING . THere having been many Rumours spread , and Informations given , which may have induced many to believe that We intend to make War against Our Parliament ; We profess before God , and declare to all the World , that We always have , and do abhorr all such Designs , and desire all Our Nobility and Council who are here upon the place to declare , whether they have not been witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose ; whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such Design ; and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such Intention , but that all Our Endeavours , according to Our many Professions , tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law , Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom . Given at Our Court at York , this 15. of June , 1642. The Declaration and Profession of the Lords now at York , and others of His Majesty's most Honourable Privy Council , disavowing that they see any apparence of Preparations or Intentions in His Majesty to levy War against the Parliament . WE whose names are under-written , in Obedience to His Majesty's Desire , and out of the Duty which we owe to His Majesty's Honour and to Truth , being here upon the place , and witnesses of His Majesty's frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions of His abhorring all Designs of making War upon His Parliament , and not seeing any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget the belief of any such Design , do profess before God , and testifie to all the World , that we are fully perswaded that His Majesty hath no such Intentions ; but that all His Endeavours tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Privileges of Parliament , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law , Peace and Prosperity of this Kingdom . York , June 15. 1642. Subscribed by Lord Keeper . L. D. of Richmond . L. Marquess Hartford . L. Great Chamberlain . E. of Cumberland . E. of Bath . E. of Southampton . E. of Dorset . E. of Salisbury . E. of Northampton . E. of Devon. E. of Cambridge . E. of Bristol . E. of Clare . E. of Westmorland . E. of Berkshire . E. of Monmouth . E. of Rivers . E. of Dover . E. of Carnarven . E. of Newport . L. Mowbray & Maltravers . L. Willoughby . L. Grey of Ruthen . L. C. Howard Andover . L. Lovelace . L. Paget . L. Falconberge . L. Rich. L. Paulet . L. Newark . L. Coventry . L. Savile . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Capel . L. Falkland . Mr. Comptroller . Mr. Secretary Nicholas . Mr. Chancel . of the Exchequer . L. Chief Justice Banks . MDCXLII . June 8. By the King. A Proclamation forbidding all Levies of Forces without his MAJESTY's express Pleasure signified under His Great Seal , and all Contributions or Assistance to any such Levies . WHereas , under pretence that We intend to make War against the Parliament ( the contrary whereof is notoriously known to all that are here , and as We hope by this time apparent to all other Our Subjects , as well by Our Declaration of the sixteenth of June , as by the Testimony of all Our Nobility and Council who are here upon the place ) and by colour of the Authority of both Houses of Parliament ( a major part whereof are now absent from London ) by the contrivance of some few evil persons , disguising and colouring their pernicious Designs and hostile Preparations , under the plausible names of , the preservation of publick Peace , and defence of Vs and both Houses of Parliament from Force and violence , it hath been endeavoured to raise Troops of Horse and other Forces . And for that purpose they have prevailed , not only to prohibit Our own Moneys to be paid to Us or to Our use , but , by the Name and Authority of Parliament , to excite Our Subjects to contribute their Assistance to them , by bringing in Moneys , Plate , or under-writing to furnish and maintain Horses , Horsemen and Arms ; and to that purpose certain Propositions or Orders ( as they are styled by them ) have been printed , whereby they have endeavoured to engage the Power and Authority of Parliament ( as if the two Houses without Us had that Power and Authority ) to save harmless all those that shall so contribute , from all Prejudice and Inconvenience that may befall them by occasion thereof ; And although We well hope that these Malignant persons ( whose Actions do now sufficiently declare their former Intentions ) will be able to prevail with few of Our good People to contribute their Power or Assistance unto them : Yet lest any of Our Subjects , taking upon trust what those men affirm without weighing the grounds of it , or the danger to Us , themselves and the Commonwealth which would ensue thereupon , should indeed believe ( what these persons would insinuate , and have them to believe ) that such their Contribution and Assistance would tend to the preservation of the publick Peace and the Defence of Us and both Houses of Parliament , and that thereby they should not incur any danger ; We , that We might not be wanting ( as much as in Us lyeth ) to foreshew and to prevent the danger which may fall thereupon , have hereby thought good to declare and publish unto all Our loving Subjects , That by the Laws of the Land , the power of raising of Forces or Arms , or levying of War for the defence of the Kingdom , or otherwise , hath always belonged to Us , and to Us only ; and that by no Power of either or both Houses of Parliament , or otherwise , contrary to Our personal Commands , any Forces can be raised or any War levied . And therefore , by the Statute of the seventh year of Our famous Progenitor King Edward the First , whereas there had been then some variances betwixt Him and some great Lords of the Realm , and upon Treaty thereupon , it was agreed , that in the next Parliament after provision should be made , that in all Parliaments and all other Assemblies which should be in the Kingdom for ever , every man should come without Force and Armour , well and peaceably : yet at the next Parliament , when they met together to take advice of this Business , ( though it concerned the Parliament it self ) the Lords and Commons would not take it upon them , but answered , That it belonged to the King to defend force of Armour , and all other force against the Peace , at all times when it pleased Him , and to punish them which should do contrary , according to the Laws and Usages of the Realm ; and that they were bound to aid Him , as their Sovereign Lord , at all seasons when need should be . And accordingly in Parliament in after-times , the King alone did issue His Proclamations , prohibiting bearing of Arms by any person in or near the City where the Parliament was , excepting such of the Kings Servants as He should depute , or should be deputed by His Commandment , and also excepting the Kings Ministers . And by the Statute of Northampton , made in the second year of King Edward the Third , it is enacted , That no man , of what condition soever he be , ( except the Kings Servants , in His presence , and His Ministers in executing the Kings Precepts , or of their Office , and such as be in their company assisting them ) go nor ride armed by night or day in Fairs , Markets , nor in the presence of the Justices or other Ministers , nor in no part elsewhere . And this power of raising Forces to be solely in the King , is so known and inseparable a Right to the Crown , that when , in the Reign of King Henry the Eighth , there being a sudden Rebellion , the Earl of Shrewsbury , without Warrant from the King , did raise Arms for the suppression thereof , and happily suppressed it , yet was he forced to obtain his Pardon . And whereas the Duke of Gloucester and other great Lords in the eleventh year of King Richard the Second ( upon pretence of the good of the King and Kingdom , the King being then not of age , and led away , as they alledged , by evil Counsellors ) did raise Forces , and by them mastered their Adversaries ; in that Parliament ( such as it was , for it was held and kept with force , how good use soever hath been made of the Precedents therein ) they procured a special Act of Pardon for their raising of Men , and that those Assemblies should not be drawn into example for the time to come . And as no Man can levy War or raise Forces without the King , so much less against the personal Commands of the King opposed thereunto . For by the Statute of the 25. year of King Edward the Third ( which is but declaratory of the old Law in that point ) it is Treason to levy War against the King in His Realm : Within the construction of which Statute , it is true ( which was said in the late Declaration under the name of both Houses of Parliament , of the 26. of May last ) levying War ( in some sense ) against the King's Authority ( though not intended against His Person ) is levying War against the King. And therefore the raising of Forces , though upon pretence of removing of some evil Counsellors from about the Queen , hath been adjudged Treason in the Case of the late Earl of Essex , in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth , and in divers other Cases . ( And We wish all Our Subjects to consider , whether if Men shall be raised contrary to Our Proclamation and against Our Will , it be not against Our Authority . ) But it is as true ( and was never denied but in that Declaration ) that the raising of Forces against the King's personal Command ( being no Ideot nor Infant , uncapable of understanding to Command ) being accompanied with His Presence , is , and is most properly , levying of War against the King. For if it be a sufficient pretence for raising of Men against the King's Person , that it is for the defence of the King's Authority and of His Kingdom ( though against His express Command and Proclamation ) the Irish Rebels will have colour for their horrid Rebellion ; for they say ( though it be notoriously false ) it is for the defence of the King's Authority and of His Kingdom . And Wat Tyler and Jack Cade and Kett the Tanner wanted not publick Pretences , which were perhaps just causes of Complaints , though not of raising of Men. And though these persons have gone about subtilly to distinguish betwixt Our Person and Our Authority , as if , because Our Authority may be where Our Person is not , that therefore Our Person may be where Our Authority is not ; We require all Our good Subjects to take notice of the Law , ( which is in print and full force ) * That their Allegiance is due unto the natural Person of their Prince , and not to His Crown or Kingdom distinct from His natural Capacity ; and that by the Oath of Ligeance at the Common Law ( which all persons above the age of twelve years are , or ought to be , sworn unto ) they are bound to be true and faithful , not to the King only as King , but to Our Person as King CHARLES , and to bear Us truth and faith of Life and Member , and earthly Honour ; and that they shall neither know nor hear of any ill or damage intended to Us that they shall not defend : And that when , in the time of King Edward the Second , Hugh Spencer , being discontented with the King , caused a Bill to be written , wherein was contained amongst other things , That Homage and the Oath of Allegiance was more by reason of the King's Crown ( that is , His Kingdom ) than of His Person ; and that seeing the King cannot be reformed by suit of Law , if the King will not redress and put away that which is ill for the Common People and hurtful to the Crown , that the thing ought to be put away by force , and that His Lieges be bound to Govern in aid of Him and in default of Him ; he was condemned for it by two Parliaments , and perpetually banished the Kingdom . We have made mention of these Cases , not so much to clear Our Right , that We alone have the power of raising Forces , and none of Our Subjects , either in Parliament or out of Parliament , against Our Will or personal Command ( which We think no Man that hath the least knowledge in Our Laws , and is not led away by private Interests , and may speak his mind freely , will deny , nor was ever questioned in any Parliament before this time ) as to let them see how dangerous the effect and consequence of raising of Forces without Us may be unto Us and to the Commonwealth , under pretence of Defence of both . And though We cannot doubt of the Affections of Our good Subjects , considering their Interest is involved with Ours , and how precious the Peace of the Kingdom is , and ought to be unto them ; and that , according to the words of the Statute of the eleventh year of King Henry the Seventh and the eighteenth Chapter , by the duty of their Allegiance they are bounden to serve and assist Us at all seasons when need shall require : Yet , to the end that Our good Subjects may know what their Duty is , and what We expect from them , and that all others , who , through Malice or private Interests , shall be transported beyond their Duties , may be left without excuse ; We do therefore by this Our Proclamation charge and command all Our Subjects upon their Allegiance , and as they tender Our Honour and Safety , and the Peace and Safety of the Kingdom , that they presume not to raise or levy any Horses , Horsmen , or Arms , or any Forces whatsoever , by colour of any Authority whatsoever , without Our express pleasure signified under Our great Seal , ( other than such as shall be raised , levied and imprested by the Order as well of Our Self as of both Houses of Parliament , according to an Act made this Sessions , intituled , An Act for the better raising and levying of Soldiers for the present defence of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , by Justices of Peace , and otherwise , in such manner as is prescribed in the said Act ) or Contribute , or give any Assistance in Money , Plate , finding of Horses , Horsmen , or Arms , or any other ways , to or for any such Preparation , Levie , or Forces : And that such of Our good Subjects who through Ignorance have been mis-led to consent or subscribe to any such Levie , Contribution or Assistance , forthwith , upon publication of this Our Proclamation , desist from continuing such their Contribution or Assistance , or giving any countenance to any such Levies , at their utmost perils . And We do likewise streightly charge and command as well all Our Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Mayors , Balliffs , Constables , and all other Our Officers whatsoever , that they use their utmost endeavours as well for publishing this Our Proclamation , as for the suppressing of all Levies , or Forces raised , or to be raised , without or against Our consent : as also all other Our loving Subjects , that they be attending , aiding and assisting Our said Officers and Ministers therein , as they and every of them will answer it at their utmost perils . Given at Our Court at York the eighteenth day of June , in the eighteenth year of Our Reign , 1642. Votes of the Lower House for raising an Army against the KING . Die Martis , 12 Julii , 1642. Resolved upon the Question , THAT an Army shall be forthwith raised for the Safety of the King's Person , defence of both Houses of Parliament , and of those who have obeyed their Orders and Commands , and preserving of the true Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom . Resolved upon the Question , That the Earl of Essex shall be the General . Resolved upon the Question , That this House doth declare , that in this Cause , for the Safety of the King's Person , defence of both Houses of Parliament , and of those who have obeyed their Orders and Commands , and preserving of the true Religion , the Laws , Liberty and Peace of the Kingdom , they will live and die with the Earl of Essex , whom they have nominated General in this Cause . MDCXLII . Aug. 8. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons , for raising of Forces against the KING : Together with His MAJESTY'S Declaration in Answer to the same . A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the raising of all Power and Force , as well Trained Bands as others , in several Counties of this Kingdom ; to lead against all Traitors and their Adherents , and them to Arrest and Imprison , and to Fight with , Kill and Slay all such as shall oppose any of His Majesty's loving Subjects that shall be imployed in this Service by either or both Houses of Parliament . WHereas certain Information is given from several parts of the Kingdom , That divers Troops of Horse are imployed in sundry Counties of the Kingdom , and that others have Commission to raise both Horse and Foot , to compel His Majesty's Subjects to submit to the Illegal commission of Array , out of a Traiterous intent to subvert the Liberty of the Subject and the Law of the Kingdom ; and for the better strengthening themselves in this wicked attempt , do joyn with the Popish and Jesuitical Faction , to put the Kingdom into a Combustion and Civil War , by levying Forces against the Parliament , and by these Forces to alter the Religion , and the Antient Government , and lawful Liberty of the Kingdom , and to introduce Popery and Idolatry , together with an Arbitrary Form of Government ; and in pursuance thereof have Traitorously and Rebelliously levied War against the King , and by force robb'd , spoil'd , and slain divers of His Majesty's good Subjects , travelling about their lawful and necessary occasions , in the King's Protection , according to Law ; and namely , that for the end and purpose aforesaid , the Earl of Northampton , the Lord Dunsmore , Lord Willoughby of Eresby , Son to the Earl of Lindsey , Henry Hastings Esquire , and divers other unknown persons in the Counties of Lincoln , Nottingham , Leicester , Warwick , Oxford , and other places , the Marquess of Hartford , the Lord Paulet , Lord Seymour , Sir John Stawel , Sir Ralph Hopton , John Digby Esquire , and other their Accomplices , have gotten together great Forces in the County of Somerset : The Lords and Commons in Parliament , duly considering the great Dangers which may ensue upon such their wicked and traitorous Designs , and if by this means the Power of the Sword should come into the hands of Papists and their Adherents , nothing can be expected but the miserable ruine and desolation of the Kingdom , and the bloody massacre of the Protestants ; they do Declare and Ordain , That it is and shall be lawful for all His Majesty's loving Subjects , by force of Arms to resist the said several Parties and their Accomplices , and all other that shall raise or conduct any other Forces for the ends aforesaid ; and that the Earl of Essex , Lord General , with all his Forces raised by the Authority of Parliament , as likewise the Lord Say , Lieutenant of Oxfordshire , Earl of Peterborough , Lieutenant of Northamptonshire , Lord Wharton , Lieutenant of Buckinghamshire , Earl of Stamford , Lieutenant of Leicestershire , Earl of Pembroke , Lieutenant of Wiltshire and Hampshire , Earl of Bedford , Lieutenant of Somersetshire and Devon , Lord Brook , Lieutenant of Warwickshire , the Lord Cranborne , Lieutenant of Dorsetshire , the Lord Willoughby of Parham , Lieutenant of Lincolnshire , and all those who are or shall be appointed by Ordinance of both Houses to perform the place of Deputy-Lieutenants , and their Deputy-Lieutenants respectively , Denzil Hollis Esquire , Lieutenant of the City and County of Bristol , and the Mayors and Sheriffs , of the City and Deputy-Lieutenants there , and all other Lieutenants of Counties , Sheriffs , Mayors , Deputy-Lieutenants , shall raise all their Power and Forces of their several Counties , as well Trained Bands as others , and shall have power to conduct and lead the said Forces of the said Counties against the said Traitors and their Adherents , and with them to fight , kill and slay all such as by force shall oppose them , and the Persons of the said Traitors , and their Adherents and Accomplices , to Arrest and Imprison , and them to bring up to the Parliament , to answer these their Traiterous and Rebellious Attempts , according to Law ; and the same or any other Forces to transport and conduct from one County to another , in aid and assistance one of another , and of all others that shall joyn with the Lords and Commons in Parliament for the defence of the Religion of Almighty God , and of the Liberties and Peace of the Kingdom , and in pursuit of those wicked and Rebellious Traitors , the Conspirators , Aiders and Abettors and Adherents : requiring all Lieutenants of Counties , Sheriffs , Mayors , Justices of Peace , and other His Majesty's Officers and loving Subjects , to be aiding and assisting to one another in the Execution hereof . And for so doing , all the parties above-mentioned , and all others that shall joyn with them , shall be justified , defended and secured by the Power and Authority of Parliament . Die Lunae , Aug. 8. 1642. Ordered that this Declaration be forthwith Printed and Published . Hen. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTY's Declaration , in Answer to a Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the raising of all Power and Force , as well Trained Bands , &c. AS much experience as We have had of the inveterate Rancour and high Insolence of the Malignant Party against Us , We never yet saw any expression come from them so evidently declaring it as the Declaration entituled , A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for the raising of all Power and Force , as well Trained Bands as others , in several Counties of this Kingdom , to lead against all Traitors and their Adherents , &c. In which that Faction hath , as it were , distilled and contracted all their Falshood , Insolence and Malice ; there being in it not one period which is not either Slanderous or Treasonable . And nothing can more grieve Us , than that by their infinite Arts and Subtilty ( employed by their perpetual and indefatigable Industry ) and by that Rabble of Brownists and other Schismaticks , declaredly ready to appear at their Call , they should have been able so to draw away some , and drive away others of Our good Subjects from Our Parliament , as to prevail with the major part remaining of both Houses , ( how much soever that major part be the smaller in comparison of the whole ) to suffer that name ( whose Reverence by all means We desire to preserve ) to be so soyl'd , as to be prefixed to a Paper of this unsufferable nature , that tends not only to the Destruction of Our Person , but to the Dissolution of this Government and of all Society : If at least this Declaration ( which We rather see cause to hope it hath not ) have so much as been seen in the Houses , and be not the single work of the same Omnipotent Committee to which is devolved the whole power of the Parliament , and which , as We understand , is trusted ( without acquainting the Houses ) to break up any Man's House , and take away the Arms and Mony intended to defend and feed him ( if they shall see cause to suspect that he meant to assist his Sovereign with them ) and may well be as fully and implicitly trusted to Declare , as to Act , whatsoever they please . And though We doubt not but to their utmost they will continue that injury to Us , and that violation of the Subjects Liberty and of publick Right , to vex and imprison those who shall publish any of Our Answers to their Declarations ( and indeed whilst they affirm against all Truth , and command against all Law , it concerns them to take care that nothing be heard but what they say ; ) yet Our comfort is , that Our Intentions and the Duty of Our Subjects are so well and so generally known to Our People , that We cannot fear ( from whomsoever it come , and though no Answer came out with it ) that either what is there said should be believed , or what is there commanded should be obeyed . Who knows not that Our Commissions for Horse and Foot were not granted out till not only our Prerogative , but Our Propriety , Our Goods , Arms , Towns , Militia and Negative Voice were taken from Us , and all the Kingdom commanded to be in Arms , and invited to bring in Horse , Plate and Mony , to frame an Army against Our Command and Proclamation , and till Horse were raised and mustered accordingly ; and then , with no intention ( nor hath any Action in any of Our Ministers given the least suspicion of such an Intention ) by them to compel Our Subjects to submit to Our Commissions of Array , or make use of them against the Parliament , but to regain Hull , held out in Rebellion against Us , and to suppress all such as without Our Authority and against Our Commands should raise Forces in this Our Kingdom , and levy War against Us , under pretence of any Order or Ordinance of one or both Houses ? And such traitorous Assemblies and Marches have been the only lawful and necessary Occasions of our good Subjects , which have not been so much as interrupted by any Troops of Ours . And what is affirmed of the spoiling and killing them as they were so travelling under our Protection , and according to Law , is a most malicious Affirmation , as well without truth as without instance , invented at once to make Our Troops terrible , and Us odious to Our People . What care have We taken that by this means the power of the Sword should not come into the hands of Papists , who have by Our Proclamation strictly charged that no Papist should presume to list himself either as Officer or Soldier in this Our Army , having directed how he should be discovered if he did presume , and suffer if he were discovered ? What care have We taken to avoid Combustion and Civil War , offering to lay down Our Arms when they shall have lay'd down their , in whom it was Treason to take them up , and restored Us those things which could not , without Treason as well as Injustice , be forced away and kept from Us , Our Arms , Ships , Town , &c. And when We might meet both Our Houses in a safe and secure place to debate freely of all the Differences in a Parliamentary way ? And by whose Influences these Propositions were rejected , and whether the Proposer or Rejecters were most careful to avoid this Ruine and Desolation of the Kingdom , We leave all the World to judge ; and whether they , who divert the Men and Mony collected for the relief of Distressed Ireland , to raise Forces against their Prince ( who asks them nothing but what is Legal , nor will deny them any thing that is ) do not joyn with the Popish and Jesuitical Faction in the bloody Massacre of many Thousand Protestants in that miserable Kingdom . We propose likewise to every Man's judgment , whether the declaring those to be Traitors who execute Our Commission of Array ( issued in so many Kings Reigns , agreed upon by Parliament , and there yielded to by the King to be settled , as now it is , as a matter of great grace ; and since that time , which was in the 5 Hen. IV. in no Parliament complained of ) whilst Our good Subjects are vexed and imprisoned , not only for resisting , but for humbly petitioning so as may seem but to insinuate something against their most illegal Commands concerning the Militia ; ( To which power of commanding no Title can be made by any Statute or any Precedent ; nor can We ever find by search , nor obtain to be told , what those Fundamental Laws are by which it is pretended : so deep those Foundations are laid , beyond all means of discovery ) and the declaring that those who raise Men by virtue of Our Command and Commission ( the only Legal way ) traitorously and rebelliously levy War against the King , and ordaining it to be lawful for all Our Subjects by force of Arms to resist them and their Accomplices ; and the raising of Forces by Authority of Parliament ( that is , by the remaining part of both Houses ) never in the most outragious times before attempted , and commanding several persons , whom they call Lieutenants , to lead , and giving them power to transport from one County to another the Forces of several of Our Counties against them , and to kill and slay all such as by force shall oppose them , Our Self not excepted , commanding all Our Officers and Subjects to be assisting to them , and undertaking to secure them for so doing by the Power and Authority of Parliament ( which is first to allow , and next to command , and then to pardon Treason ; ) be not to have already subverted , as much as in them lies , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law of the Land , and altered the Ancient Government of the Kingdom , leaving Our Subjects without all Rule to walk by , when the most clear Laws cannot direct and secure them , and they see all those Ancient bounds passed over , which were ever as much known to be the Duty of both Houses to observe , as it was evident that there were , and that it was necessary that there should be , Two Houses of Parliament , and at once behold the Law ( which is to defend and protect the Subject ) and Us ( Who are to protect and defend the Law ) need Defence and Protection . We doubt not therefore but all Our good Subjects will come in to Our Assistance , and that this wicked Charge of intending to introduce Propery , Idolatry , and Arbitrary Government , laid by Implication upon Us ( because We defend Our Selves , and would recover Our own ) will be so far from being a Motive against Us , that this intolerable Indignity and damnable Scandal ( so daily and visibly confuted by all Our Professions and Actions ) will encrease Our good Subjects zeal towards Us , and their Indignation against the Contrivers ; and they will esteem themselves obliged by the Religion of Almighty God to oppose this War , so impiously , so treasonably , and so groundlesly made upon Us their King and His Anointed . We therefore require all Our Commissioners of Array , Sheriffs , and all Our other Officers and Ministers , to raise all the Power and Forces of their several Counties to assist the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Northampton , the Lord Willoughby of Eresby , the Lord Dunsmore , the Lord Paulet , the Lord Seymour , Henry Hastings Esquire , Sir John Stawell , Sir Ralph Hopton , John Digby Esquire , and all other , in the legal and necessary Execution of Our Commissions of Array , and in the raising and conducting of such Horse and Foot as shall be raised by Our Commission ; and by force of Arms to oppose the Earl of Essex , the Lord Say , and all other that shall raise or conduct any Forces raised by pretence of Authority of both Houses ; and the Persons of all such Traitors , and their Adherents and Accomplices , to Arrest and Imprison , to the end they may be brought to a fair and legal Tryal by their Peers , and according to the law . And this We require from them , as they tender the Defence of Our Person , the true Religion , the Law of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the true and just Privileges of Parliament . And for so doing they shall be defended and secured by Us , and by the Law ; with whom and with which We doubt not but Our Subjects will sooner chuse to live and dye , than with the Earl of Essex and his Adherents . MDCXLII . August . 9. By the King. A Proclamation for the suppressing of the present Rebellion under the Command of Robert Earl of Essex . And the gracious offer of His Majesty's free Pardon to him , and all such of his Adherents as shall within six days after the date hereof lay down their Arms. WHereas now at the last those Seditious and Traitorous Counsels and Consultations which have been long in design , and which long since We foresaw , have produced such manifest and open effects of Treason and Rebellion against Us , that there are already great numbers of Horse and Foot Raised , Arraied , Mustered and Trained , under pretence of Authority of Our two Houses of Parliament , without and against Our Consent , in and about Our Cities of London and Westminster , in a warlike manner , and there are many more in Raising with speed ; and Robert Earl of Essex , by the said pretended Authority , without Our Consent , hath been nominated to be Captain General of those Troops and Forces , and forgetting the Duty and Allegiance which he oweth to Us his Sovereign , hath taken upon him and accepted that Title and Command of Captain General , and in that quality appeareth amongst the Souldiers , animating and encouraging himself and them in these Traitorous and Rebellious Designs ; and , as it is now notoriously known , the said Earl and his Adherents intend speedily to march from thence towards the North , where We now reside , and in a warlike manner to assail and oppose Us , and those who shall attend or assist Us , under pretence of defending Our Person and the two Houses of Parliament , and prepare traitorously to surprise or besiege Our Town of Portsmouth , and to possess themselves thereof with force , the same being a Town and Port of great importance in the Western parts of this Kingdom , and also to surprise , or by force to take and possess themselves of all other Castles , Forts and places of strength within this Kingdom , and all this to strengthen them and their Party in these their Traitorous and Rebellious Designs ; all which are not now taken up by Us upon Information of others , and by Conjecture , but do manifestly appear to the whole World , by that insolent and prodigious Commission of Captain General over the whole Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , which in the name of the two Houses of Parliament is granted unto the said Earl , but hath indeed been contrived by some few Malignant persons , Members of either House , whereby they have mentioned to conferr upon him , and the said Earl under that colour hath assumed unto himself , those Titles , and begun to put in execution those Powers and Authorities which are inconsistable with Our Sovereignty ; all which is so done contrary to all Rules of Religion , Laws , Allegiance , or common Honesty : We do now therefore publish and declare by this Our Royal Proclamation , That the said publick and notorious Acts and Actions of the said Earl are Acts and Actions of High Treason , being a manifest levying of War against his natural Liege Lord and King , expresly within the words and meaning of the Statute made in the twenty fifth year of King Edward the Third , declaring the same , of which in Law there neither is nor can be any doubt ; and that the said Earl of Essex is a Rebel and Traitour unto Us and to Our Crown , and that he , and all Colonels , Captains and Officers , which upon notice hereof shall not immediately quit their Commands under him , or any others , by the like unlawful and usurped power without and against Us , are also guilty of High Treason within that Statute , and ought to be adjudged and esteemed and proceeded against as Traitors and Rebels . And yet , out of Our Grace and Clemency towards such of Our Subjects as have been abused and misled by the said Earl , and such others as joyn themselves with him in these desperate Courses , and to preserve the Peace of this Kingdom , ( if it be possible ) and to avoid the shedding of blood , We abhorring the name of a Civil War , if it can by any good means be avoided , do by this Our Royal Proclamation admonish the said Earl , and all Our Subjects whom it may concern , which are now already joyned , or shall joyn themselves to the said Earl in this act of Hostility , that forthwith they lay down their Arms , as well Horse as Foot , and all other preparations for the War , and instantly , without delay , return to their own homes and habitations , and there quietly and peaceably imploy and bestow themselves in their proper Vocations and Callings , and that hereafter they meddle not or interpose themselves in these or any the like Rebellious and Traitorous Undertakings or Actions . Which if the● do readily and really perform within six days after the date of these presents , W● do hereby promise and undertake , in the Word of a King , that We will freely extend 〈◊〉 Mercy unto them , and grant unto them Our free and full Pardon for all that hath been or shall be committed before that time . But if they shall neglect this Our Grace and Favour now extended unto them , and persist in any acts of Hostility against Us , or not disband upon notice of this Our Proclamation , We shall esteem of them as Rebells and Traitors to Us and to Our Crown , and as publick Enemies to the happy Peace of this Kingdom ; and that from thence We shall proceed against them and deal with them as Rebels and Traitours : and by the blessing of God , in whom We put Our confidence , and by the assistance of Our faithful and good Subjects , upon whose Fidelity and Affections We rely , We doubt not but We shall so prevail against all their Traitorous Conspiracies and Rebellious Machinations , as shall vindicate Our Honour and the Honour of Our Crown , preserve Our good and loyal Subjects from their Malice and Fury , and restore and settle the Peace of this Kingdom , and make the Delinquents so exemplary , as shall deterr others from ever attempting the like Insolencies . And We hereby require and command all Our Commissioners of Array , Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Mayors , and all other Our Officers , Ministers , and loving Subjects that they and every of them in their several places do there best and uttermost endeavours to resist and subdue the said Earl and his Adherents , and those who shall assist them or any of them , and to apprehend , or otherwise to destroy them and every of them , that so they may receive condigne punishment for their Disloyalty ; and that they be ready , according to their Duties and Allegiance , to assist Us , and those Our good Subjects who do adhere unto Us , according to Our just Commands in or concerning the Premisses . And more particularly , We require and command Our Commissioners of Array , Lords Lieutenants , Deputy-Lieutenants , Captains and Officers of Our Trained Bands , of or in Our Counties of Southampton , Sussex and Surrey , that so many of them as to that purpose Colonel Goring shall call to his aid , as he shall see cause , shall with such Forces as are under their command , repair unto Our said Town of Portsmouth to assist the said Colonel George Goring , Our Captain and Governour of the said Town , for the defence of the said Town , and to Oppose , Resist , and Destroy all those who under the command of the said Earl of Essex , or any other , shall attempt any Violence against the said Town . And We do further require and command Our Right . Trusty and Right Well-beloved Couzin and Counsellor , William Marquess Hartford , that with all speed he raise all the Forces he can within all or any the Counties contained within that Commission We have given unto him , whereby he is made Our Lieutenant General of all Our Forces within Our Counties of Devon , Cornwal , Somerset , Dorset , Wilts , Southampton , Gloucester , Berks , Oxford , Hereford , Monmouth , Radnor , Brecknock , Glamorgan , Carmarthen , Pembroke , Cardigan , Our Cities of Excester , Bristol , Gloucester , Oxford , Bath and Wells , new Salisbury , and Hereford , and the Counties of the same , the Towns of Pool , and Southampton , and Haverford-West , and the Counties of the same , and with the Trained Bands of those Counties , and others who shall voluntarily offer their Service , to march against the said Earl or any others under his command , or under the command of any others not authorized by Us , and them to Resist , Oppose and Subdue ; and especially for the defence of the said Town of Portsmouth , and for the Isle of Wight , in Our County of Southampton , as there shall be occasion . And We do hereby desire and require Our loyal and loving Subjects of and within the said Counties , being of the Trained Bands or voluntary Levies within the said Commission , to repair with their Horse and Foot , well Armed , Arrayed and Furnished , to such place or places as the said Marquess shall appoint ; and that they , and all other Our good and loving Subjects within this Realm , shall , according to such Directions as We shall give to that purpose , repair to Us at such place where We shall pitch and set up Our Royal Standard , and where We purpose in Our own Person to be present , and there and in such places whither We shall conduct them , or cause them to be conducted , to serve Us for the Defence of Us , and of Our Kingdom , and of the true Protestant Religion , and the known Laws of the Land , and the just Liberties of Our Subjects , and the just Privileges of Parliament , and to suppress the notorious and insolent Rebellion of the said Earl and his Adherents , and reduce them to their due Obedience , and for re-setling of the happy Peace of this Kingdom . And in this time of urgent Necessity , which so much importeth the Safety and even the very Subsistence of Us and Our Good People , We shall take it as an acceptable Service to Us , and much conducing to the Peace of Our Kingdom , if Our loving and well-affected Subjects within Our said Counties contained within Our Commission granted to the said Marquess , do and will chearfully and voluntarily contribute unto Us , and give unto Us such assistance in Money or Plate as they shall think fit , by loan or otherwise to be delivered to the hands of the said Marquess , or of the Commissioners of Array for those several Counties respectively , to be disposed of to this publick use , and not otherwise ; and that Our loving and well-affected Subjects of all other the Counties of this Kingdom will , to the same use and not otherwise , contribute unto and assist Us in like manner such Contribution and assistance , to be paid and delivered to Our use into the hands of Our Commissioners of Array for those other Counties respectively , or to such of them as they shall nominate and appoint to that purpose . And lastly , in all these Our just and necessary Commands , We require that ready Obedience from all Our Commissioners , Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Mayors , Constables , and other Officers and loving Subjects , in their several and respective places , which appertaineth to their several Duties , as they tender Our Honour and Safety , and the Honour , Safety , Peace and Prosperity of the Church and Kingdom of England , and as they will answer their neglects at their uttermost perils . Given at Our Court at York , the ninth day of August , in the eighteenth year of Our Reign , 1642. By the KING . A Proclamation by His MAJESTY , requiring the Aid and Assistance of all His Subjects on the North side Trent , and within twenty Miles Southward thereof , for the suppressing of the Rebels now marching against Him. WHereas divers Persons , bearing an inward Hatred and Malice against Our Person and Government , and ambitious of Rule and places of Preferment and Command , have raised an Army , and are now Traitorously and Rebelliously ( though under the specious pretence of Our Royal Name and Authority , and of the defence of Our Person and Parliament ) marching in battel-array against Us their Liege-Lord and Sovereign , contrary to their Duty and Allegiance , whereby the common Peace is like to be wholly destroyed , and this flourishing Kingdom in danger to perish under the miseries of a Civil War , if the Malice and Rage of these Persons be not instantly resisted : And as We do and must rely on Almighty God ( the Protector and Defender of his Anointed ) to defend Us and Our good People against the Malice and pernicious Designs of these men , tending to the utter Ruine of Our Person , the true Protestant Religion , the Laws established , the Property and Liberty of the Subject , and the very Being of Parliaments ; so We doubt not but Our good People will in this necessity contribute unto Us , with all Alacrity and Chearfulness , their assistance in their Persons , Servants and Money , for the suppression of the same Rebellion : And therein We cannot but with much contentment of heart acknowledge the Love and Affection of Our Subjects of Our County of York and divers other Counties , in their free and ready assistance of Us , which We shall never forget ; and Our Posterity will , as We hope , ever remember , for their good . Nevertheless ; in this Our extreme necessity , though We have been most unwilling , We are now inforced , for Our most just and necessary Defence , again to call and invite them , and all other Our Subjects of the true Protestant Religion , residing on the North-side of Trent , or within twenty miles Southward thereof , whose hearts God Almighty shall touch with a true sense and apprehension of Our Sufferings , and of the ill use which the Contrivers and Fomenters of this Rebellion have made of Our Clemency and desire of Peace , That according to their Allegiance , and as they tender the Safety of Our Person , the Property of their Estates , their just Liberties , the true Protestant Religion , and Privileges of Parliament , and indeed the very Being of Parliaments , they attend Our Person upon Monday , the two and twentieth day of this instant August , at Our Town of Nottingham , where and when We intend to erect Our Standard-Royal in Our just and necessary Defence , and whence We resolve to advance forward for the suppression of the said Rebellion , and the Protection of Our good Subjects amongst them from the burthen of the Slavery and Insolence under which they cannot but groan till they be relieved by Us. And We likewise call and invite all Our Subjects of the true Protestant Religion in the remoter parts of this Our Kingdom , to whom notice of this Our Proclamation cannot so soon arrive , That with all speed possible , as they tender the forenamed Considerations , they attend Our Person in such place as We shall then happen to encamp . And such of Our said Subjects as shall come unto Us ( either to Our said Town of Nottingham , or to any other place where We shall happen to encamp ) Armed and Arrayed , with Horse , Pistols , Muskets , Pikes , Corslets , Horses for Dragoons , or other fitting Arms and Furniture , We shall take them into Our pay , ( such of them excepted who shall be willing as Voluntiers to serve Us in this Our necessity without pay . ) And whosoever shall in this Our Danger and necessity supply Us either by Gift or Loan of Money or Plate for this Our necessary Defence , ( wherein they also are so nearly concerned ) We shall , as soon as God shall enable Us , repay whatsoever is so lent , and upon all occasions remember and reward those Our good Subjects , according to the measure of their Love and Affections to Us and their Country . Given at Our Court at York the twelfth day of August , in the eighteenth year of Our Reign , 1642. His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His Loving Subjects , of the 12 of Aug. 1642. 'T IS more than time now , after so many Injuries and Indignities offered to Our Royal Person , so many Affronts and Scorns put upon Our Kingly Office , so many Scandalous , Seditious and Traitorous Pamphlets against Our Self and Our Government , to vindicate Our Self from those wicked and damnable Combinations and Conspiracies , which the implacable Malice and insatiable Ambition of some Persons have contrived against Us ; and to let all Our loving Subjects know how much they are concerned in Our Sufferings , and how much their Peace and Security is shaken in the Assaults which are made and the Wounds which are given to Our Honour and Authority , and ( how specious soever their pretences are of Religion and Liberty ) that in truth their end is nothing but Anarchy and Confusion in either . In the relation and consideration whereof ( though We take no delight in the sharpness and bitterness of expressions ) 't is no wonder if being compelled to take notice of Actions of an high and injurious nature , and to consider and answer words impetuously directed against Majesty it self , We be likewise enforced to use a Dialect rougher , and different from what We have used to treat in , ( 't is a weapon We blush to find Our Self put to exercise : ) and We call the Almighty God to witness , That though We were extremely sensible of the violent and unjustifiable Imposition upon Our Royal Office and Authority , of the apparent Hazard and Danger which threatened Our own Person and Safety ; yet not so much the particular consideration of Our Self hath engaged Us in the resolution We have now taken , as the publick Care of the true Protestant Religion , the Preservation of the Law , and the Liberty of the Subject , and the upholding the whole Frame and Constitution of this Kingdom , so admirably founded and continued by the Blessing of God and the wisdom of Our Ancestours , to the wonder and envy of all the neighbouring Kingdoms , which the Faction and Ambition of a few discontented spirits , with their counterfeit shews of Religion and pretences of Liberty , endeavour to shake and rend asunder ; and to bring Our Self , and all the Subjects of this Kingdom , into perpetual Subjection unto their vast , unlimited , Arbitrary , Seditious Jurisdiction . We shall begin Our discourse from the beginning of this Parliament , ( for of the unhappy Dissolution of the last , by the mis-information and advice of some persons , looked upon now under another Character , We shall forbear to speak , being resolved that no disregard or undutifulness of other men towards Us shall ever prevail with Us , to do what We think unsuteable to the Honour and Reputation of a Just Prince and of a good and loving Master . ) When We resolved to summon this Parliament ( which We did out of Our own earnest and affectionate desire to beget a good and right intelligence between Us and Our People , and before the meeting of Our great Council at York , and uncompelled by any violence , but of Our love to Peace ) We presented to Our Self the unhappy Condition wherein the state of this Kingdom then stood , considered the nature of the Pressures , ( then more freely represented to Us ) which in themselves were grievous to Our good Subjects , and in the Consequences of them might appear more terrible . We took a full and clear prospect of the Inconveniences and mischiefs which had grown by the long intermission of Parliaments , and by the parting too much from the known Rule of the Law to an Arbitrary power ; and upon the whole resolved ( without puting any Gloss upon Our own former Commands , or endeavouring to make any excuse for the Actions of Our Ministers ) That the measure of Our Justice and Favour , by way of Reparation , should far exceed the proportion of the Sufferings Our good Subjects had undergone by Us , which We were confident would beget so mutual an Affection and confidence between Us , that such a foundation of firm and stable Happiness would immediately have been laid for the whole Kingdom , that all memory of former Grievances would have been easily buried , and that this Parliament should receive a glorious celebration both by King and People to the end of the world . And therefore upon the first Convention , on the third of November , We declared Our resolution in that point , and then , or soon after , desired , that whatever mistaking had grown in the Government either of Church or State might be removed , and all things reduced to the Order of the time ( the memory whereof is justly precious to this Nation ) of Queen Elizabeth : and for any expression of their Affection to Us in supply of Our known Necessities , We were so far from pressing , We resolved not to think of it , till all Our good People should be abundantly satisfied in all necessary provision for their Liberty and Property , and whatsoever else might disturb them in their Estates or Consciences . How firmly We have kept Our Self to this Resolution is evident to all the world . At the beginning of the Parliament We quickly discerned , by some Circumstances of their proceedings , that they meant not to confine or contain themselves within the Paths of their Predecessors ; which We imputed to the disorder and impatience the former Sufferings of the Kingdom had begot in them ; and therefore We resolved to take no exceptions to any particular , but to do Our part in any point of Reformation as soon and as often as any opportunity should be offered unto Us , believing that as soon as they should find themselves restored to their old security , and the matter and substance of their Doubts and Fears to be removed , they would easily and willingly reduce themselves into their good old way , and apply themselves to the usual form of their Predecessors in the course of their proceedings . And though We well knew the Combination entred into by several persons for an alteration in the Government of the Church , which could not but have an Influence upon the Civil Government of the State too , and observed that those men had greatest Interest and power of perswading in both Houses who had entred into such Combination ; yet Our Resolution was so full for the publick satisfaction of Our People , that We believed even those men would either have been converted in their Consciences by the clearness and justice of Our Actions , or would have appeared so unreasonable , or been discovered so seditious , that their Malice and Fury would not have been able to have done mischief . And therefore We took no notice of the great labour and skill the prime Leaders amongst them had used to get men of their Faction nominated and elected to serve as Members of the House of Commons , and did use to remove others ( whom they knew to be of different Opinions ) though they were fairly and legally elected ; wherein there was no other measure or Rule of Justice observed , than singly with reference to the Opinions or Affections of the Persons ; witness ( besides their putting out or keeping in men upon questionable Elections , without the least colour or shadow of Justice ) their Order whereby they at one clap expelled a very great number of Persons fairly elected by their Country , upon pretence that they had some hand , or their names used in some Project , Monopoly or Patent , without charging them with any Crime , or to this day proceeding against them : and yet they continue amongst them Sir Henry Mildmay , Master Laurence Whitakers , and others ( whose Affections and Opinions they are well pleased with ; ) though the first of them is notoriously known to be the chief Promoter of the business of the Gold and Silver Thred , ( a Commission complained of , viewed and examined , and therefore his name might have been easily taken notice of ; ) and the other as conversant , and as much imployed as a Commissioner in matters of that nature as any Man. We speak not this to excuse Monopolies ( the Inconveniences of which We are sensible of , and shall for the future prevent ) but to shew the partiality of that Faction , and the use they make of them to their own advantage . The first Remedy ( after the impeaching several Persons of High Treason whom they looked upon as the chief causes of the publick Sufferings ) they proposed was , The Bill for the Triennial Parliament : to the which , though We might justly have paused upon several Expressions and Clauses in it , and might very well have insisted upon Our old Priviledge and Custom , not to pass any Bill till the end of the Session ; yet since We really did believe most of the Mischiefs then complained of proceeded from the too-long intermission of Parliaments , and were resolved for the future to communicate freely and frequently that way with Our Subjects , We passed over those Exceptions , and consented to it , especially upon this Confidence , That when such other Acts should be agreed upon for the ease and security of Our People as We desired and expected should be preferred to Us , this Act would be a sufficient earnest and assurance that all those Acts should be faithfully observed by Us , and so there should be no room left for any Fears and Jealousies , which might prevent that mutual Confidence between Us and Our People We earnestly desired to raise : and for some time after the passing this Act We found such an acknowledgment from both Houses of Our singular Grace and Favour in consenting to it , and so great expressions of their Affections and purposes towards Us , that We believed the sense of it would never have been forgotten , and were as much pleased that We had taken that way of obliging Our People , as they were with the Benefit it self . But We were very well able to discover , that whatsoever seemed to be asked of Us or to be complained of to Us , there was still a Faction of a few Ambitious , Discontented and Seditious persons , who , under pretence of being enemies to Arbitrary Power , and of compassion towards those who out of Tenderness of Conscience could not submit to some things enjoyned or commended in the Government of the Church , had in truth a desire ( and had entred into a Combination to that purpose ) to alter the Government both of Church and State ; which they were yet to disguise , till by their Art or Industry they had infected some with their Opinions , and by their cunning Demeanour and Managery of the publick Interests they had seduced others to an implicite confidence in their Power , Wisdom and Integrity . And against this Design We only opposed a resolution to contribute all Our assistance for the Peace , Happiness and Security of Our People , and so to convince their Understandings ( if their Error proceeded from Weakness ) that no alteration could produce that Happiness they imagined , and ( if their natures were capable of such Trusts ) to take some of the chief of them so near Us , that they might be witnesses of Our Actions and privy to Our Counsels , that either Ingenuity or Gratitude might recover them from their desperate Inclinations . Hereupon , because most of the Grievances of Our People were conceived to proceed from the great liberty of Our Council-board , or from some Orders and Directions from them , We admitted to Our Privy Council seven or eight of those Lords who were eminently in esteem with Our People for their reputation of Honour and Justice ; some of whom We knew to be most passionately dis-inclined to the present managery of Civil affairs and to the Government of the Church ; and hoped that by a free communication of their Doubts , Opinions and Counsels , they would have received that satisfaction , that they would have been excellent Instruments of a blessed Reformation and Confirmation in Church and State. Having begun with this foundation of Confidence in Our Court by electing such Persons , We made the same hast to apply particular Remedies to the visible known Diseases , resolving those Remedies should be proportioned to the Counsel and Desires of both Houses , which We thought the surest way to win at least a major part to the confession and acknowledgment of Our Justice and Affection . The Star-Chamber had in the excess of Jurisdiction , or tediousness and charge of Proceedings , or measure and severity of Punishment , invaded the Laws of the Land and Liberty of the Subject by the exercise of an Arbitrary Power : We pressed not the Reformation of this Court , though erected or setled by Act of Parliament in a wise time ; but , at the instance of both Houses , consented to the Abolition of it . The High Commission Court had proceded with too much strictness in many cases , where the Tender Consciences of many of Our weak Subjects were concerned , and had so far out-grown the power of the Law , that it would not be limited and guided by it , but censured , fined and imprisoned Our People for matters unpunishable by the Law : We pressed not the Review of that Statute by which that Court was erected , that such power might be qualified and provisions altered as had been grievous to the Subject , nor desired that any other care might be taken for the upholding the Ecclesiastical Discipline than what the wisdom and piety of both Houses should think necessary ; but , in compliance to the sufferings of Our People and the desires of both Houses , consented to the Repeal of that branch of that Statute . The Writs for Ship-mony , whereby several summs of mony had been received from Our good Subjects for defence and safeguard of the Kingdom , had lain heavy upon Our People , yet were judged to be Legal : Both Our Houses of Parliament declared that the grounds and reasons of that Judgment ( being , That when the good and safety of the Kingdom in general is concerned , and that the whole Kingdom is in Danger , We might compel our Subjects to provide Ships , Men and Victuals , for the defence and safeguard of the Kingdom ; and that We were the sole Judge of that Danger , and how the same might be prevented ) were contrary to and against the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , the Property and Liberty of the Subject , and to the Petition of Right : without disputing our Right , We were contented that all the proceedings in that business should be adjudged void and disannulled , and the Judgments , Enrolments and Entries thereupon should be vacated and cancelled , in such manner as was desired . Under colour of executing the Forrest-Laws , and of keeping the Justice in Eyres Seat , very many Persons had been grieved and vexed by Presentments , Fines , Judgments and Imprisonments , the Meets , Limits and Bounds of Forrests extended , and some endeavours been made to set on foot Forrests where in truth none had been : We no sooner received complaint of this , but We passed an Act for the certainty of the Meets , Limits and Bounds of all the Forrests in England , with such further Provisions for the ease of Our Subjects as were desired at Our hands . If by the negligence or wilfulness of persons trusted by Us any Grievance or inconvenience had been contracted in any part of Our Kingdom , ( which seemed not to have so general an influence upon the whole ) upon the first clear Information We did Our part for the easing of them ; and therefore We passed , for the benefit of Our good Subjects of Devon and Cornwall , an Act against divers Incroachments and Oppressions in the Stannary-Courts . And We were so confident this way to win the Hearts and Affections of all Our good Subjects , and that both Our Houses of Parliament would at last find a time to give too , that We made their Asking the only Rule to Our Grants , and parted with any thing they desired Us to relinquish . So in the Preamble to the Bill of Tonnage and Poundage , We parted with Our Title of Imposing ; a Power adjudged good , and exercised by Our Ancestors , and though disputed , never resolved against by Judgment in Parliament . So in the Act for regulating the Office of Clark of the Marker , because the undue execution thereof had been grievous to many of Our loving Subjects , We consented , that no Clark of the Market of Our House shall hereafter execute His Office in any part of Our Kingdom , but only within the verge of Our Court , and granted the Execution of that Office to the Mayors and Bayliffs of Towns Corporate , and to the Lords of Liberties and Franchises , and to their Deputies . So , because about the beginning of Our Reign several Writs had issued out of Our Court of Chancery in the business of Knighthood , and been transmitted with their Returns into Our Court of Exchequer , where the proceedings were not fit and warrantable , We were contented , by the Act for the prevention of vexatious proceedings touching the Order of Knighthood , absolutely to part with and discharge a Right and Duty as unquestionably due to Us by the Law as any Service We can challenge . So ( which is the highest instance of Trust that ever King gave His Subjects ) upon Information that Credit could not be obtained for so much Mony as was requisite for the relief of Our Army and People in the Northern parts , for preventing the imminent Danger the Kingdom was in , and for supply of Our present and urgent Occasions , for fear the Parliament might be dissolved before Justice should be done upon Delinquents , publick Grievances be redressed , a firm Peace between the two Nations of England and Scotland concluded , and before provision should be made for the repayment of such Monies as should be so raised ( though We knew what power We parted from , and trusted Our Houses with , by so doing , and what might be the Consequence of such a Trust if unfaithfully managed ) We neglected all such suspicions , which all Men now see deserved not to be slighted , and We willingly and immediately passed that Act for the continuance of this Parliament , being resolved that it should not be Our fault if all those particulars were not speedily provided for , which seemed then to be the grounds of their desire . Let all the World now judge what greater Obligations of Justice , Favour , Affection and Trust , can a Prince lay upon His Subjects , than We did upon both Our Houses of Parliament by these Acts ; and whether We did not , in Our free Grace and Favour , grant much more than had been asked of Us by that Petition presented to Us by some Lords at York , in which was then thought to be contracted all that was grievous to Our People , and all that was just and gracious for Us to do for them . And in all the time in which these Acts were framing and passing , though Our own personal Wants were notoriously known and unkindly unprovided for , and themselves had asked leave to look into and settle Our Revenue , which We consented to , and therefore We might have expected some fruit of that pretended Care , We never pressed them , or made the least overture to them for Our own supply ; only desired them ( and 't was almost the only thing We did desire of them ) that they would use all possible expedition in the business of the Treaty , that the two Armies might be speedily disbanded , and Our Subjects eased of that heavy burthen which in time would grow insupportable , and waste the whole stock of the Kingdom . But We found the Faction We feared in the beginning grew still stronger and nothing converted or reconciled by all those Acts of Ours , which would have made any Nation happy ; That whilst We were busie in providing for the publick , they were contriving particular Advantages of Offices and Places for themselves , made use under-hand of the former Grievances of the Subject in things concerning Religion and Law , to change the Religion and Law of this Kingdom , labouring , that neither any thing the Subject had suffered from the Crown might be forgotten , nor any satisfaction from the Crown to the Subject might be remembred . And therefore in stead of acknowledging Our great Justice and singular Favour in passing those Acts , they infused into Our People , that We passed them unwillingly , ( whereas We never made the least pause upon any of them but one , that for the High-Commission Court ; and whether that was penned with that wariness and animadversion , that there be not more determined by it than the major part of both Houses intended at the passing of it , let themselves judge ) and that We meant not to observe them ; and grew so much confounded with the full measure of Our Favour ; that they would allow themselves no security of enjoying what We had freely given , but by taking away any power from Us of giving more , they must have a through alteration both in Church and State , or else they should never enjoy the benefit of the Reformation We had willingly made . Hereupon they oppose the disbanding of the Armies , and give all delays to the Scots Treaty , though the Commissioners for that Nation very earnestly pressed the hastning of it , and in plain English declare , That they cannot yet spare them , that the sons of Zerviah were too strong for them : And finding more haste to be made in the asserting the Civil Interests than they desired , having a design to ingage this Kingdom into so vast a Debt that there might be no way of paying it but by the Lands of the Church , and lest Our good Subjects might be too soon satisfied , they hastned on to their design upon the Church ; which they at first disguised with a purpose only of removing the Bishops from their Votes in the Lords House . This Bill passed the House of Commons ; in the House of Peers it endured several long , free debates ; and in the end , upon great and solemn deliberation , was by the consent of very much the major part of that House absolutely rejected . This was no sooner done , but that Faction ( glad of the miscarriage of their former Bill , the passing whereof they knew would have satisfied many of those whom they hoped now further to seduce ) produced a Bill to be tendred in the House of Commons for the abolition of Bishops out of the Church of England , Root and Branch , ( according to their first resolution , as Mr. Pym told a Member of the Lords House by way of reproof , That it was not enough to be against the Persons of the Bishops , if he were not against the Function , ) and for extirpation of all Deans and Chapters , and reducing that admirable Frame of Government and support of Learning into a Chaos of Confusion , that out of it they might mold an Vtopia no six of them had , nor We believe yet have , agreed , on , further than to destroy the present ; and out of the goodly Revenue which the pious Bounty and Devotion of former Ages had been so long in raising , for the encouragement and advancement of Learning and Religion , and which God hath blessed with so many eminent Men , whose Learning and Lives have advanced the Doctrine of the Protestant Religion , and many of them given , their Bodies to the Fire , as a Sacrifice to that Truth and Religion , to erect Stipends to their own Clergy , and to raise estates to repair their own broken fortunes . And for the free passing of this Bill ( which to this hour they could never tell what to make of ) two Armies must be kept in the bowels of the Kingdom at 80000 pound a Month charge to the Commonwealth : For about this Bill the House of Commons was so wholly taken up , that in ten weeks none , or very little , other business could be thought of . About this time , or a little before , ( after several Intimations of Treasons , Plots and Conspiracies by the Papists , of great Provisions of Arms by them , and training Men under ground , and many other false reports , created , spread and countenanced by themselves ) upon some general apprehensions of Designs against them , a Protestation is made in the House of Commons for some union and consent amongst themselves , to perform those Duties which , if they had meant no more than they expressed , had been sufficiently provided for by the Oaths they had already taken , and what their former Duties obliged them to . Hereupon a Protestation is framed , and being put into such words as no honest Man could believe himself obliged by it to any unlawful Action , was voluntarily taken by all the Members of the House of Commons , and presently recommended to the House of Lords , where it received the same countenance , that is , was looked upon as containing nothing in it self unlawful , though some Members of that House refused to take it , being voluntary , and not imposed by any Lawful Authority : Then 't is recommended to the City of London , and over all the Kingdom , by order from the House of Commons ( a strange and unheard-of Usurpation ) to be taken by all persons . But in very few days , upon conference amongst themselves and with those Clergy-men who daily solicite their unlawful and unwarrantable designs with the People , they find they were by this Protestation so far from having drawn people into their Combination , that in truth all Men conceived that they were even engaged by it against their main Design , by promising to defend the true Reformed Protestant Religion expressed in the Doctrine of the Church of England , &c. And thereupon some persons of that Faction prevailed , that after the Members of the Houses had taken it , a Declaration was set forth by the House of Commons , That by those words , The Doctrine of the Church of England , was intended only so far as it was opposite to Popery , and Popish Innovations , and that the words were not to be extended to the maintainance of the Discipline and Government , &c. And so under this Explication and Declaration published only by the House of Commons , and never assented to by the House of Peers , this Protestation was directed to be generally taken throughout England : And to that purpose a Bill is drawn , passed the House of Commons , and sent up to the Lords ; who , at the second reading finding many particulars in it unfit to be so severely imposed upon the Subject , absolutely rejected it . Upon this ensued a new and unheard-of distemper in the House of Commons , as if it had been great presumption in the House of Peers to refuse any Bill sent from them , and thereupon a Vote passed in the House of Commons , That that House did conceive that the Protestation made by them is fit to be taken by every person that is well-affected in Religion , and to the good of the Commonwealth ; and therefore doth declare , That what person soever shall not take the Protestation , is unfit to bear Office in the Church or Commonwealth ; and ordered , That the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses should send down to the several places for which they serve Copies of that Vote of the House concerning the Protestation , and that those Votes should be printed . Let all Men judge whether before that time , from the beginning of Parliaments , the House of Commons had ever presumed to trench so far upon Our Priviledge , to make a Declaration so like Law without Us ; or upon the Priviledge of the Lords , to make and publish such a Declaration after they had rejected the Bill , and some of them refused to take the Protestation ; or upon the Liberty of the Subject , so far to impose any such thing upon them without consent of Parliament . Yet of this We took no notice , but pressed still the disbanding of the Armies , and interposed and quickned them in nothing else ; which was again with all earnestness desired by the Scots at Newcastle , and pressed by their Commissioners at London . But a new Fright was found to startle the People , and to bring Us into Hatred or Jealousie with them : the general Rumors of Treasons and Conspiracies began to lose credit with all Men , who began to consider what they felt more than what others feared ; and therefore they had now found out a Treason indeed , even ready to be put in execution upon the whole Kingdom , the Representative body thereof , a Plot to bring up the whole Army out of the Northern parts to London . A strange Plot indeed , which , considering the constitution of that time , no Man can believe Us guilty of : and though they made great use of it , to the filling the minds of Our People with fears and apprehensions , they seemed not then to charge Us with any knowledge of or privity to it . What they have done since all the world knows , notwithstanding Our many Protestations in that point . And We cannot but say , that by those Examinations of Colonel Goring , Sir Jacob Ashly , and Sir John Conyers , and Master Piercy's Letter , which is all the Evidence We have seen , and by which they seem principally to be guided , We cannot satisfie Our own private Conscience , that there was ever a resolution of bringing up the Army to London ; and upon the strictest examination We can make of that business , We can find it to be no other than this : Observation being made of the great Tumults about Westminster , which seemed to threaten the safety of the Members of both Houses , at least of those who were known not to agree with the designs of that Faction We have before spoken of , and the manner of delivering Petitions by multitudes of people attested ( or pretended to be so ) by the hands of many thousands , against the known Laws and established Government of the Kingdom , which yet seemed to receive some countenance , and to carry some Authority , as instances of the Affections of so many persons ; it fell into the thoughts of some Officers of the Army , of known and publick Affections to their Country , That a Petition of a modest and dutiful nature from the whole Army , for the composing and settling all Grievances in the Church and State by Law , might , for the reason of it , prevail with the whole House , and coming from such a Body , might confirm those who might be shaken with any fears of Power or Force by the Tumults : and with this Proposition We being made acquainted , gave Our full approbation to it , taking great care that no Circumstances in the framing it or delivering it might be any blemish to the matter of it . This , We call God to witness , as We have done before , was all We gave Our Consent unto , or which We believe was ever intended to be put in practice . ( What attempts other men made to seduce the Affections of the Army from Us is known to many . ) If in the managery of this debate any rash discourses happened of bringing up the Army , it is evident , whether they were proposed in earnest or no , they were never entertained , and the whole matter laid aside above two months before any discovery ; so that that Danger was never prevented by the Power or Wisdom of Parliament . And for the Petition it self , which hath been so often pressed against Us as a special Argument of Our privity to the bringing up the Army , after We have so fully and particularly answered every particular circumstance of that Petition , signed with C. R. We have herewith published a true Copy of that Petition , that all Our good Subjects may see how justly We have been traduced , and judge , when Petitions of all natures were so frequently and so willingly received , whether such a Petition might not with modesty and duty enough have been presented unto them . And if in truth that design of bringing up the Army had been then believed when it was first pretended to be discovered , which was about the middle of May , they would surely have thought it necessary to have disbanded that Army sooner than August , which no pressing of Ours nor of Our Scots Subjects could perswade them to do : And We are sure Our Innocence in that matter would soon have appeared , if the large time to bring this business to a judicial tryal had been made use of ; if , contrary to all Custom , it had not been thought fit to publish Depositions before the parties concerned had been heard to make their Defence , or Witnesses cross-examined , though they attended above twelve months to do it ; and if some men had not believed that their general and violent expressions , affirming this to be a Plot equal to that of the Gun-powder-Treason , would sooner be believed if it were not publickly discussed , but left to every mans fancy to heighten according to his own Inclinations , and had not feared , that if the whole Examinations taken ( and not such only as they pleased to select had come to light , it would have appeared by the Examination of Master Goring ( purposely supprest ) with what intention that mention of bringing up the Army was made , with what earnestness it was opposed , and with what suddenness it was deserted : and many extenuations of and many other contradictions to what is now published would have appeared , and this impossible Stratagem , with which they have so much disturbed Our Subjects and reproached Us , could never have been made so much use of . After all this readiness in Us to do whatsoever they desired of Us , and patience in suffering them to do whatsoever they pleased to Us , We gave them warning , that if there were any more good Bills which they desired might pass for the benefit of Our Subjects , We wished they might be made ready against such a time , when We resolved , according to Our Promise to Our Scots Subjects ( with which they were well acquainted ) to repair into Our Kingdom of Scotland , to settle the unhappy Differences there . Upon this We were earnestly desired by both Our Houses of Parliament to deferr Our Journey thither , as well upon pretence of the Danger , if both Armies were not first disbanded , as that they had many good Laws in readiness for the settling the Differences here . We were by their entreaty perswaded to deferr . Our Journey to a day agreed on by themselves , assuring Our Self that they would think themselves obliged against that time not only to disband Our Armies , but so to prepare and digest the business of Parliament , that We might have made a Session before Our going . But that Malignant Faction was so prevalent , that the debate of the Bishops Bill took up most of their time , so that neither any care was taken for the disbanding the Army , nor any thing done that had any reference to the publick benefit : and when the time of Our stay was expired , and even the day come themselves had appointed , a new Address was made unto Us for a longer stay of fourteen days , because the Treaty was not concluded , nor the Armies disbanded , which was the main ground of Our deferring it before . This Suit ( which was the first We denied them ) We could not grant , there being that necessity with reference to Our Promise , and to the expectation of Our Subjects of Scotland , that it was not in Our power to satisfie them , as We informed both Houses Our self at a Conference ; and according to that necessity We undertook that Journey , not doubting but that when We should have dispatched the Affairs of that Kingdom , which We hoped speedily to do , and both Our Houses of Parliament should have refreshed themselves in the Visitation of those for whom they had so well provided by Our Favour , We should meet again with mutual Confidence one in another , and that it would be Our turn then to receive such Testimonies of that Confidence and Affection as We had deserved . But the mischievous and indefatigable industry of that Malignant party , which had before Our going interrupted that Correspondence which We deserved from Our People , had with no less Malice provided for Our reception at Our Return ; instead of reducing business to that head , that the Distractions of the Kingdom might be composed by the due observation and execution of the Laws , We found things far more out of order than We left them , and Our good Subjects more puzzled to know their Duties . Orders had been made in the House of Commons and published in derogation of the Book of Common-Prayer , and for suspension of those Laws in force which concerned the Government of the Church : and though another Order of the Lords was likewise published according to Law for the due observation of the Laws established , and for suppressing those Disorders which were every day breaking out , by the faction of mean loose persons against the Divine Service appointed by Law , the House of Commons took upon them publickly to declare against that Order , because it was only made with the consent of eleven Lords , and that nine other Lords did then dissent from it ; whereas in truth the said Order was made in a full House in January before , and only Ordered then by that difference of number to be printed , after the House of Commons had made ( in a very thin House , and after it had been rejected by Vote ) that illegal Order for such alteration in the Church : and if in truth it had been then made , and but by the odds of two Voices , being in pursuance of the Law , all men will think it of much more validity than any Order of the House of Commons against the Law ; which in truth hath no Authority to make any Orders in business of that nature . And therefore the publishing of that Order and Declaration of the ninth of September must be confessed by all men to be such a breach and violation of the Privilege of the Peers House , ( besides the Affront offered to Us , and injury to Our good Subjects , and to the Law by it ) that before this Parliament was never heard of ; and was an apparent evidence , that they meant the whole Managery of the Kingdom and the Legislative power should be undertaken by the House of Commons , without the Consent either of Us or Our Nobility . Yet the Execution of this Order was with great Diligence and Animosity pressed upon Our good Subjects , and many troubled and imprisoned for not submitting thereunto . When they had made this breach upon the Ecclesiastical State , they took care ( under pretence of encouragement of Preaching ) to erect Lectures in several Parishes , and to commend such Lecturers as best suited with their Designs , men of no learning , no Conscience , but furious Promoters of the most dangerous Innovations which were ever induced into any State ; many of them having taken no Orders , yet recommended by Members of either House to Parishes , as at Leusham in Kent , and many other places : And when Mechanick persons have been brought before them for Preaching in Churches , and confessed the same , the power of these Grand Reformers hath been so great , that they have been dismissed without Punishment , hardly with Reprehension . All persons of Learning and eminency in Preaching , of sober and vertuous Conversations , and great Examples in their Lives , even such as amongst these Men had been of greatest estimation , and suffered somewhat for them , were discountenanced , and such Men principally cherished , who boldly and seditiously preached against the Government of the Church , against the Book of Common-Prayer , against Our Kingly lawful Power , and against Our Person ; many of which were commended to ( if not imposed upon ) Parishes , first by special Letters and earnest Sollicitations from the prime Leaders of this turbulent Faction , after by Orders requiring such Ministers as would not accept their Recommendations to attend and shew cause . All licence was given to those leud Seditious Pamphlets which despised the Government both of the Church and State , which laid any Imputations and Scorns upon Our Person or Office , and which filled the ears of all Our good Subjects with Lyes and monstrous Discourses , to make them believe all the ill of the Government and Governors of Church and State : Books against the Book of Common-Prayer and the established Laws of the Land suffered , without reprehension , to be dedicated to both Houses of Parliament ; whatsoever the Rancour and Venome of any Infamous person could digest , published without control ; and nothing discountenanced and reproached , but a dutiful regard of Us and Our Honour , and a sober esteem and application to the Laws of the Kingdom . This was the condition We found at our return from Scotland , besides a strange groundless apprehension of Danger infused generally into the minds of Our good Subjects , as if some notable Design were in hand against the Parliament , against the City of London , against the whole Kingdom of England . There fell out an Accident whilest We were in Scotland concerning the Marquesses of Hamilton and Argile ; Those two Lords , upon some information given to them that their Persons were in danger , upon a sudden withdrew themselves from the Parliament in Scotland , and for some few days removed out of Edenburgh . Whatever they had been informed and what ever they suspected , the Grounds of both were very fully examined by the Parliament there , their Persons being of that quality and estimation in that Kingdom that they were sure of Justice . Upon the whole , themselves and the Parliament were satisfied , that the Information first given to them could not be made good to the proof of any Design to the Danger of these Lords , and the Examinations of the whole matter sent by Our direction to Our Parliament here . How ( if all had been true that was imagined ) this business could so highly and nearly concern the Peace of this Kingdom , and the present Safety of both Our Houses of Parliament , We cannot imagine : Yet upon the first report of it here ( which was the day before the first Meeting after the Recess ) without staying to hear the opinion of Our Parliament there , who used all diligence in the examination , or of Our Parliament here , such strange Glosses and Interpretations were made upon that accident ( not without reflection upon Us and Our Honour ) as if at the same time there had been such a Design to have been executed here as they had fancied to themselves that to be ; and a sudden resolution was taken , first by the Committee during the Recess , after by the Houses , to have a Guard for the defence of London , Westminster , and both Our Houses of Parliament : which must needs make a great impression in the minds of Our good Subjects , in a time when they were newly freed from the fears of two Armies , to be awaked with the apprehension of Dangers ; of which seeing no ground , they were to expect no end . Matters being thus stated , and all possible skill being used by that Faction , and by their Emissaries of the Clergy , ( who at the same time , such Clamour was raised of the unlawfulness that the Clergy should meddle in Temporal Affairs , were their chief Agents to derive their Seditious directions to the People , and were all the week attending the doors of both Houses to be imployed in those errands ) to infuse the most desperate Fears into the minds of all Men that could be imagined . To be sure that the memory of former bitterness might not depart , they provide for Our Entertainment against We should come to London , to present Us with a Remonstrance ( as they called it ) of the State of the Kingdom ; laying before Us , and publishing to all the world , all the mistakes and all the misfortunes which had happened from Our first coming to the Crown , and before , to that hour ; forgetting the blessed condition ( notwithstanding the unhappy mixture ) all Our Subjects had enjoyed in the benefit of Peace and Plenty under Us , to the envy of Christendom ; objecting to Us the Actions of some , and the thoughts of others ; and reproaching Us with matters which indeed never entred into Our thoughts , nor , to Our knowledge , into the thoughts of any other ; reviling Us to the People , and complaining to Us of the House of Peers ( whose Authority , Interest and Privilege was then as much slighted and despised as Ours is since ; ) and easily passing over those singular Acts of Our Grace passed by Us this Parliament , or ascribing them to their own wisdom in the procurement , they concluded against a Malignant Party , and that they had no hope of settling the Distractions of the Kingdom for want of concurrence with the House of Peers , and that concurrence was desperate by reason of the Prevalency of the Bishops and of the Recusant Lords , into which number all those Lords were cast who presumed to dissent from any Propositions made by the House of Commons . When this Engine was prepared for the People by the prime Leaders of that desperate Faction , it was presented to the House of Commons , and the greatest industry and skill used that is imaginable by private Sollicitations , Threats and Promises , to procure consent , that it might be passed by that House : and after a long debate ( longer than ever was known in Parliament , till three of the clock in the morning , from ten the day before , when very many , through weariness and weakness , were forced to leave the House ; so that it looked ( as was well said ) like the Verdict of the Starved Jury ) they carryed it by eleven Voices . And shortly , within very few days after Our return ( when We had been received with all possible expressions of Joy by Our City of London , which was publickly murmured against , and the chief advancers of that Duty and Affection discountenanced , as if they envied Us the Loyalty of Our People , and when it was publickly said in Our House of Commons , upon some dispute of a pretended breach of the Orders of the House , That their Discipline ought to be severe , for the Enemy was in view ) that Remonstrance was presented to Us at Our Court , at Hampton-Court , by some Members of the House of Commons , with a Petition ( contracting the sharp Language in the Remonstrance into less room ) amongst other things , That We would concurr with Our People for depriving the Bishops of their Votes in Parliament , ( for which there was no Bill passed both Houses ) and to employ such Persons about Us as Our Parliament might confide in . We received this strange Petition , and stranger Remonstrance , graciously from the hands of the Presenters , promised them an Answer , and in the mean time desired that the Remonstrance might not be published to the People ; the thing it self , and the printing any thing of the like nature , being never heard of by the direction of the House of Commons till this Parliament , it being the first appeal to the People , and of a dangerous consequence to Parliaments themselves . But ( as in other things neither Our Desires or Commands have been considered ) without giving Us leisure to answer either the one or the other , special direction is given for the printing that Remonstrance , and equal care taken for the publishing it in all places and parts of the Kingdom . Having taken this care for the shaking and perplexing the minds of all men , the next work was to get such a Power into their hands as might govern and dispose of those Affections . To this purpose they had from the beginning of the Parliament ( by reason of some complaints against the immoderate exercise of the authority of the Lieutenants and their Deputies in raising Coat and Conduct-money , and some excesses in them ) had several debates in the diminution of the Office it self ; but still grounded upon the illegal Pressures used by them , and upon some words in the Commission it self , which ( though of long usage in very happy days ) were conceived not agreeable to the Law : but they were so far from supposing the Office it self or Commission to be illegal , that both Houses of Parliament had recommended two Lords to Us , and desired Our Commission to make them Lords Lieutenants of Yorkshire and Dorsetshire ; the only end seeming then to be , that good and approved men should be in those imployments and trusts . But at last they resolved against the Office it self , and would think of some other way to provide for the safety of the Kingdom in that point ; and in this they had a double end : First , to fright all persons ( Members of both Houses , who had been Lieutenants and Deputy-Lieutenants ) to comply with them in their Votes , lest they should be called in question for the execution of those Offices ( a Stratagem they had found to engage many persons to their Opinions , as Sheriffs for the collecting Ship-money , and all other persons who in truth were or might be made obnoxious to their Power : ) then , that by unsettling that whole business of the Militia throughout the Kingdom , they might the more easily bring in their own power of governing it , as they have since endeavoured to do . And thereupon they presumed to bring in such a Bill into the House of Commons , to place a General at Land and an Admiral at Sea by Act of Parliament , with such Power and Authority over the Lives and Fortunes of all Our Subjects , as should be liable to no control nor to be questioned by any Superintendent hand , with a pre-pardon for whatsoever they should do under colour of those Offices , either of which Officers should have been a much greater Man than Our Self , and commanded in Our Kingdom above Us : the matter of which Bill , to shew their Design , is since digested into their new Generals Commission , and the pretended Ordinance to the Earl of Warwick . And all this was then pretended to be a matter of absolute Necessity for the Preservation of Us and Our Kingdom ; but at that time it could procure no other credit , than to be suffered to rest in the House as an evidence of the liberty might be used in the preferring of Bills . They had by this time taken all the licence at their private Cabals to undervalue and vilifie Our Person and Our Power , and in publick , to give way and countenance to any Scandals upon Us. Letters from the Mayor of Plymouth , that the Rebels in Ireland call themselves The Queen's Army , and pretend the King's Authority for what they do , and store of such Discourses upon such Evidence is every week printed in the Journals of the House ; which without doubt must be of great authority with Our People , who must conceive such Informations to be not only fully and clearly proved , but to be accepted and published upon very weighty reasons above the consideration of Our Honour and Safety . And now they were to examine what notable credit their Remonstrance and their other general Infusions had got with the People , and how ready they would be upon any occasions to venture themselves at their direction . They had made themselves so terrible in the House of Commons , that by their Threats and their Promises of Places and Preferments to several Men , and by the absence of many , they had gotten the major part : But in the House of Lords their power was not the same ; that must be wrought another way : yet there they had used all means to prevail upon the hopes and fears of such who they thought might that way be dealt with ; witness , among many other things of the same nature , that insolent Speech of Mr. Pym to the Earl of Dover , That if he looked for any Preferment , he must comply with them in their ways , and not hope to have it by serving Vs. Shortly after their coming together upon the Recess , a new Bill was preferred in the House of Commons , for the taking away of the Votes of Bishops out of the House of Peers ; which being once rejected before , ought not , by the Course and Order of Parliament , to have been admitted again the same Session : but that was easily over-ruled , and in the House of Commons it did pass , many good Man the more willingly concurring therein , upon hope that that Bill being once consented to , the Fury of that Faction , which with so great Violence pursued an absolute Destruction of the Ecclesiastical Government , would be abated , or that Rage being discerned , they would lose that strength which supported them . But the Lords quickly found that the Ring-leaders of that Faction had not Ingenuity enough to be compounded with ; and therefore with them it was not like to find so easie a passage . Now their resort was to the People , whom upon several occasions they had trained down to Westminster in great multitudes with Swords and Clubs , and had often sent for them when any debate was like to be carried against them in either House ; the particulars whereof We are ready to prove . Every Man will conceive We were in a great streight , to find Our Self so much disappointed of that return the consciousness of Our own Merit and the many glorious Professions made by both Houses bade Us to expect . We saw the Laws absolutely trampled under feet , and a Design laid to ruin the Government of the Kingdom , and to destroy Us and Our Posterity . We saw this Design carried by a few Men , whose Hatred and Malice to Our Person We found implacable , and their Contempt of Us and Our Authority so visible and notorious , that they forbore not to express it in their mention of Us in all companies . We saw their Power and Interest to be so great , that they were able to mis-lead very many honest Men , and to countenance their actions under the name of both Houses of Parliament . We were resolved that nothing they should do within those walls should provoke Us , till time and the experience good Men should have of them should discover their purposes ; therefore We applied Our self only to the Law , hoping that the Insolence and Licentiousness of the People might , by Our help , be curbed by that Rule . The Tumults grew so notorious and so dangerous , that they Threatned and Assaulted the Members of both Houses ; whereupon the House of Peers ( which it seems the Lords present at the passing of one of their late Declarations , wherein they deny there have been any Tumults , had forgot ) at a Conference with the House of Commons twice very earnestly desired , that they would , for the dignity of Parliaments , joyn with them in a Declaration for the suppressing such Tumults . But the prevalency of that Faction was so great , that though complaint was made by Members in the House of Commons , that they had been assaulted and evil-intreated by those people , even at the door of their House , in stead of joyning with the Lords for the suppressing or punishing them , several Speeches were made in justification of them and commending their Affections , saying , They must not discourage their friends , this being a time they must make use of all their friends ; and Master Pym saying , God forbid that the House of Commons should proceed in any way to dishearten people to obtain their just desires in such away : which he had good reason to say , himself and those other persons whom We afterwards accused of High Treason , having by great sollicitation and encouragement , caused those multitudes to come down in that manner . The Lords having in vain tried this way , appoint ( upon the advice of the Judges ) that a Writ be directed to the Sheriff and Justices , upon divers Statutes , ( which issued accordingly ) to suppress and hinder all tumultuous resort : in obedience to which the Justices and other Ministers appoint the Constables to attend about Westminster , to hinder that unlawful Conflux of People . This was no sooner done , but the Constables and Justices of the Peace were sent for by the House of Commons , the setting such a Watch Voted to be a breach of Priviledg● and before any Conference with the Lords by whose direction that legal Writ issued out , the Watch discharged , and one of the Justices for doing his Duty according to that Writ sent to the Tower. About the same time there was a Tumultuous Assembly of Brownists , Anabaptists and other Sectaries called together by the Sound of a Bell into a place in Southwark , where the Arms and Magazine for that Burrough were kept . The Constable knowing such Meetings to be unlawful , and the Consequences of them , especially in such places , to be very dangerous , came amongst them . He was no sooner come , but he was reproached with words , beaten and dragged in a barbarous manner , insomuch as he hardly escaped from them with his life . Complaint was made by him to the next Justices , and Oath made of the truth of that complaint : whereupon a Writ was sent to the Sheriff to impannel a Jury according to the Law , for the examination and finding of this Riot . This was complained of too , and the meeting ( in how tumultuous and disorderly a manner soever ) pretended to be only for the drawing of a Petition against Bishops , and that the Constable was a friend to Bishops , and came to cross them , and to hinder Men from subscribing that Petition . Hereupon an Order was made in the House of Commons , and the under-Sheriff of Surrey by it enjoyned , that he should not suffer any proceedings to be made upon any inquisition that might concern any persons who met together to subscribe a Petition to be preferred to that House . What Authority the House of Commons had or have to send any such Injunctions , We cannot conceive ; yet by this any disorderly persons ( let their Intentions and demeanour be never so Seditious ) are above the reach of the Law and Justice , if they please to say they meet to prepare any Petition to the House of Commons . And 't is no wonder if , after all this care taken to remove all those Obstacles the Law had put in the way to such Tumults , all people took upon them to visit Our Parliament in such manner as they thought fit , and thereupon great multitudes of mutinous people every day resorted to Westminster , threatned to pull down the Lodgings where divers of the Bishops lay , assaulted some in their Coaches , chased others with Boats by water , laid violent hands on the Archbishop of York in his passing to the House , and had he not been rescued by force , it is probable they had murthered him ; crying through the Streets , Westminster-Hall , and between the two Houses , No Bishops , No Bishops , No Popish Lords ; and misused the several Members of either House , who they were informed favoured not their desperate and Seditious ends ; proclaiming the names of several of the Peers as Evil and Rotten-Hearted Lords ; attempting the defacing the Abby at Westminster with great Violence , and in their return from thence made a Stand before Our Gate at White-Hall , said , They would have no more Porters-Lodge , but would speak with the King when they pleased ; and used such desperate Rebellious discourse , that We had great reason to believe Our own Person , Our Royal Consort and Our Children to be in evident Danger of Violence , and therefore were compelled at Our great charge to entertain a Guard for securing Us from that Danger . And yet all this Danger is so slighted , that We are told in the last Declaration , after We have so often urged it , That it is a Suggestion as false as the Father of Lies can invent . These Licentious and unpunished Tumults gave occasion to the Bishops ( who could not repair to the House without Danger of their Lives ) to make that their Protestation , for the which they were forthwith accused of High Treason by the House of Commons , and committed to the Tower by the House of Peers , where they continued for the space of four Months at the least . That small Guard We had taken for Our necessary Safety , and the resort of some Officers ( who attended both Our Houses of Parliament , for Mony due to them by Act of Parliament and upon the publick Faith ) to Our Court for Our Defence against those Tumults , was objected against Us , and divers counterfeit Letters were written , and sensless Fears infused into the Citizens of London , that We had a design of actual Violence upon that City , and thereupon they were drawn into Arms , and put upon their Guard against Us. So that there was not only no provision made for the suppressing of Tumults , but that provision the Law had made against them discountenanced and taken away , and We Our Self censured for taking so much strength about Us as might , for some time , oppose such Force as was like to be offered to Our own Gates . What should We do ? We very well knew the Contrivers of all these Mischiefs , who had by their exceeding Industry and Malice wrought this Distraction throughout the Kingdom , such a defection of Allegiance in the Common people , such a damp of Trade in the City , and so horrid a Confusion in the Church , and all this to satisfie their own private Ends and Ambition : for themselves know what overtures have been made by them , and with what importunity , for Offices and Preferments , what great Services should have been done for Us , and what other undertakings were ( even to have saved the Life of the Earl of Strafford ) if We would confer such Offices upon them . We were sure We could make such particular proofs against them of a solemn Combination entred into by them for altering the Government of the Church and State , of their designing Offices to themselves and other Men , of their solliciting and drawing down the Tumults to Westminster , and of their bidding the People in the height of their rage and fury to go to White-Hall , of their scornful and odious mention of Our Person , and their design of getting Our Son , the Prince , into their hands , of their treating with Foreign Power to assist them if they should fail in their enterprises : Yet we saw too that their Interest and reputation was so great with many of both Houses of Parliament , their Power so absolute with a multitude of Brownists , Anabaptists , and other Sectaries about London , who were ready to appear in a body at their command , that it would be a hard matter to proceed against them . In this streight We resolved to do Our part in both , to give Our People a clear satisfaction of Our upright Intentions to the publick , whereby they should find their Happiness did not at all depend on such Instruments ; and to proceed against the Persons of the other in a legal way , that all the world might see what Ambition , Malice and Sedition had been had under the Vizour of Conscience and Religion . Hereupon We prepared an Answer to the Remonstrance the House of Commons had before published to the People of the State of the Kingdom ; wherein , without taking notice of the uncomely Language in , and the Circumstances of that Remonstrance , We declared with as gracious and full Expressions as We could make , Our earnest Resolutions for the maintenance of the true Protestant Religion , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Law of the Land ; and made no less gracious offers to consent to any Act that should be offered for the ease of tender Consciences in matters indifferent , and very earnestly desired that the same might be provided , and whatever else should be thought necessary for the Peace and Security of Our People : And then , that We might likewise manifest the Actions of that Malignant Party which had done so much mischief , and intended so much more , We resolved to accuse the Lord Kimbolton , Master Hollis , Master Pym , Master Hampden , and Master Stroud , ( who had so maliciously contrived the Ruine of Our Self and the established Government of this Church and Kingdom ) and Sir Arthur Hesilrigge , who had been made their Instrument to obey and execute their bold and wild designs of High Treason , as We had great reason to do , hoping that their Duty due to Us , and the Obligations We had put upon Our People this Parliament , would never suffer the Interest and reputation of these Men to be laid in the scale , and to over-weigh Our Regal Authority and the Law of the Land , but that We should have found a way open to a fair and Legal Trial of them , which was all We desired . How our proceeding was in that business and Our managery of it , We have truly and at large set forth in Our Answer to the Declaration of both Houses of the nineteenth of May , That what We did first in acquainting the House of Commons with Our Accusation by Our Serjeant at Arms , was in Correspondence and out of regard to that House , that We might rather have them delivered to the hands of Justice by them , than apprehend them by an ordinary Minister of Justice ; which We were and are assured , whatever Doctrine is preached to the contrary , We might well have done in the case of Treason : otherwise that Maxime in the Law , acknowledged in a Petition of both Houses to Us in the beginning of Our Reign , in the Case of the Earl of Arundel , That in case of Treason , Felony and breach of Peace , Priviledge of Parliament doth not extend , is of no signification . The words are , They find it an undoubted Right and constant Priviledge of Parliament , That no Member of Parliament ( sitting the Parliament , or within the usual times of Priviledge of Parliament ) is to be imprisoned or restrained without Sentence or Order of the House , unless it be for Treason , Felony , or for refusing to give Sureties for the Peace . In those Cases 't was then thought a Member of either House was not to be distinguished from another Subject : and why We might not as well have expected that upon Our Articles ( not so general as a meer verbal Accusation ) of High Treason , either House would have committed their several Members , as they had done so many this Parliament , and about that time Twelve together ( upon a confessed ground , which every Man there , who knew what Treason was , knew that fact to be none ) meerly because they were accused , and as the House of Peers had formerly done a Member of that House , ( the Earl of Bristol ) accused in the same manner , most of the good Lords being then Judges , We neither could then , nor can yet understand . That Our own coming to the House was to prevent that shedding of blood , which in all possibility was likely to follow that Order made the night before , for resisting all such Officers who endeavoured ( upon how legal Warrant soever ) to arrest any Members of either House ( an Order much more unjustifiable by any Rule of Law and Justice , by which Orders or Acts are to be examined , than any thing We have done , or any body by Our Authority . ) That Our purpose was no other but to acquaint that House with the matter of Our Accusation , to desire their Persons might be secured , and without any thought of the least violation of their Priviledges . This is that which We did : Examine now their part , and their progress since , and then judge whose Priviledges have been invaded , and with how good a mind to the Common-wealth they have proceeded . We were no sooner gone but the House adjourned it self , with some unusual expressions of offence , and We were speedily informed that some Reports and Scandals were raised against Us in Our City of London ; That We had offered Violence to Our House of Commons , come thither with force to murther several Members , and used threatning Speeches there against Our Parliament ; and that this was but a Preface to an attempt We meant to make against and upon the City . Whereupon We resolved the next day to go to the Guild-Hall ; and to shew the great Confidence We had in the affections of Our said City ( which We expected should have begot a proportionable Confidence from them in Us ) We went attended with very few of Our own Servants , and then in the presence of the Lord Mayor , the Aldermen , and a very great assembly of the chief Citizens and others , We made them a full Narration of what We had done the day before , and assured them , that We intended no proceedings but such as were most agreeable to the Law of the Land and the Priviledge of Parliament . This demeanour of Ours We thought would have given satisfaction to all Our loving Subjects , that if in truth We had erred in the form of Our Proceedings , yet Our intentions were full of Justice and regard to the general Law of the Land , from which We shall never willingly swerve . But in stead of any application to inform our Judgment wherein we had erred , and how We were to proceed , both Our Houses of Parliament , under the title of Committees , adjourned themselves to the Guild-Hall , and afterwards to Grocers-Hall ; the Persons accused remove themselves into the City , as to a Sanctuary , and there manage and contrive business to their own ends ; they cause Discourses to be published and Infusions to be made of incredible danger to the City and Kingdom by that Our coming to the House ; and Alarm was given to the City in the dead time of the night , That We were coming with Horse and Foot thither , and thereupon the whole City put in Arms. And however the envy seemed to be cast upon the Designs of the Papists , mention was only made of actions of Our own . Their seditious Preachers and Agents are by them and their special and particular directions sent into the several Counties to infuse those Fears and Jealousies into the minds of Our good Subjects , with Petitions ready drawn by them for the People to sign ; which were yet many times by them changed , three or four times , before the delivery , upon accidents and occurrences of either or both Houses . And when many of Our poor deceived People of Our several Counties have come to Our City of London with a Petition so framed , altered and signed as aforesaid , that Petition hath been suppressed , and a new one ready drawn hath been put into their hands after their coming to Town , ( insomuch as few of the company have known what they petitioned for ) and hath been by them presented to one or both Houses of Parliament , as that of Bedfordshire and Buckinghamshire ; witness those Petitions , and , amongst the rest , that from Hartfordshire , which took notice of matters agreed on or dissented from the night before the delivery , which was hardly time enough to get so many thousand hands , and to travel to London in that errand . The accused Members , to shew how much they were above Us and the reach of the Law , march with a Guard of armed Men to the place where the Committee sate , sit with them , and govern those Counsels . First , they procure a Declaration to be set forth and printed from the Committee ( without being reported to the House , contrary to all Custom and Priviledge of Parliament , and against the Law it self ) with very strange expressions of Our carriage ; and , upon the matter , requiring all people to assist them . This they cause to be sent into the City to the common-Councel , which by the undue practices of Captain Venne , and Master Foulk , since made Alderman for his good service , ( their principal Agents ) they had caused to be altered , by putting out the gravest and most substantial Citizens , and taking in persons of desperate Fortunes and Opinions , who they knew would concur with them in their more desperate Actions ; ( the same Design , and the same way pursued to make the City of London at their disposal , as had been practised in the House of Commons to work upon the whole Kingdom : ) and with this Common-Council Correspondence is kept for the setting of unusual Watches , placing of Guards in several places of the City , as if some desperate attempt and assault were to be made upon the whole City by Us , who were known scarce to have a Guard strong enough to preserve Our own House from Violence . A Commander is appointed under the Title of Serjeant-Major-general ; and , as if all Men were now by their new Protestation made Judges of the Priviledges of Parliament and the Breaches thereof , and absolved from all Rules of Obedience , special provision is made , and publick direction is given , for drawing down the Trained-bands of Our City of London to Westminster on a day appointed , to guard and bring in triumph the persons accused of High-Treason , as such worthy Patriots that the Commonwealth it self could not subsist but with reference to them ; who in their discourses and by their Messages to their Confederates expressed the greatest Scorn of , and the most treasonable Reproaches against Us that can be imagined . When We understood this horrid preparation made against Us , the Power it was evident these persons had to do hurt , and the Malice We knew they bore against Our Person ( which We had too great reason to fear they intended to seize ) We resolved to yield , for the present , to this Storm : and so the day before their coming to Westminster We withdrew Our Person , with Our Royal Consort and Our Children , to Our House at Hampton-Court ; and the rather , lest the Courage and Indignation of some of Our good Subjects might ( how weakly soever , yet with the effusion of blood ) oppose that great scorn intended Us ; and believing that possibly by Our removing with all such persons whose presence was excepted against , and discharging that small Guard which the Tumults had forced Us to take for Our Safety , and which was urged as an Argument of Danger , and Ground of the general Fears , might at least lessen their appearance the next day . But these Powerful Persons would by no means conceal their triumph over Us , but the next day are guarded from their residence in the City with multitudes of armed Men and Ammunition in a hostile and warlike manner to Westminster . The same Care and Industry was used to provoke and incense Our Mariners , Masters of Ships , and other Seamen , who were solicited by the Agents for the accused Persons , and by their special direction , to express their Affection likewise to the Cause in hand ; and thereupon near one hundred Lighters and Long-Boats were set out by water , laden with Sakers , Murthering-Pieces , and other Ammunition , dressed up with Wast-clothes and Streamers , as ready for fight . And in this Array , these Men by water and the Soldiers by land cried out as they passed by , That they would thus Protect and Defend those worthy Gentlemen whom We had accused of High-Treason ; and as they passed by Our Windows at White-Hall , scornfully asked what was become of Vs , whither We were gone . In this Equipage they came to both Houses , where it is no wonder they have been since able to govern , having given such testimony of their Power both by land and water . Let all the world judge by what Law this Army was raised , and whether any Act of Ours against these persons was as unwarrantable as these proceedings . We bore all this , being so much amazed at these Distractions , that We could not easily find what colour the Malice of these Men had found out thus to out-face Us , not yet conceiving We had broke any Priviledge , or that the casual breaking of Priviledge could have produced such prodigious Distempers . But We were no sooner advertised where Our mistaking was , but , without recrimination or complaining of the Injuries against Our Self , We sent to both Houses on the twelfth and fourteenth of January by Message , That in Our proceeding against those Persons We had not the least Intention of violating their Priviledges , which We would be willing to assert by any reasonable way We should be advised ; That We would wave Our former proceedings againsts them , and when the minds of Men should be composed , would proceed in an unquestionable way ; in the mean time desired all jealousies might be laid aside , and application be made to the publick and pressing Affairs , especially to those of Ireland , which cried for the utmost of Our Assistance . But it concerned those Persons by no means to suffer such a Composition ; if these Fears and Jealousies were not kept up and inflamed in the People , and the Distractions heightned , they knew they should not only be disappointed of the Places , Offices , Honours and Employments they had promised themselves , but be exposed to the Justice of the Law , and just Hatred of all good Men. Therefore the business of both Kingdoms was not considerable to the Interests of the Six Members , who would be thought the Pillars both of Church and State. They had now found a danger nearer hand than Ireland , and an Army raised by Us in one night at Kingston upon Thames ; and upon some extravagant Information pretended to be given to a Committee , ( though some of their pretended Witnesses publickly in the House disavowed any such Testimony ) they procured an Order to be framed ; and though before the publishing of it they had full and clear evidence to the contrary by Persons come immediately from the place , and testifying it to be most quiet and peaceable , they yet had power to procure that Order to be published on the thirteenth of January , ( the next day after they had received so gracious a Message from Us ) declaring that the Lord Digby and Colonel Lunsford ( the former of which was in the Town only with a Coach and six Horses , the other only attended by his Servant , and hath been since earnestly pressed by the Serjeant of the House of Commons ( in whose custody he was ) to accuse the Lord Digby , with promises that thereby himself should be discharged ) had gathered Troops of Horse , and appeared in a warlike manner at Kingston upon Thames ( being within a Mile of Our Court ) to the terror and affrightment of Our good Subjects , and to the disturbance of the publick weal of the Kingdom ; and therefore it was ordered , That the Sheriff and Justices of the Peace should , with the Assistance of the Train-Bands , suppress such Assemblies , &c. And this way they found out to draw that County to affront Us , and sent multitudes of mean people , under pretence of petitioning Us , to shew Us how unsecure Our Residence was like to be there too , and so in a short time compelled Us , Our Royal Consort and Our Children , to remove to Our Castle at Windsor . They proceed then by a Close Committee ( a thing scarce heard of till this Parliament , and of dangerous consequence to the fame and reputation of all Men ) to examine such mean , unknown persons as they had by Threats and Promises solicited to that purpose , concerning the circumstances of Our coming to the House , exhibiting bold and malicious Interrogatories and Questions concerning Our Self ; and upon such wild Informations of desperate persons , contrary to the known truth , and concealing other Examinations which they had taken , and by which the contrary to what they would have the People believe would have appeared , particularly that very full Examination of Captain Ashley , wherein Our publick and peremptory Commands against all manner of Violence ( though provoked ) are sufficiently manifested , they procured an infamous Declaration to be published by the House of Commons ( for the House of Peers could not be yet prevailed with to joyn in those Extravagancies ) on the seventeenth of January , mentioning Our coming to the House , and some rude expressions of some persons , ( who , if there were any such persons there , We are most confident they were not of Our Train ) and would infer from some Mens calling for the Word at Our coming out of the House ( which is a form used in Our Court , that those of Our Train who are before may know when and whither they are to go ) that We had a purpose to have fallen upon the House of Commons , and to have cut all their Throats ; and do therefore declare , That Our coming to the House was a traitorous Design against the King and Parliament ; That Our Proclamation issued out of the Apprehension of them was false , scandalous and illegal ; That it was lawful for all Men to harbour them , and that whosever did so , should be under the Protection and Priviledge of Parliament : with many other expressions of and aspersions upon Us , which they hoped would render Us odious to Our good Subjects , and force Us for Our safety to submit to such unreasonable Propositions which amongst themselves they had provided to be offered to Us , or provoke Us to such Actions as might give them some advantage . To keep the People in a continual Alarm and apprehension of Danger , few days passed without some pretended Discovery by Sir Walter Earl or other quick-sighted Men , of some Treason or Plot against the Parliament , the City , or the Kingdom ; and upon every light and impossible Information many of Our Subjects sent for out of several Counties , who , after chargeable attendance , were dismissed without any reparation or reprehension . One day the Tower of London is in danger to be taken , and Information given , That great Multitudes , at least a hundred , had that day resorted to visit a Priest , then a Prisoner there by Order of the Lords , and that at the time of the Information above fifty or threescore were then there , and a Warder dispatched of purpose to give that notice : upon enquiry , but four Persons were then found to be there , and but eight all that day , who had visited that Priest . Another day a Tailour in a Ditch , in the open fields , over-hears two Passengers to plot the death of Mr. Pym , and of many other Members of both Houses : then Libellous Letters found in the Streets , without names ( probably contrived by themselves , and by their Power published , printed , and entred in their Journals ; ) and Intimations given of the Papists training under ground , and of notable provision of Ammunition in Houses , where , upon examination , a single Sword and a Bow and Arrows are found : a design of the Inhabitants of Covent-Garden to murther the City of London : news from France , Italy , Spain and Denmark , of Arms ready to come for England ; with infinite such ridiculous Discourses , which are not only suffered and directed to be Printed , but such countenance and credit given to them , that thereupon Guards must be doubled , Correspondencies and Letters interrupted and broken open , even of and to Forein Ministers of State and Embassadors , to the Scandal of the Nation , and against the Laws of Society and Civil Conversation : a Committee appointed for Information , where Liberty hath been taken , without any Accusation or Complaint extant , to examine the discourses passed at Meals and Entertainments , what words such a Man spoke ; and such other monstrous things as in a short time will render life it self unpleasant , and make every Room and every Table a bait to betray Men , and to bring them to ruine and destruction . Insomuch as persons have been sent and imployed by Members of that Committee on purpose to the Tables of Persons of Honour and Quality , to enquire , observe and inform what Language and Freedom was there used ; whilest these Worthy accused Members took the Liberty to themselves in all their private Meetings , and by their Letters , to Deprave and Slander Our Person to contrive the Alteration of the Government of the Church and State , to treat with Forein Power to assist them as soon as their Designs should be ripe , to labour by Promises and Threats to bring the several Members of either House to their opinion , and to raise Scandals upon , and to plot Danger and Ruine for those who were of another opinion . And having now by these Arts disquieted and distracted the People abroad , and made them fit to receive any impressions from them , they proceed to work upon the Members of both Houses with infinite Industry and Applications , that they might be able to get the reputation of Consent from them , to encourage and set the People a work , if We refused to consent with them . They had remoed as many Members from them of a contrary opinion as they could , and had used all means to get Men who would be disposed by them into their rooms . If they found any such Lord , who had not a name in their List of the good Lords , were like to have any influence upon a Place where an Election was to be , presently an Order was conceived and published , That no Letters from any Noble-man ought to be written in such Cases , and if written , to be neglected ; but would by no means consent that this Order should conclude those of the House of Commons , lest Master Pym or any of those blessed Members might not write in the behalf of the Commonwealth for a worthy Gentleman . If any Elections were questioned , whereby they were like to lose a Man at their disposal , such businesses and questions were of too private a nature to interrupt their proceedings : so neither the Election of New-Castle , Warwick , Windsor , and very many other places , for whom Persons serve without and against the Consent of the Burroughs for whom they have got themselves returned or admitted , can be heard or considered . If the Election of any such Persons hath been heard at the Committee , and they Voted out of the House as unduly chosen or returned , they will by no means suffer such a report to be made , lest a good Member should be lost ; as in the Case of Master Nicholas ( Master Pym's Nephew ) and others . Are they concerned in the contrary , and is any Man returned and admitted whom they would be rid of , and against whom the least pretence is made ? straight a day is appointed , no business so great , as fit to be a Cause to keep a worthy Member from the Service of his Countrey : This is the Case of Andover , and other places . They rid themselves of those ( how justly soever elected ) whose Opinions are not suteable , nor their Dispositions weak and guilty enough to be wrought upon . Their next Conquest must be of those whom they could under any general Vote conclude to be obnoxious to the Justice ( and so to be within the Mercy ) of the Parliament . To this purpose their terrible Votes ( which they keep as Rods over them , having never proceeded against any ) against all those Lords who had concurred in such an Order at the Council-Table , or such a Censure in the Star-Chamber ; against all Lords Lieutenants and their Deputies , who had raised Coat and Conduct-money ; against all Sheriffs who had levied Ship-money ; against all Lords and others who had been concerned in , or received profit by any Monopoly or illegal Patent ; in a word , against all such who had medled in any thing which their Interpretation would call grievous to the Subject , brought all Persons of either House , who had guilt enough to doubt themselves , or want of Spirit enough to fear them , either to be absent , or silent , or to comply with them . And if any Man had the Courage to consider the single business justly and by it self , they were straight making an Inquisition into his whole life , and preparing something against him for matters of which their Favourites were equally guilty ; and declared publickly , That what disservice soever any Man had done formerly , if his present Actions were such as brought benefit to the Commonwealth , he ought not to be questioned for what was past , but cherished and protected . They had several Baits to catch and betray other Men. Those who had been from the beginning deceived by them , and complied with them in their passion , and been subtilly involved in some of their private counsels , they perswaded , That they were so far in , there was no retiring ; that We would never forget the dis-service they had done Us ; and therefore that there was no way to safety for themselves but by weakning Us , and putting themselves into such a condition as it should not be in Our Power to suppress them . To those who had publick thoughts about them , and desired the establishment of right equally between Us and Our Subjects , and thought that right and favour they had obtained from Us this Parliament could never be enjoyed by them with that lustre and security , if the Power from which they received it were oppressed or rendred of less veneration , they seemed abundantly satisfied with those Acts We had passed , that they had no further aim than to enjoy those ; but that they had upon Our unwilling passing those Acts ( which all the world knows to be an Untruth most maliciously framed ) great reason to fear , We meant not to observe them : when in truth We had , by the Bill for the Triennial Parliament , put Our Self and Our Posterity ( which We were willing to do ) out of any possibility of destroying or not observing those good Laws , To those who were desirous to give that satisfaction to weak Consciences , that they might be eased of unnecessary Ceremonies , yet were scandalized at the prophane and odious Licence which the Rabble of Brownists , Anabaptists and other Sectaries took to themselves of despising and reviling the Book of Common-Prayer , of suffering Mechanick , Ignorant fellows to undertake publickly , even in Churches , to preach and expound the Scripture , they seemed no less to be disquieted at that Disorder , but alledge that all Reconciliation and Union was to be embraced and pursued against the Common Enemy the Papist ( from whom the Danger was principally to be feared ; ) and when a perfect Victory was obtained against them , they should easily bring the other poor harmless Creatures to Conformity . Those who out of Laziness and Vulgar-spiritedness were apt to comply with that part which was at last likely to prevail , they informed and assured confidently , That they had those about Us , who would at last perswade Us to yield to all they demanded ; and that all Places and Preferments should attend their directions , and be disposed by them , and that all such who opposed them should be inevitably destroyed . Those whom neither their Skill nor Importunity , their Threats nor their Promises could prevail with to comply in their bad ways , they proscribed as a Malignant Party , and having cast all the aspersions upon them Folly and Madness could devise , exposed them to be torn in pieces by the People . And having thus disposed themselves and perplexed the People , they proceed to laying that Foundation of Greatness and Power to themselves they had from the beginning contrived : and as if all the Pillars upon which the Peace and Happiness and Being of this Kingdom was founded , were now shaken by the attempt against those six Innocent persons , and that all Our Power were therefore to be transferred into other hands , they cause the matter of the Bill formerly exhibited in October before to be again reviewed ; and now all the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom , and the whole Militia , must be put into such hands as they might confide in . A Garrison must be put into Our Town of Hall , and Sir John Hotham appointed Governour of it , to whom the Mayor of York is ordered to dispose 2000 pound out of the Poll-money , which was to pay the Arrears due to that County for Billet , and the great Debt to Our Subjects of Scotland . And when the Mayor and principal Aldermen of Hull refuse to receive that Garrison , and urge the Petition of Right , that they may not be forced to billet those Souldiers , they are sent for to the House of Commons , and there kept in a tedious and chargeable Attendance , till the Garrison be taken in , being sent for to no other purpose . Our Own Magazine must be managed and disposed by their discretion . The Tower of London must be put into their hands , and a Person against whom Malice it self could not find the least accusation must be removed , for no other reason but because We had a good opinion of him . They who are the strictest in their Censure of Us and of Our Easiness will find , upon this State of things , that We had enough to do , and that there was much difficulty to resolve . We will never deny that Our extream tenderness of the Peace of the Kingdom , and Our great Grief of heart to see Our good Subjects mis-led in their Duty and Affection , begot more of Our Compassion and Pity than of Our Anger and Indignation , so that We were more awake to the sense of the Calamity and Misery which in all probability was like to befal them , than of Our own Honour and Dignity ; and therefore , without expressing the least resentment of all the Scorns and Injuries put upon Us , and to shew how much Our Soul was possessed with the care of Our People , We sent a Message to both Our Houses of Parliament from Windsor on the twentieth of January , desiring them , for the composing the miserable Distractions of the Kingdom , to enter speedily into a serious consideration of all particulars , as well those which might concern their Privileges , their Liberty and their Property , the securing the true Religion and the settling of Ceremonies , as those of Our just Regal Authority and Revenue , that so both We and they might make a clear Judgement of them , and We might make it appear how far We were from giving grounds for those Fears and Jealousies , by exceeding the examples of the most indulgent Princes in Our Acts of Grace and Favour to Our People . No body will blame Us , if We expected at least such an Answer as might bring Us and Our Houses of Parliament to an issue , that We might temperately debate what was to be done : But they who well knew the nature of their own demands , and what they meant to insist upon , would by no means that things should be brought into so little Room , or discover the particulars of their Desires , till they saw what Strength they were like to have to second those Desires ; therefore a new Adjournment is made to Grocers-Hall to consult of Evils and Remedies ; several Petitions , framed and contrived by these persons themselves , are sent into the several Counties , and multitudes of people resort every day to both Houses with Petitions , avowing the Fears and Jealousies these men had infused into them , and desiring to have the Kingdom put into a posture of Defence , and declaring their stout Resolutions to maintain the Privilege of Parliament . In this Triumph they vouchsafe to petition Us to proceed against the Members accused , or else that they might be publickly quit . We were resolved to give them no more advantage upon breach of Privilege , and therefore desired to be informed which way We were to proceed , and whether We might prefer Indictments against them at the Common-Law . We were answered that no proceeding should be against them without Consent of that House of which they were Members ; and therefore We were desired within three days to inform both Houses what proof We had against them , or else they should be cleared : and they had before caused their false , scandalous Declaration of the fourteenth of January , of Our coming to the House , to be new printed , together with the Protestation , and to be sent over the whole Kingdom by the Knights and Burgesses , as if by the one they were obliged to defend the other . In this case no Man will believe We had reason to bring in Our Proofs against these Men , and to publish Our Evidence , when We were told it was in the power of the major part to chuse whether they should be tried or no : And We might easily see , and all the world will judge by the proceedings then , and their publick expressions since , whether , if We had proved a Conspiracy amongst them to have taken away Our Life , they would not have found some distinction between Our Person and Our Office , which should have preserved these Persons from the hand and course of Justice ; and to what other end that Doctrine should be published with so much passion , That in case of Treason We might not proceed against any Member but by Consent of the House , ( so contrary to Custom , Law and Reason ) but to let all Men know it should not be in Our Power to question them for any thing they should do against Us , let the Law be never so clear in the point . Upon all these Considerations , rather than to waste time in the dispute , when they were resolved to be their own Judges too , We fent them word by Our Answer to their Petition of the second of February , That We found We had good cause to desert any Prosecution of those Members , and further offfered to grant such a free and a general Pardon to all Our loving Subjects as should be thought fit by the advice of both Houses , which We thought to be the best way to compose all Fears and Jealousies of what kind soever . But the Business of these Men could not be done that way ; a general Pardon would never have settled the Militia , and dispossessed Us of those Rights and that Power without which they could not compass their Designs : They now resort to their old refuge , the Common People of the City and Suburbs , and whatever they desired , these Men must ask , for the satisfaction of the Fears and Jealousies of the City . The City had been desired to lend a hundred thousand pounds for the relief of Ireland ; and their Answer is drawn up to their hands , of their inability to lend , and such Reasons given as might advance what had been upon general Discourses neglected . The ten thousand Men proffered by the Scots for Ireland were not accepted . A Bill having been offered Us for Pressing , and in it a Clause ( not necessary to the present , and therefore purposely , as We conceive , put in , in hope We would upon that refuse it ) declaring Us to have no power to press , ( a Power constantly practised by Our Ancestors , and even in the blessed times of Queen Elizabeth ; ) Our pause upon it was urged as a Design to lofe that Kingdom , although We had offered to raise ten thousand Voluntiers for that purpose , if they would pay them . The not securing the Cinque-ports , ( though the Custody of them was in a Noble Person , against whom the least exception could not be made ) and the not settling the Kingdom in a Posture of Defence ; the not removing Sir John Byron from being Lieutenant of the Tower , whereby through distrust they were forced to forbear the bringing in of Bullion to the Mint , ( when'tis notoriously known , there was more Bullion brought in to Our Mint in the time that Gentleman was Lieutenant , than in the same quantity of time in any Mans Remembrance ; ) the Votes of the Bishops and the Popish Lords in the House of Peers , and all others things which were then in Design , and had in vain been attempted by them by the refusal of the House of Peers several times to joyn with them , were now urged as principal reasons , by this Petition of London , why they could not lend a hundred thousand pounds to Ireland , and were pressed by several other Petitions contrived by them , and presented to both Houses , or to the House of Commons . And these Petitions are carried up to the Lords by Master Pym , who takes upon him to reproach them for not concurring with the House of Commons , and impudently lays that Scandal upon Us , That We had suffered many to pass by Our own immediate Warrant , who were since Commanders in the head of the Rebels . A false and abominable Scandal , raised by his own Malice , to draw Our good Subjects against Us , without the least colour or shadow of truth , as appears by those Answers they have published to Our Exception in that point , wherein there is not the least Evidence of any such Warrant granted by Us : though Master Pym be so great a Person , that We can have no Reparation against him for that Calumny ; but had credit enough with the House of Commons , to perswade them to charge themselves unjustly , to excuse him , and to take upon them , that he had said nothing in that Speech but by their directions . All this had not that quick operation with the Lords , with whom ( though they had committed Twelve Bishops for Treason , a thing themselves blush at , and the Popish Lords had absented themselves ) they could not prevail to joyn in matters so unreasonable in themselves and dishonourable to Us : therefore the House of Commons by themselves Petition Us , thank Us for Our Message of the twentieth of January , though they have since declared it to be a breach of Privilege , resolving to take it into serious and speedy Consideration ; only desire for their security , That We will put the Tower of London , and all the Forts of the Kingdom , and the whole Militia into such hands as should be recommended unto Us by them , ( for the House of Peers had refused to joyn with them , and so were upon the matter petitioned against , and left out in the power of recommendation . ) Sure this was the strangest Petition that , till that time , had ever been presented by the House of Commons to their King : yet We returned a gracious Answer , That if any particular should be presented to Us , whereby it might appear that the Lieutenant of the Tower was unfit for the trust We had committed to him , We would immediately remove him ; otherwise We were obliged in Honour and Justice , not to put such a Disgrace upon him . For the Forts and Castles , that We were resolved they should be always in such hands , and only in such , as Our Parliament should have cause to confide in ; that We would have the nomination of them Our Self , but that they should be always left ( if any thing were objected against them ) to the Wisdom and Justice of the Parliament . For the Militia , that when some particular course should be proposed to Us for the ordering of it , We should return an Answer agreeable to Honour and Justice , as appears more at large in Our Answer of the 28. of February to that Petition . This gave them no better satisfaction than the former ; but finding that without the Consent of the House of Peers ( of whom much the major part , though the Popish Lords and the Bishops were absent , dissented from them ) and against Our Consent , they were not like to prevail over Our People , they resolve of another Attempt upon them ; their old friends , the Multitude , must be again brought down by the great Conductor Captain Venne ( who is notoriously known , and proof thereof offered to be produced by Master Kirton to the House of Commons , to have several times sent to , and solicited People to come down out of the City with Swords and Pistols , when he hath told them , or sent them word by his Wife , that the worser Party was like to have the better of the good Party ; and for all which publick offer , neither was Master Venne then suffered to answer to this Charge , nor Master Kirton allowed any time ( though many days were set ) to bring in the particulars and witnesses . ) Many Persons are importuned to set their hands against the Lieutenant of the Tower , That they durst not bring in any Bullion to the Mint , for want of Confidence , when they never brought in any in their lives : and being asked how they could set their hands to such a Certificate , when it was known that never greater quantity was brought in than at that time ; answered , That they were directed by Parliament-men to do so , or else they could not compass their Ends. And having gotten Multitudes of People of several Counties , ( OF such as pretended to be so ) to deliver Petitions to both Houses , and to desire leave that they might protest against those Lords who would not agree to the Votes of the House of Commons , as the Petitions of Surrey and Hartfordshire do , and perswaded others , in the name of many thousands of poor People in and about the City of London , to Petition against a Malignant Faction which made abortive all those good Intentions which tended to the Peace and Tranquillity of the Kingdom , and to desire , That those Noble Worthies of the House of Peers who concurred with them in their happy Votes , might be earnestly desired to joyn with the House of Commons , and to sit and Vote as one entire body ; professing , that unless some speedy remedy were taken for the removal of all such Obstructions as hindered the happy Progress of their great Endeavours , the Petitioner should not rest in quietness , but should be enforced to lay hold on the next remedy which was at hand , to remove the Disturbers of their Peace , and ( want and necessity breaking the bounds of modesty ) not to leave any means unassayed for their relief ; adding , that the cry of the poor and needy was , That such Persons , who were the Obstacles of their Peace , and Hinderers of the happy proceedings of this Parliament , might be forthwith publickly declared , whose removal they conceived would put a period to those Distractions , after it had been said in the House of Peers , That whoever would not consent to the Proposition made by the House of Commons concerning the Forts , Castles and the Militia , ( when it was rejected by a major part twice ) was an Enemy to the Commonwealth . This Petition was brought up to the House of Lords by the House of Commons at a Conference ; and after the same day Master Hollis ( a Person formerly accused by Us of High Treason , and a most malicious Promoter and Contriver of those Petitions and Tumults ) pressed the Lords , at the Bar , to joyn with the House of Commons in their desire about the Militia , and further ( with many other expressions of like nature ) desired in words to this effect , That ( if that desire of the House of Commons were not assented to ) those Lords who were willing to concur , would find some means to make themselves known , that it might be known who were against them , and they might make it known to them who sent them . Upon which Petition so strangely framed , countenanced and seconded , so great a number of the Lords departed , that that Vote passed ( which they had so often before denied ) in order to the Ordinance concerning the Militia ; and since that time they have been able to carry any thing : and , upon the matter , the Resolution of the House of Commons hath been wholly guided by those Persons who had given so plain evidence that they had the Multitude at their Command , and hath wholly guided that of the House of Peers , who with little debate or dispute have , for the most part , submitted to whatsoever hath been brought to them . Shortly after they passed their Ordinance , with such a Preamble as highly concerned Us in Honour and Justice to protest against , and wholly excluding Us ( in whom that whole Power absolutely was and is ) from any Power or Authority in the Militia , the Arms and Strength of the Kingdom , and that for as long as they pleased . And as if the matter were not worth the considering , or that there ought to be no other measure to guide Us in point of Judgment or Understanding but their Votes , it was ill taken that We did not immediately return Our Answer , but took some time to consider it ; and We were again with great passion and impatience pressed to give Our Answer , they being pleased to tell Us , They could not but interpret the Delay to be in a degree a Denial : and in the mean time , to give Us an instance how modestly they were like to use such Power when We should commit it to them , they presumed of themselves ( knowing We had appointed Our Son , the Prince , to meet Us at Greenwich in Our return from Dover ) to inhibite his meeting Us there , and to endeavour to get him into their custody . All these things considered , and the Insolence and Injustice of the Ordinance , We might very well have rejected that Proposition with a flat denial and just indignation ; but We easily perceived , that Our good People were misled by the Cunning and Malice of those Boutefeus , and thought it always compliance worthy a Prince to take all possible pains to undeceive such who are led into mistakings : and therefore We returned to their Proposition for the Ordinance a gracious Answer and Animadversion ; made it evident to them , that the Preamble was in it self untrue and against Our Honour to consent to , and expressed Our clear intention in Our going to Our House of Commons . We allowed all those persons recommended to Us ( except only in Corporations , to whom a Right was formerly granted by Charter , not consistent with this Ordinance ) and offered to grant such Commissions to them as had very long and happily been used in this Kingdom , and which We had this very Parliament granted to two Lords at the instance and intreaty of both Houses . If that Power should not be thought enough , We offered to grant any should be first vested in Us , and so we be enabled to grant ; but desired that the whole might be digested into an Act of Parliament , whereby Our good Subjects might know what they were to do , and what they were to suffer , that there might be the least latitude for the exercising of any Arbitrary Power over them . Which Answer We desire all Our Subjects to read and consider , whether We did not thereby grant all which themselves had first desired ; and whether there was cause to vote such who advised that Answer to be enemies to the State , and mischievous Projectors against the Defence of the Kingdom . But as if all the Acts passed by Us ( amongst which that for the taking away the Votes of Bishops out of the House of Peers was the last ) were of no other value , but as instances that We would never deny them any thing , they immediately in great fury address themselves to Us with a new humble Petition , ( as they called it , but it was indeed a Threatning ) and told Us plainly , That if We would not then ( in that instant ) give Our Royal assent to their Ordinance , they were resolved to dispose of the Militia by the Authority of both Houses without Us ; advised Us to stay about London , to put away evil Counsellors , and to let Our Son , the Prince , be and continue at S. James's , or some other of Our Houses near about London , that the Jealousies and Fears of Our People might be prevented . We must appeal to all the World , whether , considering what had been done in publick and said in private , We had no cause of Jealousie ; and whether , having such evidence of the Malice , Guilt , and Power of those accused Members , who had designed to have taken the Prince , Our Son , from Us by froce , it was not high time to remove a little further from that Torrent which might have overwhelmed Us , and made them as well , and by the same Rule , Masters of Our Person as of Our Militia . This carried Us first from Theobald's to New-market : And whosoever reads the Declaration sent Us thither , the strange language given Us and Scandals laid upon Us in that Declaration , will not wonder that We made all the haste We could from thence to Tork . What hath hapned since Our coming hither , both in Words and Actions , is too notorious to all the parts of Christendom , who with wonder and delight are amazed to see the Wisdom , Courage , Affection and Loyalty of the English Nation appear so far shrunk and confounded by the Malice , Cunning and Industry of persons contemptible in Number , inconsiderable in Fortune and Reputation , united only by Guilt and Conspiracy against Us. A Licence even to Treason is admitted ( that is , not punished in Pulpits ; and persons ignorant in Learning and Understanding , turbulent and Seditious in disposition , Scandalous in life , and unconformable in Opinion to the Laws of the Land , are by these Men , their recommendation and authority , imposed upon Parishes , to infect and poison the minds of Our People . Our Towns , Our Goods , Our Mony are taken from Us ; and to make the scorn compleat , care is taken to perswade Us that We are not injured , but that all is done for Our good . Opinions and Resolutions are imposed upon Us by Votes and Declarations , that We intended to levy War , and then Arms taken up to destroy Us ; Rebellions and Treasons contrived , fomented and acted against Us , and then Reproaches cast on Us , and War raised against Us , because We are displeased . We send Our Command to Our Keeper of Our Great Seal of England , to Adjourn the Term from London to York , a thing as much in Our Power as in what room of Our House We will lodge or eat . This is straight Voted to be illegal , and Our Keeper of Our Own Seal peremptorily forbid to do his Duty , to Seal a Writ or Proclamation to that purpose ; and when , in Obedience to Our express Command , he comes to wait on Us , he is pursued with a Warrant to all Mayors , Justices of the Peace , Sheriffs and other Officers , to apprehend him . A Committee is sent down into the Countries near Us to execute their pretended Ordinance , who compel Our Subjects to take Arms against Us , and threaten and imprison such as refuse , without the least colour of Law ; whilst such who execute Our legal Commission of Array are sent for as Delinquents , and declared to be Enemies to the Kingdom . Our own Monies seized upon at London , and no supply suffered to be sent Us ; all persons are forbid to come to Us , and charge given to all Men near the Northern Road , to stop all Men and Horses who are for Our Service coming to York , there being ( as Master Hollis says in his Speech , of which he hath the sole Printing , and hath granted that Monopoly to one Vnderhill ) a mark set upon that Place , and an opinion declared concerning those who shall resort thither . Our High-ways are shut up , and Our good Subjects are hindred in their journies , and their goods seized and detained from them , because they have occasions to use them in the North ▪ Our own Houshold Servants refuse to attend Us upon Our Summons ; and then the putting them from their Places is voted an injury to the Parliament , and whosoever shall accept of those Places , to offer an affront to the Parliament , and render themselves Unworthy of any place of Honour or Trust in the Commonwealth . Sir John Hotham is commended and protected for keeping Us out of Our Town of Hull by Force and Arms ; and Our raising a Guard for Our Defence is voted levying War against Our Parliament , whilst he murthers Our Subjects , takes them Prisoners , burns their Houses , drowns their Land , and robs all Men he can lay hold of , and commits all the insolent Acts of Hostility against Us and Our Subjects which the most equal and declared Enemies practise in any Country . And when , after all these Outrages , Our miserable Subjects throw themselves at Our feet , crying for and challenging Our Protection , We must not perform that Duty towards them , nor presume to say Sir John Hotham is a Traitor , because he hath Priviledge of Parliament . Our Royal Navy , Our Own Ships are taken from Us , the Earl of Warwick made Our Admiral in despight and scorn of Us , who chases Our Subjects , and makes War upon Us , under the Authority of another pretended Ordinance ; and his Letter published by the direction of the House of Peers , to shew how easie it was to make an election rather to despise Us and the known unquestionable Law of the Land , than to neglect an Order of both Houses , in a matter they have no more just power to meddle in than they have to sell Our Houses , Parks and Crown-Land : and they may as lawfully send those Ships to the Indies , and ordain that We shall never have more , as keep them in the Downs against Our Will , and under a Command We do protest against to all the World. We are defamed and publickly reproached for want of zeal against the Rebels in Ireland ; and when We offer to venture Our own Person and Our Crown-Land for the relief of Our miserable Subjects there , such a Journy is voted to be against the Law , to be an incouragement to the Rebels , that whosoever shall assist Us in it shall be an Enemy to the Commonwealth , and that the Sheriffs of Counties shall raise power to suppress any Levies We shall make to that purpose . And after all this ( when it hath been publickly said by Master Martin , That Our Office is forfeitable , and that the Happiness of this Kingdom doth not depend upon Vs or any of the Regal Branches of that Stock ; and by Sir Henry Ludlow , That We are not worthy to be King of England ; and been declared , that We have no Negative voice , which puts Our Crown , the Law of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subjects absolutely into their hands ) We are told by these devout Champions for Anarchy and Confusion , That We are fairly dealt with that We are not deposed ; That if they did that , there would be neither want of Modesty or Duty in them : They publish false scandalous Declarations to corrupt Our good Subjects in their Loyalty and Affection to Us , injoyn them to be read , and disperse them with all Care and Industry ; and send for all Ministers who , according to Our Command , publish Our Answers to undeceive Our People , as Delinquents , notwithstanding We have not prohibited any to read theirs : They commit the Lord Mayor of London ( and other Mayors ) for publishing Our Proclamations according to Our Writ and his Oath , and streightly charge all Our ministers of Justice not to obey Us : They raise an Army against Us , and chuse the Earl of Essex for their General , and grant him a power Over Us , the Law , and all Our People , that he may kill and destroy whom he thinks fit ; and impose an Oath upon Our Subjects , to execute all the Commands of both Houses : They waste and consume the Mony given by Act of Parliament for the discharge of the great Debt of the Kingdom , and for the relief of the bleeding Condition of Ireland ; imploy the Mony brought in by the Adventurers , and those Men who are levied by Our Authority and Commission , for the preservation of Our miserable Subjects there , to serve them in a War against Us ; whereby all Men may see what reason We had not to consent to a Warrant dormant , under pretence of Levies for Ireland , which might have furnished them with Men to fight against Us , as the same Pretence hath done with all the Arms We had in Our Magazines : They commit such of Our Subjects to Prison whom they are pleased to suspect , ( as the Earl of Portland , ) and for no other reason but that they believe them loyal to Us ; censure and degrade nine Lords at a clap , for obeying Our Summons and coming to Us , when scarce that number concurred in the Judgment ; and declared two others Enemies to the Commonwealth , taking their Votes from them , without so much as summoning them to answer any Charge brought against them : They presume to take Tonnage and Poundage by a pretended Ordinance , without Our Consent , though they have so often pressed it against Us , that We took it without theirs ; and so now dispence with a Praemunire made this Parliament , as they have formerly done with Treason : Lastly , to shew into what hands they intend the Government of this Kingdom shall be put , they have reduced the business of the whole Kingdom , from both Houses of Parliament , into the hands of a few desperate persons , who have the power committed to them to act this Tragedy without acquainting the Houses , and so have gotten the Authority of King and both Houses of Parliament to destroy all Three ; make Orders to break up Houses , take away Plate and Money , because 't is possible the Owners wish it with Us at York ; send Troops of Horse to make War upon Us in what Counties they please , and commit such unheard-of Acts of Oppression and Injustice as no Story can parallel , where the least form of Government hath been left ; that all Our good Subjects may see by what Rules they shall live , and what Right they are like to enjoy , when these Men have gotten the Sway , who in the infancy of their Power , and when there is yet left some memory of and reverence to the Laws under which their Fathers lived so happily , dare leap over all those known and confessed Principles of Government and Obedience , and exercise a Tyranny both over Prince and People more insupportable than Confusion it self . And for all this impudent Injustice ( odious to God and Man ) what is objected against Us ? That We will not be advised by Our Parliament . In what ? what one Proposition that is evidently for the ease of Our Subjects have We denied ? That We have granted many is confessed . We will not consent that the Ordinance of the Militia shall be executed and obeyed ; that is , We will not allow that both Houses of Parliament shall make Laws , and impose upon the Property and Liberty of Our Subjects , Without Our Consent , ( which if We should yield to upon the same pretences of Necessity , a word fatal to this Kingdom and the publick good , the House of Commons might as well , and would quickly come to make Laws without the House of Peers , and the common People without either ) nor are willing that those Men who have discovered all Malice to Our Person , and dis-esteem and irreverence of Our Office , shall be legally qualified to take up Arms against Us , when they shall be thereunto provoked by their Malice or Ambition . There can be no new thing said in this Argument ; We must refer Our good Subjects to Our several Answers , Declarations and Proclamations in that point : only it will be worth their considering , that this extraordinary , unheard-of , extravagant Power was assumed in a case of peremptory Necessity , for the prevention of imminent Danger in the beginning of March ( how long it was in design before is understood by Sir Arthur Hesilrigge his Bill long preceeding ; ) whether any such Danger hath been since discovered , and whether unspeakable Calamities have not already , and are not like to ensue from that Fountain , We wish it were not too apparent . And if those Fears and Jealousies which seem to make that Ordinance necessary were indeed real and honest , that in truth nothing were desired but putting the Kingdom into a posture , that is , that all Our Loving Subjects might be provided with Arms , and dexterous in the using them , if any Invasion or Rebellion should be , is not all this Care taken , and all this Security provided for by the Commission of Array ? What honest end can that Ordinance have which is not obtained by the execution of and obedience to that Commission ? But 't is true , the power is not in those hands , nor like to be imployed to those uses 't is now intended . Who hath not heard these Men say , That the alteration they intend , and is necessary both in Church and State , must be made by blood ? Are not the Principles by which they live destructive to all Laws and Compacts ? Is not every thing Necessary they think so , and every thing lawful that is in order to that Necessity ? Sure if Our good Subjects were throughly awake in this business , they would think they had much more cause to thank Us for denying this Ordinance , than for granting all that We have granted . What is there else ? We do not think Sir John Hotham hath dealt well with Us in keeping Our Town from Us , nor do take it kindly that We are robbed of Our Magazine and Munition , but think of recovering both by Force , because We cannot have them otherwise ; which will be an actual levying War against Our Parliament . This Argument is sufficiently vexed too : Our good Subjects will read the Messages , Answers , Votes and Declarations in this Case ; and We are sure upon the grounds laid to justifie this Treason , no Subject in England hath a House of his own which may not to morrow be given to Sir John Hotham for as long a term as they think fit , and he may be sent to morrow to murther Us , and be no Traitor , and they who shall shut the door against him shall be Delinquents . Is there no more ? Yes We will not submit to those Nineteen dutiful and modest Propositions which have been lately thrown at Us as the necessary means of removing Jealousies and Differences , and as the last Complement of all their Scorns and Injuries , that Posterity may see to what a tameness We were brought when such things were asked of Us : We will not be content that all Our Officers and Ministers of State , be they never so faithful to Us , so affectionate to their Country , never so wise , never so honest , shall be immediately removed from Us and their places , be disgraced and undone , and in their rooms these Gentlemen ( who have taken all possible pains to destroy King and People ) or such whom they shall recommend , to succeed ; that the same Faction may be carried through the whole Kingdom , which these Men have raised in both Houses of Parliament ; that all Affairs of the Kingdom be managed not only by their Advice , but their absolute Direction and Command , lest any Man should think himself Our Servant ; that the Education and Marriage of Our Children be committed to them , lest any Christian Prince should make addresses to Us in such Treaties ; in a word , that in gratitude to their Modesty and Duty for not deposing Us , We will not now depose Our Self , and suffer the People and Kingdom ( which God and the Law hath committed to Our Government and Protection , and for which We must make an account ) to be devoured by them . Sure these Men think 't is no affront to ask any thing . But can Our good Subjects be longer kept in this Trance ? Can the Nobility , Gentry , Clergy , Commonalty of England , sacrifice their Honour , Interest , Religion , Liberty , to Terms , and the meer sound of Parliament and Privilege ? Can their Experience , Reason and Understanding be captivated by words and assumptions contradictory to all Principles ? What one thing have We denied that with reference to the publick Peace and Happiness were to be bought with the loss of the meanest Subject ? And yet into what a Sea of blood is the rage and fury of these Men launching out , to wrest that from Us which We are bound ( if We had a thousand lives to lose in the contention ) to defend ? Nay , what one thing is there that makes life precious to good Men which We do not defend , and these Men oppose , and would evidently destroy ? What Grievance or Pressure have Our People complained of , and been eased by Us , whch is not now brought upon them in an unlimited degree ? Is the true Reformed Protestant Religion , sealed by the blood of so many Reverend Martyrs , and established by the Wisdom and Piety of former blessed Parliaments , dear to them ? We must appeal to all the world ( being called upon by the Reproaches of these men ) whether Our own practice , ( the best evidence of Religion ) and all the assistance and offers We can give , have been wanting to the Advancement of that Religion . And what can be more done by Us to satisfie and secure Our People in that point ? On the other side , let all Our good Subjects consider and weigh what pregnant Arguments they have to fear Innovation in Religion if these desperate persons prevail , when the principal Men to whose care and authority they have committed the managery of that part refuse Communion with the Church of England as much as the Papists do ; and have not only with that freedom they think fit to use reproached the Book of Common-Prayer and the Government of the Church in their Speeches , but have published those Speeches in the view of all Men in Print , that the World might see by what Measure and Rule the Reformation they so much talk of is to be made : when such Petitions have been contrived by them , and accepted with publick thanks , which revile the Book of Common-Prayer , calling it a Mass-book , in scorn and contempt of the Law ; whilest other Petitions for the Government established by Law have been rejected , discountenanced , and the Petitioners punished : and when two Armies were kept in the bowels of the Kingdom ten weeks , at the charge of fourscore thousand pounds a Month , for the countenance of a Bill to eradicate Episcopacy Root and Branch : when such licence is given to Brownists , Anabaptists and Sectaries ; and whilst Coachmen , Felt-makers and such Mechanick persons are allowed and entertained to preach by those who think themselves the principal Members of either House : when such barbarous Outrages in Churches , and heathenish Irreverence and Uproars , even in the time of Divine Service and the Administration of the blessed Sacrament , are practised without control : when the blessed means of advancing Religion , the Preaching of the Word of God , is turned into a licence of Libelling and Reviling both Church and State , and venting such Seditious Positions as by the Laws of the Land are no less than Treason , and scarce a Man in Reputation and Credit with these grand Reformers , who is not notoriously guilty of this ; whilest those Learned , Reverend , Painful and Pious Preachers , who have been and are the most eminent and able Assertors of the Protestant Religion , are ( to the unspeakable joy of the Adversaries to Our Religion ) disregarded and oppressed : lastly , when for the settling and composing all these Distractions and Distempers , instead of a free and general Synod of Grave and Learned Divines which hath been so much talked of ( and to whose deliberations We were and are willing to commit the Consideration of those Affairs ) a Conference is desired with particular Men nominated by themselves , contrary to the Rights and Practice of the Church ; the major part of whom ( though We confess there are many Reverend , Learned , and Pious persons amongst them ) are not of Learning nor Understanding sutable to so great a Work , or are of known avowed Disaffection to the Doctrine and Discipline of the Church , and of those who have preached Seditiously and Treasonably against Our Person and Authority , as Doctor Downing and others . Whoever from his Soul desires a true Examination and Reformation in Religion cannot expect it from the results of these Mens Counsels , nor think the true service of God is like to be advanced or preserved by such practices . And all sober Men must look with strange Horrour and Indignation upon the last Declaration of the Lords and Commons , which after such unprecedented Outrages and Violences against Us , publishes the ground of their taking up defensive Arms ( as they call them ) to be for the maintetenance of the true Religion ; the taking and keeping of Hull , Our Navy , Our Money and Goods , the exercising of the Militia , and all the other Injuries We complain of , to be for the maintenance of Religion . But whosoever believes them to be for the preservation of Our Person , may believe the other too . Would Men enjoy the Laws they were born to , the Liberty and Property which makes the Subjection of this Nation famous and honourable with all neighbouring Kingdoms ? We have done Our part , to make a Wall of Brass for the perpetual defence of them ; whilest these ill Men usurp a Power to undermine that Wall , and to shake those Foundations , which cannot be pulled down , but to the confusion of Law , Liberty , Property , and the very Life and Being of Our Subjects . Is the Dignity , Privilege and Freedom of Parliament ( Parliaments whose Wisdom and Gravity have prepared so many wholsome Laws , and whose Freedom distinguishes the Condition of Our Subjects from those of any Monarchy in Europe ) precious unto Our People ? Where was that Freedom and that Privilege when the House of Commons presumed to make Laws without the House of Peers , as they did in their Vote upon the Protestation , and of the 9th of September ; when the House of Commons and the House of Peers presumed to make Laws without Our Consent , as they have done in the business of the Militia , of Hull , in the behalf of their Champion , Serjeant Major General Skippon , of the Earl of Warwick , of their new General , the Earl of Essex , ( with whom they will live and dye ) and many other Cases ? Where was that Freedom and Privilege when Alderman Pennington and Captain Venne brought down their Myrmidons to assault and terrifie the Members of both Houses , whose faces or whose opinions they liked not , & by that Army to awe the Parliament ; when those rude Multitudes published the names of the Members of both Houses as Enemies to the Commonwealth , who would not agree to their frantick Propositions ; when the names of those were given by Members of the House , that they might be proscribed , and torn in pieces by those multitudes ; when many were driven away for fear of their Lives from being present at those Consultations ; and when Master Hollis required the names of those Lords who would not agree with the House of Commons ? Lastly , where was that Freedom and Privilege of Parliament , when Members of the one House that had been questioned for words spoken in the House , and one freed , the other but reprehended by Vote of the major part , were again questioned by the other House , and a charge brought against them for these words ? Is Honour , Reputation , Freedom and Civility to be esteemed ? What causeless Defamations have been raised and entertained upon Persons of quality and unblemished estimation , upon no grounds , or appearance of reason , but because their opinions ran not with the Torrent ? What caresses have been and are made to persons loose , vicious and debauched , of no Vertue , no Religion , no Reputation , but of Malice and Ingratitude to Us ? Their names will be easily found out by all Mens observation and their own blushes , though they shall not have the honour of Our mention . How have the Laws of Hospitality and Civility been violated , the freedom and liberty of Conversation ( the pleasure and delight of life ) been invaded by them ; the discourses at Tables , whispers in Gardens and Walks examined , and of persons under no accusation ; Letter broken up ( Our own to Our dearest Consort , the Queen , not spared ) read publickly and commented upon , with such Circumstances as make Christendom laugh at Our follies , and abhorr Our correspondence ? Is Peace and tranquillity dear to Our Subjects ? To shew that We have left no way to that ( not destructive to Honour and Justice ) unattempted , We offered to lay down Our Arms upon no other Reparations for all the Indignities multiplied upon Us than these , That they should lay down theirs , so unjustifiably taken , and We have Our own Town , Goods and Navy ( taken and kept by violence from Us ) to be peaceably restored to Us , and the Power of making Laws without Us by the way of Ordinances ( which implies a power by Ordinance to depose Us ) and that in particular concerning the Militia , to be disavowed , and a safe place to be agreed on where We might be present with Our great Council , for the composing of all Mis-understandings , and making this Kingdom happy . Which Offers not only were not accepted , but not so much as any Answer directed immediately to Us , somewhat only sent down by their under-Clerk , which , with their first Petition and Our Answer ( We are much pleased to hear ) are ordered to be printed and read in all Churches ( We desire no better evidence than Our and their Writings and Actions , and no better Judges and Witnesses than Our People , of Our love to Peace . ) And even before this kind of Answer came to Us , whilest We , with patience and hope expecting such a return as We desired , forbore any action or attempt of Force , according to Our Promise , Sir John Hotham sallied out in the night , and murthered the persons of his fellow-Subjects ; and ever since in this Quarrel they labour to increase their Army , ( the very levying of which is Treason ) and are ready to march against Us. Lee all the world judge who are lovers of the Peace . Lastly , Is the Constitution of the Kingdom to be preserved , and Monarchy it self upheld ? Can any thing be more evident than that the End of these Men is , or the Conclusion which must attend their Premisses must be , to introduce a Paricy and Confusion of all degrees and conditions ? Are not several Books and Papers ( such as the Observations upon parts of Our Messages ) published by their direction , at least under their countenance , against Monarchy it self ? Is it possible for Us to be made vile and contemptible , and shall Our good Subjects continue as they are : Can Our just Power be taken from Us , and shall they enjoy their liberty ? Whosoever is a friend to the constitution of the Kingdom must be an enemy to these Men. How the benefit , advantages and hopes of the Kingdom have been and are advanced and promoted by these Men , all good Men see and discern . Let Us consider now , whether all those Grievances and Pressures which Our Subjects have heretofore suffered under , and of which Our Justice and Favour hath eased them , be not by the Faction and Tyranny of these Men redoubled upon Our People . Were the Consciences of Men grieved and scandalized at the too much Formality and circumstances used in the exercise of Religion ? and are they not equally concerned in the Uncomeliness , Irreverence and Prophaneness now avowed to the dishonour of Christianity ? Were they troubled to see the Pulpit sometimes made a Barr to plead against the Liberty and Property of the Subject ? and are they not more confounded to see it so generally made a Scaffold to incite the People to Rebellion and Sedition against Us ? Have Our People suffered under and been oppressed by the exercise of an Arbitrary Power , and out of a sense of those Sufferings have We consented to take away the Star-Chamber , the High-Commission Courts , to regulate the Council-Tables , and to apply any remedies have been proposed to Us for that disease ? and have not these Men doubled those Pressures in the latitude and unlimitedness of their proceedings , in their Orders for the Observation of the Law , as they pretend , and then punishing Men for not obeying those Orders in a way and a degree the Law doth not prescribe ; in their sending for Our good Subjects upon general informations without proof , and for Offences which the Law takes no notice of ; in declaring Men enemies to the Commonwealth , fining and imprisoning them , for doing or not doing that which no known Law enjoyns or condemns ? Were the Pursuivants of the Council-Table , the delay and attendance there or at the High-Commission Court , the Judgements and Decrees of the Star-Chamber more grievous , grievous to more persons , more chargeable , more intolerable than the Serjeants and Officers Fees , the Attendance upon the Houses and upon Committees , or than the Votes and Judgments which have lately passed in one or both Houses ? Let all the Decrees , Sentences and Judgments of the high-Commission Court and Star-Chamber be examined , and any found so unjust , so illegal as the proceedings against the Gentlemen of Kent , for preparing and presenting a Petition agreeable in form and matter to all the Rules of Law and Justice , by which Men are to be informed to ask any thing ; as the judgment against Mr. Binyon , that he should be disfranchised , be incapable of ever bearing Office in the Commonwealth , imprisoned in the Gaol at Colchester for the space of two years , and to pay three thousand pounds fine , nothing being charged and proved against him that any Law or Reason could tell him he was not to do . Though the Sentences in the other Courts were in some cases too severe , and exceeded the measure of the offence , there was still an offence , somewhat done that in truth was a crime : but here Declarations , Votes and Judgments pass upon Our People for matters not suspected to be crimes till they are punished . And have such proceedings ever been before this Parliament ? If Monopolies have been granted to the prejudice of Our People , the calamity will not be less if it be exercised by a good Lord , by a Bill , than itt was before by a Patent ; and yet the Earl of Warwick thinks fit to require the Letter-Office to be confirmed to him for three lives at the same time that 't is complained of as a Monopoly , and without the alteration of any Circumstance for the ease of the Subject ; and this with so much greediness and authority , that whilest it was complained of as a Monopoly , he procured an Assignment to be made of it to him from the person complained of , after he had by his Interest stopped the proceedings of the Committee for the space of five Months before that Assignment made to him , upon pretence that he was concerned in it , and desired to be heard : Of such soveraign Power was his Name , as it could be no longer a Grievance to Our People if it might prove an Advantage to him . A Precedent very likely to be followed in many Monopolies , if they may be assigned to Principal members or their friends : witness the connivence now given to Sir John Meldram for his Lights , since his undertaking their Service at Hull . Have Partiality and Corruption in Judges obstructed the course of Justice ? was there ever such Partiality and Corruption , when their fellow-Members of either House are by them importuned and solicited for their Votes in causes before them , and no other measure or Rule to the Justice of that faction than the opinions of the persons contending ? What sums of mony have been given to , and what contracts have been made with some Members of either House , who are of this powerful Faction We complain of , for preserving this Man from being questioned , and promoting an Accusation against that Man , for managing such a Cause , and procuring such an Order ? We are very well able to give particular Information , which We shall willingly do , when there may be such a sober and secure debate as becomes the Dignity and Freedom of Parliament , and the Witnesses , now within their reach , may neither be awed nor tampered with before Trial. For how little care there is taken for discoveries of this nature , appears by that which upon complaint of a slander against Master Pym was justified , and the Author averred against him , for taking thirty pound Bribe to preserve a Papist from legal prosecution , which hath been so long suffered to sleep at a Committee . Our Case is truly stated , so truly , that there is scarce any Particular urged or alledged by Us which is not known to many , and the most to all Men. And must Our Condition be now irreparable ? Are the Injuries committed against Us and the Law justifiable ? And must We be censured for using all possible means to be freed from them , or to be repaired for them , because they seem to carry the Name , Consent and Authority of both Our Houses of Parliament ? There is not a Particular of which We complain that found not eminent opposition in both Houses , and yet for the most part not above a moiety of either House present . The Order of the ninth of September ( an Order to suspend the execution of Laws in force ) passed when there were not above eighty Commoners , of which many dissented , and but twenty Lords , whereof eleven ( the major part ) expresly contradicted it . The first unseasonable Remonstrance ( the fountain from whence all the present mischiefs have flowed ) was carried but by eleven Voices after fifteen hours sitting , when above two hundred were absent , and was never approved by the Lords . The business of the Militia was at least twice rejected by double their number in the House of Peers who consented to it , there being no Popish Lord present , and twelve Bishops in the Tower ; and yet this proposed again , the House being made thin of those Lords who had formerly opposed it , who went out immediately ( it being their usual course , to watch such opportunities to effect their businesses ) after Master Hollis his Threats , and then carried . The Declaration against Us sent to New-market was carried but by one Voice in the House of Peers , and by a small number in the House of Commons . The justifying Sir John Hotham in his Act of High Treason was opposed by many Persons of great worth , though neither House had half its number , And We are very far from censuring all those Persons who concurred in these or any other particulars ; We believe very many of them stood not in so clear a light to discern the Guilt , Malice , Ambition or Subtilty of their Seducers . But if in truth there were a consent entirely in both Houses of Parliament ( as We are most assured there will never be ) to alter the whole frame of Government , must We submit to those Resolutions , and must not Our Subjects help and assist Us in the defence of Laws and Government established , because they do not like them ? Did We intend when we called them to that great Council , or did Our good Subjects intend when they sent them thither in their behalfs , that they should alter the whole frame of Government according to their own Fancies and Ambition , and possess those Places during their Lives ? What Our opinion and resolution is concerning Parliaments , We have fully expressed in Our Declarations : We have said , and will still say , they are so essential a part of the Constitution of this Kingdom , that We can attain to no Happiness without them , nor will We ever make the least attempt ( in our thoughts ) against them . We well know that our Self and Our two Houses make up the Parliament , and We are like Hippocrates Twins , We must laugh and cry , live and dye together ; that no Man can be a friend to the one , and an enemy to the other ; the Injustice , Injury and Violence offered to Parliaments , is that which We principally complain of : and We again assure all Our good Subjects , in the presence of Almighty God , that all the Acts passed by Us this Parliament shall be equally observed by Us , as We desire those to be which do most concern Our Rights . Our Quarrel is not against the Parliament , but against particular Men , who first made the Wounds , and will not now suffer them to be healed , but make them deeper and wider , by contriving fostering and fomenting Mistakes and Jealousies betwixt Body and Head , Us and Our two Houses of Parliament ; whom We name , & are ready to prove them guilty of High Treason . We desire that the Lord Kimbolton , Mr. Hollis , Mr. Pym , Mr. Hampden , Sir Arthur Hesilrigge , Mr. Stroud , Mr. Martin , Sir Henry Ludlow , Alderman Pennington and Captain Venn , may be delivered into the hands of Justice , to be tried by their Peers , according to the known Law of the Land : if we do not prove them guilty of High Treason , they will be acquitted , and their Innocence will justly triumph over Us. Against the Earl of Warwick , the Earl of Essex , Earl of Stamford , Lord Brook , Sir John Hotham , Serjeant Major General Skippon , and those who shall henceforth exercise the Militia by virtue of the Ordinance , We shall cause Indictments to be drawn of High Treason upon the Statute of the 25. year of King Edward the Third : Let them submit to the Trial appointed by Law , and plead their Ordinances ; if they shall be acquitted , We have done . And that all Our loving Subjects may know , that in truth nothing but the preservation of the true Protestant Religion invaded by Brownisme , Anabaptisme and Libertinisme ; the Safety of Our Person , threatned and conspired against by Rebellion and Treason ; the Law of the Land and Liberty of the Subject , oppressed and almost destroyed by an Usurped , Unlimited , Arbitrary Power ; and the Freedom , Priviledge and Dignity of Parliament , awed and insulted upon by Force and Tumults , could make us put off Our long-loved Robe of Peace , and take up defensive Arms ; We once more offer a free and a gracious Pardon to all Our loving Subjects who shall desire the same ( except the persons before named , ) and shall be as glad with Safety and Honour to lay down these Arms , as of the greatest Blessing We are capable of in this World. But if to justify these Actions and these Persons our Subjects shall think fit to engage themselves in a War against Us , We must not look upon it as an Act of Our Parliament , but as a Rebellion against Us and the Law in the behalf of these Men , and shall proceed for the suppressing it with the same Conscience and Courage as We would meet an Army of Rebels , who endeavour to destroy both King and People : And We will never doubt to find honest Men enough of Our minds . MDCXLI . April . ¶ The true Copy of the Petition prepared by the Officers of the late Army , and subscribed by His Majesty with C. R. To the KING' 's most Excellent Majesty , the Lords Spiritual and Temporal , the Knights , Citizens and Burgesses now assembled in the High Court of Parliament , The Humble Petition of the Officers and Souldiers of the Army : Humbly sheweth , THat although our Wants have been very pressing , and the Burthen we are become unto these parts ( by reason of those Wants ) very grievous unto us ; yet so have we demeaned our selves , that Your Majesty's great and weighty Affairs in this present Parliament have hitherto received no interruption by any Complaint either from us or against us ; A temper not usual in Armies ( especially in one destitute not only of Pay , but also of Martial Discipline , and many of its principal Officers ; ) That we cannot but attribute it to a particular blessing of Almighty God on our most hearty affection and zeal to the Common good in the happy success of this Parliament ; to which as we should have been ready hourly to contribute our dearest blood , so now that it hath pleased God to manifest his blessing so manifestly therein , we cannot but acknowledge it with thankfulness . We cannot but acknowledge his great Mercy in that he hath inclined Your Majesties Royal heart so to co-operate with the wisdom of the Parliament , as to effect so great and happy a Reformation upon the former Distempers of this Church and Commonwealth : As first , in Your Majesties gracious condescending to the many important Demands of our neighbours of the Scotish Nation ; secondly , in granting so free a course of Justice against all Delinquents , of what quality soever ; thirdly , in the removal of all those Grievances wherewith the Subjects did conceive either their Liberty of Persons , Propriety of Estate , or Freedom of Conscience prejudiced ; and lastly , in the greatest pledge of security that ever the Subjects of England received from their Soveraign , the Bill of Triennial Parliaments . These things so graciously accorded unto by Your Majesty without bargain or compensation as they are more than expectation or hope could extend unto , so now certainly they are such as all Loyal hearts ought to requiesce in with thankfulness , which we do with all humility ; and do at this time , with as much earnestness as any , pray and wish that the Kingdom may be settled in peace and quietness , and that all Men may at their own homes enjoy the blessed fruits of Your Wisdom and Justice . But may it please Your Excellent Majesty and this High Court of Parliament to give us leave , with grief and anguish of heart , to represent unto You , that We hear that there are certain persons stirring and practical , who , in stead of rendring Glory to God , Thanks to his Majesty , and acknowledgment to the Parliament , remain yet as unsatisfied and mutinous as ever ; who , whilest all the rest of the Kingdom are arrived even beyond their wishes , are daily forging new and unseasonable demands ; who , whilest all Men of Reason , Loyalty and Moderation , are thinking how they may provide for your Majesties Honour and Plenty , in return of so many Graces to the Subject , they are still attempting new Diminutions of Your Majesty's just Regalities , which must ever be no less dear to all honest Men than our own Freedoms ; in fine , Men of such turbulent Spirits , as are ready to sacrifice the Honour and Welfare of the whole Kingdom to their private fancies ( whom nothing else than a subversion of the whole frame of Government will satisfie . ) Far be it from our thoughts to believe , that the Violence and Vnreasonableness of such kind of persons can have any influence upon the Prudence and Justice of the Parliament . But that which begets the trouble and disquiet of Our Loyal hearts at this present is , That we hear those ill-affected persons are backed in their Violence by the Multitude , and the power of raising Tumults ; that thousands flock at their call , and beset the Parliament ( and White-Hall it self ) not only to the prejudice of that freedom which is necessary to great Councils and Judicatories but possibly to some personal danger of Your Sacred Majesty and Peers . The vast consequence of these Persons Malignity , and of the Licentiousness of those Multitudes that follow them , considered , in most deep care and zealous affection for the safety of Your Sacred Majesty and the Parliament , Our Humble Petition is , that in Your wisdoms You would be pleased to remove such Dangers , by punishing the Ring-leaders of these Tumults , and that Your Majesty and the Parliament may be secured from such Insolencies hereafter . For the suppressing of which , in all humility we offer our selves to wait upon You ( if You please ) hoping we shall appear as considerable in way of Defence to our Gracious Sovereign , the Parliament , our Religion , and the established Laws of the Kingdom , as what number soever shall audaciously presume to violate them : so shall we , by the wisdom of Your Majesty and the Parliament , not only be vindicated from precedent Innovations , but be secured from the future that are threatned , and likely to produce more dangerous effects than the former . And we shall pray , &c. MDCXLII . His MAJESTY's Declaration to all his loving Subjects upon occasion of His late Messages to both Houses of Parliament , and their refusal to Treat with Him for the Peace of the Kingdom . IF it had not evidently appeared to all Men who have carefully examined and considered Our Actions , Messages and Declarations , how far We are and have been from begetting or promoting the present Distractions , and that the Arms We have now taken are for the necessary safety and defence of Our Life , being not taken up by Us till Our Town and Fort of Hull were kept from Us by force of Arms , Our Navy imployed against Us , to keep back all forein supply of Arms and Mony , when Our own here was seized and detained from Us , and an Army raised in pay , and marching against Us ; yet the late reception of Our Message of the 25th of August sent by persons of Honour and Trust will sure satisfy the World , that We have omitted nothing on our part that a gracious and Christian Prince could or can doe to prevent the effusion of Christian Blood , but that the malignant party , which have with great subtilty and industry begot this Misunderstanding between Us and Our good Subjects , resolve to satisfy and secure their Malice and Ambition with the Ruine of the Kingdom , and in the blood of Us and all Our good Subjects . When they had forced Us , after the neglect of Our Message from Beverly , by raising a great Army , and incensing Our Subjects against Us , to erect Our Royal Standard , that Our Subjects might be informed of Our Danger , and repair to our Succour , though We had no great reason to believe any Message of Ours would receive a very good entertainment , if those Men might prevail who had brought all these Miseries upon the Kingdom to satisfy their own private ends ; yet observing the miserable Accidents which already befell Our good Subjects by the Souldiers under their command , and well knowing that greater would ensue if timely prevention were not applyed , and finding that the Malice and Cunning of these Men had infused into Our People a Rumor that We had rejected all Propositions and offers of Treaty , and desired to ingage Our Subjects in a Civil War , which Our Soul abhors , We prevailed with Our Self ( for a full expression of Our desire to prevent the effusion of Blood ) to send a gracious Message to both Our Houses of Parliament on the 25 of August , in these words ; WE have with unspeakable grief of heart long beheld the Distractions of this Our Kingdom ; Our very Soul is full of anguish , until We may find some remedy to prevent the Miseries which are ready to overwhelm this whole Nation by a Civil War : And though all Our endeavours tending to the Composing of those unhappy Differences betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament ( though pursued by Vs with all zeal and sincerity ) have been hitherto without that Success We hoped for ; yet such is Our constant and earnest care to preserve the publick Peace , that We shall not be discouraged from using any Expedient which , by the blessing of the God of Mercy , may lay a firm foundation of Peace and Happiness to all Our good Subjects . To this end observing that many mistakes have arisen by the Messages , Petitions and Answers betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament , which haply may be prevented by some other way of Treaty , wherein the matters in difference may be more clearly understood and more freely transacted ; We have thought fit to propound to you , That some fit persons may be by you inabled to treat with the like number to be authorized by Vs , in such a manner and with such freedom of debate as may best tend to that happy Conclusion which all good Men desire , The peace of the Kingdom : Wherein as We promise in the Word of a King all safety and encouragement to such as shall be sent to Vs , if you shall chuse the place where We are for the Treaty , which We wholly leave to you , presuming of your like care of the safety of those We shall imploy , if you shall name another place ; so We assure you and all Our good Subjects , that ( to the best of Our understanding ) nothing shall be therein wanting on Our parts which may advance the True Protestant Religion , oppose Popery and Superstition , secure the Law of the Land ( upon which is built as well Our just Prerogative as the Propriety and Liberty of the Subject ) confirm all just Power and Priviledges of Parliament , and render Vs and Our People truly happy by a good understanding betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament . Bring with you as firm Resolutions to do your Duty , and let all Our good People joyn with Vs in Our Prayers to Almighty God for his Blessing upon this Work. If this Proposition shall be rejected by you , We have done Our Duty so amply , that God will absolve Vs from the Guilt of any of that Blood which must be spilt : and what opinion soever other Men may have of Our Power , we assure you nothing but Our Christian and Pious care to prevent the effusion of blood hath begot this Motion ; Our Provision of Men , Arms and Mony being such as may secure Vs from farther Violence , till it shall please God to open the eyes of Our People . Our Messengers were not suffered to sit in the Houses , and one of them , the Earl of Southampton ( against whom there was not the least colour of Exception , or so much as a Vote ) not suffered to deliver Our Message , but compelled to send it by the Gentleman Usher , and then commanded to depart the Town , before they would prepare any Answer ; which they shortly sent Us in these words ; May it please Your Majesty , THe Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled having received Your Majesty's Message of the 25. of August , do with much grief resent the dangerous and distracted state of this Kingdom , which we have by all means endeavoured to prevent , both by our several Advices and Petitions to Your Majesty , which have been not only without success , but there hath followed that which no ill Counsel in former times hath produced or any Age hath seen , namely , those several Proclamations and Declarations against both the Houses of Parliament , whereby their Actions are declared Treasonable , and their Persons Traitors ; and thereupon Your Majesty hath set up Your Standard against them , whereby You have put the two Houses of Parliament , and in them this whole Kingdom , out of Your Protection : so that until Your Majesty shall recall those Proclamations and Declarations whereby the Earl of Essex and both Houses of Parliament , and their Adherents and Assistants , and such as have obeyed and executed their Commands and Directions according to their Duties , are declared Traitors , or otherwise Delinquents , and untill the Standard set up in pursuance of the said Proclamations be taken down , Your Majesty hath put us into such a condition , that whilest we so remain we cannot by the fundamental Priviledges of Parliament , the publick Trust reposed in us , or with the general good and safety of this Kingdom , give Your Majesty any other Answer to this Message . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliament . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. This strange Answer might well have discouraged Us from any thought of proceeding further this way , and informed Us sufficiently what spirit still governed amongst those few who continued still in both Houses ; otherwise , after so many bitter and invective Messages and Declarations sent to Us and published against Us , We should not have been reproached with Our Proclamations and Declarations set forth by Us as the effect of such evil Counsel as was unparallel'd by any former Examples . We believe indeed such Proclamations and Declarations have never been before set forth ; but were former times ever acquainted with such intolerable Provocations ? Were there ever before these twelve months Declarations published in the name of eitheir or both Houses of Parliament to make their King odious to the People ? Have either or both Houses ever before assumed or pretended to a Power to raise Armes or levy War in any Cause ? or can both Houses together exercise such a Power ? Are those Actions which the Law hath defined literally and expresly to be Treasonable , or such Persons to be Traitors , not so , because they are done by Members of either House , or their appointment ? And must not We declare such who March with Arms and Force to destroy Us to be Traitors , because the Earl of Essex is their General ? Those whom We have or do accuse We have named , together with their Crimes , notorious by the known Law of the Land , ( a favour not granted to Our Evil Counsellors ) and appeal to that known Law to judge between Us : And now that by this We should have put the whole Kingdom out of Our Protection ( in whose behalf We do all that We have done ) is a corrupt Gloss upon such a Text as cannot be perverted but by the cunning practices of such who wish not well to King or People . Yet that no weak persons might be misled by that Imputation upon Us , we sent a Reply to that Answer in these words ; WE will not repeat what means We have used to prevent the dangerous and distracted estate of the Kingdom , nor how those means have been interpreted , because being desirous to avoid effusion of blood , We are willing to decline all memory of former bitterness that might make Our offer of a Treaty less readily accepted . We never did declare , nor ever intended to declare , both Our Houses of Parliament Traitors , or set up Our Standard against them , and much less to put them and this Kingdom out of Our Protection : We utterly profess against it before God and the World. And further to remove all possible Scruples which may hinder the Treaty so much desired by Vs ; We hereby promise , so that a day be appointed by you for the revoking of your Declarations against all Persons as Traitors or otherways for assisting of Vs , We shall with all chearfulness upon the same day recall Our Proclamations and Declarations , and take down Our Standard : In which Treaty We shall be read to grant any thing that shall be really for the good of Our Subjects . Conjuring you to consider the bleeding condition of Ireland , and the dangerous condition of England , in as high a degree as by these Our Offers We have declared Our Self to do : and assuring you that Our chief desire in this World is to beget a good understanding and mutual confidence betwixt Vs and Our two Houses of Parliament . This Message produced an Answer little differing from the former : like Men who had no other measure of the justice of their Cause than their Power to oppress Us , forgetting their own Duties , they sharply inform Us of Ours in these words ; May it please Your Majesty , IF we the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled should repeat all the ways we have taken , the endeavours we have used , and the expressions we have made unto Your Majesty to prevent those Distractions and Dangers Your Majesty speaks of likely to fall upon this Kingdom , we should too much enlarge this Reply . Therefore as we humbly , so shall we only let your Majesty know , that we cannot recede from our former Answer for the reasons therein expressed ; for that Your Majesty hath not taken down Your Standard , recalled Your Proclamations and Declarations , whereby You have declared the Actions of both Houses of Parliament to be Treasonable , and their Persons Traitors . And You have published the same since Your Message of the 25th of August by Your late Instructions sent to Your Commissioners of Array . Which Standard being taking down , and the Declarations , Proclamations and Instructions recalled , if Your Majesty shall then upon this our humble Petition , leaving Your Forces , return unto Your Parliament , and receive their faithful Advice , Your Majesty will find such expressions of our Fidelities and Duties as shall assure You that Your Safety , Honour and Greatness can only be found in the affections of Your People , and the sincere Counsels of Your Parliament , whose constant and undiscouraged Endeavours and Consultations have passed through Difficulties unheard-of , only to secure Your Kingdoms from the violent Mischiefs and Dangers now ready to fall upon them , and every part of them , who deserve better of Your Majesty , and can never allow themselves ( representing likewise Your whole Kingdom ) to be balanced with those Persons whose desperate Dispositions and Counsels prevail still so to interrupt all our endeavours for the relieving of bleeding Ireland , as we may fear our labours and vast expences will be fruitless to that distressed Kingdom . As Your Presence is thus humbly desired by us ; so is it in our hopes Your Majesty will in your reason believe , there is no other way than this to make Your Self happy and Your Kingdom safe . John Brown Cler. Parliament . Without any bitterness or reprehension of their neglect of Us and the publick Peace , to express Our deep sense of the Calamities at hand , We yet once more ( hoping to awake them to a Christian tenderness towards the whole Kingdom ) sent to them in these words ; WHo have taken most ways , used most endeavours , and made most real expressions to prevent the present Distractions and Dangers , let all the World judge , as well by former Passages as by Our two last Messages , which have been so fruitless , that ( though We have descended to desire and press it ) not so much as a Treaty can be obtained , unless We would denude Our Self of all force to defend Vs from a visible strength marching against Vs , and admit those Persons as Traitors to Vs , who , according to their Duty , their Oaths of Allegiance , and the Law , have appeared in defence of Vs their King and Liege Lord ( whom We are bound in Conscience and Honour to preserve ) though We disclaimed all our Proclamations and Declarations , and the erecting of Our Standard as against Our Parliament . All We have now left in Our Power is to express the deep sense We have of the publick Misery of this Kingdom , in which is involved that of Our distressed Protestants of Ireland , and to apply Our Self to Our necessary Defence , wherein We wholly rely upon the Providence of God , the Justice of Our Cause , and the Affection of Our good People ; so far We are from putting them out of Our Protection . When you shall desire a Treaty of Vs , We shall piously remember whose blood is to be spilt in this Quarrel , and chearfully embrace it . And as no other Reason induced Vs to leave Our City of London , but that with Honour and Safety We could not stay there , nor raise any Force but for the necessary defence of Our Person and the Law against Levies in opposition to both ; so We shall suddenly and most willingly return to the one and disband the other , as soon as those causes shall be removed . The God of Heaven direct you , and in mercy divert those Judgments which hang over this Nation , and so deal with Vs and Our Posterity as We desire the Preservation and Advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the Laws , and the Liberty of the Subject , the just Rights of Parliament , and the Peace of the Kingdom . But as if all these gracious Messages had been the effects only of Our Weakness , and instances of Our want of Power to resist that torrent , they deal at last more plainly with Us , and after many sharp , causeless and unjust Reproaches , they tell Us in plain English , that without putting Our Self absolutely into their hands , and deserting all Our own Force , and the Protection of all those who have faithfully appeared for Us according to their Duty , there would be no means of a Treaty ; although Our extraordinary desire of Peace had prevailed with Us to offer to recall Our most just Declarations , and to take down Our Standard set up for Our necessary defence , so their unjustifiable Declarations might be likewise recalled . Their Answer follows in these words ; WE the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , do present this our humble Answer to Your Majesty's Message of the 11th of this instant Month of September . When we consider the Oppressions , Rapines , Firing of Houses , Murthers , ( even at this time whilst Your Majesty propounds a Treaty ) committed upon Your good Subjects by Your Soldiers , in the presence and by the Authority of their Commanders , being of the number of those whom Your Majesty holds Your self bound in Honour and Conscience to protect as Persons doing their Duties ; We cannot think Your Majesty hath done all that in You lies to prevent or remove the present Distractions ; nor so long as Your Majesty will admit no Peace , without securing the Authors and Instruments of these Mischiefs from the Justice of the Parliament , which yet shall be ever dispens'd with all requisite Moderation and distinction of Offences , although some of those Persons be such in whose Preservation Your Kingdom cannot be safe , nor the unquestionable Rights and Priviledges of Parliament be maintain'd , without which the Power and Dignity thereof will fall into contempt . We beseech Your Majesty therefore to consider Your Expressions , That God should deal with You and Your Posterity as Your Majesty desires the Preservation of the just Rights of Parliament ; which being undeniable in the Trying of such as we have declared to be Delinquents , we shall believe Your Majesty , both towards Your self and Parliament , will not in this Priviledge we are most sensible of deny us that which belongs unto the meanest Court of Justice in this Kingdom . Neither hath Your Majesty cause to complain that You are denied a Treaty , when we offer all that a Treaty can produce or Your Majesty expect , Security , Honour , Service , Obedience , Support , and all other effects of an Humble , Loyal and Faithful Subjection , and seek nothing but that our Religion , Liberty , Peace of the Kingdom , Safety of the Parliament may be secured from the open Violence and cunning Practices of a wicked party , who have long plotted our ruin and destruction . And if there were any Cause of Treaty , we know no competent Persons to Treat betwixt the King and Parliament ; and if both Cause and Persons were such as to invite Treaty , the Season is altogether unfit , whilst Your Majesty's Standard is up , and Your Proclamations and Declarations unrecalled , whereby Your Parliament is charged with Treason . If Your Majesty shall persist to make Your self a shield and defence to those Instruments , and shall continue to reject our faithful and necessary Advice for securing and maintaining Religion and Liberty , with the Peace of the Kingdom and Safety of the Parliament , we doubt not but to indifferent judgments it will easily appear who is most tender of that Innocent Blood which is like to be spilt in this Cause ; Your Majesty , who by such persisting doth endanger Your self and Your Kingdoms , or we , who are willing to hazard our selves to preserve both . We humbly beseech Your Majesty to consider how impossible it is that any Protestation , though published in Your Majesty's name , of Your tenderness of the Miseries of Your Protestant Subjects in Ireland , of Your Resolution to maintain the Protestant Religion and Laws of this Kingdom , can give satisfaction to reasonable and indifferent men , when at the same time divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebels , the known Favourers of them and Agents for them , are admitted to Your Majesty's presence with Grace and Favour , and some of them imployed in Your service ; when the Cloaths , Munition , Horses , and other Necessaries bought by your Parliament , and sent for the supply of the Army against the Rebels there , are violently taken away , some by Your Majesty's Command , others by Your Ministers , and applied to the maintenance of an unnatural War against Your People here . All this notwithstanding , as we never gave Your Majesty any just cause of withdrawing Your self from Your great Council , so it hath ever been and shall ever be far from us to give any impediment to Your Return , or to neglect any proper means of curing the Distempers of the Kingdom , and closing the dangerous Breaches betwixt Your Majesty and Your Parliament , according to the great Trust which lies upon us : and if Your Majesty shall now be pleased to come back to Your Parliament without Your Forces , we shall be ready to secure Your Royal Person , Your Crown and Dignity , with our Lives and Fortunes ; Your Presence in this Your great Council being the only means of any Treaty betwixt Your Majesty and them with hope of Success . And in none of our Desires to Your Majesty shall we be swaied by any particular man's advantage , but shall give a clear Testimony to Your Majesty and the whole World , that in all things done by us we faithfully intend the good of Your Majesty and of Your Kingdoms , and that we will not be diverted from this End by any private or self-respects whatsoever . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliament . They will not believe We have done all that in Us lies to prevent and remove the present Distractions , because of the Oppressions , Rapines and the like committed upon Our good Subjects by Our Soldiers . Let them remember who have compelled Us , and against Our Souls desire forced Us to raise those Soldiers : and then if the Oppressions and Rapines were indeed such as are falsly pretended , Our poor Subjects who suffer under them will look on them , and only on them , as the Authors of all the Miseries they do or can undergo . We confess with grief of heart some Disorders have and many more may befal Our good People by Our Soldiers ; but We appeal to all those Counties through which We have passed , what care We have taken to prevent , and what Justice We daily inflict upon such Offendors : neither hath the least complaint been ever made to Us of Violences and Outrages which We have not to Our utmost Power repaired or punished ; however those false and treasonable Pamphlets are suffered , which accuse Us of giving Warrant for plundring of Houses . Our Mercy and Lenity is so well known to the contrary , that it is usually made an excuse by those who against their Consciences assist this Rebellion against Us , that they chuse rather to offend Us upon the confidence of Pardon , than provoke those Malignant Persons who without Charity or Compassion destroy all who concur not with them in Faction and Opinion . How far We are from Rapine and Oppression may appear by Our Lenity to the Persons and Estates of those who have not only exercised the Militia ( the seed from whence this Rebellion against Us hath grown ) but contributed Mony and Plate to the maintenance of that Army which now endeavours to destroy Us ; as of Nottingham , Leicester , and many other places through which We have passed , many of whom then were and now are in that Army : to let pass Our passing by Chartly ( the House of the Earl of Essex ) without other pressures than as if he were the General of Our own Army , and Our express Orders to restrain the liberty Our Soldiers would otherwise have used upon that Place and his Estate about it . How contrary the proceedings are of these great Assertors of the publick Liberties , appears fully by the sad instances they every day give in the plundring by publick Warrant the Houses of all such whose Duty , Conscience and Loyalty hath engaged them in Our Quarrel , which every good Man ought to make his own ; by their declaring all Persons to be out of the Protection of Parliament ( and so exposing them to the Fury of their Soldiers ) who will not assist this Rebellion against Us , their anointed King ; by the daily Outrages committed in Yorkshire , when , contrary to the desire and agreement of that County ( signed under the hands of both Parties ) they will not suffer the Peace to be kept , but that the Distractions and Confusion may be universal over the whole Kingdom , direct their Governour of Hull to make War upon Our good Subjects in that County , and so continue the robbing and plundring the Houses of all such who concur not with them in this Rebellion ; lastly , by the barbarous , Sacrilegious Inhumanity exercised by their Soldiers in Churches , as in Canterbury , Worcester , Oxford , and other Places , where they committed such unheard-of Outrages as Jews and Atheists never practised before . God in his good time will make them examples of his Vengeance . We never did nor ever shall desire to secure the Authors and Instruments of any mischiefs to the Kingdom from the Justice of Parliament . We desire all such Persons may be speedily brought to condign Punishment by that Rule which is , on ought to be , the Rule of all punishment , the known Law of the Land. If there have seemed to be any interruption in proceedings of this nature , it must be remembred how long Persons have been kept under general Accusations without Trial , though earnestly desired ; that the Members who were properly to judge such Accusations have by Violence been driven thence , or could not with Honour and Safety be present at such Debates ; that notorious Delinquents by the known Laws were protected against Us from the Justice of the Kingdom , and such called Delinquents who , committing no Offence against any known Law , were so voted only for doing their Duties to Us : and then there will be no cause of complaint found against Us. And for the Priviledges of Parliament , We have said so much and upon such reasons , ( which have never been answered but by bare positive Assertions ) in Our several . Declarations , that We may well and do still use the same expression , That We desire God may so deal with Us and Our Posterity , as We desire the preservation of the just Rights of Parliament ; the violation whereof in truth by these desperate Persons is so clearly known to all Men who understand the Priviledges of Parliament , that their Rage and Malice hath not been greater to Our Person and Government , than to the Liberty , Priviledge and very Being of Parliaments : witness their putting in , putting out , and suspending what Persons they please , as they like or dislike their Opinions ; their bringing down the Tumults to assault the Members and awe the Parliament ; their posting and prosecuting such Members of either House as concurred not with them in their Designs , and so driving them from thence for the safety of their Lives ; their denying Us , against the known , established Law and the Constitution of the Kingdom , to have a Negative Voice , without which no Parliament can consist ; their making close Committees , from whence the Members of the Houses are exempted , against the Liberty of Parliament ; and lastly , resolving both Houses into a close Committee of Seventeen persons , who undertake and direct all the present Outrages and the managery of this Rebellion against Us , in the absence of four parts of five of both Houses , and without the privity of those who stay there , which is not only contrary , but destructive to Parliaments themselves . By these gross , unheard-of Invasions and Breaches of the Priviledges of Parliament , ( and without them they could not have done the other ) they made way for their attempts upon the Law of the Land , and the introduction of that unlimited Arbitrary Power which they have since exercised to the intolerable Damage and Confusion of the whole Kingdom . And We assure Our good Subjects , the vindication of these just Liberties and Priviledges of Parliament , thus violated by these Men , is not less the Argument of Our present Quarrel and Undertaking , than Our own Honour , Interest and Safety ; those being no way so securely to be preserved , as by preserving Parliaments and their just Priviledges . Neither is there any Protestation , to Our knowledge , published in Our name of Our tenderness of the Miseries of Ireland , and Our Resolution to maintain the Protestant Religion and Laws of this Kingdom , that is not the Protestation of Our Soul , and manifested in all Our Actions : and We hope that false Scandal , that divers of the Irish Traitors and Rebels , the known Favourers of them and Agents for them , are admitted to Our presence with favour , and imployed in Our Service , will gain no credit with good Men , who remember well the notorious imputation so confidently and groundlesly heretofore cast on Us by Mr. Pym , of which as there could never be the least Proof , so We could never receive any satisfaction for that high Injury , which might have been a warning to them to have published no more such Untruths , if they had not found that Truth and their Ends cannot meet together . For the Horses taken for Our Service , which were provided for the Service of Ireland , 't is true , We were compelled for the bringing Our own Waggons from Chester for the Carriage of Our Munition to make use of them , being few in number and of small value , after they were certified to be of no use for the Service for which they were provided . And for the Clothes , upon enquiry We find that some few were taken by Our Soldiers ( but without any Order from Us ) going to Coventry , and as was probably believed for the relief of that place then in actual Rebellion against Us. But how far We have been and are from diverting any of those Provisions made for the Relief of that poor Kingdom , ( the thought of whose miserable Condition makes Our heart bleed ) may appear by Our express Command given for the speedy transportation of 3000 Suits of Clothes which We found provided at Chester , but neglected to be sent , and which no necessity of Our own Army here could prevail with Us to seize . And how bold soever the Reproaches of that kind have been upon Us , We are confident Malice it self cannot lay the least probable imputation upon Us for the neglect of Our Duty towards that Kingdom . What one thing in Our power have We neglected or omitted which might contribute to the assistance or ease of Our poor Protestant Subjects there ? We first recommended the care of that business to both Our Houses of Parliament : We consented to all Propositions made on the behalf , offered to raise 10000 Voluntiers , ( which if then accepted , had shortned that Work , ) offered to venture Our own Person in the Service ; ( what interpretation that Offer of Ours found is known to all the World ) We parted with Our Interest in the Land of the Rebels , to encourage such who were willing to adventure in that business , and when Mony is raised by Our Consent for that sole purpose , they have at once seized on a hundred thousand pound particularly appointed by Act of Parliament for the relief of Ireland ( Our Army being ready to perish for want of it ) and imployed it to maintain this unnatural Civil War at home . They have levied Men and entertained Commanders for that Service , and then compelled them to joyn in this Rebellion , and to march against Us. And though they have complained of Our keeping the Lieutenant of Ireland some weeks with Us , ( when in truth it was a season of extraordinary business , ) after We had in vain for many months pressed his dispatch , yet themselves now detain him , when his going is so necessary for the Preservation of that Kingdom . And no doubt these Men ( and these alone ) by begetting this miserable Distraction of England , are guilty before God and Man of all the insupportable Calamities that Our Kingdom of Ireland endures . Let all the World judge where the desire of Peace is , and upon whose account the Blood and Confusion which hath been shed and must follow shall be cast , and whether the several Proclamations and Declarations published by Us have not been extorted from Us by such unheard-of Insolencies and Injuries which no former times ever produced . Neither can any sober Man wonder , when We are publickly reproached , traduced and reviled to Our People ( a practice never known till this Parliament ) that We endeavour by a true Relation and Declaration of Our Actions and Intentions , and of their Conspiracies who have vowed Our Destruction , to inform Our good Subjects of the Cunning and Malice they are to encounter with ; and when a Combination is entred into to destroy Us , and to alter the Religion and Law of the Kingdom , and to that purpose an Army raised and marching against Us , that We proclaim the General of that Army , and such who shall assist him in levying a War against Us , to be Traitours , and have set up Our Royal Standard , and required all Our good Subjects to come to Our defence . And yet both in that Proclamation and in all Our Declarations We have never accused Our Parliament , but such factious , seditious Members of both Houses whom We have named , and whom We are ready to prove according to the Rules of the known Law to be guilty of High Treason . We well know , and all the Kingdom knows , that of near 500. Members which the House of Commons contains , there remains not now there 100. neither hath above such a number consented almost to any thing of which We have ever complained ; the rest have either been driven away by Tumults and Threats of the Persons whom We have accused , or out of Conscience withdrawn themselves from their desperate Consultations : and of about 100. Peers of the Realm , there are not above 15. or 16. who concurre in these miserable Resolutions which disturb the publick Peace ; many of which being of desperate fortunes , have no other support than the Commands now given them to make War upon Us : and now these Men must sit upon the Lives and Fortunes of all the Nobility , Gentry and Commons of England ; and because We will not put Our Self into the hands , Government and disposal of them , all Our good Subjects are invited and encouraged to Rebel against Us. Yet We have been , and are still , far from accusing all that small number of both Houses who are yet left together . We believe many of them are misled by the Cunning and Malice , and frighted by the Power of those Men whom We have accused ; against every one of whom We have evidence of matter of Fact , that the known Law of the Land determines to be High Treason . And now that all Our good Subjects may see how desirous these Men and their Adherents are to prevent the effusion of blood and the lasting Miseries of a Civil War , they will make themselves so considerable , that except We will recall Our Proclamations and Declarations whereby those Persons particularly named , for particular Actions , ( which the Law hath defined to be Treason ) are so accused , and others warned from involving themselves in their Guilt , and except We will take down Our Standard , that Our good Subjects may not repair to Us for Our Defence , when so many Armies are raised against Us in several parts of the Kingdom , and ready to destroy Us , and such of Our good Subjects who dare continue loyal to Us , and except We will return to London , from whence with Violence We have been driven , We must not be treated with , or receive any Answer to so gracious a Message . It can no longer be doubted by any Man who hath not wilfully forsaken his Understanding , that it is no more a Quarrel undertaken by the Parliament , but contrived and somented by the persons We have named , and now continued solely in their defence , to whose Ambition , Faction and Malice , the true Reformed Protestant Religion , the just Right , Honour , Safety and Life of Us and Our Posterity , the Law of the Land , which hath so long preserved this Nation Happy , the Liberty of the Subject established by that Law , and the glorious Frame and Constitution of this Kingdom , must be sacrificed . But as We have hitherto left no Action unperformed which in Honour , Justice and Conscience We were obliged to do , or in Christian Policy and Prudence We could conceive might probably prevent these Calamities ; so We thank God he hath given Us a full Courage and Resolution to run the utmost hazard of Our Life for the suppression of this Horrible Rebellion , in the which no disproportion of Power , Arms or Money shall discourage Us. And We hope that all Our good Subjects besides , by the common Duty of Allegiance , will be stirred up for their own sakes , for the preservation of the blessed Protestant Religion , and for the upholding this whole admirable Frame of Government , which being dissolved , all their private and particular Rights and Interests must be immediately confounded , to bring in their utmost power and Assistance unto Us in this desperate Exigent . And We do declare , that whosoever shall lose his life in this Service for Our defence , the Wardship of his Heir shall be granted by . Us without Rent or Fine to his own use ; and We shall hold Our Self obliged to take all possible care for the support , relief and protection of all their Wives and Children , who shall have the hard fortune to dye in this Service . CHARLES R. Our express pleasure is , That this Our Declaration be published in all Churches and Chappels within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , by the Parsons , Vicars , or Curates of the same . MDCXLII . His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , after His late Victory against the Rebels on Sunday the 23. of October . AS We must wholly attribute the Preservation of Us and Our Children in the late bloody Battel with the Rebels to the Mercy and Goodness of Almighty God , who best knowing the Justice of Our Cause , and the Uprightness of Our Heart to his Service , and to the good and welfare of Our People , would not suffer Us and this whole Kingdom to be made a Prey to those desperate Persons : so We hold it Our Duty still to use all possible means to remove that Jealousie and Mis-understanding from Our good Subjects , which by the Industry and Subtilty of that Malignant Party ( which hath brought this Mischiefand Confusion upon the Kingdom ) hath been infused into them ; and to that purpose ( thugh even those Scandals are sufficiently answered by many of Our Declarations and Messages , and by Our late Protestation made in the head of Our Army , which We shall always by the help of God stedfastly and solemnly observe ) We shall take notice of those subtile Insinuations by which at this present ( according to that observation We can make , and Information We can receive ) they endeavour to poyson the hearts and corrupt the Allegiance of such of Our good Subjects who cannot so clearly discern their Malice and Impostures : First , by urging and pressing that false groundless Imputation of Our favouring Popery , and Our imploying many of that Religion now in Our Army ; secondly , by seducing Our good People to believe that this Army raised and kept for Our necessary Defence ( and without which in all probability , the Malice of these Men had before this taken Our Life from Us ) is to fight against and subdue the Parliament , to take away the Privileges thereof , and thereby to root out Parliaments . If either of which were true , We should not have the courage with an Army much greater than Ours to hope for success . For the First , for Our Affection to that Religion , Our continual Practice , Our constant Profession and several Protestations will satisfie all the World , against which Malice and Treason it self cannot find the least probable Objection : We wish from Our heart the zeal and affection of these Men to the true Protestant Religion were as apparent as Ours . For the imploying Men of that Religion in Our present Service in the Army ; whosoever considers the hardness and streights the Malice and Fury of these Men have driven Us to , their stopping all passages and ways that neither Men nor money might come to Us , their declaring all such to be Traitours who shall assist Us , their entertaining Men of all Countries , all Religions , to serve against Us , would not wonder if We had been very well contented to have received the service and assistance of any of Our good Subjects who had Loyalty enough ( whatsoever their Religion is ) to bring them to Our Succour . All Men know the great number of Papists which serve in their Army , Commanders and others , the great Industry they have used to corrupt the Loyalty and Affection of all Our Subjects of that Religion , the private Promises and Undertakings they have made to them , that if they would assist them against Us , all the Laws made in their prejudice should be repealed : yet neither the weakness of Our own condition , nor the other Arts used against Us , could prevail with Us to invite those of that Religion to come to Our succour , or to recal Our Proclamation which forbad them to do so . And We are confident ( though We know of some few whose eminent Abilities in Command and Conduct , and moderate and unfactious Dispositions , hath moved Us in this great Necessity to imploy them in this Service ) that a far greater number of that Religion is in the Army of the Rebels than in Our own . And We do assure Our good Subjects , though We shall always remember the particular services which particular Men have or shall in this Exigent of Ours perform to Us with that Grace and Bounty which becomes a just Prince ; yet We shall be so far from ever giving the least countenance or encouragement to that Religion , that We shall always use Our utmost endeavour to suppress it , by the execution of those good and wholsome Laws already in force against Papists , and concurring in such further Remedies as the care and wisdom of Us and both Houses of Parliament shall think most necessary for the Advancement of God's Service . For the Second , of Our Intention to make War upon Our Parliament , and so to root out Parliaments ; the Scandal is so senseless , when Our Accusation of a few particular Persons for particular Crimes notoriously committed , adjudged by the known Laws of the Land to be Treason , is evident , that no Man can be moved with it , who doth not believe a dozen or twenty Factious , Seditious Persons to be the High Court of Parliament , which consists of KING , Lords and Commons . And for the Privileges of it , whoever doth not believe that to raise an Army to murther and depose the King , to alter the whole frame of Government and established Laws of the Land by extemporary , extravagant Votes and Resolutions of either or both Houses , to force and compel the Members to submit to the Faction and Treason of a few , and to take away the Liberty and Freedom of consultation from them , be the Privileges of Parliament , must confess that the Army now raised by Us is no less for the Vindication and Preservation of Parliaments than for Our own necessary Defence . We have often said , and We still say , that We believe many Inconveniences have grown upon this Kingdom by the too long intermission of Parliaments , that Parliaments are the only necessary sovereign Remedies of the growing Mischiefs which Time and Accidents have and will always beget in this Kingdom , that without Parliaments the Happiness cannot be lasting to King or People ; We have prepared for the frequent assembling of Parliaments , and will be always as careful of their just Privileges as of Our Life , Honour or Interest : But that those Privileges should extend so far as hath been lately declared , that it should not be lawful for Us to apprehend the Lord Saint-John , Captain Wingate , or Captain Walton , when they came to destroy Us , because they were Members of Parliament , without the consent of that House of which they were Members , is so ridiculous , that there need no more to be said in this Argument than the giving these instances . In a word , as whoever knows in what Danger Our Person was on Sunday the 23. of October , can never believe that the Army which gave Us Battel was raised for Our Defence and Preservation : so when they consider how much the Liberty of the Subject is invaded by their Rapine and Imprisoning , and that four parts at the least of five of the Members of both Houses are by Violence driven from being present in that Council ; that the Book of Common-Prayer is rejected , and no countenance given but to Anabaptists , and Brownists ; they will easily find the pretences of care of the Protestant Religion , the Liberty of the Subject , and of the Privilege of Parliament , to be as vain and pretended , as those which refer to the Safety of Our Person and preservation of Our Posterity . We cannot omit the great pains and endeavours these great pretenders to Peace and Charity have taken to raise an implacable Malice and Hatred between the Gentry and Commonalty of the Kingdom , by rendring all Persons of Honour , Courage and Reputation odious to the Common People under the style of Cavaliers ; insomuch as the High-ways and Villages have not been safe for Gentlemen to pass through without Violence or Affronts : and by infusing into them that there was an intention by the Commission of Array to take away a part of their Estates from them ; a Scandal so senseless and impossible , that the Contrivers of it well know that they might with equal Ingenuity have charged Us with a purpose of introducing Turcisme or Judaisme amongst them : and We hope when Our good Subjects have well weighed the continual Practices of these Men to reject all offers of Treaty , and to suppress Truth , and to mislead them by bold and monstrous Falsehoods , they will not think such arts and ways to lead to Peace and Unity . And We desire Our good Subjects of all Conditions to believe that We hold Our Self bound no less to defend and protect the meanest of Our People ( who are born equally free , and to whom the Law of the Land is an equal Inheritance ) than the greatest Subject ; and that as the Wealth and Strength of this Kingdom consists in the Number and Happiness of Our People , which is made up of Men of all Conditions , so We shall , to the utmost of Our Power , endeavour without distinction to give every one of them that Justice and Protection which is due to them : and We do exhort them all to that charitable and brotherly Affection one towards another , that they may be reconciled in a just Duty and Loyalty to Us , which may enable Us for that Protection . To conclude , We would have all the World know , that We shall never forget the Protestations and Vows We have made to Almighty God in Our several Declarations and Messages to both Our Houses of Parliament . And We are too much a Christian to believe that We can break those Promises , and avoid the Justice of Heaven . CHARLES R. Our express pleasure is , That this Our Declaration be published in all Churches and Chappels within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , by the Parsons , Vicars , or Curates of the same . DECLARATIONS and PAPERS Concerning the TREATY of PEACE AT OXFORD , MDCXLII . III. MDCXLII . Novemb. His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His loving Subjects , of His true Intentions in advancing lately to Brainceford . THough Our Reputation be most dear to Us , and especially in those cases wherein the truth of Our most solemn Professions ( and by consequence of Our Christianity ) is questioned ; yet it is not only for the Vindication of that , and to clear Our self from such Aspersions , but withal to preserve Our Subjects in their just Esteem of and Duty to Us , and from being engaged into Crimes and Dangers by those malicious Reports , so spightfully framed and cunningly spread against Us concerning Our late advancing to Brainceford , that We have resolved to publish this Our following Declaration . AT Colebrook , on Friday the 11. of November , We received a Petition from both Our Houses of Parliament , by the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , the Lord Wenman , Master Pierrepont and Sir John Hippesly : And indeed We were well pleased to see it so much liker a Petition than the other Papers We had often of late received under that name , and return'd to it the next day so gracious an Answer , that We assure Our selves could not but be very satisfactory to all that were truly lovers of Peace . The Copies of both do here follow . To the KING 's most Excellent MAJESTY , The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons now assembled in Parliament . WE Your Majesty's most loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , being affected with a deep and piercing sense of the Miseries of this Kingdom , and of the Dangers to Your Majesty's Person , as the present Affairs now stand , and much quickned therein with the sad consideration of the great effusion of Blood at the late Battel , and of the loss of so many eminent Persons ; and further weighing the addition of Loss , Misery and Danger to Your Majesty and Your Kingdom , which must ensue if both Armies should again joyn in another Battel , as without God's especial Blessing , and Your Majesty's Concurrence with Your Houses of Parliament , will not probably be avoided . We cannot but believe that a suitable Impression of Tenderness and Compassion is wrought in Your Majesty's Royal Heart , being Your Self an eye-witness of the bloody and sorrowful destruction of so many of Your Subjects ; and that Your Majesty doth apprehend what dimination of Your own Power and Greatness will follow , and that all Your Kingdoms will thereby be so weakned as to become subject to the Attempts of any ill-affected to this State. In all which respects , we assure our selves that Your Majesty will be inclined graciously to accept this our humble Petition , that the Misery and Desolation of this Kingdom may be speedily removed and prevented . For the effecting whereof we most humbly beseech Your Majesty to appoint some convenient place , not far from the City of London , where Your Majesty will be pleased to reside , until Committees of both Houses of Parliament may attend Your Majesty with some Propositions for the removal of these bloody Distempers and Distractions , and settling the state of the Kingdom in such a manner as may conduce to the Preservation of God's true Religion , Your Majesty's Honour , Safety and Prosperity , and to the Peace , Comfort and Security of all Your People . His MAJESTY's Answer to the aforesaid Petition . WE take God to witness how deeply We are affected with the Miseries of this Kingdom , which heretofore We have stroven as much as in Vs lay to prevent , it being sufficiently known to all the World , that as WE were not the first that took up Arms , so We have shewed Our readiness of Composing all things in a fair way by Our several Offers of Treaty , and shall be glad now at length to find any such Inclinations in others ; the same Tenderness to avoid the Destruction of Our Subjects ( whom We know to be Our greatest Strength ) which would always make Our greatest Victories bitter to Vs , shall make Vs willingly hearken to such Propositions whereby these bloody Distempers may be stopped , and the great Distractions of this Kingdom settled to God's Glory , Our Honour , and the Welfare and flourishing of Our People ; and to that end shall reside at Our own Castle at Windsor ( if the Forces there shall be removed ) till Committees may have time to attend Vs with the same ( which , to prevent the Inconveniences that will intervene , We wish may be hastened ) and shall be ready there , or ( if that be refused Vs ) at any place where We shall be , to receive such Propositions as aforesaid from both Our Houses of Parliament . Do you your Duty , We will not be wanting to Ours : God of his mercy give a Blessing . But the same night after the Messengers were gone , certain Information was brought unto Us , that the same day the Earl of Essex had drawn his Forces with great store of Ordnance out of London towards Us : upon which a Council of War being present , and We having there considered , upon debate , Our present Condition , That being already almost surrounded by his Forces , some at Windsor , some at Kingston , and some at Acton , if We suffered the Remainder to possess Brainceford , We should be totally hemm'd in , and Our Army deprived of all convenience of either moving or subsisting ; yet how necessary soever it appeared , We could not obtain Our own Consent to advance towards Brainceford , and either prepossess it , or dispossess them of it , till We had satisfied Our Selves that it was as lawful as necessary , and fully weighed all that not only Reason , but Malice it self ( which We knew to be very watchful upon Our Actions ) could object against it . We considered first , that it could not reasonably be esteemed an Aversion from Peace , and an Intention to interrupt the Treaty than in expectation ; since on the other side We had cause to believe by the former rejection of Our offers of Treaty , when We were supposed to be in no condition of strength , that if We would not thus preserve Our Selves from being so encompass'd as to come into their Powers , the very possibility of a Treaty would immediately vanish . We considered next , that much less could it be interpreted any breach of Faith , since willingness to receive Propositions of Treaty was never held to amount to a suspension of Arms ; since otherwise We must ( because mention of a Treaty had been once made ) by the same Logick have been bound not to hinder them to encompass Us on all parts to Colebrook Towns-end ; since no word to that purpose ( of any suspension ) was in Our Answer ; nay , since in that ( by wishing their Propositions might be hastned , to prevent the Inconveniences which would intervene ) We implied , that by this Arms were not suspended ; and since their own Votes of proceeding vigorously notwithstanding the Petition , and their own actions in sending after their Messengers great store of Forces with Ordnance so near to Us ( having before girt Us in on all other parts , and sent Men and Ordnance to Kingston after the safe Conduct asked of Us ) implied the same . Being resolved upon these Reasons , that this Advancing was necessary and just , We were not yet satisfied , till We had endeavoured the same day ( though the interruptions of shooting stopt the way till the next ) to satisfie Our Parliament and People of the same , and that Peace was still Our desire . We to that end directed a Message by John White Esquire , which was so received , that his danger of being put to death for bringing it , and the Imprisonment of him and the Trumpeter that went with him in the Gate-house , shew'd that the Law of Nations was by some no more considered than all other Laws had been before . A Copy of which Message hereafter follows , to shew how little temptation the matter of that gave them for such an usage . His MAJESTY's Message of the twelfth of November . WHereas the last night , being the eleventh of November , after the departure of the Committee of both Our Houses with Our gracious Answer to their Petition , We received certain Information ( having till then heard nothing of it , either from the Houses Committee or otherwise ) That the Lord of Essex had drawn his Forces out of London towards Vs , which hath necessitated Our sudden Resolution to march with Our Forces to Brainceford ; We have thought hereby fit to signifie to both Our Houses of Parliament , That We are no less desirous of the Peace of the Kingdom than We exprest in Our aforesaid Answer , the Propositions for which We shall willingly receive where-ever We are , and desire ( if it may be ) to receive them at Brainceford this night , or early to morrow morning , that all possible speed may be made in so good a Work , and all Inconveniences otherwise likely to intervene may be avoided . And to justifie yet further that Our Intention was no other than was here profest , as soon as We were informed that the Earl of Essex his Forces were departed from Kingston , before any appearance or notice of further Forces from London ( Our end of not being inclosed being obtained ) We gave orders to quit Brainceford , and to march away ; and possess that place . We cannot but make one Argument more of the truth of Our Profession , that this was all Our end , and that We had not the least thought by so advancing to surprise and sack London ( which the Malignant party would infuse into that Our City ; ) and that is , That probably God Almighty would not have given such a Blessing to Our Journy ; as to have assisted Us so both by Land and Water , as with less than a third part of Our Foot , and with the loss but of ten Men , to beat two of their best Regiments out of both Braincefords , for all the great advantage of their Works in them , to kill him who commanded in chief , and kill and drown many others , to take five hundred Prisoners ; more Arms , eleven Colours , and good store of Ammunition , fifteen Pieces of Ordnance ( whereof We sunk most that We brought not away ) and then unfought with , and unoffer'd at , nearer than by Ordnance , to march away , notwithstanding the great disadvantage of Our Forces by the difficulties of the Passages , if He , who is the Searcher of all Hearts , and Truth it self , had not known the truth of Our Professions , and the Innocence of Our Heart , and how far We were from deserving those horrid Accusations of Falshood and Treachery cast so point-blank upon Our own Person , that it would amaze any Man to see them suffered to be printed in Our City of London , if any thing of that kind could be a wonder after so many of the same , and how really they desire Accommodation , who have upon this voted they will have none . These Our Reasons for this Action , this Our satisfaction sent for it , and this Blessing of God's upon it , will ( We doubt not ) clear Us to all indifferent persons both of the Jesuitical Counsels and the Personal Treachery to which some have presumed so impudently to impute it : And God so bless Our future Actions as We have delivered the truth of this . The Answer of both Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 12 of Nov. With his Majesty's Reply thereunto . The Answer of both Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 12 of November . TO Your Majesty's Message of the 12 of this Month of November , we the Lords and Commons in Parliament do make this humble Answer , That this Message was not delivered to us till Monday the 14. We thought it a strange Introduction to Peace , that Your Majesty should send Your Army to beat us out of our Quarters at Brainceford , and then appoint that place to receive our Propositions ; which yet it plainly appears Your Majesty intended not to receive , till You had first tried whether You could break through the Army raised for Defence of this Kingdom and Parliament , and take the City being unprovided , and secure in expectation of a fair Treaty made to secure the City . If herein Your Majesty had prevailed , after You had destroyed the Army and mastered the City , it is easie to imagine what a miserable Peace we should have had : and whether those Courses be suitable to the Expressions Your Majesty is pleased to make in Your Answer to our Petition , and of Your Earnestness to avoid any further Effusion of blood , let God and the world judge . As for our Proceedings , they have in all things been answerable to our Professions : we gave directions to the Earl of Essex to draw the Army under his Command out of the City and Suburbs , before we sent any Message to Your Majesty ; so that part of it was inquartered at Brainceford before the Committee returned with Your Answer : and immediately upon the receit thereof , that very morning order was taken that the Soldiers should exercise no Act of Hostility against any of Your Majesty's People . We sent a Letter by Sir Peter Killegrew , to know Your Majesty's Pleasure , whether You intended the like forbearance of Hostility : but the fury of your Souldiers , thirsting after blood and spoil , prevented the delivery of the Letter ; for coming upon Saturday in his way towards Your Majesty as far as Brainceford , he found them in fight there , and could pass no further . God , who sees our Innocency , and that we have no Aims but at his Glory and the publick good , will ( we hope ) free Your Majesty from those destructive Counsels , who labour to maintain their own Power by Blood and Rapine , and bless our Endeavours , who seek nothing but to procure and establish the Honour , Peace and Safety of Your Majesty and Kingdoms , upon the sure foundation of Religion and Justice . MDCXLII . Nov. 18. To the Answer of both Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 12 of November , His MAJESTY makes this Reply . THat His Message of the twelfth , though not received by them till the fourteenth , was sent to them first upon the same day upon which it was dated , and meeting with stops by the way , was again sent upon the 13 , and taken upon that day at ten in the morning by the Earl of Essex , and though not to him directed , was by him opened : so the slowness of the Delivery is not so strange as the stop of the Letter said to be sent by Sir Peter Killegrew , which His Majesty hath not yet received , but concludes from the matter expressed to have been contain'd in that Letter , ( to wit , to know His Pleasure , whether He intended the forbearance of Hostility ) and by the Command of such forbearance said to be sent to the Lord of Essex his Army , that no such forbearance was already concluded , and consequently neither had His Majesty cause to suppose that He should take any of their Forces unprovided , and secure in expectation of a fair Treaty , neither could any Hostile Act of His Majesties Forces have been a course unsuitable to His Expressions ; much less could an endeavour to prepossess ( for so He hoped He might have done ) that Place , which might have stopt the farther march of those Forces towards Him , ( which , for ought appeared to Him , might as well have been intended to Colebrook as to Brainceford ) and by that , the further effusion of blood , deserve that style . His Majesty further conceives , that the Printing so out of time of such a Declaration as their Reply to His Answer to theirs of the 26. of May , but the day before they Voted the Delivery of their Petition , and the March of the Earl of Essex his Forces to Brainceford so near to his Majesty , when the Committee at the same time attended Him with a Petition for a Treaty , the Earl of Essex being before possest of all the Avenues to his Army , by his Forces at Windsor , Acton and Kingston , was a more strange Introduction to Peace , than for His Majesty not to suffer Himself to be coopt up on all sides , because a Treaty had been mentioned , which was so really and so much desired by His Majesty , that this Proceeding seems to Him purposely by some intended to divert ( which it could not do ) that His Inclination . That His Majesty had no intention to master the City by so advancing , besides His Profession , which ( how meanly soever they seem to value it ) He conceives a sufficient Argument , ( especially being only opposed by suspicions and surmises ) may appear by His not pursuing His Victory at Brainceford , but giving orders to His Army to march away to Kingston as soon as He heard that place was quitted , before any notice or appearance of farther Forces from London . Nor could He find a better way to satisfie them before-hand that He had no such intention , but that His desire of Peace and of Propositions that might conduce to it still continued , than by that Message of the twelfth . For which care of His He was requited by such a reception of His Message and Messenger , as was contrary at once both to Duty , Civility , and the very Customs and Law of War and Nations , and such as theirs ( though after this Provocation ) hath not found from Him. His Majesty wonders that His Souldiers should be charged with thirsting after Blood , who took above five hundred Prisoners in the very heat of the Fight , His Majesty having since dismissed all the common Souldiers , and entertain'd such as were willing to serve Him , and required only from the rest an Oath not to serve against Him : And His Majesty supposes such most apt and likely to maintain their Power by Blood and Rapine , who have only got it by Oppression and Injustice ; That His is vested in Him by the Law , and by that only ( if the destructive Counsels of others would not hinder such a Peace , in which that might once again be the Universal Rule , and in which Religion and Justice can only flourish ) He desires to maintain it . And if Peace were equally desired by them , as it is by His Majesty , He conceives it would have been proper to have sent Him such a Paper as should have contained just Propositions of Peace , and not an unjust Accusation of His Counsels , Proceedings and Person . And His Majesty intends to march to such a distance from His City of London , as may take away all Pretence of Apprehension from His Army ; that might hinder them in all security from yet preparing them to present to Him ; and there will be ready either to receive them , or to end the Pressures and Miseries which His Subjects to His great Grief suffer through this War , by a present Battel . The Humble Petition of Both Houses of Parliament presented to His Majesty on the 24. of November . With His Majesties Gracious Answer thereunto . To the Kings most Excellent Majesty , The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . May it please Your Majesty , IT is humbly desired by both Houses of Parliament , That Your Majesty will be pleased to return to Your Parliament with Your Royal , not Your Martial Attendance , to the end that Religion , Laws and Liberties may be settled and secured by their advice ; finding by a late and sad accident , that Your Majesty is invironed by some such Counsels as do rather perswade a desperate Division , than a joyning and a good Agreement with Your Parliament and People . And we shall be ready to give Your Majesty assurances of such Security as may be for Your Honour , and the safety of Your Royal Person . His MAJESTY's Answer to the aforesaid Petition . WE expected such Propositions from you as might speedily remove and prevent the Misery and Desolation of this Kingdom , and that for the effecting thereof ( We now residing at a convenient place not far from Our City of London ) Committees from both Our Houses of Parliament should attend Us ( for you pretended by your Message to Us at Colebrook that those were your Desires : ) instead thereof ( and thereby let all the World judge of the design of that Overture ) We have only received your humble Petition , That We would be pleased to return to Our Parliament with Our Royal , not Our Martial Attendance . All Our good Subjects that remember what We have so often told you and them upon this Subject , and what hath since past , must with Indignation look upon this Message , as intended by the Contrivers thereof for a Scorn to Us , and thereby designed by that Malignant party ( of whom We have so often complained , whose Safety and Ambition is built upon the Divisions and Ruines of this Kingdom , and who have too great an Influence upon your Actions ) for a Wall of Separation betwixt Us and Our People . We have told you the Reasons why We parted from London , how We were chased thence , and by whom : We have often complained that the greatest part of Our Peers , and of the Members of Our House of Commons , could not with safety to their Honours and Persons continue and Vote freely among you , but by violence and cunning practices were debarred of those Priviledges which their Birth-rights and the Trust reposed in them by their Countries gave them ; the truth whereof may sufficiently appear by the small number of those that are with you . We have offered you to meet both Our Houses in any place free and convenient for Us and them ; but We never could receive the least satisfaction in any of these particulars , nor for those Scandalous and Seditious Pamphlets and Sermons which swarm amongst you . That 's all one ; you tell Us , it is now for Our Honour and the Safety of Our Royal Person , to return to Our Parliament : wherein your formerly denying Us a Negative Voice gives Us cause to believe , that by giving your selves that Name without Us , you intend not to acknowledge Us to be part of it . The whole Kingdom knows that an Army was raised under pretence of Orders of both Houses ( an Usurpation never heard of before in any Age ) which Army hath pursued Us in Our own Kingdom , gave Us Battel at Keynton , and endeavoured to take away the life of Us and Our Children ; and yet ( these Rebels being newly recruited and possessed of Our City of London ) We are courteously invited to return to Our Parliament there , that is , into the Power of this Army . Doth this signifie any other thing , than that since the traitourous endeavours of those desperate Men could not snatch the Crown from Our Head , ( it being defended by the Providence of God , and the Affections and Loyalty of Our good Subjects ) We should now tamely come up and give it them , and put Our Selves , Our Life , and the lives , liberties and fortunes of all Our good Subjects , into their merciful hands ? Well , We think not fit to give any other Answer to this part of your Petition But as We impute not this Affront to both Our Houses of Parliament , nor to the major part of those that are now present there , but to that dangerous Party We and the whole Kingdom must cry out upon ; so We shall for Our good Subjects sake , and out of Our most tender sense of their Miseries and the general Calamities of this Kingdom , which must ( if this War continue ) speedily overwhelm this whole Nation , take no Advantage of it : But if you shall really pursue what you presented to Us at Colebrook , We shall make good all that We then gave you in Answer to it ; whereby the hearts of Our distressed Subjects may be raised with the Hopes of Peace , without which , Religion , the Laws and Liberties can no ways be settled and secured . Touching the late and sad Accident you mention , if you thereby intend that of Brainceford , We desire you once to deal ingenuously with the People , and to let them see Our last Message to you , and Our Declaration to them concerning the same , ( both which We sent to Our Press at London , but were taken away from Our Messenger , and not suffered to be published ) and then We doubt not but they will be soon undeceived , and easily find out those Counsels which do rather perswade a desperate Division than a good Agreement betwixt Us , Our two Houses , and People . MDCXLII . III. The Proceedings in the late Treaty of Peace . Together with several Letters of His MAJESTY to the Queen , and of Prince Rupert to the Earl of Northampton , which were intercepted and brought up to the Parliament . With a Declaration of the Lords and Commons upon those Proceedings and Letters . The humble Desires and Propositions of the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , tendred unto His Majesty , Feb. 1. 1642. WE Your Majesty's most humble and faithful Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , having in our thoughts the Glory of God , Your Majesty's Honour , and the Prosperity of Your People , and being most grievously afflicted with the pressing Miseries and Calamities which have overwhelmed Your two Kingdoms of England and Ireland , since Your Majesty hath , by the perswasion of evil Counsellors , withdrawn Your Self from the Parliament , raised an Army against it , and by force thereof protected Delinquents from the Justice of it , constraining us to take Armes for the defence of our Religion , Laws , Liberties , Privileges of Parliament , and for the sitting of the Parliament in safety ; which Fears and Dangers are continued and increased by the raising , drawing together and arming of great numbers of Papists under the command of the Earl of Newcastle , likewise by making the Lord Herbert of Ragland and other known Papists Commanders of great Forces , whereby many grievous Oppressions , Rapines and Cruelties have been and are daily exercised upon the persons and estates of Your People , much innocent blood hath been spilt , and the Papists have attained means of attempting , and hopes of effecting , their mischievous Design of rooting out the Reformed Religion , and destroying the professors thereof : in the tender sense and compassion of these evils under which Your People and Kingdom lie ( according to the duty which we owe to God , Your Majesty , and the Kingdom , for which we are intrusted ) do most earnestly desire , that an end may be put to these great Distempers and Distractions , for the preventing of that Desolation which doth threaten all Your Majesties Dominions . And as we have rendred , and still are ready to render , to Your Majesty that Subjection , Obedience and Service which we owe unto You ; so we most humbly beseech Your Majesty to remove the Cause of this War , and to vouchsafe us that Peace and Protection which we and our Ancestors have formerly enjoyed under Your Majesty and Your Royal Predecessors , and graciously to accept and grant these most humble Desires and Propositions . I. That Your Majesty will be pleased to disband Your Armies , as we likewise shall be ready to disband all those Forces which we have raised ; and that You will be pleased to return to your Parliament . II. That You will leave Delinquents to a Legal Trial , and Judgement of Parliament . III. That the Papists may not only be disbanded , but disarmed according to Law. IV. That Your Majesty will be pleased to give Your Royal Assent unto the Bill for taking away Superstitious Innovations ; to the Bill for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Subdeans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chanters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Subtreasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , and all other their under-Officers , out of the Church of England ; to the Bill against Scandalous Ministers ; to the Bill against Pluralities ; and to the Bill for Consultation to be had with godly , religious and learned Divines : That Your Majesty will be pleased to promise to pass such other good Bills for settling of Church-Government , as upon consultation with the Assembly of the said Divines shall be resolved on by both Houses of Parliament , and by them be presented to your Majesty . V. That Your Majesty having exprest , in Your Answer to the Nineteen Propositions of both Houses of Parliament , a hearty affection and Intentions for the rooting out of Popery out of this Kingdom ; and that if both the Houses of Parliament can yet find a more effectual course to disable Jesuits , Priests and Popish Recusants from disturbing the State or eluding the Laws , that You would willingly give Your Consent unto it ; That You would be graciously pleased , for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , that an Oath may be established by Act of Parliament , to be administred in such manner as by both Houses shall be agreed on , wherein they shall abjure and renounce the Popes Supremacy , the doctrine of Transubstantiation , Purgatory , worshipping of the consecrated Hoast , Crucifixes and Images ; and the refusing the said Oath , being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by Act of Parliament , shall be a sufficient Conviction in Law of Recusancy : And that Your Majesty will be graciously pleased to give Your Royal Assent unto a Bill for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion : That for the more effectual execution of the Laws against Popish Recusants , Your Majesty would be pleased to consent to a Bill for the true levying of the Penalties against them , and that the same Penalty may be levyed and disposed of in such manner as both Houses of Parliament shall agree on , so as Your Majesty be at no loss ; and likewise to a Bill whereby the practice of Papists against the State may be prevented , and the Laws against them duly executed . VI. That the Earl of Bristol may be removed from Your Majesty's Counsels ; and that both he and the Lord Herbert , eldest Son to the Earl of Worcester , may likewise be restrained from coming within the verge of the Court , and that they may not bear any Office , or have any imployments concerning the State or Commonwealth . VII . That Your Majesty will be graciously pleased by Act of Parliament to settle the Militia both by Sea and Land , and for the Forts and Ports of the Kingdom , in such a manner as shall be agreed on by both Houses . VIII . That Your Majesty will be pleased by Your Letters Patents to make Sir John Brampston Chief Justice of Your Court of Kings Bench , William Lenthal Esquire , the now Speaker of the Commons House , Master of the Rolls , and to continue the Lord Chief Justice Banks Chief Justice of the Court of Common Pleas , and likewise to make Master Serjeant Wilde Chief Baron of Your Court of Exchequer ; and that Master Justice Bacon may be continued , and Master Serjeant Rolls and Master Serjeant Atkins made Justices of the Kings Bench ; that Master Justice Reeves and Master Justice Foster may be continued , and Master Serjeant Phesant made one of Your Justices of Your Court of Common Pleas ; that Master Serjeant Creswel , Master Samuel Brown and Master John Puleston , may be Barons of the Exchequer ; and that all these , and all the Judges of the same Courts for the time to come , may hold their places by Letters Patents under the great great Seal , quamdiu se bene gesserint ; and that the several persons not before named , that do hold any of these places before mentioned , may be removed . IX . That all such persons as have been put out of the Commissions of Peace , or Oyer and Terminer , or from being Custodes Rotulorum , since the first day of April 1642. ( other than such as were put out by desire of both or either of the Houses of Parliament ) may again be put into those Commissions and Offices ; and such that persons may be put out of those Commissions and Offices as shall be excepted against by both Houses of Parliament . X. That Your Majesty will be pleased to pass the Bill now presented to Your Majesty , to vindicate and secure the Privileges of Parliament from the ill consequence of the late Precedent in the Charge and Proceeding against the Lord Kimbolton , now Earl of Manchester , and the five Members of the House of Commons . XI . That Your Majesty's Royal Assent may be given unto such Acts as shall be advised by both Houses of Parliament , for the satisfying and paying the Debts and Damages wherein the two Houses of Parliament have ingaged the Publick Faith of the Kingdom . XII . That Your Majesty will be pleased , according to a Gracious Answer heretofore received from You , to enter into a more strict Alliance with the States of the United Provinces , and other Neighbour Princes and States of the Protestant Religion , for the defence and maintenance thereof against all designs and attempts of the Popish and Jesuitical Faction to subvert and suppress it ; whereby Your Subjects may hope to be free from the mischiefs which this Kingdom hath endured through the power which some of that Party have had in Your Counsels , and will be much encouraged in a Parliamentary way for Your Aid and Assistance in restoring Your Royal Sister and the Prince Elector to those Dignities and Dominions which belong unto them , and relieving the other distressed Protestant Princes who have suffered in the same Cause . XIII . That in the General Pardon , which Your Majesty hath been pleased to offer to Your Subjects , all Offences and Misdemeanours committed before the tenth of January 1641. which have been or shall be questioned or proceeded against in Parliament upon complaint in the House of Commons before the tenth of January 1643. shall be excepted ; which offences and misdemeanours shall never the less be taken and adjudged to be fully discharged against all other inferiour Courts . That likewise there shall be an exception of all Offences committed by any person or Persons which hath or have had any hand or practice in the Rebellion of Ireland , which hath or have given any counsel , assistance or encouragement to the Rebels there for the maintenance of that Rebellion ; as likewise an exception of William Earl of Newcastle and George Lord Digby . XIV . That Your Majesty will be pleased to restore such Members of either House of Parliament to their several places of Services and Imployment out of which they have been put since the beginning of this Parliament ; that they may receive satisfaction and reparation for those places , and for the profits which they have lost by such removals , upon the Petition of both Houses of Parliament ; and that all others may be restored to their Offices and Imployments who have been put out of the same upon any displeasure conceived against them for any Assistance given to both Houses of Parliament , or obeying their Commands , or forbearing to leave their Attendance upon the Parliament without licence , or for any other occasion arising from these unhappy Differences betwixt Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , upon the like Petition of both Houses . These things being granted and performed , as it hath always been our hearty Prayer , so shall we be enabled to make it our hopeful Endeavour , That Your Majesty and Your People may enjoy the blessings of Peace , Truth and Justice ; the Royalty and Greatness of Your Throne may be supported by the Loyal and bountiful Affections of Your People ; their Liberties and Privileges maintained by Your Majesty's Protection and Justice ; and this publick Honour and Happiness of Your Majesty and all Your Dominions communicated to other Churches and States of Your Alliance , and derived to Your Royal Posterity , and the future Generations in this Kingdom for ever . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTY'S Answer to the Desires and Propositions of both Houses , February the third , 1642. Received at a Conference with the Lords , February the sixth , 1642. IF His Majesty had not given up all the faculties of His Soul to an earnest endeavour of a Peace and Reconciliation with His People , or if He would suffer Himself by any Provocation to be drawn to a sharpness of Language at a time when there seems somewhat like an Overture of Accommodation , He could not but resent the heavy charges upon Him in the Preamble of these Propositions , and would not suffer Himself to be reproached with protecting of Delinquents by force from Justice , ( His Majesty's desire having always been , that all Men should be tryed by the known Law , and having been refused it ) with raising an Army against His Parliament , and to be told that Arms have been taken up against Him for the defence of Religion , Laws , Liberties , Privileges of Parliament , and for the sitting of the Parliament in safety , with many other Particulars in that Preamble so often and so fully answered by His Majesty , without remembring the world of the time and circumstances of raising those Arms against Him , when His Majesty was so far from being in a condition to invade other mens Rights , that He was not able to maintain and defend His own from violence ; and without telling His good Subjects that their Religion ( the true Protestant Religion , in which His Majesty was born , hath faithfully lived , and to which He will die a willing Sacrifice ) their Laws , Liberties , Priviledges and safety of Parliament were so amply settled and established , or offered to be so by His Majesty , before any Army was raised against Him , and long before any raised by Him for His defence ; that if nothing had been desired but that Peace and Protection which His Subjects and their Ancestors had in the best times enjoyed under His Majesty or His Royal Predecessors , this Misunderstanding and distance between His Majesty and His People , and this general Misery and Distraction upon the face of the whole Kingdom , had not been now the discourse of Christendom . But His Majesty will forbear any Expressions of Bitterness or of a sense of His own Sufferings , that , if it be possible , the memory thereof may be lost to the World. And therefore though many of the Propositions presented to His Majesty by both Houses appear to Him very derogatory from and destructive to His just Power and Prerogative , and no way beneficial to His Subjects , few of them being already due to them by the Laws established , ( and how unparliamentary it is by Arms to requrie new Laws , all the World may judge : ) yet ( because these may be waved or mollified , and many things that are now dark or doubtful in them cleared and explained upon debate ) His Majesty is pleased ( such is His sense of the Miserie 's this Kingdom suffers by this unnatural War , and His earnest desire to remove them by a happy Peace ) that a speedy time and place may be agreed upon for the meeting of such persons as His Majesty and both Houses shall appoint to discuss these Propositions , and such others here following as His Majesty doth propose to them . I. That His Majesty's own Revenue , Magazins , Towns , Forts and Ships , which have been taken or kept from Him by force , be forthwith restored unto Him. II. That whatsoever hath been done or published contrary to the known Laws of the Land , or derogatory to His Majesty's Legal and known Power and Rights , be renounced and recalled , that no seed may remain for the like to spring out of for the future . III. That whatsoever illegal power hath been claimed and exercised by or over His Subjects , as Imprisoning their Persons without Law , stopping their Habeas Corpusses , and imposing upon their Estates without Act of Parliament , &c. either by both or either House , or any Committee of both or either , or by any persons appointed by any of them , be disclaimed , and all such persons so committed forthwith discharged . IV. That as His Majesty will readily consent ( having done so heretofore to the execution of all Laws already made , and to any good Acts to be made , for the suppressing of Popery , and for the firm settling of the Protestant Religion now established by Law : ) so He desires that a good Bill may be framed for the better preserving of the Book of Common-Prayer from the scorn and violence of Brownists , Anabaptists , and other Sectaries , with such clauses for the ease of Tender Consciences as His Majesty hath formerly offered . V. That all such persons as upon the Treaty shall be excepted out of the general Pardon shall be tried per Pares , according to the usual course and known Law of the Land , and that it be left to that either to acquit or condemn them . VI. And to the intent this Treaty may not suffer interruption by any intervening Accidents , that a Cessation of Arms , and free Trade for all His Majesty's Subjects , may be first agreed upon . This Offer and Desire of His Majesty He hopes will be so chearfully entertained , that a speedy and blessed Peace may be accomplished . If it shall be rejected , or by insisting upon unreasonable Circumstances be made impossible ( which He hopes God in his Mercy to this Nation will not suffer ) the guilt of the Blood which will be shed , and the Desolation which must follow , will lie upon the heads of the Refusers . However His Majesty is resolved , through what accidents soever He shall be compelled to recover His Rights , and with what prosperous Successes soever it shall please God to bless Him , that by His earnest , constant endeavours to propagate and promote the true Protestant Religion , and by His Governing according to the known Laws of the Land , and upholding the Just Priviledges of Parliament , according to His frequent Protestations made before Almighty God , which He will always inviolably observe , the World shall see that He hath undergone all these Difficulties and Hazards for the defence and maintenance of those , the zealous Preservation of which His Majesty well knowns is the only foundation and means for the true Happiness of Him and His People . Hen. Elsing , Cler. Parliament . D. C. The Articles of Cessation sent to His MAJESTY , Februar . ultimo . WHereas the Lords and Commons in Parliament , out of a tender sense of the present Miseries and Distractions of the Kingdom , and for the obtaining and settling of a happy Peace between His Majesty and His People , have humbly presented to His Majesty divers Propositions , to which He hath been pleased to make this return , That His desire was , that a speedy time and place might be appointed for the discussing of those Propositions , and likewise some others proposed by His Majesty : It is thereupon agreed in both Houses , that a Committee of both Houses shall be appointed to attend His Majesty on or before the fourth of March , if His Majesty shall so please , to endeavour to give Him all humble and fit satisfaction concerning the said Propositions , both His Majesty's and their own . And whereas for the more speedy removal of the bloody and miserable effects of War , His Majesty hath likewise been graciously pleased by a late * Message to signifie his desire , that for avoiding all intervening Accidents of War which might interrupt this Treaty , there might be a Cessation of Arms under such particular conditions and limitations as should be agreed on ; their humble desires therein concurring with His Majesty , it is by them assented and agreed , That a Cessation of Arms , in order to such a Treaty as is resolved upon by both Houses of Parliament , may be enjoyned to all the Armies and Forces now on foot in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , on either side , under the restrictions and limitations hereafter following , and that neither side shall be bound and limited by this Cessation in any other wise or to any other purpose than is hereafter expressed . I. That all manner of Arms , Ammunition , Victuals , Mony , Bullion , and all other Commodities , passing without such a safe Conduct as may warrant their passage , may be staid and seized on , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . II. That all manner of Persons passing without such a safe Conduct as is mentioned in the Article next going before , shall be apprehended and detained , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . III. That His Majesty's Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Windsor than Wheatly , and in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Ailesbury than Brill , and that in Berks the Forces respectively shall not advance nearer the one to the other than now they are ; and that the Parliament-Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Oxford than Henly , and those in Buckingham no nearer to Oxford than Ailesbury : and that His Majesty's Forces shall take no new Quarters above twelve miles from Oxford any way ; and that the Parliament-Forces shall take no new Quarters above twelve miles from Windsor any way . IV. That no Siege shall be begun or continued against Glocester , and that His Majesty's Forces now employed in the Siege shall return to Cirencester and Malmsbury , or to Oxford , as shall be most for their conveniency ; and the Parliament-Forces which are in Glocestershire shall remain in the Cities of Glocester , Bristol , and the Castle and Town of Berkly , or retire nearer to Windsor , as they shall see cause ; and that those of Wales which are drawn to Glocester , shall return into their Quarters where they were before they drew down to Glocestershire . V. That in case it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , no Act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General on the other side , and to allow three days after notice given for satisfaction ; and in case satisfaction be not given or accepted , then five days notice to be given before Hostility begin . And the like to be observed in the remoter Armies by the Commanders in chief . VI. Lastly , that all other Forces in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , and not before mentioned , shall remain in the same Quarters and places as they are at the time of the publishing of this Cessation , and under the same conditions as are mentioned in the Articles before ; and that this Cessation shall not extend to restrain the setting forth or employing of any Ships for the defence of His Majesty's Dominions . All which they humbly desire His Majesty will be pleased to ratifie and confirm , and that this Cessation may begin upon the fourth of March next , or sooner if it may be , and continue until the five and twentieth of the same month , and in the mean time to be published to the Commanders , Officers and Soldiers , and all other His Majesty's loving Subjects on either side ; and that the Treaty intended may commence upon the fourth of March next , or sooner if it may be , and the continuance thereof not to exceed twenty days . Hen. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTY's Message to both His Houses of Parliament in Answer to the Articles of Cessation ; received at a Conference , Martii 6. 1642. HIS Majesty hoped the Treaty would have been begun and the Cessation agreed on long since , and that much might in this time have been concluded in order to the Peace and Happiness of the Kingdom ; but since in almost a month ( for His Majesty's Propositions were made on the third of February , and He heard not since from both Houses till the first of March ) no consent hath been yielded to it , He conceives the Cessation cannot begin so soon as the fourth of this month , by which time ( though His Majesty uses no delay in making His Answer ) the same can hardly be returned to them ; and many of the Articles now presented to Him from both Houses concerning the Cessation are so strict , that such of His good Subjects who are not of His Army ( and for whom generally He shall always have a principal , just and compassionate regard ) receive not any benefit ; or are restored to any liberty thereby , which His Majesty shall ever insist upon ( when in matters meerly concerning Himself He may descend to easier Conditions ) and which He hath returned with such Alterations as He doubts not both Houses will consent to , and do sufficiently manifest how sollicitous His Majesty is for the good of His People , and how desirous He is that in this unnatural contention no more blood of His Subjects may be spilt ( upon which He looks with much grief , compassion and tenderness of heart ) even of those who have lifted up their hands against Him : and His Majesty therefore desires ( against which He can imagine no objection can be made ) that the Cessation may begin upon the twelfth of this month , or sooner , if the Conditions of the Cessation shall be sooner agreed on ; and is willing the same shall continue for twenty days , in which time He hopes by the Treaty , and a clear understanding of each other , a full Peace and Happiness may be established throughout the Kingdom . And during that time His Majesty is willing that neither side shall be bound or limited by this Cessation in any other wise , or to any other purpose , than is hereafter expressed . I. That all manner of Arms , Ammunition , Mony , Bullion and Victuals passing for the use of either Army , without a Pass or safe Conduct from the Generals of each Army , may be staied and seized on , as if no Cessation were agreed on at all . II. That all Officers and Soldiers of either Army , passing without such licence or safe Conduct as aforesaid , may be apprehended and detained , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all ; and that all manner of persons His Majesty's Subjects , of what quality or condition soever , ( except Officers and Soldiers of either Army ) shall pass to and from the Cities of Oxford and London and back again at their pleasures during this Cessation , as likewise to and from any other parts of His Majesty's Dominions , without any search , stay , or imprisonment of their persons , or seisure and detention of their goods or estates ; and that all manner of Trade , Traffick and Commerce , be free and open between all His Majesty's Subjects , excepting , as aforesaid , between the Officers and Soldiers of either Army , or for Arms , Ammunition , Mony , Bullion or Victuals , for the use of either Army , without a pass or safe Conduct as aforesaid , which may be a good beginning to renew the Trade and Correspondence of the Kingdom , and whereby His good Subjects may be restored to that liberty and freedom they were born to , and have so happily enjoyed till these miserable Distractions , and which even during this War His Majesty hath to His utmost laboured to preserve , opening the way by most strict Proclamations to the passage of all Commodities even to the City of London it self . III. That His Majesty's Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Windsor than Wheatly , and in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Ailesbury than Brill , and that in Berkshire the Forces respectively shall not advance nearer the one to the other than they shall be at the day to be agreed upon for the Cessation to begin ; and that the Forces of the other Army in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Oxford than Henly , and those in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Oxford than Ailesbury ; and that the Forces of neither Army shall advance their Quarters nearer to each other than they shall be upon the day agreed on for the Cessation to begin , otherwise than in passage and communication between their several Quarters respectively , without any acts of Hostility each to other , but may inlarge themselves within their own Quarters respectively as they shall find convenient . IV. That the Forces of either Army in Glocestershire , Wiltshire and Wales , as likewise in the Cities of Glocester , Bristol , and the Castle and Town of Berkley , shall be guided by the Rule exprest in the later part of the precedent Article . V. That in case it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , no act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General on the other side , and to allow three days after notice given for satisfaction ; and in case satisfaction be not given or accepted , then five days notice to be given before Hostility begin : and the like to be observed in the remoter Armies by the Commanders in chief . VI. That all other Forces in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , not before-mentioned , shall remain in the same Quarters and places as they are at the time of publishing this Cessation , otherwise than in passage and communication between their several Quarters , as is mentioned in the latter part of the third Article ; and that this Cessation shall not extend to restrain the setting forth or imploying any Ships for the defence of His Majesty's Dominions , provided that His Majesty be first acquainted with the particulars , and that such Ships as shall be set forth be commanded by such persons as His Majesty shall approve of . VII . Lastly , that during the Cessation none of His Majesty's Subjects be imprisoned , otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land ; and that there shall be no plundring or violence offered to any of His Subjects . And His Majesty is very willing , if there be any Scruples made concerning these Propositions and Circumstances of the Cessation , that the Committee for the Treaty nevertheless may immediately come hither , and so all matters concerning the Cessation may be here settled by them . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. Mis MAJESTY's Answer to the * Articles of Cessation sent to His Majesty . HIS Majesty hath sent a safe Conduct for the Earl of Northumberland , Mr. Pierrepont , Sir William Armyne , Sir John Holland and Mr. Whitelocke , but hath not admitted the Lord Say to attend Him , as being excepted against by name in His Proclamation at Oxford of the third of November , and by Writ to the Sheriff proclaimed then in that County , in which His Majesty's Intention is declared to proceed against him as a person guilty of High-Treason , and so falling to be within the case of Sir John Evelin , who upon the same Exception was not admitted to attend His Majesty with the rest of the Committee at Colebrook in November last : But His Majesty doth signifie , that in case the House shall think fit to send any other person in the place of the Lord Say that is not included in the like Exception , His Majesty hath commanded all His Officers , Soldiers and other Subjects , to suffer Him as freely to pass and repass as if His Name had been particularly comprised in this safe Conduct . His Majesty is content that His Proposition concerning the Magazines , Forts , Ships and Revenue , and the Proposition of both Houses for the disbanding of the Armies , shall be first Treated of , and agreed of before the proceeding to treat upon any of the other Propositions , and that after , the second of His Majesty's and the second of theirs be treated on , and agreed of , and so on in the same order ; and that from the beginning of the Treaty the time may not exceed Twenty days ; in which He hopes a full Peace and right understanding may be established throughout the Kingdom . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. The last Articles of Cessation now sent to His MAJESTY . THE Lords and Commons in Parliament being still carried on with a vehement desire of Peace , that so the Kingdom may speedily be freed from the Desolation and Destruction wherewith it is like to be overwhelmed if the War should continue , have with as much expedition as they could considered of the Articles of Cessation , with those Alterations and Additions offered by His Majesty , unto which they are ready to agree in such manner as is exprest in these ensuing Articles ( viz. ) I. That all manner of Arms , Ammunition , Victual , Mony , Bullion and all other Commodities , passing without a safe Conduct from the Generals of both Armies , as well of His Majesty 's as of the Armies raised by the Parliament , may be stayed and seized on , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . II. That all manner of persons passing without such a safe Conduct as is mentioned in the Articles next going before , shall be apprehended and detained , as if no such Cessation were agreed on at all . III. That His Majesty's Forces in Oxfordshire shall advance no nearer to Windsor than Wheatly , and in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Ailesbury than Brill , and that in Berkshire the Forces respectively shall not advance nearer the one to the other than they shall be at the day to be agreed on for the Cessation to begin ; and that the Forces of the other Army raised by the Parliament shall advance no nearer to Oxford than Henley , and those in Buckinghamshire no nearer to Oxon than Ailesbury ; and that the Forces of neither Army shall advance their Quarters nearer to each other than they shall be upon the day agreed on for the Cessation to begin . IV. That the Forces of either Army in Gloucestershire , Wilts and Wales , as likewise in the Cities of Gloucester and Bristol , and the Castle and Town of Berkly , shall be guided by the Rule exprest in the latter part of the precedent Article . V. That in case it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , no act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General on the other side , and to allow three days after notice given for satisfaction , and in case satisfaction be not given or accepted , then five days notice to be given before Hostility begin ; and the like to be observed in the remoter Armies by the Commanders in chief . VI. That all other Forces in the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales , not before mentioned , shall remain in the same Quarters and places as they are at the time of the publishing of this Cessation , and under the same Conditions as are mentioned in the Articles before : and that this Cessation shall not extend to restrain the setting forth or employing of any Ships for the defence of His Majesty's Dominions . VII . That as soon as His Majesty shall be pleased to disband the Armies , which both Houses earnestly desire may be speedily effected , and to disarme the Papists according to Law , the Subjects may then enjoy the benefit of Peace in the liberty of their Persons , Goods , and Freedom of Trade ; in the mean time the Generals and Commanders of the Armies of both sides shall be enjoyned to keep the Souldiers from plundering , which the two Houses of Parliament have ever disliked and forbidden . And for the speedy settling of this so-much-desired Peace , they have thought good to send their Committees with Instructions , that if His Majesty be pleased to consent to a Cessation so limited and qualified , they may forthwith proceed to treat upon the Propositions ; and because the time is so far elapsed in these preparations , they desire the Cessation may begin the five and twentieth of this instant March , or sooner if it may be , and in the mean time notice to be given to all the Forces in the several and remote parts , and the Commanders , Officers & Souldiers are enjoyned to observe this Cessation accordingly , to which they hope and pray that God will give such a blessing , that thereupon Peace , Safety and Happiness may be produced and confirmed to His Majesty and all His People . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. Dom. Com. INSTRUCTIONS agreed on by the Lords and Commons in Parliament for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Lord Viscount Say and Seal , William Pierrepont Esq ; Sir William Armyne Bar. Sir John Holland Bar. and Bulstrode Whitelocke Esq ; Committees appointed to attend His MAJESTY upon the Propositions made by His Majesty to the Parliament , and likewise upon the other Propositions humbly presented from them to His Majesty . I. YOU shall present to His Majesty the Articles agreed on for the Cessation of Arms , humbly desiring His Majesty to ratifie and confirm the same under the Great Seal ; which being obtained , you are to send it up to the Parliament with all possible speed : and shall likewise beseech the King to dispatch away Messengers to the Generals , Commanders and Soldiers of all His Armies and Forces , with a strict Command & Injunction that they observe those Articles of Cessation , according as they are agreed upon , as the two Houses likewise intend to give the like direction to the Lord General of the Armies raised for their Defence . II. After His Majesty hath declared and ratified the Cessation you shall then proceed to the Treaty , beginning with the first Proposition on His Majesty's behalf concerning His Majesty's own Revenue , his Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , and thereunto make this Answer ; You shall declare , That the two Houses of Parliament have not made use of His Majesty's own Revenue but in a very small proportion , which for a good part hath been employed in the maintenance of His Majesty's Children , according to the allowance established by Himself ; and they will satisfie what shall remain due to His Majesty of those Sums received out of His Majesty's own Revenues , and shall leave the same to His Majesty for the time to come : And you likewise shall propound to His Majesty , that He will restore what hath been taken for His use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes by several Acts of Parliament , or out of the provision made for the War of Ireland . That they will remove the Garrisons out of all Towns and Forts in their hands wherein there were no Garrisons before these Troubles , and slight all Fortifications made since that time , which Towns and Forts it is to be agreed on both parts shall continue in the same condition they were in before ; and that those Garrisons shall not be renewed , nor the Fortifications repaired , without Consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . That for those Towns and Forts which are within the Jurisdiction of the Cinque Ports , they shall be delivered up into the hands of such a Noble person as His Majesty shall appoint to be Warden of the Cinque-Ports , being such a one as they shall confide in . That the Town of Portsmouth shall be reduced to the number of the Garrison as was at the time when the Lords and Commons undertook the custody thereof ; and such other Forts , Castles and Towns , as were formerly kept by Garrisons , as have been taken by them into their care and custody since the beginning of these Troubles , shall be reduced to such proportion of Garrison as they had in the year 1636 , and shall be so continued ; and that all the said Towns , Forts and Castles shall be delivered up into the hands of such persons of Quality and Trust , to be likewise nominated by His Majesty , as the two Houses shall confide in . That the Warden of the Cinque-Ports , and all Governours and Commanders of Towns , Castles and Forts , shall keep the same Towns , Castles and Forts respectively for the Service of His Majesty , and the Safety of the Kingdom ; and that they shall not admit into any of them any Forein Forces raised without His Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament ; and they shall use their uttermost endeavours to suppress all Forces whatsoever raised without such Authority and Consent ; and they shall seise all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces . That the Ships shall be delivered into the Charge of such a Noble person as His Majesty shall nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who shall receive the same Office by Letters Patent quamdiu bene se gesserit , and shall have power to nominate and appoint all subordinate Commanders and Officers , and have all other powers appertaining to the Office of High-Admiral ; which Ships he shall employ for the defence of the Kingdom against all Forein Forces whatsoever , and for the safeguard of Merchants , securing of Trade , and the guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of all Supplies to be carried to the Rebels ; and shall use his uttermost endeavour to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any person without His Majesty's Authority and Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , and shall seise all Arms and Ammunition provided for supply of any such Forces . That all the Arms and Ammunition taken out of His Majesty's Magazines , which shall remain in their hands , shall be delivered into His Stores , and whatsoever shall be wanting , they will in convenient time supply in kind , according to the proportions which they have received ; and that the Persons to whose charge those publick Magazines shall be committed , being nominated by His Majesty , shall be such as the Lords and Commons shall confide in : And you shall propound to His Majesty , that He will restore all such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken for His use from the several Counties , Cities and Towns. To the Proposition made by the two Houses concerning the disbanding of the Armies , you shall humbly desire His Majesties speedy and positive Answer ; unto which if He shall be pleased to give His Assent , you shall then beseech His Majesty in the name of both Houses , that a near day may be agreed upon for the disbanding of all the Forces in the remote parts of Yorkshire and the other Northern Counties , as also in Lancashire , Cheshire , and in the Domiion of Wales , and in Cornwal and Devon ; and they being fully disbanded , another day may be agreed on for the disbanding of all Forces in Lincolnshire , Nottinghamshire , Leicestershire , and all other places , except at Oxford and the Quarters thereunto belonging , and Windsor and the Quarters thereunto belonging ; and that last of all a speedy day be appointed for the disbanding those two Armies at Oxford and Windsor , and all the Forces Members of either of them . That some Officers of both Armies may speedily meet to agree of the manner of the disbanding , and that fit Persons may be appointed by His Majesty and the Parliament , who may repair to the several Armies , and see the disbanding put in speedy execution accordingly . That his Majesty do likewise remove the Garrisons out of Newcastle , and all other Towns , Castles and Forts , where any Garrisons have been placed by Him since these Troubles ; and that the Fortifications be likewise slighted , and the Towns and forts left in such state and condition as they were in the year 1636. That all other Towns , Forts and Castles , where there have been formerly Garrisons before these Troubles , be committed to the charge of such Persons to be nominated by His Majesty as the Parliament shall confide in , and under such Instructions as are formerly mentioned . That if His Majesty shall be pleased to assent to these Propositions concerning the Towns , Forts , Castles , Magazines and Ships , that then His Majesty be humbly intreated to name Persons of Quality to receive the charge of the several Offices and Forts , Castles and Towns , to be forthwith certified to the two Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may express their confidence in those persons , or humbly beseech His Majesty to name others ; none of which Persons shall be removed during three years next ensuing without just cause to be approved by Parliament ; and if any be so removed , or shall dye within the said space , the Person to be put into the same Office shall be such as both Houses shall confide in . That all Generals and Commanders in any of the Armies on either side , as likewise the Lord Admiral of England , the Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports , all Commanders of any Ships , and Commanders of any Town , Castle or Fort , shall take an Oath to observe these Articles afore-mentioned , and to use their uttermost power to preserve the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Peace of the Kingdom against all Forein Force , and all other Forces raised without His Majesties Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament . You shall move His Majesty , that for the better dispatch of the Treaty , and the free intercourse of Instructions and Advertisements betwixt the two Houses of Parliament and the Committee , there may be a free pass of Messengers to and from the Parliament and the Committee , without search or interruption , and His Majesty's safe Conduct to be obtained to that effect to such Persons as are or shall be appointed for that service , viz. for Master John Rushworth , Master Mithael Welden , Master John Corbet of Graies Inn , and Master James Standish . H. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. The KING's Message concerning the Cessation . 23 Martii , 1642. CHARLES R. HIS Majesty hath immediately upon their arrival admitted the Committee sent to Him from both Houses of Parliament ( as the Messengers of Peace ) to His Royal Presence , and received the Articles of Cessation brought by them , which are in effect the same His Majesty formerly excepted to , though their expression in the Preface to these Articles , of their readiness to agree to those Alterations and Additions offered by His Majesty in such manner as is expressed , made Him expect to have found at least some of the real Alterations and Additions made by Him admitted , which He doth not discover . I. His Majesty desired that Provision might be made , and Licence given to His good Subjects for their freedom of Trade , Traffick and Commerce ( though in matters which concerned Himself more immediately , as in Arms , Ammunition , Mony , Bullion and Victual , for the use of His Army , and the Passage of all Officers and Souldiers of His Army , He was contented the restraint should be in such manner as was proposed ) of which His Majesty is so tender , that as he hath provided for the same by His gracious Proclamations , so He doth daily release and discharge such Merchandize and Commodities as are contrary to those Proclamations stayed by any of His Majesties Forces . To this Freedom and Liberty of His good Subjects there is not the least admission given by these Articles , so that they have not any ease or benefit by this Cessation ; which His Majesty desires both Houses to consider of , and whether , if His Majesty should take the same course to stop and interrupt the Trade of the Kingdom as the other Army doth , a general Loss and Calamity would not seize upon His good Subjects . II. His Majesty , to the end that a full Cessation might be as well at Sea as at Land , and He might be secured , that the Ships proposed to be set forth for the Defence of His Majesties Dominions should be employed only to that end and purpose , desired , that they might be put under the Command of Persons to be approved of by His Majesty ; which is not consented to by these Articles , but their former , to which His Majesty excepted , strictly and entirely insisted on , by which ( besides that part of Hostility remains ) the conveying of any number of Forces from any part to any other by that means remains free to them . III. For the prevention of any Inconveniences which might arise upon real Differences or Mistakes upon the latitude of Expressions ( as if His Majesty should now consent to these Articles proposed in the Terms proposed , He must confess the Army of which He complains to be raised by the Parliament , and either Himself to be no part of the Parliament , or Himself to have raised that Army ) and for prevention of that Delay which He foresaw could not otherwise be avoided , if upon every Difference the Questions must be remitted to London , His Majesty desired that the Committee ( for whom He then sent a safe Conduct ) might have liberty to debate any such Differences and Expressions , and reconcile the same , that all possible Expedition might be used to the main Treaty . In this point of so high Concernment no power is given in these Articles , and the Committee confessed to His Majesty they have no Power given , but are strictly and precisely bound to the very words of the Articles now sent , and that before these are consented to by Us , they cannot enter into any Treaty concerning the other Propositions . IV. His Majesty desired , that during the Cessation none of His good Subjects might be imprisoned , otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land. This is in no degree consented to , but the priviledge and liberty , to which they were born , reserved from them till the disbanding of both Armies ( though they are no part of either Army ) and so have no benefit by this Cessation . V. His Majesty desired , that during this Cessation there should be no Plundering or Violence offered to any of His Subjects . In the Answer to which , His desire against Violence is not at all taken notice of , nor is His desire against Plundering any ways satisfied ; His Majesty not only intending by it the robbing of the Subject by the unruliness of the uncommanded Souldier ( which their Clause of requiring the Generals and Officers to keep them from it seems to imply , and the assertion , that the two Houses of Parliament had ever disliked and forbidden it , declares plainly to be their only meaning ) but particularly the Violence and Plundering used to His Subjects by forcibly taking away their goods , for not submitting to Impositions and Taxes required from them by Orders or Ordinances of one or both Houses of Parliament , which are contrary to the known Laws of the Land. VI. Besides that there is no consent given to those Alterations and Additions offered by His Majesty , ( whatsoever is pretended ) so where an absolute Consent may be supposed , because the very words of His Majesties Article are wholly preserved , yet by reason of the Relation to somewhat going before that is varied by them , the sense of those words is wholy varied too ; as in the Fourth Article , that part of the Third Article to which that did refer being wholly left out . So that upon the matter all the Propositions made by His Majesty ( which did not in Terms agree with those presented to Him ) are utterly rejected . For these Reasons , and that this Entrance towards a blessed Peace and Accommodation ( which hath already filled the hearts of the Kingdom with Joy and Hope ) may be improved to the wished end , His Majesty desires , that the Committee now sent may speedily have liberty to treat , debate , and agree upon the Articles of Cessation in which they and all the World shall find , that His Majesty is less sollicitous for His own Dignity and Greatness than for His Subjects Ease and Liberty . And He doubts not upon such a Debate all differences concerning the Cessation will be easily and speedily agreed upon , and the benefit of a Cessation be continued and confirmed to His People , by a speedy disbanding of both Armies , and a sudden and firm Peace , which His Majesty above all things desires . If this so reasonable , equal and just Desire of His Majesty shall not be yielded unto , but the same Articles still insisted upon , though His Majesty next to Peace desires a Cessation , yet that the not-agreeing upon the one may not destroy the hopes of nor so much as delay the other , He is willing however to Treat ( even without a Cessation , if that be not granted ) upon the Propositions themselves , in that order as is agreed , upon ( and desires the Committee here may be enabled to that effect . ) In which Treaty He shall give all His Subjects that satisfaction , that if any security to enjoy all the Rights , Privileges and Liberties due to them by the Law , or that Happiness in Church and State which the best times have seen , with such farther acts of Grace as may agree with His Honour , Justice and Duty to His Crown , and as may not render Him less able to protect His Subjects according to His Oath , will satisfie them , He is confident in the Mercy of God , that no more precious blood of this Nation will be thus miserably spent . My Lord , and Gentlemen . WHereas by your former Instructions you are tied up to a circumstance of Time , and are not to proceed unto the Treaty upon the Propositions until the Cessation of Arms be first agreed upon ; you are now authorized and required , as you may perceive by the Votes of both Houses which you shall herewith receive , to Treat and debate with His Majesty upon the two first Propositions , according to those Instructions , for four days after the day of the receit hereof , notwithstanding that the Cessation be not agreed upon . Your Lordships most humble Servant , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . March 24. 1642. Received March. 25. Die Veneris , 24. Martii , 1642. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament ; THat the Committee at Oxon shall have power to Treat and debate with His Majesty upon the two first Propositions , according to their Instructions , for four days after the day of the receit of this Message , notwithstanding that the Cessation is not yet agreed upon . Resolved , &c. That The Committee formerly appointed to prepare the Articles of Cessation , and Instructions for the Committee at Oxon , shall consider of an Answer to be made to His Majesties Message this day received ; and likewise prepare Reasons to be sent to the Committee , for them to press in the Treaty and debate upon the former Articles of Cessation ; and to shew His Majesty the grounds why the Houses cannot depart from those former Articles . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . The Votes of both Houses , and the Copy of the Answer to His MAJESTY , received Martii 25. 1642. May it please Your Majesty ; WE Your Loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament , having received a Message from Your Majesty , in which You are pleased to express Your Self not to be satisfied with the Articles of Cessation , presented unto You by our Committee now attending You at Oxford , and yet a signification of Your Majesties willingness to Treat upon the Propositions themselves , even without a Cessation , do with all humbleness give our consent that our Committee shall have power to treat and debate with Your Majesty upon the two first Propositions , according to their Instructions , for four days after the day of the receit of this Message , notwithstanding that the Cessation be not yet agreed upon ; that ( as much as in us lies ) here may be no delay in the proceedings for the obtaining of a blessed Peace , and the healing up the miserable Breaches of this distracted Kingdom ; and do purpose to represent very speedily unto Your Majesty those just Reasons and grounds , upon which we have found it necessary to desire of Your Majesty a Cessation so qualified as that is , whereby we hope You will receive such satisfaction , as that You will be pleased to assent unto it , and being obtained , we assure our selves it will be most effectual to the Safety of the Kingdom , and that Peace which with so much zeal and loyal affection to Your Royal Person , and in a deep sense of the bleeding condition of this poor Kingdom , we humbly beg of Your Majesty's Justice and Goodness . Joh. Brown Cler. Parl. A Letter from the E. of Manchester to the E. of Northumberland , Received Mar. 29. MY Lord , I am commanded by the Peers in Parliament to send unto your Lordship the Reasons which both Houses think fit to offer unto His Majesty , in pursuit of their adhering to their former Resolutions concerning the Articles of the Cessation of Arms. My Lord , you shall likewise receive additional Instructions from both Houses , and a Vote , which I send you here inclosed . My Lord , this is all I have in command , as Your Lordships most humble Servant , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore Mar. 27. Die Lunae , 27 Martii , 1643. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords in Parliament ; THat the Earl of Northumberland , their Committee at Oxford , is hereby authorized to acquaint His Majesty with all their Instructions upon the two first Propositions . Jo. Brown Cler. Parl. Additional Instructions , March 29. Additional Instructions agreed upon by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Viscount Say and Seal , William Pierrepont Esque Sir William Armyne Bar. Sir John Holland Bar. and Bulstrode Whitelocke Esq ; Committees attending His Majesty upon the Cessation and Treaty . YOu shall alter the words mentioned in his Majesty's third Article in this manner , leaving out the words [ The Army raised by the Parliament , ] and putting in these words , [ The Army raised by both Houses of Parliament . ] You shall humbly present to His Majesty the Reasons herewithal sent from both Houses , for their not assenting to those Alterations and Additions to the Articles of Cessation offered by His Majesty . You shall press the force of those Reasons , or any other , as there shall be occasion , in the best manner you may , to procure His Majesties assent to those Articles of Cessation ; which if you shall obtain within two days after the day of the receit hereof , you shall in the name of both Houses of Parliament agree and conclude upon the Cessation , to continue to the end of twenty days , to be reckoned from the twenty fifth of , March and upon a day certain , as soon as may be , when the same shall first begin and be of force : within which time notice is to be given as well by His Majesty , as by the Lords and Commons , to the several Generals , Commanders and Souldiers respectively , to observe the same Cessation , as it is qualified and limited in those Articles : And after such conclusion made , you shall take care that those Articles be past under the Great Seal in a fitting and effectual manner , and speedily sent up to the Lords and Commons in Parliament , with four Duplicates of the same at least . If His Majesty shall please to agree upon the two Propositions concerning His own Revenues , Towns , Forts , Magazines and Ships , and the disbanding of the Armies , you are then authorized fully to agree and conclude upon those Propositions , according to your Instructions : and you shall desire His Majesty that the same may be forthwith put in execution , according to the Instructions formerly given in that behalf ; and the two Houses will be ready to put in execution what is to be performed on their part , of which you have hereby power to assure His Majesty . And if His Majesty shall not be pleased to agree upon those two Propositions within the time of four days , you shall then speedily give advertisement to the two Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may give such further direction as to them shall seem fit . Josh . Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . Reasons for the Committee , Martii 27. 1643. To the Kings most Excellent Majesty . THe Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled do with all humble thankfulness acknowledge Your Majesty's Favour in the speedy admission of their Committee to Your Royal Presence , and the expedition of Your Exceptions to their Articles , that so they might more speedily endeavour to give Your Majesty satisfaction : and although they were ready to agree to the Articles of Cessation in such manner as they exprest in their Preface , they cannot agree to the Alteration and Addition offered by Your Majesty without great prejudice to the Cause , and danger to the Kingdom , whose Cause it is : The reasons whereof will plainly appear in the Answer to the particulars prest by Your Majesty . I. They do deny that they have restrained any Trade , but to some few of those places where Your Majesty's Forces are inquartered , and even now in the heat of War do permit the Carriers to go into all the parts of the Kingdom with all sorts of Commodities for the use of the Subjects , except Arms , Ammunition , Mony and Bullion : But if they should grant such a free Trade as Your Majesty desired to Oxford and other places , where Your Forces remain , it would be very difficult , if not impossible , to keep Arms , Ammunition , Mony and Bullion from passing into Your Majesty's Army , without very strict and frequent Searches , which would make it so troublesome , chargeable and dangerous to the Subjects , that the question being but for twenty days for so few places , the Mischiefs and Inconveniences to the whole Kingdom would be far greater than any Advantage which that small number of Your Subjects ( whom it concerns ) can have by it . The case then is much otherwise than is exprest by Your Majesty's Answer : for whereas they are charged not to give the least admission of this liberty and freedom of Trade during the Cessation ; the truth is , that they do grant it as fully to the benefit of the Subject even in time of War ; and that Your Majesty in pressing this for the Peoples good , doth therein desire that which will be very little beneficial to the Subjects , but exceeding advantagious to Your Majesty , in supplying Your Army with many necessaries , and making Your Quarters a staple for such Commodities as may be vented in the adjacent Counties , and so draw Mony thither , whereby the Inhabitants will be better enabled by Loans and Contributions to support Your Majesty's Army . And as Your Majesty's Army may receive much Advantage , and the other Army much Danger , if such freedom should be granted to those places : so there is no probability that the Army raised by the Lords and Commons shall have any return of Commodities and other Supplies from thence , which may be useful for them . And they conceive , that in a Treaty for a Cessation those demands cannot be thought reasonable which are not indifferent , that is , equally advantagious to both parties . As they have given no interruption to the Trade of the Kingdom , but in relation to the supply of the contrary Army , which the reason of War requires ; so they beseech Your Majesty to consider , whether Your Souldiers have not robbed the Carriers in several parts where there hath been no such reason , and Your Ships taken many Ships , to the great damage not only of particular Merchants , but of the whole Kingdom ; and whether Your Majesty have not declared Your own purpose , and endeavoured by Your Ministers of State to embarque the Merchants goods in Forein parts , which hath been in some measure executed upon the East-land Merchants in Denmark , and is a course which will much diminish the Wealth of the Kingdom , violate the Law of Nations , make other Princes Arbiters of the Differences betwixt Your Majesty and Your People , break off the intercourse betwixt this and other States , and like to bring us into quarrels and dissentions with all the neighbour-Nations . II. To demand the approving of the Commanders of the Ships , is to desire the strength of one party to the other before the difference be ended , and against all Rules of Treaty : To make a Cessation at Sea , would leave the Kingdom naked to those Forein Forces which they have great cause to believe have been sollicited against them , and the Ports open for such supplies of Arms and Ammunition as shall be brought from beyond the Seas . But for conveying any number of Forces by those means from one part to another , they shall observe the Articles of the Cessation by which that is restrained . III. As for the expression of [ the Army raised by the Parliament , ] they are contented it should be altered thus [ raised by both Houses of Parliament , ] as not desiring to differ upon words : But to give any conclusive Power in this case to the Committee upon such Differences as may arise , wherein the Houses have given no express direction , is neither safe for the Committee to undertake , nor fit for the two Houses to grant ; yet to debate and to press the reason of their desires , whereby an Agreement from Your Majesty may be procured , is granted to them . And although the two Houses did think it most proper the Cessation should be first agreed on , and that it was unfit to Treat in blood ; yet to satisfie the World of their earnest longing after Peace , they have given power to the Committee to enter into the Treaty upon the two first Propositions , notwithstanding the Cessation be not yet assented to : and those being agreed , they hope the foundation will be laid , not only of a suspension , but a total abolition of all Hostility in the Kingdom . IV. If the nature of War be duly considered , it must needs be acknowledged , that it is incompatible with the ordinary rules of a peaceable Government . Your Majesty would have them commit none but according to the known Laws of the Land ; whereby they conceive Your Majesty understands , that it must be by the ordinary Process of Law : which being granted , it will follow , that no man must be committed by them for supplying Your Majesty with Arms , Powder , Ammunition ; for by the Law of the Land the Subjects may carry such goods from London , or any other place , to Oxford : the Souldiers must not be committed if they run from their Colours and refuse any duty in the Army : no man shall be committed for not submitting to necessary supplies of Mony. So that if this be yielded in Your Majesty's sense , they shall be disabled to restrain supplies from their Enemies , and to govern or maintain their own Souldiers . It cannot be thought reasonable , that under the disguise of a Cessation , they should admit that which will necessarily produce the dissolving of the Army , and destruction of the Cause . It seems not probable that Your Majesty doth intend , that if any be taken with supplies for this Army , or mutining in Your own , such persons shall not be committed , but according to the known Laws of the Land , that is , by process of Law : but rather that Your Majesty will so interrupt this limitation of known Laws , that though it lays streight bonds upon the two Houses , yet it leaves Your Generals as much liberty as before . For it hath been denied by Your Majesty , that these known Laws , give any Power to the two Houses of Parliament to raise Arms , and so consequently their General cannot exercise any Martial Law in those cases : and it is not unlike but that it will be affirmed , that the Generals constituted by Your Majestys Commission have that power by the same known Laws . So that this Article , under the specious shew of Liberty and Law , would altogether disable them to defend their Liberties and Laws , and would produce to Your Majesty an absolute Victory and Submission , under pretence of a Cessation and Treaty . V. Being by necessity inevitable on their part enforced to a defensive War in this unhappy Breach between Your Majesty and them , and that they are therein warranted both by the Laws of God and Man , it must needs follow , that by the same Law they are enabled to raise means to support that War ; and therefore till it shall please God to incline Your Majesty to afford them such a Peace as may secure them , they cannot relinquish the power of laying Taxes upon those who ought to joyn with them in that Defence , and the necessary ways of levying those Taxes upon them , in case of refusal , for otherwise their Army must needs be dissolved . But if Your Majesty shall consent to disband the Armies , the Cause of the War being taken away , the Consequences will likewise be removed , and the Subject restored to the benefit of those Laws which the necessity of Arms hath in such cases suspended . VI. They deny any pretence of consenting to those Alterations and Additions offered by Your Majesty ; only in the Preamble they say they have considered of those Articles , with such Alterations and Additions , unto which Articles they profest they were ready to agree , not as they were accompanied with those Alterations and Additions , but in such manner as they expressed . As for the Clause left out in the third Article , it implyed a freedom of passage and communication of Quarters , which is contrary to the nature of a Cessation , whereby matters should be preserved in the state they are , and neither party have liberty so much to advantage himself , as it is evident Your Majesty might do , if your Forces in the North and West might joyn with those at Oxford , and bring those supplies of Treasure or Arms thither which were brought out of Holland ; or at least it should be so indifferent , as to give a proportionable advantage to the other side , which this doth not : For the Forces under the power of both Houses are so disposed , that they have an easie passage from one to the other ; but Your Majesty's Forces are severed the one from the other by many large Counties , strong Passes , and competent Armies : and if they had admitted this Clause , they had bereaved themselves of one of the greatest Advantages , and freed Your Majesty's party of one of the greatest Inconveniences which Your Majesty or they have in this War. For the Reasons already alledged , they cannot agree to the alterations and enlargements of the Cessation propounded , or to transfer any such power to the Committee , of treating , debating and agreeing upon those Articles in any other manner than the Houses have directed : but that a fair and speedy passage may be opened to a secure and a happy Peace , they have enabled their Committees to treat and debate upon the two Propositions concerning His Majesty's own Revenue , the delivery of His Towns , Castles , Magazines and Ships , and the disbanding of the Armies ; which being agreed upon , a present Peace and Security will follow , and the Treaty upon the other Propositions be facilitated without fear of interruption by the confusion of War , or exasperation of either party by the bloody effects thereof . In which Treaty the two Houses will desire and expect nothing but what doth stand with Your Majesty's Honour and the Trust reposed in You , and is necessary for your Majesty's good Subjects , that they may enjoy the true Religion , and their Liberties and Privileges , and that they may freely and in a Parliamentary way concur with Your Majesty in those things which may conduce to the Glory of God , the Safety and Happiness of Your Majesty and Your Posterity and People , and preventing the like miserable effusion of English blood for the time to come . For the effecting whereof their most earnest Prayers and uttermost endeavours shall ever be faithfully and constantly employed , in hope that God will give a blessing thereunto . Hen. Elsinge Cler. Parl. D. Com. Additional Instructions concerning the Cessation , March 29. IN case we shall obtain Your Majesty's Assent to the Articles of Cessation , as they were last presented to Your Majesty , within two days after the day of the receit of the Reasons this day presented to Your Majesty from both Houses , for their not assenting to those Alterations and Additions to the Articles of Cessation offered by Your Majesty ; we are authorised by our Instructions this day received , in the name of both Houses of Parliament , to agree and conclude upon the Cessation , to continue to the end of twenty days , to be reckoned from the 25. of this instant March , and upon a day certain , as soon as may be , when the same shall first begin and be of force ; within which time notice is to be given as well by His Majesty , as by the Lords and Commons , to the several Generals , Commanders and Souldiers respectively , to observe the same Cessation as it is qualified and limited in those Articles last presented to Your Majesty . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . The KING's Question concerning Removal of Quarters , March 13. 1643. WHether by denying the Communication of Quarters , you intend to restrain the Quarters of either Army from each other ; as that the Forces at Abbingdon may not remove to Banbury , or the Forces at Henly may not remove to Ailesbury , or to any other places within the Quarter of each Army respectively . Falkland . The Committees Answer concerning Removal of Quarters , Mar. 31. 1643. IN Answer to Your Majesty's Question upon the third Article of the Cessation , We humbly conceive , That it is not intended to restrain the Quarters of their Army respectively from each other , so as they come not nearer the Quarters of the other Army ; but that the Forces at Abbingdon may remove to Banbury , or the Forces at Henly may remove to Ailesbury , or to any other place within the Quarters of each Army respectively : so as the Forces of either Army respectively come not nearer the Quarters of the other Army than they shall be upon the day agreed on for the Cessation to begin : Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . The KING's Question concerning the Cessation , March 31. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to be resolved by the Committee of Lords and Commons , whether the Forces of Oxford may not as well go to Reading , as the Forces of Henley may to Ailesbury . Whether His Majesty's Forces belonging to the Army at Oxford may not go to Shrewsbury , or any other place backwards from London , so that in their march they approach no nearer to any Quarters of any of the contrary Armies than some of His Majesties Forces shall quarter upon the day agreed upon for the Cessation to begin . Falkland . The Committees Answer concerning the Cessation , March 31. 1643. WE humbly conceive , that by our Instructions we are not enabled to give any Resolution upon Your Majesty's Questions concerning the Removal of Quarters , other than we have already given . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . A Letter from the Earl of Manchester , April 4. My Lord , I Am commanded by the Lords in Parliament to send unto your Lordship these inclosed Votes , for the giving your Lordship and the Committee longer time to treat of the first Propositions . This is all I have in command , as Your Lordships most humble Servant , Manchester , Speaker of the House pro tempore . April 2. Votes of both Houses for four days longer to Treat , April 4. Die Lunae , Aprilis 3. 1643. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled ; THat further time shall be given to the Committee at Oxon to treat upon the two first Propositions , viz. the first Proposition of His Majesty's , and the first Proposition of both Houses . Resolved , &c. That the time prescribed for the Treaty upon the two first Propositions shall be until Friday next . Resolved , &c. That Friday in this last question shall be taken inclusive . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . April 4. His Majesty's Message concerning the Cessation . CHARLES R. HOW His Majesty hath spent His time since the Committee from His two Houses of Parliament came hither , how willing He hath been ( during the four days allowed to them ) to expedite the Treaty it self , by the free and diligent disquisition of the particulars comprized in those two first Articles , and how intent He hath been upon the Cessation ( which He thinks so necessary , and so much desires ) since the last Message concerning the same came to Him , the Committee themselves cannot but observe : And though no conclusion could be made within the two days ( a time limited with much strictness in a business of so great moment , where all words and expressions must be carefully and exactly weighed ) His Majesty cannot doubt but both Houses will be willing to give and receive satisfaction in any particulars which are necessarily to be considered in concluding the same , though the two days are expired . And if His Majesty enlarges Himself in His Replys more than may seem necessary to the Propositions and Differences in debate , it must be remembred , by what unnecessary and unwarrantable expressions in this last Message from His two Houses He is not only invited , but compelled thereunto ; which He could heartily have wished might upon this occasion have been forborn . I. For the Freedom of Trade , His Majesty hath great reason to require , and the two Houses to admit , that Freedom to His good Subjects He desired . For what concerns the supply of the Army with Arms , Ammunition , Money , Bullion and Victuals , He consented to the very terms proposed by the two Houses ; and that they may be observed , is contented that searches may be made , which being but the trouble of particular persons , is not considerable , in respect of the Publick benefit and advantage . But why all other liberty of Traffick and Commerce should not be granted to His good Subjects , He cannot understand ; for that His Majesty's Army should receive much Advantage thereby , and the contrary Army none , is in no degree confessed . For ( besides the restraint is to places where no part of His Majesty's Army is , and indeed the whole Trade of the Kingdom interrupted ) 't is as great a support ( if not a greater ) to the contrary Army , to maintain and keep up the Trade of London , from whence that receives its supply and relief , as to His Majesty's Army to continue the Trade of Oxford , or any other place where His Forces reside ; and to stop and seize the Cloth , Kersies , and other Western Commodities ( which his Majesty can daily do from Reading ) would be as great disturbance to the Trade of London , as the seizing of any Commodities ( which may be done by the Earl of Essex from Windsor or Wickham ) can be to the Trade of Oxford . And therefore His Majesty hath great reason to press , that mutual and universal Freedom to all His good Subjects may be granted : Otherwise , He must either permit that Licence to His Army , to seize the goods of His People in their passage to London , and to interrupt and break the Trade and Correspondence of the Kingdom ( which both out of publick consideration and private compassion His Majesty is most averse from ) or else must grant that evident Benefit and Advantage to those who deny the same to Him , and to His People for His sake . And it cannot be denyed but this Freedom is so very beneficial to His Subjects , and so wholly considerable to His Majesty under that Notion , that their very subsistence depends upon it , and by this means Trade may be continued ; which , if a little more suppressed by these Distractions , will not be easily recovered , even by a settled Peace . His Majesty believes that some Carriers have been robbed by His Majesty's Souldiers : But 't is as true , that no Complaint hath been made to Him of that kind , which He hath not received to the relief and reparation of the Petitioners . And 't is therefore His desire , that both Houses would joyn with Him ( at least during the Cessation ) that there might be no more such Violences and interruptions offered to His good Subjects by either side . For the embarquing the Merchants Goods in Forein parts , His Majesty denys that any endeavour hath yet been made by His Ministers of State to that purpose : But 't is true , His Majesty hath declared His Resolution , which He shall pursue , that such persons who absolve themselves from their Obedience to Him , and assist or consent to actions of Disloyalty to Him here , shall be deprived of those advantages , and must not expect that Protection from Him abroad which is due , and which He always hath and will allow to His good Subjects . And this is not to make other Princes Arbiters of the Differences betwixt His Majesty and His People ; but to use the mutual Amity and Correspondence with other Princes , for the maintenance and support of that Dignity for which it is made and entred into . II. His Majesty did not demand the approving of the Commanders of Ships only witli reference to His present Right , for then He would have demanded not the approbation of the Commanders , but the Ships themselves ; but this Demand was and is a thing most necessary for His Majesty : for the setting out the present Fleet is pretended to be for the defence of His Majesties Dominions , and which cannot conveniently suffer any alteration in Commanders , if the Cessation and Peace should be fully and speedily agreed upon ; and therefore 't is most necessary for His Majesty both to know the Designs , and to approve of the Commanders , who will not be so fit to be altered when once they are sent out . His Majesty cannot see how a Cessation at Sea between His Majesty and His Subjects should leave the Kingdom naked to Forein Forces ( a continuance of War may well do it : ) And His Majesty is willing to concurr in the resistance of all such of what kind soever , and expects that , during the Cessation , the conveying of all Forces from one part to another by Sea for the assistance of the Earl of Essex be restrained ; which both Houses seem now to consent to , which was not at all expressed in their former Articles . III. His Majesty's opinion , how unfit it was to Treat in blood , sufficiently appears , this debate concerning a Cessation arising first from His Majesty's motion ( it being left out in the Answer to His Message for a Treaty . ) In order to which He had and hath great reason to desire , that the Committee may have Liberty to debate and conclude any differences and expressions in the Articles of the Cessation , that the same may be reconciled and removed , without remitting all questions to London . For as those now consented to might in much less time have been agreed here if there had been that liberty ; so there can hardly be a right and clear understanding of intentions without expounding of words , and knowing the meaning from each other : as in the Consent which His Majesty now understands to be given by both Houses , that no Forces shall during the Cessation be sent by Sea for the relief of any place now held by them , the expression is not so clear , but referreth to Articles , in which if it was not comprised before ( as His Majesty doth not conceive it was ) no alteration is made by what now seems to be consented to , and the liberty which to all understandings may seem to be given , by removing out of one Quarter to another within the Precincts proposed , is not yet so demonstrable ; the Committee having no power to answer what they understand in that point , which is most necessary to be known , that the Peace be not broken during that Cessation . And His Majesty wonders that it should be thought unsafe or unfit to give such a conclusive power of such Differences and Doubts to the Committee here , when 't is notoriously known , that the very Liberty and Property of the Subject is committed not only to other Committees of the Houses without reporting to the Houses , but to persons who are employed by them , uninterested in and unacquainted with the Directions of either or both Houses . IV. It was no part of His Majesty's intention , that His Article against Imprisonment of his Subjects , otherwise than according to the known Laws of the Land , should extend to the destruction of the Military Discipline of either Army : But this is a very sufficient instance of the necessity of enabling some persons to conclude upon these Articles , without which ( through inanimadvertence or doubtfulness in the expressions ) they who are nearest of a mind will hardly ever come to conclude , if every Punctilio must be forced to be sent forwards and backwards a hundred miles : and ( if this authority had been given to the Committee here , as for such causes was desired ) a limitation of half a dozen words ( which would have been as soon agreed to as proposed ) would have saved most of this fourth Reason . And he that desires any thing necessary to the speed of this Cessation , gives a good argument of desiring the Cessation it self ; and whoever is averse to the one , can hardly be thought inclinable to the other . But such of His Subjects as are not concerned in the discipline of the Army , are not concerned in this Objection ; and His Majesty hath reason to insist , that the same liberty may be restored to them in which they were born , and the care and defence of which is so much and so meerly pretended by those who deny it to them . V. Though it grieves His Majesty to the Soul to see the present miserable condition of His Subjects , groaning under so many visible Pressures because of an invisible Necessity , and plundered and imprisoned to maintain such a defensive War , as was begun to be raised against Him before His Majesty had granted one Commission to raise a man ; yet He cannot but be pleased with the ingenuity of this confession , that the implicite faith of His seduced Subjects begins to wear out so fast , that the authority of Declaring new , unknown Fundamental Laws , doth not now so work with them , to believe that these Taxes are laid according to the Laws of God and Man , nor the many pretences of imminent Dangers and inevitable ruine of their Religion , Laws and Liberties , so perswade them to believe this Cause to be the Cause of the Kingdom , but that if their Cause , Authority and Eloquence were not assisted by force and Rapine , their Army must needs be dissolved for want of being thought fit , much less necessary , to be pay'd by those who have equal right to judge of the Necessity and Danger , and for whose sakes , interests and concernments only it was pretended to be raised , and who are defended by it against their wills . Nor is it strange that His Majesty cannot receive these Charges upon Him , as a reason to make Him contented and acquiesce with these Injuries to His Subjects ; or that they who saw His Majesties condition the last year ( till continued Violence against Him opened the eyes and hearts of His Subjects ; to His assistance ) should not believe that He began that War which they saw Him so unlikely to resist ; or that they , who could never find nor hear from them who use not too modestly to conceal what is for their advantage , that from the beginning of the world to this present Parliament ever one man was raised before by Commission from both Houses , should not believe the raising of that their Army to be so warranted as is pretended , and any more approve of their Law than of their Necessity ; or that they who know that His Majesty ( in whom the power of making War and Peace was never denyed to be , till these new Doctrines , which make it unlawful for Him to do any thing , and lawful to do any thing against Him , were of late discovered ) though he can legally raise an Army , is not allowed to be legally able to raise money to maintain it , will not allow of the Argument , from the power of Raising to the power of Taxing , and are as little satisfied with their Logick as with their Law , and extreamly troubled to pay an Army they do not desire , for a Necessity they cannot see , by a Law they never heard of ; and that other men , without their consent , must be jealous , fearful and quicksighted at their Charges : and they have great reason to be apt to suspect that those made most haste to make a War , and have least desire of making Peace , who in time of War pretend their legal power to be so vastly inlarged . His Majesty therefore hath great reason to insist , that no Violence or Plundering be offered to His Subjects for not submitting to the illegal Taxes of one or both Houses , which in it self is equal ; His Majesty being willing to be obliged from the like course , and relying wholly upon the known Justice of His Cause , and the Affection of His People , and in which ( if the Kingdom be of their mind , and believe the Cause of the contrary Army to be really their own ) the advantage will be wholly theirs , and this Judgment will be best given when the People is left to their liberty in this decision . His Majesty's real desire of disbanding the Armies may fully appear by His often seeking , and earnest endeavours to continue and conclude this Treaty in order to that disbanding . VI. His Majesty leaves their Preamble to all the world to consider and to judge , whether any man by their saying they were ready to agree to His Majesty's Articles in the manner as was exprest , would not have expected to have found after that expression , that they had agreed at least to some one thing material in them , and had not only meant by agreeing as was exprest , to express they would not agree at all . For the Clause of Communication of Quarters so quietly left out , His Majesty looks upon it as of most infinite importance , the leaving out of that having discomposed the whole , many things having in the rest been assented to , which were therefore only yielded , because the Inconveniences growing by these Clauses , if they were alone , were salved by that Addition ; and some things , in the other very dark and doubtful , were by that interpreted and cleared . And His Majesty is sufficiently informed how highly it concerns Him that every thing be so clear , that after no differences may arise upon any disputable point , since they whose Union , Industry , Subtilty and Malice could perswade any of His People that in the business of Brainceford He had broken a Cessation before any was made or offered , would have a much easier work to lay the breach of a made Cessation to His Majesty's charge , if the ground of that Breach would bear the least dispute . His Majesty doth agree , that to preserve things in the same state on both sides with as little advantage or disadvantage to either as the matter will possibly bear , is truly the nature of a Cessation , and is willing this Principle should be made the Rule , and never intended any thing that should contradict it ; but cannot see the inequality in this which is pretended : For could Sir Ralph Hopton and the Earl of Newcastle come by this means to the King , and not the Earl of Stamford and Lord Fairfax to the Earl of Essex ? Nor can His Majesty find any stronger Passes or Forces to hinder His Armies from joyning with Him , than hinders theirs from joyning with them . If the Forces be unequal , theirs will hardly hinder the passage of His , without a Cessation ; if they be equal , their coming in time of Cessation will be of equal use and advantage to their side , somewhat in point of Supplies to come with them excepted ; and some advantage to one side will be , poize it how you will. But on the other side ; if this clause be not in , how much greater is the disadvantage the other way by some Clauses ? and how are His Forces ( principally the Earl of Newcastle's ) cooped up in old and eaten-up Quarters , or necessitated to retire to such as are more barren and more eaten ? So that if this were yielded to under the disguise of a Cessation , He must admit that which will much endanger the dissolving of the Army and destruction of the Cause ; which is such a disadvantage as is against the nature of a Cessation formerly agreed and stated . Notwithstanding all this , His Majesty , to shew His extraordinary and abundant desire of Peace , and to prevent the effusion of blood , is contented , if both Houses shall refuse to consent to His Propositions , which are so much for the benefit and advancement of the publick Trade and advantage of His good Subjects , to admit a Cessation upon the matter of their own Articles ( excepting that liberty be given to the Committee to word it according to the real meaning and intention ; and that the remove of Quarters within their own bounds , which is intended , may be so exprest and understood that no mistakes may arise ) so that His Majesty may not be understood to consent to any imposing upon , levying , distraining , or imprisoning His good Subjects to force them to contribute or assist against Him ( which He shall always continue to inhibit , requiring all men to resist those Illegal acts of Injustice and Violence , against which He doth absolutely protest ; ) and so that there may not be a liberty for any Rapine , Plundering , or seizing upon His Subjects by any of the Soldiers of that Army , for not submitting to such Illegal Impositions as aforesaid : For otherwise , they may during this Cessation ( besides what is already imposed ) impose new Taxes , not only to the Nineteenth part , but , if they please , ( for their pleasure is all their bound ) to the half of , or all their Estates , upon His good Subjects in His City of London , and all Counties within their reach ; and their Army would then be at leisure to be employed as Collectors as well of the old Impositions , ( which in most places without their Army they cannot levy ) as of any such new one , and vast summs would and might by this means be raised to the destruction of His Subjects , extraordinary advantage to them , and great disadvantage to His Majesty , who can neither obtain His own Consent to take the like courses , nor in case He could , is He so quartered as to have within the power of His Army , without breach of the Cessation by drawing nearer to their Forces , any such City , or so many , so rich and so fresh Counties , as they have , to retire into to that purpose . So that as nothing is more just in it self and for His People than such a limitation ; so nothing can be more unequal to His Majesty , or more advantagious to them , than the admission of or connivance to any such practices upon His People . This Cessation to begin on the 9. of April , and to continue to the end of 20. days from the 25. of March. And His Majesty desires that the Treaty may proceed upon the Propositions in order , upon which His Majesty hath an earnest desire that a firm and stable Peace may be agreed on , and both Armies speedily disbanded : otherwise , if during this Cessation ( in the Articles of which His Majesty in order to Peace hath yielded to things manifestly unreasonable and prejudicial to His Army ) the Treaty be not dispatched , His Majesty cannot without manifest ruine to His Army ( principally that of the North ) be able to contain Himself beyond this time now limited for the Cessation in the Quarters in which He hath so long been , and now is , and which will hardly be able to hold out so long , but must be forced to remove as He shall find agreeable for His Occasions . And in case any delay be made in consenting to these His Majesty's limitations , or that the Houses shall reject this His offer of Cessation , His Majesty , as He hath lately desired ( by a Proposition to both Houses , delivered to their Committee , to which He hath yet received no Answer ) so He doth earnestly continue to desire , that the Treaty it self may not be delayed or interrupted by it , but that their Committee may be enabled to proceed upon it in the mean while . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . Copia vera . Addition of four days longer to Treat , April 4. 1643. WE humbly acquaint Your Majesty that we received this morning the resolution of both Houses of Parliament , whereby farther time is given to us to Treat upon the two first Propositions , viz. the first Proposition of Your Majesty , and the first Proposition of both Houses ; and that the time prescribed for the Treaty upon the two first Propositions shall be until Friday night . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . A Letter from both Houses , received , April 8. 1643. WE are commanded to send these inclosed Instructions to you from both Houses of Parliament , by which the resolutions of the Houses will appear unto you . This is all we have in command , and rest , Westminster the 7. of April , 1643. Your humble Servants , Manchester , Speaker pro tempore . William Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House . Instructions concerning the Cessation , received April 8. 1643. A farther Addition of Instructions agreed upon by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Pierrepont Esq ; Sir William Armyne Baronet , Sir John Holland Baronet , and Bulstrode Whitelocke Esquire , Committees of both Houses of Parliament attending His Majesty at Oxon. YOU are hereby to take notice , That the two Houses have considered His Majesty's Answer to their Reasons concerning the Cessation , wherein there are divers expressions which reflect much upon the Honour and Justice of the Houses , and might occasion particular Replies ; yet at this time they desire to decline all Contestation , their wishes and endeavours being earnestly bent upon the obtaining a speedy Peace : For which cause they do not think good to consume any more of that time allowed for the Treaty in any farther debates upon the Cessation ; concerning which they find His Majesty's expressions so doubtful , that it cannot be suddenly or easily resolved ; and the remainder of the time for the whole Treaty being but seven days , if the Cessation were presently agreed , it would not yield any considerable advantage to the Kingdom . Wherefore you shall desire His Majesty , that He will be pleased to give a speedy and positive Answer to their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding , that so the People may not have only a Shadow of Peace in a short time of Cessation , but the Substance of it , in such manner as may be a perpetual Blessing to them , by freeing the Kingdom from those miserable effects of War , the effusion of English blood , and Desolation of many parts of the Land. For the obtaining of which Happiness , the Lords and Commons have resolved to enlarge your Power , That if you shall not have fully agreed upon the two first Propositions before Friday night , you may , notwithstanding any former restraint , proceed to treat upon them according to the Instructions formerly given you , although the Articles of the Cessation are not agreed upon . And those two first Propositions being concluded , the two Houses will thereupon give you further Instructions to proceed to the other Propositions , that so the whole Treaty may be determined within the twenty days formerly limited , to be reckoned from the 25 of March last , which can admit no alteration or enlargement without manifold Prejudice and Danger to the whole Kingdom . Joh. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . The KING's Reply touching Cessation ; and His desire to enable the Committee to treat upon the Propositions in the mean time ; and touching His coming to the Parliament . C. R. IF the Committee , according to His Majesty's desire , had had but power to agree in the wording of Expressions in the Articles of Cessation , His Majesty's ( which are as clear as the matter would bear , and as He could make them ) had not appeared so doubtful to any , but that the Cessation might have been suddenly and speedily resolved , and that long before this time . And if the expressions of both Houses in their Reasons had not necessitated His Majesty in His own defence to give such Answers , as could not upon those points deliver Truth without some shew of Sharpness , no Expression of that kind in His Majesty's Answer had given any pretence for the rejection of , or refusing so much as to treat upon this Cessation , which ( though it were at present for no long time ) yet was from the day named by themselves , the 25 of March ; whereas His Majesty first moved for a Cessation and Treaty without any limitation at all in the time of either , and His Majesty was most ready to have enlarged the time , ( so that in the mean while the point of Quarters might be so settled as that His Armies might subsist ) and which might have been ( if they had pleased ) a very good and promising earnest and fore-runner of that great blessing of Peace ; for the obtaining of which the wishes and endeavours of all good men being earnestly bent , a farther debate in order to so great a Benefit did not deserve to be styled a consumption of time . And His Majesty cannot but conceive Himself to be in a strange condition , if the doubtfulness of Expressions ( which must always be whilst the Treaty is at such a distance , and power is denied to those upon the place to help to clear and explain ) or His necessary Replying to charges laid upon Him ( that He might not seem to acknowledge what was so charged ) or the limitation of the time of seven days for the Treaty ( which was not limited by His Majesty , who ever desired to have avoided that and other limitations which have given great interruptions to it ) should be as well believed to be the grounds , as they are made the arguments , of the rejection of that which ( next to Peace it self ) His Majesty above all things most desires to see agreed and settled , and which His Majesty hopes ( if it may be yet agreed on ) will give His People such a taste of such a Blessing , that after a short time of consideration , and comparing of their several conditions in War and Peace , and what should move them to suffer so much by a Change , they will not think those their friends that shall force them to it , or be themselves ready to contribute to the renewing of their former Miseries , without some greater evidence of Necessity than can appear to them , when they shall have seen ( as they shall see , if this Treaty be suffered to proceed ) that His Majesty neither asks nor denies any thing , but what not only according to Law He may , but what in Honour and care of His People he is obliged to ask or deny . And this alone ( which a very short Cessation would produce ) His Majesty esteems a very considerable advantage to the Kingdom ; and therefore cannot but press again and again , that whatever is thought doubtful in the expressions of the Articles , may ( as in an hour it may well be done ) be expounded , and whatsoever is excepted at may be debated and concluded , and that Power and Instructions may be given to the Committee to that end ; that the miserable effects of War , the effusion of English blood , and desolation of England ( until they can be totally taken away ) may by this means be stayed and interrupted . His Majesty supposes , that when the Committee was last required to desire His Majesty to give a speedy and positive Answer to the first proposition concerning Disbanding , His Answers in that point ( to which no Reply hath been made , and which He hopes by this time have given satisfaction ) were not transmitted and received : but wonders the Houses should press His Majesty for a speedy and positive Answer to the first part of their first Proposition concerning Disbanding , when to the second part of the very same Proposition , concerning His Return to both Houses of Parliament , they had not given any Power or Instructions to the Committee so much as to treat with His Majesty ; and when His Majesty ( if His desire of Peace , and of speeding the Treaty in order to that , had not been prevalent with Him ) might with all manner of Justice have delayed to begin to treat upon one part , until they had been enabled to treat upon the other : In which point , and for want of which power from them , the only stop now remains ; His Majesty's Answers to both parts of their first Proposition being given in , transmitted , and yet remaining unanswered . To which until the Houses shall be at leisure to make Answer , that as little delay in this Treaty as is possible may be caused by it , His Majesty desires likewise , that the Committee may be enabled to treat upon the following Propositions in their several orders . A Letter from both Houses , April 8. WE have sent unto you by this Gentleman , Sir Peter Killegrew , some additional Instructions , by which your Lordship and the rest of the Committee will perceive the Resolutions which the Houses have taken upon the Papers which they received this day from you . This is all we have in command , and remain , Your Lordship 's humble Servants , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , Will. Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House in Parliament . Westminster this 8 of April , 1643. Instructions concerning the Insisting , received April 9. 1643. Additional Instructions for Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Lord Viscount Say and Seal , William Pierrepont Esquire , Sir William Armyne and Sir John Holland Baronets , Bulstrode Whitelocke Esquire , Committees from both Houses attending His Majesty at Oxford . Magazines , and enlarging the time . THE two Houses of Parliament are unsatisfied with His Majesty's Answer to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines : Wherefore you are to desire His Majesty to make a further Answer , in such manner as is exprest in the Instructions formerly given you ; and you shall let His Majesty know , That the Lords and Commons do not think fit to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days formerly limited . Cinque-Ports , Towns , Forts and Castles . They likewise remain unsatisfied with His Majesty's Answer concerning the Cinque-Ports , Towns , Forts and Castles , being in the most material points an express Denial : Wherefore you are to insist upon their desire for another Answer , according to your Instructions . Ships . They observe in His Majesty's Answer concerning the Ships , not only a Denial to all the desires of both Houses , but likewise a Censure upon their proceedings . However , you are to insist upon their desires expressed in your Instructions . Disbanding . They further conceive that His Majesty's Answer to their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding is in effect a Denial , unless they desert all those cautions and limitations which they have desired in their Answer to His Majesty's first Proposition : Wherefore you are to proceed , insisting upon that part of their first Proposition concerning the Disbanding , according to your Instructions . KING's Return to the Parliament . You shall declare to His Majesty the desire of both Houses of His Majesty's coming to His Parliament , which they have often exprest with as full offers of security to His Royal Person , as was agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ; and they know no cause why His Majesty may not repair hither with Honour and Safety : but they did not insert it into your Instructions , because they conceived the Disbanding of the Armies would have facilitated His Majesty's Resolution therein , which they likewise conceived was agreeable to His Majesty's Sense , who in declaring His Consent to the Order of the Treaty , did only mention that part of the first Proposition which concerned the Disbanding , and did omit that which concerned His coming to the Parliament . Oath of Officers . They conceive the ordinary Oaths of the Officers mentioned are not sufficient to secure them against the extraordinary causes of Jealousie which have been given them in these troublesome times ; and that His Majesty's Answer lays some tax upon the Parliament , as if defective , and thereby uncapable of making such a Provisional Law for an Oath : therefore you shall still insist upon their former desires of such an Oath as is mentioned in your Instructions . If you shall not have received His Majesty's positive Answer to the humble desire of both Houses in these two first Propositions , according as they are exprest in your Instructions , before the twenty days limited for the Treaty shall be expired , you shall then with convenient speed repair to the Parliament , without expecting any further direction . Jo. Brown Cler. Parliamentorum . CHARLES REX . TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace , and that no Success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end or for any longer time than that , and until things may be so settled , as that the Law may have a full , free and uninterrupted course for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses and His good Subjects ; 1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His first Proposition , concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts , in which He desires nothing but that the just , known , Legal Rights of His Majesty ( devolved to Him from His Progenitors ) and of the Persons trusted by Him , which have violently been taken from both , be restored unto Him and unto them , unless any just and legal exceptions against any of the Persons trusted by Him ( which are yet unknown to His Majesty ) can be made appear to Him : 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their birth-rights , and the free election of those that sent them , and having been voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Distractions ; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose Votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made : 3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous assemblies as , to the great breach of the Priviledges and the high dishonour of Parliaments , have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House , and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons to joyn in a Declaration against them , the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued ; which security His Majesty conceives can be only settled by adjourning the Parliament to some other place at the least twenty miles from London , the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses : His Majesty will most chearfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediately disbanded , and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be adjourned . His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable convention of Parliament , such provisions will be made against seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions ; and such care will be taken concerning the legal and known Rights of His Majesty , and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects , that whatsoever hath been publisht or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration , Ordinance or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the power to raise Arms without His Majesty's Consent , will be in such manner recalled , disclaimed and provided against , that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future , to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom , and to endanger the very Being of it . And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the real good of His Subjects , ( and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , for the education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of practices of Papists against the State , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the Penalties against them ) to make known to all the World how causless those Fears and Jealousies have been which have been raised against Him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this Offer of His Majesty be not consented to ( in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side , and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People , till a full and peaceable convention of Parliament , which in Justice He might now require ) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World , not only who is most desirous of Peace , and whose default it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who hath been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted , or these Armies raised ; and the beginning or continuance of the War , and the destruction and desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not by the most interessed , passionate , or prejudicate person be imputed to His Majesty . His MAJESTY's Questions before the Treaty , and the Committees Answers , March 25. 1643. Mis MAJESTY desires to be answered these Questions in writing , by the Committee of both Houses . 1. WHether they may not shew unto Him those Instructions ( according to which they are to Treat and Debate with His Majesty upon the two first Propositions ) of which the last Message from both Houses takes notice , and refers unto . 2. Whether they have power to pass from one Proposition to the other in the Debate , before His Majesty have exprest His mind concerning the Proposition first entred into . 3. Whether they have power to give an entire Answer to His Majesty's first Proposition before His Majesty's Reply to any part thereof , or to pass from any part of that Proposition to another part of the same before His Majesty hath given a Reply concerning that part . 4. Whether in case His Majesty's Answer or Reply to any part of either Proposition do not satisfie them , they have power to send up that His Answer or Reply to both Houses and proceed upon the debate of another part of the same . 5. Whether they have power to conclude these two Propositions . 6. Whether they have power to press or consent unto the execution of either of these two Propositions , or any part of them , till the whole Treaty be agreed upon . Falkand . The Committee of Lords and Commons appointed to attend His Majesty upon the Treaty , do humbly return these Answers to the Questions propounded by His Majesty . March 25. 1643. TO the First ; They are enjoyned not to shew or discover their Instructions , or to give any Copy of them . To the Second , concerning His Majesty's first Proposition and the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament ; They humbly conceive they may pass from the one Proposition to the other , after that His Majesty hath given His Answer to the particular partf either Proposition that shall be in debate . To the Third ; They humbly conceive that they are to receive His Majesty's Reply to that part of the Proposition to which they give their Answer , before they proceed to any other part of either Proposition . To the Fourth ; They humbly conceive , that when they have received His Majesty's Answer or Reply to any part of either Proposition wherein they are not satisfied , they are to send that His Majesty's Answer or Reply to both Houses , and in the mean time may proceed to another part of either Proposition . To the Fifth ; They humbly conceive they may conclude these two Propositions , if they be agreed unto according to their Instructions . To the Sixth ; They humbly conceive they may press and consent unto the execution of the two Propositions , according to their Instructions , before the whole Treaty be agreed upon . Northumberland . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . The Papers concerning leave to repair to His Majesty . March 27. 1643. WHereas we humbly presented to Your Majesty several Answers to Your Majesty's Demands in Your first Proposition , and in Reply to those Answers we have received several Papers from Your Majesty ; our humble desires are that Your Majesty would be pleased to give us leave to repair unto You , for our further satisfaction upon any Doubts which shall arise amongst us in those Papers we have already received , or any other which we shall hereafter receive from Your Majesty , before such time as we shall transmit them to both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty is well pleased that the Committee of both Houses repair unto Him for their further satisfaction upon any Doubts which shall arise amongst them in the Papers they have already received , or any other which they shall hereafter receive from His Majesty , and to which they shall not have acquiesced , before they transmit them to both Houses of Parliament . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Revenue . March 26. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition , concerning Your Majesty's own Revenue , we give this Answer ; The two Houses of Parliament have not made use of Your Majesty 's own Revenue , but in a very small proportion , which for a good part hath been imployed in the maintenance of Your Majestys Children , according to the allowance established by Your Self . And the two Houses of Parliament will satisfie what shall remain due to Your Majesty of those summs received out of Your Majesty 's own Revenue ; and will leave the same to Your Majesty for the time to come . We likewise humbly propose to Your Majesty , that You will restore what hath been taken for Your Majesty's use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes , by several Acts of Parliament , or out of the provision made for the War of Ireland . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . John. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . March 26. 1643. HIS Majesty knows not what proportion of His Revenue hath been made use of by His two Houses of Parliament , but He hath reason to believe that if much of it hath not been used , very much remains still in their hands , His whole Revenue being so seized and stopped by the Orders of one or both Houses , even to the taking away of His Mony out of His Exchequer and Mint , and Bonds ( forced from His Cofferers Clerks ) for the Provision of His Majesty's Houshold , that very little hath come to His Majesty's use for His own support . He is well contented to allow whatsoever hath been employed in the maintenance of His Children , and to receive the Arrears due to himself , and to be sure of His own for the future . He is likewise willing to restore all Monies taken for His Majesty's use by any Authority from Him , upon any Bills assigned to other purposes ; His Majesty being assured He hath received very little or nothing that way : and expects that satisfaction be made for all those several vast summs received and diverted to other purposes by Orders of one or both Houses , which ought to have been paid upon the Act of Pacification to His Subjects of Scotland , or employed for the discharge of the Debts of this Kingdom , and by other Acts of Parliament for the relief of His poor Protestant Subjects of Ireland . Falkland . March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to be resolved by the Committee from both Houses , whether their Proposition to His Majesty to restore what hath been taken for His Majesty's use upon any of the Bills , &c. be a new demand , or a condition upon which only that is granted which goes before . Falkland . March 27. 1643. WHereas Your Majesty desired to be resolved by us , whether the Proposition to Your Majesty to restore what hath been taken for Your Majesty's use upon any of the Bills , &c. be a new demand , or a condition upon which only that is granted which goes before ; We humbly conceive it to be no new demand ; but whether it be such a condition upon which only that which goes before is granted , we are not able to resolve . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . John Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 27. 1643. WHereas we have received Your Majesty's Answer of the 26. of this instant to ours of the same date , concerning Your Majesty's own Revenue ; We humbly desire to know of Your Majesty , if You will not account Your own Revenue to be sure for the future , if both Houses of Parliament do leave it in the same way as it was before these Troubles did begin . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty did intend in His former Answer by those words [ of being sure of His own for the future ] that no restraints or interruptions should be made by one or both Houses in and upon His Majesty's Revenue , but that it should be left in the same way it was before these Troubles did begin . Falkland . March 28. 1643. WE shall transmit Your Majesty's Answer to that part of Your Proposition concerning Your Revenue to both Houses of Parliament without farther Reply . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . W. Armine . The Papers concerning the Magazines . March 26. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition concerning Your Magazines , we humbly give this Answer ; That all the Arms and Ammunition taken out of Your Majesty's Magazines , which shall remain in the hands of both Houses of Parliament , shall be delivered into Your Stores , and whatsoever shall be wanting , they will in convenient time supply in kind , according to the proportions which they have received . We likewise humbly propose unto Your Majesty , that the persons to whose Charge those publick Magazines shall be committed , being nominated by Your Majesty , may be such as the two Houses of Parliament shall confide in : and that Your Majesty will restore all such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken for Your Majesty's use from the several Counties , Cities and Towns. Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . Jo. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 27. 1643. HIS Majesty is content that all the Arms and Ammunition taken out of His Magazines , which do now remain in the hands of both Houses , or of Persons employed by them , be forthwith delivered into such of His Stores as His Majesty shall appoint , and that whatsoever shall be wanting of the proportions taken out from thence by them be supplied by them with all convenient speed in kind ; which shall be committed to and continued in the custody of the sworn Officers to whose places the same belongs : And if any of the said Officers shall have forfeited , or shall forfeit , that Trust by any misdemeanours , His Majesty will by no means defend them from the Justice of the Law. For the restoring all such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken for His Majesty's use from the several Counties , Cities and Towns , His Majesty being compelled to take them , His own being taken from Him , did it always with this Caution and Promise to the places from whence He took them , that He would , by the blessing of God , restore them again , and make recompence out of His own Stores , as soon as it should be in His power ; which promise He will make good to them , expecting that such Arms and Ammunition as have been taken from the several Counties , Cities and Towns , for the use of the Armies under the command of the Earl of Essex , be likewise restor'd to them . Falkland . March 28. 1643. WHereas we have received Your Majesty's Answer of the 27. of this month to ours of the 26. of this instant , concerning Your Majesty's Magazines ; We humbly desire to know of Your Majesty what time you intend by the expression in the words [ be forthwith delivered : ] We likewise humbly desire to know in what places Your Majesty would have Your Stores , and who are the sworn Officers Your Majesty intends , that according to our Instructions , we may transmit their names to both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . Joh. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty intended by that Expression [ be forthwith delivered ] as soon as the Treaty shall be concluded and agreed on . Falkland . March 29. 1643. THE place of Store into which His Majesty is content that the Arms and Ammunition taken out of His Magazines be delivered , is His Tower of London ; and the Officers He intends , are such as by Patent ought to receive and keep the same . Falkland . March 29. 1643. Concerning the Magazines . WE humbly desire , according to our Instructions , that the persons to whose charge the publick Magazines should be committed being nominated by Your Majesty , should be such as the Lords and Commons should confide in . We not knowing whether the two Houses will confide in the Persons Your Majesty mentions , must transmit their names to both Houses of Parliament , to receive their farther Instructions Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His Answer concerning the persons to whose custody His Magazines shall be committed to be very clear and sufficient , and shall forbear any more particular Nomination of them , the two Houses well knowing whether they have any just Exceptions to make against any of them ; which if they have , His Majesty will leave them to the due course of Justice . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to desire Your Majesty to make a further Answer to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines ; and we are humbly to acquaint Your Majesty , that the two Houses of Parliament do not think fit to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days formerly limited , to be reckoned from the five and twentieth of March last , which can admit no alteration or inlargement without manifold prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdom . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty having made several Answers to that Clause of the first Proposition which concerns the Magazines , knows not what Answer to make further , except He were informed what part of the Propositions made to Him was not clearly answered , or had reasons given him to change and alter the Answer already made ; neither of which is yet done . And He is very sorry that both Houses of Parliament have not thought fit to enlarge the power of the Committee , ( whereby less time would have served for the Treaty ) and are so absolutely resolved not to enlarge the time of the Treaty beyond the twenty days , which ( by Messages and attending the Instructions of the House ) are so near spent , notwithstanding all possible readiness in His Majesty , and which in truth might have ended all the Propositions , if sufficient authority had been given to the persons imployed to debate and conclude . Neither can His Majesty understand why an Alteration or Inlargement in the point of time cannot be admited without manifold prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdom : He prays to God , that an averseness to such an Alteration and Inlargement may not prove an unspeakable prejudice and danger to the whole Kingdom . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Towns , Forts , Cinque-Ports , &c. March 27. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition which concerns Your Majesty's Towns and Forts , we humbly give this Answer ; That the two Houses of Parliament will remove the Garrisons out of all Towns and Forts in their hands , wherein there were no Garrisons before these Troubles , and slight all Fortifications made since that time , and those Towns and Forts to continue in the same condition they were in before ; and that those Garrisons shall not be renewed , nor the Fortifications repaired , without Consent of Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . That for those Towns and Forts which are within the Jurisdiction of the Cinque-Ports , they shall be delivered up into the hands of such a Noble Person as Your Majesty shall appoint to be Warden of the Cinque-ports , being such a one as they shall confide in . That the Town of Portsmouth shall be reduced to the number of the Garrison as was at the time when the Lords and Commons undertook the custody thereof ; and such other Forts , Castles and Towns as were formerly kept by Garrisons ; as have been taken by both Houses of Parliament into their care and custody since the beginning of these Troubles , shall be reduced to such proportioon of Garrison as they had in the year 1636. and shall be so continued : and that all the said Towns , Forts and Castles shall be delivered up into the hands of such persons of quality and trust , to be likewise nominated by Your Majesty , as the two Houses of Parliament shall confide in . That the Warden of the Cinque-ports , and all Governours and Commanders of Towns , Castles and Forts , shall keep the same Towns , Castles and Forts respectively for the Service of Your Majesty and the Safety of the Kingdom ; and that they shall not admit into any of them any forein Forces , or any other Forces raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament ; and they shall use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces whatsoever raised without such Authority and Consent ; and they shall seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces . They likewise humbly propose to Your Majesty , that you would remove the Garrisons out of Newcastle , and all other Towns , Castles and Forts , where any Garrisons have been placed by Your Majesty since these Troubles ; and that the Fortifications be likewise slighted , and the Towns and Forts left in such state and condition as they were in in the year 1636. That all other Towns , Forts and Castles , where there have been formerly Garrisons before these Troubles , may be committed to the charge of such persons , to be nominated by Your Majesty , as both Houses of Parliament shall confide in , and under such Instructions as are formerly mentioned . And that those new Garrisons shall not be renewed , nor their Fortifications repaired , without Consent of Your Majesty , and both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . John Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty is content that all the Garrisons in any Towns and Forts in the hands of any persons imployed by the two Houses of Parliament , wherein there were no Garrisons before these Troubles , be removed , and all Fortifications made since that time may be slighted ; and those Towns and Forts shall for the future continue in the same condition they were in before . For the Cinque-ports , they are already in the Custody of a Noble person against whom His Majesty knows no just Exceptions , and who hath such a Legal Interest therein , that His Majesty cannot with justice remove Him from it untill some sufficient Cause be made appear to Him ; but is willing , if He shall at any time be found guilty of any thing that may make him unworthy of that Trust , that he may be proceeded against according to the rules of Justice . The Town of Portsmouth , and all other Forts , Castles and Towns as were formerly kept by Garrisons , shall be reduced to their ancient proportion , and the government of them put into the hands of such persons against whom no just Exceptions can be made , all of them being before these Troubles by Letters Patents granted to several persons , against any of whom His Majesty knows not any Exceptions , and who shall be removed if just cause shall be given for the same . The Warden of the Cinque-ports , and all Governors and Commanders of Towns , Castles and Forts , shall keep the same Towns , Castles and Forts , as by the Law they ought to do , for His Majesty's Service , and the Safety of the Kingdom ; and they shall not admit into any of them Forein Forces or other Forces raised or brought in contrary to the Law , but shall use their utmost endeavour to suppress all such Forces , and shall seize all Arms and Ammunition which by the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom they ought to seize . The Garrisons of Newcastle , and all other Towns , Castles and Forts , in which Garrisons have been placed by His Majesty since these Troubles , shall be removed , and all the Fortifications shall be slighted , and the Towns and Forts left in such state and condition as they were in the year 1636. All other Towns , Forts and Castles , where there have been formerly Garrisons before these Troubles , shall be committed to the charge of such persons and under such cautions and limitations as His Majesty hath before exprest . And no new Garrisons shall be renewed , nor their Fortifications repaired , otherwise than as by the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom they may or ought to be . Falkland . March. 29. 1643. COncerning the appointing of the Warden of the Cinque-ports , and Governors of Your Majesty's Towns , Castles and Forts , we humbly desire to know if Your Majesty's Reply doth intend , that both Houses of Parliament may express their Confidence of the persons to whose trust those places are to be committed , for that we are directed by our Instructions , that if Your Majesty be pleased to assent thereunto , that You would nominate persons of Quality to receive the charge of them , that we may forthwith certifie both Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may express their Confidence in those persons , or humbly beseech Your Majesty to name others ; none of which persons to be removed during three years next ensuing , without just cause to be approved by both Houses of Parliament ; and if any be so removed , or shall dye within the said space , the persons to be put in the same Offices shall be such as both Houses shall confide in . We humbly desire to know if Your Majesty intends the Garrison of Portsmouth , to be of such a proportion as it was about the year 1641. about which time a new supply was added to the former Garrison to strengthen it , which both Houses of Parliament think necessary to continue . We humbly desire Your Majesty would be pleased to give a more full Answer to this Clause , that they should not admit into them any forein or other Forces , Raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament , and that they shall use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces whatsoever , Raised without such Authority and Consent , and that those Garrisons should not be renewed , or their Fortifications repaired , without Consent of Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . J. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . Will. Pierrepont . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty doth not intend that both Houses of Parliament shall express their Confidence of the persons to whose trust the Cinque-ports or other His Majesty's Towns , Castles and Forts now are or shall be committed ; but only that they shall have liberty upon any just Exceptions to proceed against any such persons according to Law ; His Majesty being resolved not to protect them against the publick Justice . And well knowing that when any of those places shall be void , the Nomination and free Election is a Right belonging to and inherent in His Majesty , and having been enjoyed by all His Royal Progenitors , His Majesty will not believe that His well-affected Subjects will desire to limit Him in that Right . His Majesty intends the Garrison of Portsmouth to be of such a proportion as it was in the year 1641. except He finds good cause to enlarge or diminish that proportion . His Majesty cannot give a more full Answer to that Clause concerning the admission of Forces into any of His Forts , Castles and Towns , than He hath already given ; His Majesty having therein made the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom the Rule of what is or what is not to be done , which will be always the most impartial Judge between Him and His People . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to desire another Answer from Your Majesty concerning the Cinque-ports , Towns , Forts and Castles ; Your Majesty's former Answers concerning them being in the most material points express Denials , as both Houses of Parliament understand them . Northumberland . J. Holland . W. Armyne . W. Pierrepont . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty will not at this time remember the many Acts of Grace and Favour He hath passed this Parliament for the good of His People ; but He must say , He hath not denied any one thing proposed to Him by both Houses , which in Justice could be required of Him , or in Reason expected ; and He hath been and is still so unwilling to give a denial to both His Houses , that as they shall be sure to receive none to any Proposition they shall make of right , so in matters of Grace and Favour He shall be willing to receive any information and reason which at any time may invite him to consent : and therefore will gladly receive any Reason from the Committee or both Houses , which may induce His Majesty to give another Answer than what He hath already given in the point of the Cinque-ports , Forts and Castles ; but till such be given , He cannot consent to dispossess any of His Servants of what they are legally possest of , without a just Cause exprest , or to quit His own Right of sole disposing of their Commands , no other cause yet appearing to Him , than that the places they command have been taken from Him. Falkland April 14. 1643. YOur Majesty , in one of Your Papers this day delivered unto us , mentions that You would gladly receive any Reason from both Houses or their Committee , which may induce Your Majesty to give another Answer than what you have already given in the point of the Cinque-ports , Forts , Castles and Magazines . We did , according to our Instructions , humbly desire Your Majesty that the Cinque-ports , Forts and Castles might be put into the hands of such Noble persons and persons of Quality and Trust , to be nominated by Your Majesty , as the two Houses of Parliament should confide in , and to be kept for Your Majesty's Service , and the Safety of the Kingdom , that no Forein Forces , or other Forces raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament , should be admitted into any of them , and the Commanders to use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces raised without such Authority and Consent , and to seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces : Unto which we humbly desire Your Majesty's Gracious assent , and to our other desires concerning Your Majesty's first Proposition and the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament , for that we humbly conceive Your Consent thereunto will be the best means for such a Peace to be made as will be safe , firm and lasting ; the which is not to be hoped for , except there be a cure for Fears and Jealousies , for which an apparent Remedy is , to disband all Forces , and the same to be so mutually done , as neither part to have any Force remaining of which the other may be jealous or in fear . But if for other causes not concerned in these unhappy Differences , Forces are to be retained , as in the Cinque-ports , and in some Forts , Towns and Castles , for the Defence of the whole Kingdom against forein Enemies , that then the same may remain in the hands of such persons , with such powers , as both parts might believe themselves secure : for if the same places were considered in relation only to these unnatural Destempers , and to the settling thereof , the Forces in them were likewise to be disbanded . Northumberland . J. Holland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 15. 1643. AS His Majesty was and is very desirous to receive any Reason from both Houses or their Committee , which might induce His Majesty to give other Answers , if what He hath or shall give do not satisfie ; so He rather expected those Reasons should have had their foundation in the Law of the Land , and have shewed Him that by Law He had not the Right He pretended , or that by that , or by some fundamental Law , they had a Right superiour to His in what was now in question , or have shewed Him some Legal Reason why the Persons trusted by Him were incapable of that trust , than only have insisted upon Fears and Jealousies , of which as He knows not the Ground , so He is ignorant of the Cure. But this His Majesty knows , that if readiness to acknowledge , retract and provide against for the future any thing of errour that hath hapned against Law , and having actually passed more important Bills , and parted with more of His known Rights for the satisfaction of His Subjects , than not only any one , but all His Predecessors , would have been thought a sufficient Remedy for Fears and Jealousies , the Kingdom might still have injoyed a safe , firm and lasting Peace , and those would not first have been made a reason to seize upon His Rights , and then after have been made an Argument to perswade Him to part with them . And His Majesty wonders the Committee should not see that this Argument might extend to the depriving Him of , or at least sharing with Him in , all His just Regal Power ( since Power as well as Forces may be the object of Fears and Jealousies , and there will be always a power left to hurt , whilest there is any left to protect and defend ; ) and that if those Rights which He received from His Predecessors were really so formidable , that would have been more feared before which is now feared so much , and His Forts and Castles would either not have been attempted , or at least have enabled Him to defend and keep them , and have kept this from being a Question now between them . Which since they could not do , His Majesty ( if He had as much inclination , as He hath more right , to Fears and Jealousies ) might have more reason to insist upon some adition of Power , as a security to enable Him to keep His Forts when He hath them , than they to make any difficulty to restore them to Him in the same condition they were before . But as His Majesty contents Himself with , so , He takes God to witness , His greatest desire is always to observe and maintain the Law of the Land , and expects the same from His Subjects , and believes the mutual observance of that Rule , and neither of them to fear what the Law fears not , to be on both parts a better Cure for that dangerous Disease of Fears and Jealousies , and a better means to establish a happy and perpetual Peace , than for His Majesty to devest Himself of those Trusts which the Law of the Land hath settled in the Crown alone , to preserve the Power and Dignity of the Prince , for the better Protection of the Subject and of the Law , and to avoid those dangerous Distractions which the interest of any Sharers with Him would have infallibly produced . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Ships . March 27. 1643. TO that part of Your Majesty's first Proposition which concerns Your Ships , we humbly give this Answer ; That the Ships shall be delivered into the charge of such a Noble person as Your Majesty shall nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who shall receive the same Office by Letters Patents , quamdiu se bene gesserit , and shall have power to nominate and appoint all subordinate Commanders and Officers , and have all other powers appertaining to the Office of High-Admiral ; which Ships he shall employ for the defence of the Kingdom against all forein Forces whatsoever , and for the safeguard of Merchants , securing of Trade , and the guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of all supplys to be carried to the Rebels ; and shall use his utmost endeavour to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any person without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , and shall seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for supply of any such Forces . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . March 28. 1643. HIS Majesty expects that His own Ships be forthwith delivered to Him , as by the Law they ought to be . And when He shall please to nominate a Lord High-Admiral of England ; it shall be such a Noble person against whom no just Exception can be made ; and if any shall be , His Majesty will always leave him to his due tryal and examination , and grant his Office to him by such Letters Patents as have been used : In the mean time His Majesty will govern the said Admiralty by Commission , as in all times hath been accustomed . And whatever Ships shall be set forth by His Majesty or His Authority , shall be imployed for the defence of the Kingdom against all Forein Forces whatsoever , for the safeguard of Merchants , securing of Trade , guarding of Ireland , and the intercepting of all Supplys to be carried to the Rebels ; and shall use their utmost endeavours to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any Person whatsoever against the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom , and to seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for the supply of any such Forces . Falkland . March 29. 1643. WE humbly desire Your Majesty would be pleased to give a more full Answer to the Clause for the Ships to be delivered into the charge of such a Noble person as Your Majesty shall nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in , who shall receive the same Office by Letters Patents , quamdiu se bene gesserit . And to that Clause , to suppress all Forces which shall be raised by any person without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the Lords and Commons in Parliament . Whereunto if Your Majesty shall be pleased to give Your Assent , we conceive we are then directed by our Instructions , humbly to desire Your Majesty to nominate such a Noble person to be Lord High-Admiral of England , that we may forthwith certifie both Houses of Parliament , that thereupon they may express their confidence in that Person , or humbly beseech Your Majesty to name another ; and that in case such Noble person , who shall be appointed to be Lord High-Admiral of England , shall be removed , or shall dye within the space of three years next ensuing , that the Person to be put in the same Office shall be such as both Houses shall confide in . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His former Answer of the 28. of March , concerning His Ships , to be so full , that He can add nothing thereunto in any part of it . His Majesty conceiving it all the Justice in the world for Him to insist , that what is by Law His own , and hath been contrary to Law taken from Him , be fully restored unto Him , without conditioning to impose any new limitation upon His Majesty or His Ministers , which were not formerly required from them by Law ; and thinking it most unreasonable to be prest to diminish His own just Rights Himself , because others have violated and usurped them . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to insist upon the desires of both Houses expressed in our former Papers concerning the Ships : And both Houses of Parliament do observe in Your Majesties Answer , not only a Denial to all their Desires , but likewise a Censure upon their Proceedings . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty for the present forbears any farther Answer touching His Ships , desiring first to receive the Answer of both Houses to His Message of the twelfth of this month : But His Majesty will howsoever , before their departure hence , give them a further Answer . Falkland . April 15. 1643. HIS Majesty gave so clear a Reason to justifie what He insisted upon in the point of the Ships , that He cannot but wonder to see the same again prest to Him ; and yet both the Reason He gave left unanswered , and no other Reason opposed to weight against it . His Majesty's end in this was not to lay any Censure upon their Proceedings ; but it being necessary to the matter in question for His Majesty to say what had been done , and the matter of fact being such as it seems could not be repeated but it must appear to be censured , His Majesty did not think Himself bound to be so tender of seeming to censure their Proceedings , as by waving His own true reasonable Justifications , to leave His own naked and exposed to a general Censure . And His Majesty hopes , that since they esteem His saying , that they have taken His Ships from Him contrary to Law , to be a Censure , they will either produce that Law by which they took them , or free themselves from so just and unconfutable a Censure by a speedy and unlimited Restauration . Upon which Demand His Majesty's care of His ancient and undoubted Rights doth oblige Him to insist . And when His Majesty shall think fit to make an Admiral , as near as He can , He shall be such an one against whom no just Exception can be made ; and if any shall be offered , He will readily leave him to the tryal of the Law. Falkland . The Papers concerning an Oath for Officers . March 29. 1643. WE are humbly to desire Your Majesty , that all Generals and Commanders in any of the Armies on either side , as likewise the Lord Admiral of England , the Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports , all Commanders of any Ships , and Commanders of any Town , Castle or Fort , may take an Oath to observe the Articles formerly mentioned , and to use their utmost power to preserve the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Peace of the Kingdom , against all Foreign Forces , and all other Forces raised without Your Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives the Oaths which all those Officers are already by Law obliged to take , to be very fully sufficient : But if any thing shall be made appear unto Him necessary to be added thereunto , when there shall be a full and peaceable Convocation in Parliament , His Majesty will readily consent to an Act for such an addition . Falkland . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to inform Your Majesty , that both Houses of Parliament conceive the ordinary Oaths of the Officers , mentioned in Your Answer concerning the same , are not sufficient to secure them against the extraordinary causes of Jealousie which have been given them in these troublesome times ; and that Your Majesty's Answer lays some tax upon the Parliament , as if defective , and thereby uncapable of making such a provisional Law for an Oath : Therefore we are humbly to insist upon our former desires for such an Oath as is mentioned in those Papers which we have formerly presented to Your Majesty concerning this matter . Northumberland . John Holland . W. Armyne . W. Pierrepont . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty did not refuse by His former Answer to consent to any such Oath as shall be thought necessary , though He did , and doth still , conceive the Oaths already settled by Law to be sufficient ; neither did He ever suppose the Parliament incapable of making a provisional Law for such an Oath : but as He would be willing to apply any proper remedy to the extraordinary causes of Jealousies , if He could see that there were such causes : so He will be always most exact in observing the Articles agreed on in preserving the true Reformed Protestant Religion , and the Peace of the Kingdom against Foreign Forces , and other Forces raised or imployed against Law. And when both Houses shall prepare and present such an Oath as they shall make appear to His Majesty to be necessary to those ends , His Majesty will readily consent to it . Falkland . The Papers concerning the Disbanding of the Armies . March 28. 1643. His MAJESTY's Answer to the first Proposition of both His Houses of Parliament . HIS Majesty is as ready and willing that all Armies be disbanded , as any person whatsoever , and conceives the best way to it to be a happy and speedy conclusion of the present Treaty , which ( if both Houses will contribute as much to it as His Majesty shall do ) will be suddenly effected . And that this Treaty may the sooner produce that effect , His Majesty desires that the time given to the Committee of both Houses to treat , may be enlarged . And as His Majesty desires nothing more than to be with His two Houses , so He will repair thither as soon as He can possibly do it with His Honour and Safety . Falkland . March 29. 1643. WE are directed by our Instructions humbly to desire Your Majesty's speedy and positive Answer concerning the Disbanding of the Armies : to which if Your Majesty be pleased to assent , we are then to beseech Your Majesty in the name of both Houses , that a near day may be agreed upon for the Disbanding of all the Forces in the remote parts of Yorkshire and the other Northern Counties , as also in Lancashire , Cheshire , and in the Dominion of Wales , and in Cornwall and Devonshire ; and they being fully disbanded , another day may be agreed on for the Disbanding of all Forces in Lincolnshire , Nottinghamshire , Leicestershire and all other places , except at Oxford and the Quarters thereunto belonging , and Windsor and the Quarters thereunto belonging ; and that last of all , a speedy day may be appointed for the Disbanding of those two Armies at Oxford and Windsor , and all the Forces members of either of them . That some Officers of both Armies may speedily meet to agree of the manner of the Disbanding , and that fit persons may be appointed by Your Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , who may repair to the several Armies , and the see Disbanding put in speedy execution accordingly . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . J. Holland . W. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . March 29. 1643. COncerning Your Majesty's Answer to the Proposition of both Houses for Disbanding of the Armies . We humbly desire to know , if by the words , [ By a happy and speedy Conclusion of the present Trevty , ] Your Majesty do intend a Conclusion of the Treaty on Your Majesty's first Proposition , and their Proposition for Disbanding the Armies , or a Conclusion of the Treaty in all the Propositions of both parts . We have given speedy notice to both Houses of Parliament of Your Majesty's desires , that the time given to the Committee of both Houses to treat may be enlarged . To the last Clause we have no Instructions . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . Joh. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 5. 1643. HIS Majesty intended by the words , [ By a happy and speedy Conclusion of the Treaty ] such a Conclusion of or in the Treaty , as there might be a clear evidence to Himself and His good Subjects of a future Peace , and no ground left for the continuance or growth of these bloody Dissentions ; which He doubts not may be obtained , if both Houses shall consent that the Treaty may proceed without further interruption or limitation of days . Falkland . April 5. 1643. WHEN the time for Disbanding the Armies shall be agreed upon , His Majesty well approves that some Officers of both Armies may speedily meet to agree of the manner of Disbanding , and that fit persons may be appointed by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , who may repair to the several Armies , and see the Disbanding speedily put in execution accordingly . Falkland . April 6. 1643. WE humbly desire to know , if by the words [ By a happy and speedy conclusion of the present Treaty ] Your Majesty intends a Conclusion of the present Treaty on Your Majesty's first Proposition , and the Proposition of both Houses for Disbanding of the Armies , or a Conclusion of the Treaty on all the Propositions of both parts . And what Your Majesty intends to be a clear evidence to Your Self and Your good Subjects of a future Peace , and no ground left for the continuance or growth of these bloody Dissentions . Northumberland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . J. Holland . B. Whitelocke . April 6. 1643. HIS Majesty desires to know from the Committee of both Houses whether they acquiesce with His Majesty's Replies to their Answers concerning His first Proposition , which yesterday they received from Him , and to which they have yet made no return . His Majesty likewise desires to know , whether they have yet received power and Instructions to treat with His Majesty concerning His Return to His two Houses of Parliament , which is a part of the first Proposition of both Houses . Falkland . April 6. 1643. WE shall transmit Your Majesty's Replies to our Answers concerning Your first Proposition to both Houses of Parliament , without farther Reply . We likewise humbly answer , that we have not received any power or Instructions to treat with Your Majesty concerning Your Return to Your two Houses of Parliament , but we assure our selves they will give Your Majesty satisfaction therein . Northumberland . Joh. Holland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 7. 1643. HIS Majesty conceives His Answers already given ( for He hath given two ) to be very clear and significant . And if the Conclusion of the present Treaty on His Majesty's first Proposition and the Proposition of both Houses shall be so full and perfectly made , that the Law of the Land may have a full , free and uninterrupted Course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses , and His good Subjects , there will be thence a clear evidence to His Majesty and His good Subjects of a future Peace , and no ground lest for the continuance and growth of these bloody Dissentions , and it will be such a Conclusion as His Majesty intended . His Majesty never intending that both Armies should remain undisbanded until all the Propositions of both sides were fully concluded . But His Majesty is very sorry that in that point of the first Proposition of both Houses , which hath seemed to be so much wished , and which may be so concluded as alone much to conduce to the evidence desired , ( viz. His Return to both Houses , to which His Majesty in His Answer hath expressed Himself to be most ready whensoever He may do it with Honour and Safety ) they have yet no manner of power nor Instructions so much as to treat with His Majesty . Falkland . April 7. 1643. WE have not transmitted Your Majesty's Answer to the Proposition of Disbanding , wherein Your Majesty mentions Your Self to be most ready to return to both Houses of Parliament , whensoever you may do it with Honour and Safety , for that we humbly conceive , we were to expect Your Majesty's Answer to that Proposition this day received , before we could give a due account thereof to both Houses of Parliament , the which we will presently send away without farther Reply . Northumberland . J. Holland . W. Pierrepont . W. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 8. 1643. BY Instructions this day received from both Houses of Parliament , we humbly conceive that we are to acquaint Your Majesty , That they have taken into consideration Your Majesty's Answer to their Reasons concerning the Cessation , wherein there are divers expressions which will occasion particular Replies , which at this time they desire to decline , their wishes and endeavours being earnestly bent upon the obtaining a speedy Peace ; for which cause they do not think good to consume any more of the time allowed for the Treaty in any farther debates upon the Cessation , concerning which they find Your Majesty's expressions so doubtful , that it cannot be suddenly or easily resolved , and the remainder of the time for the whole Treaty being but seven days , if the Cessation were * not presently agreed , it would not yield any considerable advantage to the Kingdom . Wherefore we are required to desire Your Majesty to give a speedy and positive Answer to the first Proposition concerning the Disbanding , that so Your Subjects may not only have a shadow of Peace in a short time of Cessation , but the substance of it in such manner as may be a perpetual blessing to them , by freeing the Kingdom from these miserable effects of War , the effusion of English blood , and defolation of many parts of the Land. Northumberland . Joh. Holland . Will. Pierrepont . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions yesterday received from both Houses of Parliament , we are commanded humbly to insist upon that part of the first Proposition of both Houses of Parliament concerning the Disbanding , according to the Papers we have formerly presented to Your Majesty thereupon : and we are humbly to acquaint Your Majesty , That both Houses of Parliament do conceive Your Majesty's Answer concerning the Disbanding to be in effect a Denial , unless they desert all those Cautions and Limitations which they have desired in their Answer to Your Majesty's first Proposition . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 10. 1643. BY Instructions from both Houses of Parliament yesterday received , we are commanded to declare unto Your Majesty the desire of both Houses for Your Majesty's coming to Your Parliament , which they have often expressed with full offers of Security to Your Royal Person , agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ; and they know no cause why Your Majesty may not return thither with Honour and Safety : but they did not insert it into our Instructions , because they conceived the Disbanding of the Armies would have facilitated Your Majesty's Resolution therein ; which they likewise conceived was agreeable to Your Majesty's sense , who in declaring Your consent to the order of the Treaty , did only mention that part of the first Proposition which concerned the Disbanding , and did omit that which concerned Your Majesty's coming to both Houses of Parliament . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 14. 1643. HIS Majesty had great reason to expect , that as He answered to every part of the first Proposition of both Houses , so the Committee should likewise have had power and Instructions to Treat with His Majesty concerning both parts of the same : nor had the Houses any reason to suppose their course agreeable to His Majesty's sense , for His Majesty in declaring His consent to the order of the Treaty , indeed mentioned their first Proposition by the style of the first Proposition which concerned Disbanding , but did not style it that part of the first Proposition which concerned Disbanding , as , if He had meant to have excluded any part of that Proposition from being treated on , He would and ought to have done . But though His Majesty's Answers in the point of Disbanding and Return to His Parliament were as particular and as satisfactory as His Majesty had cause to make , or could well give , till this latter part were consented to be treated upon ; yet out of His great desire of Peace , and of complying with both Houses , His Majesty hath made a full and particular Answer and Offer to both Houses concerning as well the first part of their first Article , upon which He hath treated with the Committee , as that upon which they have yet no power to Treat , though His Majesty hath prest that such power might be given to them . Falkland . April 14. 1643. WE received Instructions from both Houses of Parliament the ninth of this present April , and in pursuance thereof , we humbly presented a Paper to Your Majesty upon the tenth of this instant , wherein those Instructions were expressed , and the desire of both Houses concerning Your Majesty's return to Your Parliament . Northumberland . Will. Pierrepont . Joh. Holland . Will. Armyne . B. Whitelocke . April 15. 1643. HIS Majesty doth acknowledge to have received a Paper from the Committee upon the tenth of April , expressing , that they had received Instructions , to declare unto His Majesty the desire of both Houses for His Majesty's coming to his Parliament , which they had often exprest with full offers of security to His Royal Person , agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ; and that they know no cause why His Majesty might not return thither with Honour and Safety . But as the Committee had before acknowledged in a Paper of the sixth of April , not to have any power or Instructions to Treat with His Majesty concerning His Return to His two Houses of Parliament , and as this Paper mentioned no Instructions to Treat , but only to deliver that single Message concerning it ; so His Majesty took it for granted , that if they had received any new power or Instructions in that point , they would have signified as much to Him : and therefore conceiving it in vain to discourse , and impossible to Treat upon that with those who had no power to Treat with Him , His Majesty addrest that Answer concerning that point to both Houses , of which Mis Majesty took notice to the Committee in a Paper of the fourteenth of April , and which was shewed to them before He sent it . And if both Houses will upon it but consent , to give His Majesty such Security as will appear to all indifferent Persons to be agreeable to their Duty and Allegiance ( those Tumults , which drove Him from thence , and what followed those Tumults , being a most visible and sufficient Reason why He cannot return thither with His Honour and Safety , without more particular offers of Security than as yet they have ever made Him ) all disputes about that point between them will be soon ended , and His Majesty speedily return to them , and His whole Kingdom to their former Peace and Happiness . Falkland . [ The Message mentioned in the two last Papers of His Majesty is that of the 12 of April , p. 353. Vpon the receit of which the Two Houses presently recalled their Committees . ] Mis MAJESTY's Letter to the Queens Majesty . Oxford , 23 Jan. 2 Feb. Dear Heart , SAturday and Sunday last I received two from Thee , of the 29 of December , 9 of January , both which gave Me such Contentment , as Thou mayest better judge than I describe : the which that Thou mayest the better do , know I was full three weeks , wanting but one day , without hearing from Thee ; besides scurvy London news of Thy stay and lameness , which though I did not believe , yet it vext Me so much the more , that I could not prove them liars . So now I conjure Thee by the Affection Thou bearest Me , not only to judge , but likewise participate with Me in the Contentment Thou hast given Me by assuring Me of Thy health and speedy return . Concerning 45. 31. 7. 4. 132. 300. I will answer Thee in Thy own words , Je le remetteray a vous respondre per bouche , being confident that way to give Thee contentment : In the mean time assure Thy self , that I neither have , nor will lose any time in that business , and that I have not contented My Self with Generals . And though I hope shortly to have the happiness of Thy company , yet I must tell thee of some particulars , in which I desire both Thy opinion and assistance . I am persecuted concerning Places , and all desire to be put upon Thee , for the which I cannot blame them ; and yet Thou knowest I have no reason to do it . Newark desireth Savil's place , upon condition to leave it when his Father dieth ; Carenworth the same , being contented to pay for it , or give the profit to whom or how I please : Digby and Dunsmore for to be Captain of the Pentioners ; Hartford once looked after it , but now I believe he expects either to be Treasurer , or of My Bed-chamber ; I incline rather to the latter , if Thou like it , for I absolutely hold Cottington the fittest man for the other . There is one that doth not yet pretend , that doth deserve as well as any , I mean Capel ; therefore I desire Thy assistance to find somewhat for him before he ask . One place I must fill before I can have Thy opinion ; it is the Master of the Wards . I have thought upon Nicholas , being confident that Thou wilt not mislike My choice : and if he cannot perform both , Ned Hyde must be Secretary , for indeed I can trust no other . Now I have no more time to speak of more , but to desire Thee not to engage Thy Self for any . So I rest , Eternally Thine , C. R. Dated Oxford , 2 Feb. 23 Jan. My Lord , IT is His Majesty's pleasure , that there be something attempted upon the Castle of Warwick ; therefore you are to send as many Musquetiers as you can horse , with the Prince of Wales his Reigment of Horse , and your own : this bearer La Roche will bring Petarrs , and all things necessary for them : you must march to morrow in the Evening , to be there before break of the day on Saturday . Your Faithful Friend , Rupert . Oxford , 2 of March , 1643. For the Earl of Northampton at Banbury . My Lord , I Have acquainted the King with the hinderance you have in your desire . He was pleased to command me to tell you , that your Lordship should send one of your Scouts to enquire if Ingram be in the Castle : if he be , you may safely go on with your design ; for knowing but of your coming , he will make but little or no resistance , and the sooner the better . If after this you should think it feisible to raise the siege at Litchfield , you have also that power to do it . This bearer will inform you with some other particulars . So I rest , Your Lordship 's most faithful Friend , Rupert . Oxford , the 3 of March , at 12 at night . To the Earl of Northampton , Rupert . His MAJESTY's Letter to the Queen . Dear Heart , THough ever since Sunday last I had good hopes of Thy happy Landing , yet I had not the certain news thereof before yesterday ; when I likewise understood of Thy safe coming to York . I hope Thou expected not welcome from Me in words ; but when I shall be wanting in any other way ( according to My wit and power ) of expressing My Love to Thee , then let all honest Men hate and eschew Me like a Monster : And yet when I shall have done My part , I confess that I shall come short of what Thou deservest of Me. H. 3. 189. e. 3. 42. 17. 25. 27. 39. 21. 66. a. 1. 45. 31. 7. 4. 32. 18. 47. 46. 9. 3. d. 4. g. 4. 46. 35. 67. 48. 7. 40. 5. 43. 74. 3. 41. 7. 33. 62. 8. 63. 68. 50. 64. 34. 9. 51. 45. 69. 46 , 37. dear . 45. 31. 7. 1. 33. 18. 49. 47. 19. 21. 10. 70. 13. 7. 45. 58. 8. 9. 41. 10. this a 2. 324. in the mean time 46. 31. 7. 50. e. 3. 20. 3. 6. 8. 48. 75. 41. 9. 2. upon 60. 19. 50. 61. 27. 26. 7. 69. 12. 19. 47. 45. 8. 24. Yesterday there were Articles of a Cessation brought Me from London , but so unreasonable that I cannot grant them : yet to undeceive the people by shewing it is not I , but those who have caused and fostered this Rebellion , that desire the continuance of this War and universal Distraction , I am framing Articles fit for that purpose ; both which , by My next , I mean to send Thee . 219. b. 3. 58. 51. 75. 46. 7. 3. 45. 37. 2. 189. 46. 38. 1. g. 1. 173. 131. which I think fit to be done , a 5. 4. 30. 3. n. 5. d. 3. 46. 31. 8. 10. 2. 32. 18. 64. 7. 3. 45. 31. 9. 66. 46. 32. 19. 41. 25. 48. k. 1. e. 4. 67. 69. 63. I am now confident that 173. is right for My service . Since the taking of Cicester there is nothing of note done of either side , wherefore that little news that is , I leave to others . Only this I assure Thee , That the distractions of the Rebels are such , that so many fine designs are laid open to us , We know not which first to undertake . But certainly My first and chiefest care is , and shall be , to secure Thee , and hasten Our meeting . So longing to hear from Thee , I rest , eternally Thine , C. R. Oxford , 12 / 2 March , 1643-42 . The Last I received of Thine was dated the 16 / 3 Febr. and I believe none of My four last are come to Thee . Their Dates are 13 / 3. 23 / 13. 25 / 15. Febr. and 20 Febr. or March the 2. MDCXLIII . A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament upon the Proceedings in the late Treaty , and the aforesaid Letters . THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , being deeply afflicted with a sorrowful sense of the miserable Distractions of this Kingdom , overwhelmed with the Calamities of the worst kind of War , have by several Petitions and many humble Addresses to His Majesty besought Him , by removing the Causes thereof , to put an end thereunto : And although all their endeavours have not only proved fruitless , but some of their Petitions received a denial even of Audience , ( a favour not denied to the Rebels of Ireland ) which might very well justify them before God and Man to decline any further prosecution that way , especially in a case where themselves and the Kingdom are the parties injured and oppressed ; yet their bowels did so much yearn after a happy Peace , that they resolved , notwithstanding their former discouragements , to break through all difficulties , and yet once more most humbly to represent to His Majesty the Miserable Distempers of His two Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and if possibly they could , to encline His Royal heart , really to act what He hath so often verbally professed , To compose those unhappy Distractions , and restore His People to a blessed and lasting Peace . And for that purpose , about the first of February last , they in all humbleness presented their Desires to His Majesty , digested into Fourteen Propositions : and how reasonable and indifferent those Propositions were , they expose them to the view of the World to judge , resting assured , that no indifferent Man that shall duely weigh them , with the time and circumstance , will find any thing contained in them , but what was necessary for the maintenance and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the due execution of Justice , the preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the establishment of the Kingdoms Peace and Safety . And because they might with all speed take off the Burthen under which this Kingdom did principally groan , and stop the spring from whence most of these Calamities did flow ; they in the first place propounded , That the Armies and Forces raised on both sides might be disbanded , which being effected , the Kingdom might with the more ease and security expect the issue of the Treaty ; and therefore they were very careful , that no Proposition or Circumstance touching the Treaty should precede this . His Majesty having received and considered these Propositions , He not long after returned His Answer , wherein He professeth to have given up all the faculties of His Soul to an earnest endeavour of a Peace and Reconciliation with His People , and desires a speedy time and place might be agreed upon , for the meeting of such persons as His Majesty and both Houses should appoint to discuss those Propositions , and six other Propositions made by His Majesty , and sent with that Answer ; whereof one was , That to the intent the Treaty might not suffer interruption by any intervening accidents , that a Cessation of Arms and free Trade might be first agreed upon : which Answer the Lords and Commons did take into their consideration . And because His Majesty did desire that a Cessation might be first agreed upon , they did accordingly submit thereunto , though they had purposely avoided it before ; being unwilling to waste the time about the Shadow , that would of it self vanish with the disbanding , which they desired might be concluded in the first place . But they were willing to give all satisfaction to His Majesty's Desires , hoping thereby to incline Him the more readily to consent to their just Requests . And according to their resolution , they prepared ready the Articles of Cessation , and that with as much equality and indifferency to both sides as possibly they could . They likewise agreed to treat upon the Propositions before the Disbanding ; in which Treaty , so much of His Majesty's Propositions as concerned His Majesty's Revenue , Magazines , Forts and Ships , and the Propositions of both Houses for the Disbanding , should be first treated of and concluded , before the proceeding to treat upon any other : and that this Treaty should begin the fourth of March , or sooner , if it might be ; and that from the beginning of the Treaty , the time might not exceed twenty days . They further resolved , that a Committee of both Houses should be appointed to attend His Majesty , if His Majesty should so please , to endeavour to give Him all humble and fit satisfaction concerning the said Propositions . All which their resolutions they forthwith by a Messenger dispatched for that purpose presented to His Majesty , and not long after sent a Committee to attend Him. And though they hoped for a ready concurrence from His Majesty to the Articles of Cessation , the Proposition proceeding from Himself , yet they received a return much contrary to their expectation , where they found many scruples raised , and other Articles propounded , which being assented unto by them , would inevitably destroy the Forces raised by them for the Defence of themselves , their Religion and Liberty , and strengthen the Malignant and Popish Army raised against them ; which they made appear by their humble Answer to those Alterations and Articles , which are herewith at large published , and therefore do refer themselves thereunto . And in the interim , while His Majesty was considering of this their humble Answer , they gave power to their Committee to treat upon the two first Propositions for four days , which afterwards they enlarged to the end of twenty days . And within some distance of time afterwards they received a very long Message from His Majesty , which ( indeed ) carried not with it the face or semblance of a Treaty , but in plain down-right language , was a bitter Invective against the two Houses of Parliament and their Proceedings ; so that by this time it might very well appear , That the enemies of the Kingdoms Peace , so really prosecuted , and likely to be effected by the earnest endeavours of both Houses , thought it high time to cast in their tares of Sedition , to prevent the growth of so blessed a fruit . In this Message , after very heavy Taxes and unjust Scandals and Accusations laid to their charge , forced in quite besides the question , His Majesty condescended to the Cessation in manner as was agreed on by both Houses , to continue only for five days , expecting a liberty notwithstanding to be given the Committee to word it according to the real Intention , and so that His Majesty might not be understood to consent to any Imposing upon , Levying , Distraining , or Imprisoning of His Subjects , to force them to Contribute , expresly protesting against it , and inhibiting His Subjects , to submit thereunto , and requiring them to resist ; and so that there might not be a liberty for Seizing upon His Subjects by any Soldiers of the Army for not submitting to such Impositions . Which offer of His Majesty's , being but a Cessation only for five days , and some part of that time to be first spent by the Committee in wording of it , and limited with a Protestation against , and a Command to resist that Power whereby their Forces must be paid and supported , which if not answered and justified , would by a consent to His Majesty's offer imply a declining of that power , which might indanger the Disbanding of their Army ; and if answered , would necessarily have enforced them to some sharpness of language , which the enemies of this Treaty would easily take occasion to quarrel at , and perswade His Majesty to break off , which the Lords and Commons , out of their hearty zeal to bring it to a happy conclusion , did purposely avoid : therefore they did not only pass by these Scandals and unjust Accusations laid to their charge by that Message , but purposely declined to enter into any dispute of their power , for maintaining the Forces raised for their own necessary defence ; and therefore thought it best to spend the remainder of the time in Treating upon the Propositions , and for that end enjoyned their Committee , as much as in them lay , to hasten it , especially that part touching the Disbanding , which being concluded , would not only produce a temporary Cessation , but an absolute abolition of all acts of Hostility . The proceedings and issue of which Treaty the Lords and Commons think it necessary to publish to the Kingdom , to the end the sincerity of their endeavours , to procure a happy settlement of these miserable Distractions , may appear . When they perceived that the most part of the time prescribed for the Treaty was like to be spent about the Cessation , they gave power to their Committee in the mean time to treat upon the Propositions in order as they had formerly Voted : and therefore beginning with His Majesty's first Proposition , whereby His Majesty demanded , That his own Revenue , Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , which had been taken or kept from Him by force , should be forthwith restored unto Him , the Lords and Commons by their Committee made Him this humble Answer ; First , That as to his Revenue , they had not made use of it but in a small proportion , and a good part of that was employed for the maintenance of His own Children , according to the allowance established by Himself ; That what should remain due to His Majesty they would satisfy , and would leave the same to His Majesty for the time to come . They likewise thereupon propounded to His Majesty , That He would restore what had been taken for His use , upon any of the Bills assigned to other purposes , by several Acts of Parliament , as out of the provision made for the Wars of Ireland . Which offer of theirs , after some debate thereupon with the Committee , was thought reasonable , and in effect concluded . And as to the Demand of the Towns , Forts and Ships , they in substance gave this humble Answer ; That they would deliver up such as remained in their hands , into the hands of such persons of worth , quality and trust , to be nominated by His Majesty , as the two Houses of Parliament should confide in , none of which persons to be removed during three years next ensuing without just cause to be approved of by both Houses ; That the Warden of the Cinque-Ports , and all Governours and Commanders of Towns , Forts and Castles , should keep the same respectively for the Service of His Majesty and the Safety of the Kingdom , and that they should not admit into them any Forein Forces , or any other Forces raised without His Majesty's Authority and Consent of the two Houses of Parliament ; and they should use their uttermost endeavours to suppress all Forces raised without such Authority and Consent , and seize all Arms and Ammunition provided for any such Forces . Unto which Offer of theirs His Majesty gave this conclusive Answer ; That His Majesty did not intend that both Houses of Parliament should express their Confidence of the persons to whose trust the Cinque-Ports , or other His Majesty's Towns and Forts , were or should be committed , but that they should have liberty to proceed against them according to Law ; His Majesty claiming the nomination and free election to belong to Him of right . And to the Clause concerning the admission of Forces into those Forts , Castles and Towns , His Majesty would consent no further than these general terms ; that is , That no Forces raised or brought in contrary to Law should be admitted , and that all Arms and Ammunition should be seized upon which by the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom they ought to seize . They made the like Answer concerning the Ships , That they should be delivered into the hands of such a Noble Person as His Majesty should nominate to be Lord High-Admiral of England , and the two Houses of Parliament confide in . To which Offer his Majesty refused His Consent , declaring His Resolution to insist upon what by Law , was His own ( as His Majesty was pleased to express it , ) and taken from Him , should be restored unto Him without any conditioning , or new limitations to be put upon Him or His Ministers . And now the Lords and Commons will refer it to the World to judge , whether their Demands were not such , and so moderate , as was fit and necessary for them to make , and just and reasonable for His Majesty to assent unto : wherein they may be pleased to consider , that this was a Treaty for the disbanding of two Armies , and Forces raised in opposition each to other ; that the Towns , Forts and Ships , are a great part of these Forces , and of the strength of that side that possesseth them ; that for any one side to demand the possession and power thereof , and the other side to disband their Forces , and quit themselves of all their strength , is in effect a total disbanding of that side , and a continuing the Forces of the other , which must be granted to be most unequal ; and therefore the Lords and Commons did think it just and honourable , that the remaining strength should be put into such hands as both sides might trust . Secondly , That their demand to have the Forts and Castles into the hands of such persons as both Houses should confide in , was a Proposition warranted by the frequent * Precedents of former times , whereby it appeareth that many other Parliaments have made the like and greater demands , and His Majesty's Predecessors have assented thereunto . Thirdly , It was a Proposition which His Majesty Himself in several Declarations of His own affirmed to be reasonable and just ; for in His Majesty's Answer to a Petition of the House of Commons , January 28. 1641. He expresseth thus , For the Forts and Castles of the Kingdom , His Majesty is resolved , they shall be in such hands , and only in such , as the Parliament way safely confide in , &c. And in another Answer to two Petitions of the Lords and Commons , delivered the second of February 1641. His Majesty useth these words , That ( for the securing you from all Dangers , or Jealousies of any ) His Majesty will be content to put in all the places both of Forts and Militia , in the several Counties , such persons as both Houses of Parliament shall either approve or recommend unto Him ; so that you declare before unto His Majesty the names of the persons whom you approve or recommend : unless such persons shall be named , against whom He shall have just and unquestionable exception . Which being declared by His Majesty Himself , they had no cause to suspect a Denial , being confident that His Majesty did intend what He spoke ; and if any ill Counsel could prevail to make Him recede from His Word , it must be admitted , the Kingdom hath more cause to be further secured . Fourthly , For that to our sad experience it is well known , that His Majesty's Power in this and other things is too much steered and guided by the advice of these secret and wicked Counsellors that have been the Instruments of our present Miseries ; and though His Majesty carrieth the Name , yet they will have the disposing of those places . And the Lords and Commons thought it the more reasonable and necessary to insist thereupon , because that in the time when they were preparing their Propositions to His Majesty , it did appear unto them by a Letter written by His Majesty to the Queen , ( which they have caused to be herewith Printed ) that the great and eminent places of the Kingdom were disposed by Her Advice and Power ; and what Her Religion is , and consequently how prevalent the Counsels of Papists and Jesuites will be with Her , may be easily conjectured : and it is to be observed who the Persons designed for preferment were , even during the sitting of a Parliament ; the Lord Digby , impeached in Parliament for High Treason , and most , if not all the rest , impeached in Parliament , and such as bear Arms against them . Lastly , admitting that these demands touching the Ships and Forts had been made even in a time of Peace and Tranquillity : yet considering the attempts of Force and Violence made and practised against the Kingdom and this present Parliament , as the Designs many years since to bring to this Kingdom the German Horse , to compel the Subject to submit to an arbitrary Government ; the endeavour to bring up the late Northern Army , by force and violence to awe the Parliament ; His Majesty's coming in person to the House of Commons , accompanied with many Armed Men , to demand their Members to be delivered up ; and the Treason of the Earl of Strafford , to bring over the Irish Popish Army to conquer the Kingdom ; they might very well justify , nay they were in duty bound ( in discharge of the trust reposed in them by the Commonwealth ) to make that demand , and expect the performance thereof , to the end the People might be secured from any such Violence hereafter . Yet ( to their inexpressible sorrow they must speak it ) neither the Reasonableness , the Moderation , or Justness of the Request , nor the Peace of the Kingdom ( which probably would ensue thereupon ) could be Arguments prevalent enough to induce His Majesty's Consent thereunto . And His Majesty's offer of those Commanders that shall offend , to leave them to Justice and Trial of the Law , is an Answer more to shew His Power to protect Delinquents , than satisfaction , to a Parliament , being the due and right of the meanest Subject , and yet intituled here as a Favour done to both Houses of Parliament . And though His Majesty is pleased to justifie His Denial with the Allegation , That it is His Right by Law ; they must appeal to the judgment of all indifferent Men , whether that be a satisfactory ground of refusal : for admitting His Majesty's Power of disposing the Ships , Forts and Castles , and committing them into what hands He please , to be by Law absolutely vested in His Majesty ( which they by no means can admit , He being only trusted with them for the Defence and safety of the Kingdom ) as He Himself is pleased to assume ; yet would that be no ground or reason for the King to refuse His Consent to alter that Law , when by circumstance of time and affairs that Power becomes destructive to the Commonwealth and safety of the People , the preservation whereof is the chief end of the Law. And though the two Houses of Parliament , being the Representative Body of the Kingdom , are the most competent Judges thereof ; yet in this Cafe they do not proceed only upon an implicite Faith , but demonstrate it both by Reason and Experience , That their Demand is not only necessary to secure the Kingdom from Fear and Jealousie , but to preserve it even from Ruine and Destruction . And surely had this Argument , of being Their Right by Law , been prevailing with His Majesty's Predecessors , this Nation should have wanted many an Act of Parliament which now they have , that was necessary for thier being and subsistence . And they could heartily wish that the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom might be The Rule of what is , and what is not to be done ; acknowledging with His Majesty , that the same is the only Rule between Him and His People , the assurance of the free enjoyment whereof is their only aim : but how little fruit the People hath gathered from this tree , let the woful experience of these last eighteen years judge , where , in a time of Peace and Plenty , the power of issuing out Commissions to compel Loans , a power in the King at His pleasure to impose a Charge upon the People to provide Ships , without limitation of time or proportion , a power in the Council-Board to commit Men and determine business , without distinction of persons or causes , the power of laying Impositions both upon Forein and Domestick Commodities , and many other Acts of Oppressions , was , under the name and colour of a Legal Right thereunto , practised and put in execution ; against which the Subject had no help of relief , but was necessitated to submit and lie under the burthen . And when at any time a Parliament was called ( being the only cure and remedy for these griefs ) it could no sooner touch upon these sores , but it was dashed in pieces by a sudden Dissolution . And now that a remedy is provided for that mischief by the Act for continnance of this Parliament , it is attempted by the force and power of an Army to effect that which formerly could have been done with more ease and readiness . And now they refer it to the censure of any honest Man , whether they have not the warrant of Reason and Necessity , to demand some security to enjoy that which His Majesty confesseth to be the Peoples right : and in reference to that , whether their Demand of having the Forts , Castles and Shipping to be put into such hands as both Houses shall have cause to confide in , was not both moderate and reasonable . And touching their Demand , and His Majesty's Answer to the Clause concerning the admission of Forces into those Forts , Castles and Towns , they must still submit it to all indifferent judgments , how much Reason and Justice was comprehended in their Demand , and how little satisfaction they received therein . His Majesty answers , That no Forces raised or brought in contrary to Law should be admitted ; which they could heartily wish heretofore had , or hereafter would be really performed : but they desire it may be considered , what security this will be to the Kingdom , to prevent the raising or bringing in of Forces contrary to law ; who shall be Judges of the Law , when those Forces are once raised and once brought in ? Surely His Majesty will not acknowledge the two Houses of Parliament to be ; for His Majesty by several Declarations hath expresly denied them any such Power : For contrary to their Declarations , fortified with Law and Reason , His Majesty published and affirmed the Legality of the Commission of Array , and put the same in execution in most parts of the Kingdom ; hath authorized the Papists of the Kingdom to take Arms to oppose the Parliament and their Proceedings , and to rob , spoil , and deprive the Protestants of this Kingdom of their Estates and lives ; hath by divers Proclamations and Declarations published the raising of Forces , and taking up of Arms by the two Houses of Parliament , and such as therein obey their Commands , for their own defence , and the defence of their Religion and Liberty assaulted by an Army of Papists and their adherents , to be Rebellion and Treason , and the taking up of Arms by the Papists and their adherents , to be acts of Duty and Loyalty ; and all this urged and pretended to be warranted by the Law of the Land. And they do not doubt but by the same Law , persons legally impeached and accused in Parliament of high Treason , as the Lord Digby , Master Percy , Master Jermyn , Master Oneale , and others , are by the power of an Army protected from the Justice of the Parliament : and yet all this while the People have not only His Majesty's Promise , but His Oath , to govern and protect them according to the Laws of the Land. And now they appeal to the World , whether such a general Answer , That no Forces raised or brought in contrary to Law , without admitting them so much as to declare their confidence in the persons that are to be entrusted with the Power , be just or reasonable : What is it otherwise in effect , than to make those persons that are the Instruments to violate the Law , Judges of that Law ? which , to our sad experience , is the woful and miserable present condition of this Kingdom . And though , by what had hitherto passed , they had little cause to suspect such a happy issue to the Treaty as they heartily wished and most earnestly laboured for , discovering not the least inclination of compliance to their just Demands , but all , or most of them , answered with a Denial , and that not without some sharpness and acrimony ; yet resolving to be wanting in nothing of their parts , they enjoyned their Committee to press on the Proposition for Disbanding , and humbly desire His Majesty's positive Answer thereunto , which ( if assented unto by His Majesty ) would , though not wholly take away the cause , and perfectly cure the Distractions of this Kingdom , yet at least take off the smart and pain under which both Church and State do most miserably languish , and so better enable them to endure the expectation of a through Cure. The Committee applied themselves to His Majesty accordingly : and after some endeavour to protract the debate of this Proposition , and desire that it might be deferred to the conclusion of the Treaty , and that the time of the Treaty might be enlarged , His Majesty being earnestly importuned to a positive and speedy Answer , to the end the Kingdom might know what they might trust to , His Majesty was pleased to return this Answer , That as soon as His Majesty were satisfied in His first Proposition , concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts ; secondly , as soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of sitting and voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. not intending to extend it to the Bishops Votes , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made ; thirdly , as soon as His Majesty and both Houses might be secured from such tumultuous assemblies as formerly assembled about both Houses , which security His Majesty explains can be only settled by adjourning the Parliament to some place twenty miles from London ; His Majesty would consent that both the Armies should be disbanded , and come to the Parliament . Which in terms plain enough is as much as to say , That until both Houses shall consent to those Demands , He will not Disband His Army , He will continue the War. And what Reason or Justice is either in the matter or manner of those demands , or what hope or expectation the People can have to see an end of their present Calamities , they leave it to themselves to judge . His Majesty in the beginning of the Treaty , in His Answer to the Propositions of both Houses , was pleased to express how unparliamentary it was by Arms to require new Laws : but how to apply that to the two Houses of Parliament , they must confess they are to seek ; they never having demanded any new Laws by Arms , endeavouring only ( what in them lieth ) to preserve and defend themselves , their Religion and Laws , from the violence of an Army first raised against them ; which being laid down and disbanded , they offer to Disband theirs , without any other condition . But they are well assured , that by this His Majesty's Answer here is not only a requiring of new Laws , but a repealing of the old , by Arms : for His Majesty must have this Parliament adjourned to another place , which by a Statute made this present Parliament cannot be done without the consent of both Houses . He must have the Members disabled to sit there by the respective judgment of both Houses , restored to their former capacity of sitting and voting , or He will not consent to Disband . And how destructive to the Liberties of the Parliament and dangerous to the Kingdom these Conditions required by His Majesty to precede the Disbanding are , any man that hath an eye to see may easily discern . As first , to satisfie His first Proposition , in yielding up the Magazines , Ships and Forts , into the hands of such persons as His Majesty shall appoint to receive the same , without any admission to the two Houses to express their confidence in those persons : which being performed , were to yield up the principal part , if not all the strength they have , and expose themselves , Religion , and the Kingdom , to the mercy of a powerful Popish Army raised against them , and submit it to them , and to the will and pleasure of those Counsellors whose interest with His Majesty hath brought this Kingdom to this desolate condition , whether they would Disband or not . Secondly , to satisfie Him in His Proposition touching His Revenue , wherein He demands a restitution of what hath been taken from Him ; which though it would prove no considerable Summ , yet the time that the examination and agreement upon the account would necessarily take up , would prove such as might very well make the Kingdom sink under the burthen of two Armies before it came to a conclusion . And touching His Majesty's requiring a restitution of the Members to their sitting and Votes , it is observable , that the Demand is made without distinction of persons or offences ; so that be the persons never so criminous , or the offences never so notorious , and so the Judgment never so just , yet all must be restored , or no consent to Disbanding . And the reason and ground of the Demand is as observable ; because they adhered to His Majesty in these Distractions : An Argument , they must confess , much used by the Earl of Strafford in defence of his Treason , who would have justified the most notorious Crimes laid to his charge by Authority and Commands derived from His Majesty , and his zeal to advance His Majesty's Service and Profit . And no doubt the same reason may be used for the Judges in case of Ship-mony , and most of the Monopolists and Projectors , who by Letters Patents had not only His Majesty's Command and Authority for the doing what they did , but brought in great Summs of Mony to His use and benefit , and that perhaps in times of necessity and want thereof : and so consequently , because these adhered to His Majesty , ( for what they did was for His Profit ) with the like reason it may be required that all Impeachments and Proceedings against them should be repealed and laid aside . And surely nothing can be more destructive and dangerous both to Parliament and Kingdom than the consenting to that Demand : for what can be more destructive to both Houses , than to restore those persons to have their former suffrage and Votes in Parliament over the Lives and Liberties of the People and the Priviledge of Parliament , who have not only deserted the Parliament , disobeyed and contemned their Authority , neglected the Trust reposed in them by those that sent them thither , in whose behalf they were to attend and serve there , but by private practices and open hostility have endeavoured to destroy both Parliament and People ? And it would be an Objection of difficulty to answer , whether in giving a consent to this Demand , the People , who are to chuse these Members , should not be deprived of their interest and freedom of choice and election now devolved unto them , by putting out the Members already sent . And to this they might add the danger of the Precedent , and the reflection of dishonour that would fall upon both Houses , should they consent to this , which would be with the same breath , as it were , to give and repeal their Judgment , and pronounce sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves . But they will not insist thereupon in a case otherwise so full of danger and inconvenience to the publick . And touching the Proposition of Adjourning the Parliament twenty miles distant from London , they shall not need in a case so apparent to spend many words to discover the inconvenience and unreasonableness thereof : for , should they assent unto it , to pass over the inconveniences that would happen to such persons that should have occasion to attend the Parliament , by removing it so far from the residency of the ordinary Courts of Justice , and the places where the Records of the Kingdom remain ( whereof there is frequent use to be made ) it would not only give a tacite consent to those Scandals so often pressed and affirmed in several Declarations , that is , That His Majesty was forced for the Safety of His own Person heretofore to withdraw , and hitherto to absent Himself from the Parliament , which both Houses can by no means admit , but must still deny ; but likewise to that high and dangerous Aspersion of awing the Members of this Parliament , raised without doubt purposely to invalid the Acts and proceedings thereof ; and by that engine , in case the Popish Army should prevail against the Parliament , ( which they trust God in his goodness will never permit ) to overturn and nullifie all the good Laws and Statutes made this Parliament . And it would give too much countenance to those unjust Aspersions laid to the charge of the City of London , whose unexampled zeal and fidelity to the true Protestant Religion and the Liberty of this Kingdom is never to be forgotten , That His Majesty and the Members of both Houses cannot with safety to their persons reside there ; whenas they are well assured , that the Loyalty of that City to His Majesty and their Affections to the Parliament is such , as doth equal , if not exceed , any other place or City in the Kingdom . And with what safety the two Houses can sit in any other place , when even in the place they now reside the House of Commons was in apparent danger of Violence , when His Majesty accompanied with some hundreds of armed Men came thither to demand their Members , let the World judge . And now the Lords and Commons must appeal to the judgment of all impartial men , whether they have not used their utmost and most faithful endeavours to put an end to the Distractions of this Kingdom , and to restore it to a blessed and lasting Peace ; and whether their Propositions ( being the way thereunto ) were not such as were reasonable and necessary for them to make , and just and honourable for His Majesty to grant ; and whether His Majesty's Answers to these Propositions are satisfactory , or correspondent to His Expression , to have given up all the faculties of His Soul to an earnest endeavour of a Peace and Reconciliation with His People . But they must confess , that they had just cause to suspect , that this would be the happy issue of the Treaty ; for the prevalency of the enemies thereof , who like that evil Spirit , do most rage when they think they must be cast out , was such , that they would not proceed therein one step , without some attempt or provocation laid in the way to interrupt and break it off : for after they had resolved to present their humble Desires and Propositions to His Majesty , their Committee must not without a special safe Conduct and Protection from Him have access to Him , ( a liberty incident to them not only as they are Members of the Parliament , and employed by both Houses , but as they were free-born Subjects ; ) and yet when they passed over this , His Majesty refused a safe Conduct to the Lord Viscount Say and Seal , being one of the Committee appointed by both Houses to be employed upon that occasion , such a breach of Priviledge that they believe is not to be parallel'd by the example of former times ; and yet their desire was such to obtain the end they drive at , ( that is , a happy and lasting Peace ) that they resolved not to interrupt the Treaty for that time by insisting upon it . And then they had no sooner entred upon the Treaty , but a Proclamation dated at Oxon the 16 of February 1642. entituled His Majesty's Proclamation , forbidding all His loving Subjects , and the Counties of Kent , Surrey , Sussex and Hampshire , to raise any Forces , &c. and another Proclamation dated the 8 of February , forbidding the assessing and payment of all Taxes by vertue of an Ordinance of both Houses , and all entring into Associations , were published in His Majesty's Name , containing most bitter invectives and scandals against the proceedings of both Houses , by styling them and such as obeyed them Traitors and Rebels , charging them under the name of Brownists , Anabaptists , and Atheists , to endeavour to take away the Kings Life , and to destroy His Posterity , the Protestant Religion , and the Laws of the Kingdoms , with many other such scandals and aspersions ; and even at this time were many designs practising against the Parliament , which in all probability were the grounds and reasons of His Majesty's confidence and denial of their just desire . Insomuch that His Majesty in a Letter sent from Him to the Queen , and read in the House of Commons , did declare , That He had so many fine designs laid open to Him , that He knew not which first to undertake . One whereof probably was the most bloody and barbarous design upon Bristol attempted ( though by God's infinite mercy prevented ) during the Treaty , And whether that of Sir Hugh Cholmley's in betraying of Scarborough Castle , wherewith he was entrusted by the Parliament , to the Queens hands , and acted likewise during the Treaty , and that of Killingworth Castle , which should have been likewise betrayed , and a design discovered by a Letter found in the Earl of Northampton's pocket , slain near Stafford , written to Him from Prince Rupert , were some of the other designs mentioned in His Majesty's Letter , they cannot certainly affirm , but conjecture . And when these collateral provocations and attempts could not prevail to make them desert the Treaty , then comes in His Majesty's Message of the fourth of April , which they have mentioned before , charging them to abuse the people with imaginary Dangers and pretended Fears , to use Force and Rapines upon His good Subjects , with publishing new doctrines , That it is unlawful for the King to do any thing , and lawful to do any thing against Him ; with Malice and Subtilty to abuse the People , that their Pleasure is all their bounds ; with many other such bitter expressions , that no Man could think such an Answer could be any part of a Treaty , or at least to proceed from a heart that desired a happy issue thereunto . Notwithstanding all which , the Lords and Commons were so resolutely fixed to prosecute that Treaty , and ( if possibly they could ) to bring it to a blessed and happy conclusion , that they were content to lie under all these Scandals , and endure all these wounds , so they might make up the breaches of the Commonwealth ; and therefore they did forbear the returning of an Answer to any of these provocations . And then when the Malignant and Popish party ( too-too prevalent with his Majesty ) perceived their constancy , not to be provoked to break that Treaty of their part , they found it necessary to seduce His Majesty to refuse His Consent to their most necessary and just Desires , and to propound such things as could not with the peace and safety of the Church and State be yielded to , and so effected their own desires . All which the Lords and Commons thought it their duty to publish to the Kingdom , to the end that they may see that what hath been long endeavoured by subtile and secret practices , is now resolved to be effected by open Violence and Hostility , that is , the destruction of our Laws and the Protestant Religion , and introducing of Popery and Superstition ; and that there is little or no hope by any endeavour of a Treaty to procure the Peace of this Church and Kingdom , unless both be exposed to the will and pleasure of the Popish party , until the Army and Forces now raised and continued by them be first destroyed or suppressed . And therefore the Lords and Commons do hope , that not only such as are already convinced of their Design and Malice , but even those that by their subtile and false pretences have been ignorantly seduced to joyn with them , that love their Liberty and the Protestant Religion , will now with one heart and mind unite together , to preserve their Religion and Liberty : in the defence whereof the Lords and Commons are resolved to offer up themselves , their lives and fortunes , a willing Sacrifice . Die Sabbati , 6 May , 1643. A Declaration upon the Result of the Treaty , brought in with some Amendments , was this day read in the House of Commons , and ordered to be delivered unto the Lords at a Conference . And it is further Ordered by this House , That this Declaration shall be Printed , and Master Glyn do take care for the Printing of it , and that none shall Print or re-print it , but such as Master Glyn shall appoint , to the end that by his care the Records may be rightly cited , and the Letters and other matters , Ordered to be Printed with it , be carefully Printed . H. Elsinge , Cler. Parliament . D. Com. His MAJESTY's Declaration to all His Loving Subjects , in Answer to a Declaration of the Lords and Commons upon the Proceedings of the late Treaty of Peace , and several Intercepted Letters of His MAJESTY to the QUEEN , and of Prince RUPERT to the Earl of Northampton . Oxford , 3. June , 1643. THough His Majesty be assured , it cannot but be of great Advantage to Him to have such an occasion as is now given Him by the late Declaration of both Houses , to shew to all His good People who it is that is really in fault , that the last Treaty , so much desired by His Majesty , and only begun upon His Desire , broke off so abruptly ( as He doubts not to do , if those who govern in the remaining part of both Houses have but so much ingenuity left , as to suffer what He says to be equally freely published to His People ; ) yet His Majesty cannot without great grief of Soul see that Treaty , which He hoped and expected should have begot the settled Peace and Happiness of His Subjects , in stead thereof beget nothing but Disputes and Declarations : yet it will be some Cordial to Him , when He shall be forced to see the Desolation of this Kingdom and the Misery of His People , that not only it is not He that hath made that Desolate and them Miserable , but that He is able to demonstrate to all the World , that He hath used His utmost and most earnest endeavours to prevent it , as will appear at large by the following state of the Case . After that the Conspiracy of some Persons against the present establisht Government both Ecclesiastical and Civil had made means to infuse into part of the People ( by publishing unheard-of Declarations , obtain'd and past in a new and unheard-of manner , sometimes but by eleven Voices after seventeen hours sitting , and that but in one House ) strange Fears and Jealousies of the other House and of His Majesty , and by them given the Rise to those insufferable Tumults and Seditious unparliamentary Petitions at once to and against the Lords , which they afterwards avowed publickly to protect and encourage , and forced the Lords House , by fearing them , to seem to fear with them , and to joyn with them first in requiring , and next in forcing no less security for those Fears from His Majesty ( who was then in condition to have most real Cause of Fear Himself ) than almost all that Power which the Law had trusted to Him for the security of the Crown and the Protection of His People ; after that His Majesty and most of the Members were forced away from the Parliament ; and that His share in making new Laws was denyed to Him in any case in which they would pretend Necessity , and every Subject that would not submit to any new , extravagant , extemporary , legislative Declaration or Order of one or both Houses , against the antient known Law of the Land , was become sent for up , and imprisoned as a Delinquent , and whosoever would assist them , against the known Law , was not only-protected by them in that , but in any other Case ( although they were of them who had been most apparently active in those former Pressures upon the People , which they now afresh impute to His Majesty ) so that to be of their side was now become a known Sanctuary ; after that nothing was left undone or unsaid that might render His Majesty both weak and odious , and that all that He could say or do to clear Himself was either supprest , or interpreted in a contrary and impossible sense ( so that His very offer to venture His Royal Person against the Irish Rebels was voted to be an Encouragement to that Rebellion ; ) after that from declaring of Law they came to declaring of Thoughts , and forgetting that the Hearts of Kings are inscrutable , presumed to dive into His , and without Apparence , and contrary to Truth , had declared that He meant to make War upon His Parliament , and made that Declaration a ground to levy a real War against Him , and then made that War a ground to begin to make War upon His People , forcing away the Arms and Money of all such as they pleased to suspect of the Crimes of Allegiance and Loyalty ; after that they had so far exprest and discovered the true end of all these Actions , as to propose the total Change of the present Government , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , in the Nineteen Propositions , as the only way to Peace ; and that His Majesty might by all this have been sufficiently perswaded , that it was impossible for Him to obtain Peace from them but either by Submission or by the Sword : yet after all this His Majesty was so averse to the latter Course , as to descend to so great a degree of the former , as from Nottingham to propose to and desire from them a Treaty for Peace ; and being there twice openly and absolutely refused it , yet did then declare , that He would notwithstanding be ready to receive it whensoever they would propose it . And to shew that these Offers proceeded not from His Condition but from His Inclination , after His Victory at Edge-hill , and after that the Earl of Essex had so far forgot his Errand , as to return to London alone , in stead of bringing up His Majesty , and those His good Subjects whom they call'd Delinquents ; His Answer at Colebrook will shew to all the World , that He was still of the same mind as when He sent His Messages from Nottingham ; and His Message so carefully sent from Colebrook to prevent all mis-construction of that march of His which they had necessitated to Brainceford , and His pressing still that a Treaty might go on in that and several other Messages , all slighted and neglected , shewed sufficiently who really was desirous of , and who were averse to Peace . But when the Petition of so many Citizens , that a Treaty might be accepted , finding so little countenance or acceptance from the House of Commons , and the Injuries and Imprisonments which the Petitioners suffered for it from Alderman Pennington and others , finding so much countenance from them , did so far begin to open the eyes of the People , that the Aversion to Peace began to be imputed to them who were truly guilty , and that they found this Discovery made men generally unwilling to part with their money to make themselves miserable , and that again encouraged many of the Members to appear for Peace too , and that consequently their too open and avowed desire of War would but render them unable to continue it , they thought it necessary to make some Propositions which might deceive the People so far as to make them believe they desired Peace , and yet resolved to make them so unreasonable , as they might notwithstanding be sure to be out of all danger of effecting Peace by them , and sent those down to His Majesty . Which though they pretend now to be such as no indifferent man will find any thing contained in them but what was necessary for the maintenance and advancement of the true Protestant Religion , the due execution of Justice , the Preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the establishment of the Kingdoms Peace and Safety ; yet His Majesty is confident that even those who are not very indifferent are yet able to see , that no Propositions could be more unreasonable than those Fourteen , except the former Nineteen . To pass by the Preamble , ( in which most unnecessarily they lay most heavy and most unjust Charges upon His Majesty , and yet draw an Argument of His Aversion to Peace from those known Truths which either His defence or the matter in question , Crimes being impossible to be spoken of but as Crimes , did after extort from Him ) would not any man have expected , that had observed with what violence this War was begun and prosecuted against His Majesty , to have found in the Propositions for Peace the Demand of at least some , and those very important , Rights which were withheld from them before the War , and so had given some colour for it ? But of these there appears not so much as one : and yet till all these are granted and performed , they do as much as say in Terms plain enough in their Conclusion , that they have not any hope , nor will use any endeavours , that His Majesty and His People may enjoy the Blessings of Peace and Justice ; which was certainly by terrour of Arms to demand new Laws , and as great a Proof that they did so , as they seem to confess it unparliamentary if they had done it . Is not the taking away of the Bishops , Deans and Chapters , and indeed the whole establisht Ecclesiastical frame of Order and Government , a new Law ? yet unless His Majesty will yield to take it away ( though there were but five Lords present when the Bill past , and though no other form be yet offered or shewed to Him , but the Presbyterians and Independents are left to fight it out among themselves what shall succeed in the place , ) His Majesty is told , He must not hope for Peace . And the division likely to ensue between different Parties , what shall after be introduced , shews sufficiently what hope there should be of Peace if He should pass it . Are not the Bill against Scandalous Ministers ( in which most of their own Faction are appointed Commissioners , that they may make way for and introduce a new Clergy of their own ; ) the Bill against Pluralities , ( which makes no difference of conditions , or merits of Persons , or of value of Livings , and looks not only forwards , but extends to the immediate dispossessing of present Incumbents of what is vested in them for their Lives by the Law of the Land ; ) the Bill for the Consultation of Divines ( Persons of their own choice , and most of them of their Faction , and of no esteem but with themselves , hardly at all bounded as to the matter , and absolutely unlimited as to the time of their consultation , ) all news Laws ? Is not the settling of the Militia both by Sea and Land , and the Forts and Ports , in such a manner as shall be agreed on by both Houses ( in which His Majesty is expected with a blind implicite Faith to trust them with the whole Power of the Kingdom , and with His only means of defending Himself and protecting His Subjects , though into what hands or for what time or in what manner they will order or dispose of it is so far from appearing to Him , that it doth not yet appear that both Houses know themselves , and how they have already used that Power is known to all the World ) both a new and a strange Demand ? Are the Earl of Bristoll's Removal and Exclusion from all possibility of Employment , ( a Person uncondemned , unimpeacht and unsummoned , no crime or error either proved or but named against him , ) or the choice of the Judges and Master of the Rolls , the change of Commissioners of the Peace and Oyer and Terminer , or the restoring of Members of the Houses , even to such menial places of Service as required a personal attendance , and who had yet refused to attend upon command , or the assenting to whatsoever Acts He shall be advised for paying of Debts contracted upon the publick Faith , that is , by the Authority of both Houses ( by which His Majesty must allow Himself to be no no part of the publick , and must directly allow , and , as it were , ratifie that Rebellion which this Money was raised to foment ) either due to them by Law , or reasonable in themselves ? Doth the directing His Majesty with whom and how far to make Alliances belong to them ? ( or was that at all necessary , His inclination to the strictest bands with Princes and States of the Protestant Religion being by the Match of His Daughter sufficiently expressed ? ) And yet till all this be done , and unless He will pardon all that have born Arms against Him , and leave those that have assisted Him to their Mercy who have none , they will not promise any hopeful endeavours for Peace and Justice . But is there any thing else that is due by Law , which was before denied and is here demanded , that can in any degree justifie or extenuate that ever Peace was broken and Justice destroyed ? Not so much as one tittle . Did His Majesty give any Commission till they had mustered many men ? Or did He so much as take any Guard to Him , till both they had a much greater many months , and had of their own Authority ordered a Serjeant-Major-General of their City Forces , and till His Magazine and Town were by Arms kept against Him , though He were provoked to it before by all the other Indignities and Injuries which Insolence and Injustice could devise ? Was not Sir John Hotham , for all his known Treason refused to be left by them to Justice and the trial of the Law , before ever any that was but call'd a Delinquent was protected by His Majesty ? And was not His Majesty then denied that which themselves confess to be the due and right of the meanest Subject , and do so far expect , as to look upon it rather as a scorn than a satisfaction now His Majesty offers it to them ? Was any one Papist armed by His Majesty before many of that Religion ( and multitudes of persons against whose Recusancy the Law is as severe as against theirs ) were armed against Him ; or than either , until their mere being of that Religion made them without colour of Law be plunder'd and imprison'd in all parts , and some of them fly into His Army for protection ? Did not His Majesty before of himself often offer to vindicate the Privileges of Parliament from any imaginable breach of them in the business of the Lord Kimbolton and Five Members ? and did He not offer to wave their Charge , willingly submitting it to the publick Peace ? So that the obtaining that demand , or the disbanding of the Army , or the disarming of Papists , or the trial of Delinquents , though they make some such shew as they are set in this place , yet not any of them were any grounds of this their War : And all that is due in these Demands having been offered before the War , or occasioned or necessitated by it , and being still to be had without it , the whole People cannot but see , that nothing but Fears and Jealousies have been the fumes with which they have so intoxicated His seduced Subjects , as to contribute to their own Misery , to obtain no one Right , how small and inconsiderable soever , denied to them by His Majesty , and that the maintenance and advancement of Religion , Justice , Liberty , Property and Peace , are really but their Stalking-Horses , and neither the Ground of their War nor of these Demands ; which will appear to any indifferent Man that shall duly weigh them , as far from being moderate as from being necessary . Yet such was His Majesty's most earnest desire to catch at any thing that by producing a Treaty might settle a Peace , and so far were any such Enemies of it ( as are supposed by this Declaration ( from being prevalent with Him against this desire , that His Majesty proposed that persons should be appointed by His Majesty and both Houses to Treat even upon these very Propositions , and such other as His Majesty proposed , which were only Demands according to or in behalf of the Law establisht , and which more concerned His Subjects than Himself . And His Majesty cannot but appeal to all the World , whether not only any of their Propositions did , but whether any other Propositions that could be devised could express more desire of the maintenance and advancement of the true Protestant Religion than His Majesty's Fourth Proposition , ( in which His readiness to consent to the execution of all Laws made , and to any good Laws to be made , for the suppressing of Popery , His desire that the Laws already made to preserve the Common-Prayer from the scorn and violence of Sectaries be backt and fortified , and His Offer at the same time that tender Consciences be eased by it , are so clearly and carefully exprest and united ; ) or of the due execution of Justice than His Majesty's Fifth Proposition , ( which refers all such Delinquents as should by the Treaters be excepted in the Pardon , to the usual course and known Law of the Land ; ) or of the preservation of the publick Liberty and Property , ( for His Majesty conceives that He hath a Property too , without maintaining of which He will be never able to defend His Subjects ) than His First , Second and Third ; or of the Peace of the Kingdom , than His Sixth Proposition , which by restoring His Subjects by a Cessation to a short Trial of the quiet and benefit of Peace , would have rendered them so far in love with that almost-forgotten Happiness , that seeing nothing demanded by them that was worth a War , they would have had a hard work to have engaged them again into so unprofitable a Madness . And His Majesty is so confident of His advantage in all these , that He conjures His Subjects seriously to read , consider and compare what He and what they demanded , and by their indifferent Propositions to judge of their several Intentions . And indeed , the violent party both in the City and the Houses ( which , for all the publick Fears and Jealousies they pretend , inwardly and really are fearful and jealous of nothing so much as of Peace ) dislike nothing more in His Majesty's Propositions than the Moderation ; and suspecting that the reasonableness and unreasonableness of what His Majesty and what they askt would but too generally appear by the Discussion of both in a free and open Treaty , and so might in despight of them produce a Peace , earnestly and openly oppose the Treaty , and so far oppose His Majesty's Proposition of Cessation , that it sufficiently appeared by their aversion to the Shadow of Peace ( as themselves call it ) how much and how heartily they were averse to the Substance it self . But when they found that they could perswade no Man to joyn with them in rejecting all imaginable manners of Treaty and Cessation , that did not joyn with them in abhorring any imaginable manner of Peace , they reserved their Authority to enable them to break off both , upon somewhat more plausible difference in the Circumstances and Conditions . A safe Conduct is demanded by the Houses , and their first Art is to get the Lord Say named in that Demand for a Treater , which they knew certainly ( he having born Arms against His Majesty , and been excepted in one of His Proclamations of Pardon ) His Majesty must except against : but when they could not perswade even both Houses ( who well remembred an example of no elder date than since His Majesty was at Colebrook , when the same exception at the person of . Sir John Evelyn was made by His Majesty , and not excepted at by both Houses ) that this exception was so unparallel'd a breach of Priviledge , as to deserve to hinder the Treaty from going on , their next Arts are so to bound and limit their Committee , both in the Matter , Manner , Time and Power as might wholly render it uneffectual : And to that end they first obtain that their Committee should Treat with none but with His Majesty , ( a Course which how lofty , how advantagious , and how unreasonable soever , yet His Majesty , out of His earnest desire of Peace , contrary to their hopes and expectations , was contented to admit ; ) and next obtain that they should not Treat upon any point but of the Cessation , till that were concluded , and for that allowed but four days , and that at twice , ( in hope that some matter of Advantage might happen in the time of that delay ) and allow them no Power ( without still sending to the Houses upon every occasion ) to conclude farther than the Papers they brought down or delivered , or so much as to explain or new-word any thing in them , ( a new and a strange way of Treating , and by which at that distance it was wholly and plainly impossible that any thing should be concluded : ) and when His Majesty had quitted all wherein Himself or His Army were solely concerned , and yielded almost to all that they proposed , and at last insisted upon nothing but that they might not make use of the leisure of their Army , occasioned by this Cessation , to force what Sums they would from what Countries they pleas'd , ( for they neither would nor could name any other bound of their Taxes than their pleasure , when they imputed that assertion to His Majesty ) and so extremely burthen His Subjects , and advantage and enable themselves against His Majesty , ( in contradiction to the Principle lay'd down by themselves , and approved of by His Majesty , That by the very nature of a Cessation , matters should be preserved in the state they are in , and neither party have liberty much to advantage himself ; ) nor yet insisted any further upon that neither , than to leave room still for satisfaction ( if any Reason could be offered against so reasonable a Limitation ) by a continuance of the Treaty concerning it ; they vouchsafed Him no offer of any such Reason , nor allowed their Committee any farther Time or Power to Treat concerning it , without expressing any better cause for so abrupt an end of so important a Debate , than to avoid the Wast of Time : though His Majesty could not conceive that could be called a Wast , or how time could be better spent , than to settle such a degree of publick Peace , as might reduce the minds of all Men to such a Temper as might make a full Peace much more probable . Nor did His Majesty find in the Treaty it self that the Committee were any better enabled , ( though to avoid delay , and that a Conclusion might be made possible ) His Majesty often desired it . They were limited twice to four days , and once to seven : they were bounded to two Propositions , and to their bare narrow Instructions concerning those : nor had they so much as any Power or Instructions at all concerning that most important part of their own Proposition , so often prest by themselves , His Majesty's Return to His Parliament . So that resolving ( as it will be afterward shewed they did ) to yield no farther to His Majesty's Proposition than with such Limitations as would in effect retain what they seemed to give up , they expect that His Majesty should entirely yield to theirs without any Limitation , and ( to invert their own words upon another occasion ) should yield to that which would have produced to them an absolute Victory and Submission , under pretence of Agreement and Peace : It being evident to all Men , that His Rights forced from Him by Violence being not absolutely restored , His Army being disbanded , and He returned to London , the Members of both Houses for dissenting from them and assisting of Him remaining expelled , no security from Tumults for the rest of the Members being given , and all good Subjects being totally discouraged by so absolute a Prevalence of the Factious and Rebellious , His Majesty were as much in the disposal of the Five Members as if they had him in the Tower , and He ought His Crown wholly to their Grace and Favour if they did not Depose Him. And yet they would be thought to desire nothing , in desiring that the Armies should be upon these Terms disbanded , but only that the Kingdom might be eased of their Burthen , and the spring of these Calamities might be stopped . His Majesty demands , That His own Revenue , Magazine , Towns , Forts and Ships , taken by Force , be restored to Him. The Revenue ( which they could easily pay back out of other Mens Purses ) they easily agree about ; but to part with such strengths which had and did help to enable them to leave no Subject any more of his Right , than they had to the detaining of these , they can by no means endure . And therefore they propose such Limitations as in effect limit away all , and yet may seem to the vulgar or to the careless not to signifie much : to wit , That these Strengths may be put into such hands as they will confide in , and that no less than three years ; That the Commanders may , during that time , not admit of any Forces upon whatsoever occasion without Consent of the Houses , and they , and all Generals and Commanders of the Armies on either side , may swear to preserve the Peace of the Kingdom against all Forces raised without consent of both Houses , and this for no limited time . His Majesty , who had asked nothing but what was His by Law , and who in order to Peace had not asked so much , as by Law was due to Him , ( to wit , the punishment of those who had taken these things from Him ) could not but wonder to see such things asked of him , to which by Law there was no Pretence : He therefore endeavours to limit their Limitations to the Law of the Land ; He names those Persons to this Custody whom the Law had named first , and exprest Himself most willing that they should be put out at the same door they came in at ; that the Law , which had vested them , might eject them , if they had offended against it : But expected not that the Injury done Him , of taking these things from Him and them contrary to Law , should be a reason why any new conditions or Limitations should be laid upon Him or His Ministers , which the Law laid not . To this the Committee replies , not denying what the King asked to be legally His , or to have been illegally taken from Him , nor making any legal , or so much as colourable , or at all any Exceptions , against the Persons legally vested in those Places , ( and without any Cause shewed , it would have ill become His Majesty to have devested His Servants of their Rights , in the instant when some of them are venturing their Lives for his Service ) but retire to their old inaccessible Fort of Fears and Jealousies . To this His Majesty rejoyns , shews what he had done to prevent and destroy Fears and Jealousies in them , intimates what they had done to create Fears and Jealousies in Him ; that having by Force taken these things from Him when He had them , He had more Reason to have insisted upon further Security to inable him to keep them , than simply to desire them to be returned to Him , ( and much more than to grant them more hold of them , to enable them the better to wrest them from Him again : ) represents to them , that by the same Reason , upon the same ground , they may ask Him all His Legal Power , since all the Power vested in Princes , for the necessary Protection of their Subjects , may possibly be employed for their hurt ; and concludes , in His Opinion , with a very wholesome Advice against that dangerous ( and now too Epidemical ) Disease of Fears and Jealousies , and prescribes to them to make the Law their Rule and Measure , as the best Antidote and Cure for that Disease . This insisting upon this Answer , as His Majesty for these Reasons thought to be most reasonable , so He likewise thought it most necessary ; First , because themselves having told Him in the Debate about Cessation in the point of Ships , that for them to allow Him the Approbation of Commanders , was to give Him up the Strength , He could not want Logick so much as not to draw this Conclusion from these Premises , That for Him to allow them the Approbation of the Commanders , both of Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , was in that to give all back to them , which they would seem to restore to Him. Secondly , because his Majesty by now consenting upon the ground of Jealousies to such Demands , as exceed those ( which before they had joyned the injustice of forcing these things from Him , to the unreasonableness of demanding them ) His Majesty in His weakest Condition denied to them , He must appear to justifie those Jealousies , to approve of those Demands and of that Injustice , and to condemn Himself as guilty of the woful effects of that Contention , for not having sooner consented to them . Thirdly , because He must condemn the Lords House of the same Crime , for having twice refused to joyn in that demand , and having had no Jealousies as long as they had no Tumults . Fourthly , because He must either quit , during the lives of these several Persons required to be sworn , and at least for three years ( when the Militia in their own Bill was asked but for two ) His known Right of sole raising Men , and without the consent of both Houses ( even although no Parliament were sitting , for the Bill that says it may continue , does not say it must ) He must neither be able to discharge His Duty to Himself by His own Defence , nor make good His Oath , by the protecting of his Subjects against any sudden , dangerous Rebellion or Invasion ; or the Commanders of all His Ships , Towns , Forts and Magazines , and all the Commanders of both Armies ( that is , the most considerable Militia of England ) must according to this new Oath oppose any opposition He shall make , and must be equally obliged by it to fight against His Forces , as against those of the Rebels or Invaders . Fifthly , because if He should give them so a great a Prerogative , for so long a time , as this share in the choice of men to places of so high Power and Trust , the Dependance of Subjects upon the Crown would be much diverted and He could never expect to be faithfully served , when no other Crime of theirs appearing to Him , He should so farr devest the present Proprietaries of their legal Right , as to submit it a new to the Arbitrariness of their Confiding , who have given His Majesty no greater Cause to confide in their Choice . Sixthly and lastly , because if He should allow them that power for that time upon that Reason , He cannot doubt but against that time were ended , the Sweetness of Power being once tasted , they would be so unwilling to quit it , that the same powerful violent party would not want the like Fears to beget the like Demands of the same or greater interest , in the choice of the same or greater Places ; and the same Consequences would not likewise fail to follow , if these Demands were not consented to , and even His good Subjects seeing it the most prosperous , might be induced to think Faction and Sedition the wisest Course ; and when they saw His Majesty give such an Encouragement to Rebellion , might think it pity He should ever be without one . And His Majesty conceives , Fear and Jealousie may be a good reason to make Him cautious how He parts with His Right , though a very insufficient justification of their forcing that from Him , to which they could pretend none . But still His Majesty hoped that they only insisted upon such Limitations of his Proposition , till they saw what Limitations he would offer to theirs ; and therefore to reduce them to Moderation by His Example , He proposes to the Houses ( for the Committee had no Power or Instruction to treat of the principal point of it ) no other Limitations than were both due by Law and necessary in themselves , and offers as soon as he was satisfied in His first Proposition , ( to which if they would have put Him in mind of any such Objection in the Treaty , He would never have required that the exact Computation of his Revenue taken from Him should be agreed on before Disbanding , which is now objected to Him , not as an Injustice , but as a purposed Delay ) as soon as the Houses were restored to that Condition in which they were before the Tumults , and these Distractions forced the Members from thence , and as soon as He and those Houses were secured from Tumults ( only adding His own opinion , That adjourning twenty miles from London could only effect it , and offering them the choice of any place at that distance in His whole Kingdom ) He would immediately disband , and return to His Parliament ; and expected much more that this Message when it was received at London should have met with Bells and Bone-fires , than have received neither Approbation nor Answer . But that violent Party which looks upon Peace like a Monster , fearing lest if the Treaty should any longer continue , so fair an approach to Peace might by degrees steal it on upon them before they were aware , prevail to return no other Answer , than immediately to send for their Committee from Oxford , and to send the Lord of Essex to Reading . His Majesty waits awhile , and again in a Message He had occasion to send to the Houses concerning Ireland , He takes occasion to put them in mind of that former Message , and to renew the expressions of His Desire of Peace : But this Message had no better luck than the other , for no Answer hath been sent to it , only in stead of an Answer , the same violent Party makes a shift to go a step or two higher , and to prevail in the House of Commons to vote Excises upon Commodities , and the making of a new Great Seal , though the making of it will be Treason by the Statute of the five and twentieth of Edward the Third ( and an Order of the House of Commons will be but an insufficient Plea against that Statute ) and though they might have remembred , that it is by the old one that both most of them hold their Lands , and all of them are called to that House . But since His Majesty would not allow them a share in making of Peers ( as they ask'd him in their Nineteen Propositions ) nor allow of their choice of Justices of the Peace ( as they ask'd Him in their Fourteen ) and did still pretend to making of Sheriffs ( which they have denied Him by their Votes ) it seems they thought it necessary to make that which ( if it could be made legal by Voting ) would make all those , and to end the Dispute about His Majesty's Negative Voice , by passing by Commission what new Bills they pleased , and so to obtain as absolutely an unlimited Power over their fellow-Subjects as over their Sovereign Himself . Yet His Majesty would take no notice of all this , but sends once more , a third Message , to desire an Answer to His first ( which had then lain in their hands above a Month. ) This pressing for Peace appears so intolerable to them , that the House of Commons ( as the best way to make a final end of all such Messages , and indeed to cut off all Entercourse ) is prevailed with by these men to commit the Messenger , and the next day to impeach His Majesties Royal Consort of High Treason , as if they would give Him a fair warning how He trouble them about Peace again , lest His turn be next , and they impeach him too . But though they vouchsafe His Majesty no Answer , yet the People is still thought worthy of some satisfaction : and that produces this Declaration , which pretends fully and sufficiently to shew , that in the Treaty their Demands were such and so moderate , as was fit and necessary for them to make , and just and reasonable for His Majesty to assent unto ; and His Majesty's were such as had neither Reason nor Justice , either in the matter or manner of them , and such as left the People no hope or expectation to see an end of their present Calamities ; and charge the King through His Councellors in many Circumstances , before it and during it , to have laboured to interrupt the Treaty , and to have appeared averse to Peace : and in this Question His Majesty is content to accept of the Arbitrator they themselves have chosen , and to refer it to the People to judge . Their First Argument is , That this Treaty is for the disbanding of the Armies and Forces in opposition to each other ; that these Towns , Forts and Ships are a great part of their Forces , so that for them to restore them absolutely to the King , would be for them to disband totally , and for His Majesty's Forces to continue . To this His Majesty answers , That this Treaty was intended by Him to be in order to a firm and settled ( that is a just ) Peace , and never to be such wherein a pretended Equality should exclude evident Justice . Let Equality determine the manner of the disbanding of the Armies raised upon these Distractions , but let Justice restore what Violence hath taken , and determine of known undoubted Rights ; since by this Argument , if any Prince seize upon any Strength that belongs to His stronger Neighbour , and Arms be taken up upon it , the stronger must never in a Treaty , when the Armies are to be disbanded , expect to have His Strength restored to him , lest the other return to be what He was and what He ought to be , that is , the weaker of the two . Secondly , His Majesty answers , That by the same reason of Security , other Power and Prerogatives being Strength as well as Forces , and neither more vested in Him , nor less possible to be used for the Peoples hurt , they may as well require a share and interest in those too , and , that things may be made sufficiently equal between the sides , may expect to be as much Kings as He. Thirdly , in their own opinion and by their own confession ( as it appears by their Argument used in the Cessation in the point of Ships ) if they be but allowed the Approbation of Commanders , His Majesty gives up this strength to them , and not they to Him , and it will be their Forces , and not His , which are to continue undisbanded , and that that they say to be contrary to Equality , and ( as they came by these Forces ) it is evident to be contrary to Justice . Fourthly , His Majesty answers , that these Forces are not so great , or so great a Strength of the side that shall possess them , but that the Arts , Union , Industry and Violence of that Party was so much too strong for His Majesty when He had that Strength , as to take that Strength from Him ; and therefore His Majesty wonders they should make any difficulty to restore what it may appear by so fresh experience that they are so able to resume : and therefore His Majesty hopes His People will attribute it to His great Desire of Peace , that He did not demand some farther security to enjoy that which is not denied to be His Majesty's . And His Majesty observes that both this and the second Answer were given by His Majesty to the same Arguments made upon the same occasion by their Committee in the Treaty , and yet this Declaration repeats the same Arguments without replying to those Answers . Fifthly , His Majesty desires that the Difficulty with which His Majesty raised His Army , and the Ease with which they raised theirs , may be considered ; how impossible it would have been for Him to have raised Forces , if they had not raised first , and how much slowlier ( this Army being disbanded ) He could raise a new one , and how quick and ready their Body of fierce , eager Sectaries and Schismaticks would be to return into an Army upon the least Call , and how conveniently they inhabit for so speedy a meeting , being to continue most of them in or so near London , that their Quarters in War were usually much more distant than their Dwellings in Peace : and then His Majesty doubts not but it will appear , that in this respect too the real and total Disbanding is of His Majesty's part only , and that in effect the Continuance of Forces is still of theirs . Their Second Argument , why His Majesty should admit of their Limitations , is a bundle of Precedents . To which His Majesty replies , First , that the Records which are here quoted for these are now in the same hands as his Majesty's Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , and therefore knows not how He can either have their Truth sufficiently considered and examined , or without it conside in their Quotations . Secondly , all the particular Circumstances both of matter and time , what induced it , and what followed it , do not herein appear ( though very necessary to be known , that they may be possible to be answered . ) But this His Majesty can find upon view , That some of them concern not any part of what is now demanded , but one of them concerns a Chancellor , Treasurer , and Privy-Seal , and another concerns Privy-Councillors , and another the Protectorship , another the choice of some without whose Advice , or of four of them , nothing should be done by the King , ( which it seems they have an eye upon demanding too , which made them run so much in their heads who collected these as to put them in here : ) That some concern not the Persons now demanding , but conclude only for the Merchants to chuse an Admiral , and not for the Houses to confide in him ; which Precedent may be of some use to the Common-Council , but of none to the Parliament : That some are of no concern at all , as only about appointing of Clarks for payment of Wages ( yet put in to encrease the bulk : ) That hardly any of the Precedents that concern any of the things in Question , concern any more than part of those which are altogether demanded in the Limitations desired ; some concerning only the Command of Ships ( and those too not granted by Act , but by Commission , and that , for ought appears , only during pleasure ; ) some extending but to one Town or Place , as Berwick or Jersey : That most of these Precedents appear to have been when the Kings were in Minority and under Protectors , some when they were in extreme Age and Impotency , some in the Reign of a King who was shortly after deposed , in Parliament too , ( an unlikely Circumstance to invite His Majesty at this time to follow that Example ) others in His Reign who succeeded Him , and ( having no Right to the Crown but the Criminal Consent of both Houses ) had Reason to deny them nothing who had given Him All. And of some of the Precedents now quoted , the Inconveniences are known to have been so great and so suddenly found , that they were so speedily revoked in Parliament ( with no less a Brand than as being contrary to the Customs of the Realm , and to the blemishing of the Crown ) that if they had ingenuously added those Circumstances , these Precedents would more have justified His Majesty for not yielding , than them for either asking any thing towards those , or but for quoting them at all . But doth any of these Precedents tell us that these Parliaments claim'd any Right in any of these , or that any King yield any degree of Power in any one of these Points to both Houses , when they had first taken them from Him by Force , and rais'd an Army by Ordinance against Him , and He was in a condition to resist what they had raised ? And if either any of these Kings were so much in their Power , that his Consent was as much forced from Him as these Particulars were forced from His Majesty , or if they were so far out of Danger of any farther Encroachments upon their Power , that He could have no cause of Fears and Jealousies , in granting some of these to them ; nay that their advice in the Choice arose wholly from His Majesty's Desire , and not their Demand , then the Precedents fit not this Case , and so make nothing for their purpose . But now that the Perpetuity of this Parliament hath so far encouraged those , who by Arts and Violence have gotten Power over it , that they may probably hope to make this Power as perpetual as it , and have given so sufficient Evidence what further use they would make of any Power , His Majesty supposes Himself to have more reason to be cautious in that Point than any of His Predecessors , who were content to share any part of this Power but for once , with but a temporary Assembly ; especially since their several Propositions have shewed how much more they wish , and M. Prinne's Books ( printed by Order of a Committee of the House of Commons , signified by Warrant under M. White 's hand ) have shewed how much more they pretend to ; and since any Grant of His is desired by these Men , but to enable them to obtain the rest of their pretences or desires ; what he yielded to them concerning my Lord of Essex and Sir John Conyers being Lieutenants of Yorkshire and the Tower , being prest in these very Precedents as an Argument to Him , why he should grant all they ask now . On the other side , if his Majesty should make use of their own kind of Weapon , and do the same or as great things , or make them the like or as great demands , as their Predecessors have tacitely approved of , or directly assented to , when they were done or made by His , ( as in the just Famous time of Queen Elizabeth , in the Case of Stanhope and Savile , or in the same time in Wentworth's Case , or in the Reign of Henry the Eighth , in the Power given to Him to dispose of the Kingdom by His Will and Testament , and others of the like and near as high kinds ) He believes both Houses would think what others then did , to be no Argument to perswade them either to approve or consent , but would rather for ever wave all Arguments from Precedents , than direct themselves by the same Rule . Their third Argument is , That His Majesty had formerly exprest that His Forts and Castles should be only in such hands as both Houses might safely confide in . And His Majesty expresseth still as much ; and till some just legal cause be shewed him why the Persons now in those Commands cannot be safely Confided in by them , He conceives they might safely confide in them if they pleas'd . But His Majesty did likewise once say , He would put all those places , both of the Forts and Militia , into such hands as both Houses should approve or recommend , unless such were named against whom He had just and unquestionable Exceptions . To which His Majesty replies , That His Offer not giving them satisfaction then , ( for they would then limit no time for the Militia , which was the Condition of that Offer of His Majesty's ) and since it seems it would give none yet , ( for they now ask no less for the Ships than for those , and more for both , as to the time and other Circumstances , than He then offered for these ) and they , by forcing those Places from Him since , and some of the Persons legally vested in those Places , by their faithfulness to him in this War , having given Him so much more cause not to yield to it now , He conceives the case to be so altered by all these differences , that though , out of His earnest desire to satisfie them as long as He thought them capable of satisfaction by it , He then intended what He spoke , yet He may insist upon what He now insists , without being said to have receeded from His Word . Did not they refuse to accept of four Persons named in His Majesty's Bill concerning the Militia , which themselves had but newly offered Him in their Ordinance concerning it ? And had those Persons in that time given them so great cause for that refusal as His Majesty hath had given Him for this ? And yet will they confess that ill Counsel prevail'd with them to recede from their Words , and that therefore His Majesty had the more cause to be farther secured ? Their fourth Argument is , That unless these Limitations be granted , those secret and wicked Councellors , that have been Instruments of the present Miseries , will have the disposing of those Places , and His Majesty carry but the Name . To this His Majesty replies , That knowing who have been the Instruments of these Miseries , He should by that believe the secret and wicked Councellors spoken of , to be the active part of the close Committee ; for if He have any wicked Councellors about him , He confesseth they have cause to call them Secret as well as Wicked , since they have not only wholly concealed themselves from Him , but He having often press'd to have some named , could never obtain from them the Name so much as of one , nor since hath heard so much as one proof or charge either of being wicked Councellors , or of any Legal Crime against any of His Servants whom they have named , though they have publisht them withal to be incapable of Pardon : However He finds , that if what they say were true , the ends of these Councellors and of their violent Party is but just the same , that is , to dispose of these Places , and that His Majesty may only carry the Name . But they have found a Letter of His Majesty 's to the Queen , which shews that the great and eminent Places of the Kingdom are disposed of by Her Advice , ( and then conclude from Her Religion , that they are by consequence disposed of by the advice of Papists and Jesuits ) and that the Persons there named , even during the sitting of Parliament , are either all impeacht by them , or bear Arms against them . To this His Majesty replies , First , That He cannot but deplore the condition of the Kingdom , when Letters of all sorts , of Husbands to Wives , even of His Majesty to His Royal Consort , are intercepted , read , brought in Evidence , and publisht to the World. Secondly , That if they will remember how far many of those Persons of both Sexes , who have received most notable marks of Favour from Her Majesty , are , even in their own Opinion , from so much as inclining to Popery , they must confess her Favours and Recommendations not to be disposed of by Priests and Jesuits . Thirdly , That the Places there named , in which Her Majesty's Advice may seem to be desired , are not places ( as they call it ) of the Kingdom , but private menial places , a Treasurer of the Household , a Captain of the Pensioners , and a Gentleman of the Bed-chamber : That concerning the other more publick Places , His Majesty absolutely declares Himself , without leaving room for Her Advice ; which seems to prove the contrary to that which by this they intend to prove . Fourthly , That of the Persons there named there is not one that either is a Papist , or so like one , that a Jesuit may be thought to have recommended him , nor any one ( except the Lord Digby ) that was either impeacht or otherwise taxt , or that could appear to His Majesty to have ever been in any degree dislik'd by both or either House , before assisting His Majesty against a Rebellion did lately become Treason ; and whoever considers the Time and other Circumstances even of that Impeachment , and that their Eyes were then so dazled with Fears and Jealousies as to take a Coach and six Horses for an Army raised against them , will hardly look upon that Impeachment with that reverence which hath usually been paid to Accusations of that kind . And for their bearing of Arms in such a Time wherein all His Majesty's Subjects do either bear or assist Arms , either for or against Him , He supposes that it will not be thought strange , if He chuse Persons for such Places as are in His own Disposal , rather out of the first Sort than out of the second . And as His Majesty hath fully answered their Observations upon His Letters , so He believes that one thing more ( though unobserved by this Declaration ) cannot but be observed out of them by His People ; and that is , That in His Majesty's most private Letters to the Person nearest to Him , wherein He cannot ( as by some in His publick Declarations He is ) be suspected to say any thing out of Design or Policy , His own clear perswasion that the Rebels , and not He , have been the cause , and are the fosterers of this War and universal Distraction , and His Sense of it , and His Desire of the end of it , are so plainly exprest , that they will by this Accident be much satisfied with His Majesty's Innocence and Reality , and believe that the reading this in such a Letter , is the very next Degree to reading it in His Heart . Their fifth and last Argument is , The attempts of Force and Violence against the Kingdom and this Parliament , and they instance in four . The first is , a Design many years since to bring into this Kingdom the German Horse , to compel the Subjects to submit to an Arbitrary Government . And to this His Majesty replies , That He esteems His Condition more miserable than that of any of His Subjects , when He sees a few Factious persons have obtained that power , as to be able to publish to all His People , in the name of both Houses , a Charge which ( coming forth with the semblance of such Authority ) may much work with them against Him , and yet do not ( which is certainly because they cannot ) tell any one proof or particular either whence , whether , when , by whom , or by whose Design these Horse should have been brought . They confess it is many years since , and it seems it is so many that these particulars are all worn out of the memory of man. The second is , the endeavour to bring up the Northern Army by Force and Violence to awe the Parliament . To this His Majesty hath so often answer'd , and received so little Reply , that He will only now briefly say , that according to the Evidence they have publish'd themselves , ( and that before hearing the persons concern'd in it , after so long a time of the Houses leisure and their attendance , whose Answer it was perhaps feared would have cleared it more ) it doth not appear that there was ever any Endeavour used in it , nor any thing further than a mere motion , which died as soon as it was conceived ; and it doth appear that His Majesty absolutely dislik'd it as soon as by way of Discourse it was but named to Him : But if it had been really endeavoured , it had been but an Endeavour towards that which was directly put in Execution by the Tumults , and those countenanc'd by the Refusal of the House of Commons , not only to punish them , but so much as to joyn with the Lords in a Declaration against the like for the future , and by the stopping the legal Proceedings against Riots by a single Order of the House . The third is , His Majesty's coming in Person to the House of Commons with many armed men to demand their Members to be delivered up . His Majesty confesseth He came ; He denies that ( to His knowledge ) He came accompanied with any men otherwise armed than with His Guard and Pensioners , in the same manner as He usually came to the House of Lords , and with some Gentlemen ( as His Train when He goes to any publick place is always so waited on ) with their usual Weapons , their Swords . And if they had been as careful to publish what Persons of Quality ( as Serjeant-Major Ashly for one ) testified upon their knowledge and Oath , as what mean , unknown and unsworn Persons delivered upon their bare Credit or upon hear-say , it would have appeared to His People how little Violence was intended by any who came with Him however armed , and what Care He took , and what Orders He gave to be sure to prevent any that possibly might have happened . His Majesty likewise confesses , that He demanded the Members He had accused of High Treason ; but puts them withal in mind , that the House of Commons had hardly left him any other Course , having by their single Order , the night before , intercepted all ordinary proceedings of Justice against them , forbidding all Officers to attach any Member for any Crime without the Consent of the House , and encouraging the People in that case to assist them against any Officer ; though their Privileges had been confess'd by a late Petition of both Houses not to extend to Treason ; and though this Order were as illegal and unjustifiable , as not only His Majesty's coming to the House , but even as any thing they would have had the People believe that He intended when He came . But whatever Breach of Privilege there was in this , His Majesty did not offer to justifie it by their preceding breach of Law , but offered them often Reparation and Satisfaction for it : but it seems nothing but the Ships , Forts , Ports , Magazine and Militia of the whole Kingdom would appear to them a Reparation for a single , and ( this Circumstance considered ) perhaps a disputable , Breach of Privilege . The Fourth is , the Treason of the Earl of Strafford , to bring over the Irish Popish Army to conquer the Kingdom . To this His Majesty replies , That whatever the Earl of Strafford could have said ( for this Army He is sure was never brought , nor , that He ever heard , was ever endeavoured to be brought over , either to that or any other purpose ) His Majesty cannot see why it might not have remained buried with him , or why any other satisfaction should be given for it , or other security against the like , than the Punishment he hath already undergone . Having given what Reasons they can to justifie their Limitations of His Majesty's Propositions , this Declaration in the next place attempts to satisfie that Reason insisted on by His Majesty , That it is His Right by Law , ( to which they should have added , and contrary to Law forced from Him ; ) and not being able to deny that , and yet being willing to deny something , they quarrel at the Phrase , and deny that this Power of disposing these Commands is by Law absolutely vested in His Majesty , and that because He is trusted with them for the Defence and Safety of the Kingdom . His Majesty still justifies what He said Himself , and yet confesses all that they say too , but only denies the Consequence ; for no Man is absolutely vested in any thing , if being trusted with it to some end hinder him from being so . The House of Commons is trusted with a Preparatory , the House of Lords is trusted with a Judicatory , the King , Lords and Commons are trusted with a Legislative Power , and all these have those Trusts vested in them for the publick Good ; and are not yet all these Trusts absolute , that is , subject to the Control of no other Power ? Is no Man absolutely vested in his Goods , because all we have we are trusted with for the Glory of God ? His Majesty meant only that this was so absolutely vested in Him by Law , as nothing but a new Law could without Breach of Law take or hold it from Him. But the Declaration is content to admit that too , only denies it to be a Reason why His Majesty should deny to alter that Law , when by Circumstance of Time and Affairs that Power becomes destructive to the Commonwealth and Safety of the People , the Preservation whereof is the chief End of the Law. And His Majesty is equally ready to confess that it is no Reason , but doth absolutely deny that this is the Case , ( insisting that the circumstances of Time and Affairs hare made this Power more necessary than ever to remain in His Majesty for the protection and safety of His People ; ) and He claims Himself to be as absolutely trusted by Law with the final Judgment , whether it be the Case or no , and with a Power of rejecting any such Alteration upon any such Pretence , if it appear but a Pretence to Him , as either House is trusted to propose any such Alteration to the other , or both to Him , if it appear to them necessary and convenient . But , says this Declaration , the two Houses of Parliament being the Representative Body of the Kingdom , are the most competent Judges thereof : And says his Majesty , the Representative Body of the Kingdom is indeed , and that is the King , Lords and Commons ; else either the Head is no part of the Body , or at least will be no longer than the Body please . Indeed the two Houses in some sense represent the Kingdom , in any Action which the Law ( which is the Rule of the Kingdom ) hath intrusted and enabled them to do ; but either one House or His Majesty do equally represent it in any thing which the same Law hath entrusted and enabled Him or them to do : And for those Actions in which the Law requires the Consent of all three , every one is to be allowed their own several distinct Judgment , for themselves only , and any one without the other two have as much Right as any two without the third , to represent the Kingdom , and to be competent Judges of the Case . And His Majesty cannot be take notice how much Reason He had , not to yield to this Demand , since the grant of this Demand would be received as an Admission of this Case , and it would Logically enough follow , That if His People cannot be safe and He retain this Power , He doth not deserve to retain any : And if their Demands were granted , and the Armies upon their Demands disbanded , this Consequence in all Probability would soon be both perceived and prest . But His Majesty may without Prejudice admit both Houses to be the most competent Judges in this particular , and then put them in mind , that before so many things had been done by the violent Party to turn the Tide of Fears and Jealousies , before they had involved the King and Subject in a common Suffering , and equally destroyed all the Property of the one and Prerogatives of the other by Orders and Ordinances , and so there then appeared less necessity that this Power should remain in the Crown , either for the preservation of it Self , or of the People , and little danger appeared to the People if this Power were thus shared ; the House of Lords did then twice deliver their Judgment , That this Power in His Majesty was not become destructive to the Common-wealth and Safety of His People , nor the Alteration of this Law necessary , by twice denying to joyn with the Commons in their desire , That part ( for the Ships and the Time were not then named ) of this Power might be shared , and of this Law altered : by which denial the Commons were forced to Petition for it by themselves . Nor did they only deny it , but both times in full Houses , after long and free debates , it was carried upon the Question above Twenty Voices , and that at a time when all the Papist Lords had left the Town , and hardly any Bishops were left uncommitted ( Twelve being at once clapt up upon an Accusation of Treason , which they themselves have since been ashamed of enough to wave ) who were then the Persons usually represented to the People to be the evil Councellors of the Lords House , and to whose prevalence it was imputed in the first Remonstrance of the House of Commons , that their good and necessary Motions did not pass in that House . And as they denyed it twice , so they would have denyed it till now , if the Petition of many thousand poor People about London ( who certainly did not then believe the Lords to be competent Judges ) and the Demand of the House of Commons joyned to it , to be told the Names of those Lords who denyed it , and the direct Threats of so many Petitioners ( to which the former Tumults gave sufficient credit that they would be really executed upon them ) had not made many of the Lords to be of his Mind , who would not dispute with him who commanded thirty Legions , and give way to the potent Minor part to appear the Major , by absenting themselves , and suffering them to pass what they pleased . So that neither the Votes which then past to desire these particulars , nor the Execution of these Votes and seizing these particulars with a Violence yet greater than obtained the Votes , nor the multitude of Consequences of the same kind built upon that Foundation , can at all be said to have had the Authority of both Houses ; though most of those Actions have been such , as the Authority even of both Houses , how full and free soever , would not be sufficient to justifie . And this Opinion of the necessity of altering the Law in these points , was even then at most but the Opinion of the House of Commons , awed by a few Members assisted by the Common People , and together with them awing the Lords . They next pretend heartily to wish , that the Laws and Statutes of the Kingdom may be the Rule of what is or what is not to be done ; but how little fruit hath been gathered from this Tree , they say let the Experience of the last Eighteen years judge . To this His Majesty replies , That it is true in some sense , they are willing these Laws should be His Rule , that is , that He go no farther ( though they will by no means allow Him to go near so far ) but almost all their Actions , and most of their Demands , and particularly these , do sufficiently shew , that they will not admit of these Laws and Statutes to be any Rule to them . And how much better fruit they have graffed than they found growing , and whether they have not made use of the Cure and Remedy of Grievances , a Parliament , to impose more of all kind of Grievances upon the People in eighteen Months , than can be objected to his Majesty or Ministers upon the breach and in the Intermission of Parliaments during those eighteen years , let Experience be Judge . And it cannot but appear strange to His Majesty ( if any thing could still appear strange to Him ) that the Illegalities under which His Subjects suffered by some of His Ministers in some part of His Reign , should be now , and by them , laid as a Charge upon Him , when not only the People have suffered far greater Illegalities and Pressures upon the same , if not less , pretences , by those who charge Him , with them ; but when He hath by His Acknowledgments , by His ample Satisfactions , by the submitting the Offenders to Punishment , how great or near so ever to Him , and by His many and solemn Protestations , given security to His People that they shall never suffer the like under Him ; and when they on the other side as good as profess to the People , that they think themselves obliged to maintain ( and consequently are likely to continue ) what they have done , because they have done it , and that their Actions shall not be retracted , lest some reflection or dishonour fall upon both Houses , and lest they may seem to pronounce a sentence of injustice and rashness against themselves : This being one of the Reasons given by them , why they cannot re-admit the Members they have expelled . And His Majesty is confident that His People , when they shall consider both His Ministers Actions and theirs , and after compare His Ingenuity with their Principles , will easily conceive under whose Government they are most likely to return to the known Rule of the Law , and to find that ease , and to be continued in those Rights in and to which they were born , and of the Exorbitance of whose Power they have most reason to have any Fears and Jealousies , and against whom they have most reason to desire to be secured that they shall enjoy their Rights . Nor do they with more colour oppose His Majesty's Limitations and Conditions than they defend their own . They object against His Majesty's Demand or Limitation of being satisfied in His first Proposition , That if His Ships , Forts , &c. were to be delivered before disbanding , it must after be left to the pleasure of the Papists , and other evil Councellors about His Majesty , whether thay would disband or not . But His Majesty replies , That He made not His Limitation in these terms , As soon as His first Proposition should be wholly granted to Him , but , As soon as He should be satisfied in His first Proposition ; which left room enough upon debate , to have agreed either upon the time of delivery , or upon sufficient caution , that after the delivery the disbanding should unavoidably follow . Nor can His Majesty look upon this Objection otherwise than as a jest , since if after the performance of part of the Conditions He had refused to perform the rest , He is perswaded that so open a breach of Faith would have given them a far greater strength than they had parted with in the Ships , and Forts , and have raised against Him a far greater Army than He should have refused to disband . They object against His Demand of the restitution of Members , that in His Demand no distinction is made of Persons or Offences ; when the reason thereof is , that really no distinction can be made , they being all equally innocent , and all equally injuriously expelled , not only for committing no Crime , but for that Duty and Loyalty which deserves both approbation and reward . And if they could make any distinction in this point , or any Objection in any other , which might possibly have satisfied His Majesty , why did they not continue the Treaty , and there offer it to and debate it with His Majesty , rather than break off the Treaty without giving any Answer to any part of His Majesty's Message , and to turn themselves wholly to the People , from whom no return could possibly be made that might be in order to Peace ? They object against the Reason of this Demand , [ That these Members have been expelled only for adhering to His Majesty ] That the same Reason may be used for the Judges who adhered to Him , by furnishing Him with great Sums by Illegal Judgments about Ship-Money and Monopolies ; and that He may as well require the Houses to repeal the Impeachments and Proceedings against them . To which His Majesty replies , That by never having appeared at all in the favour , excuse , or extenuation of the fault of those Judges ( who are to answer for any unjust Judgment , in all which His Majesty left them wholly to their Consciences , and whensoever they offended against that , they wronged His Majesty no less than His People ) and by His being yet so careful of these Lords and Gentlemen , it may appear that His Majesty conceives , that those only adhere to Him , who adhere to Him according to Law. And whether the remaining part of the Houses be not more apt to repeal their own Impeachments and Proceedings against those Judges ( if they conceive they may be made of use , and brought to adhere to them ) then His Majesty is to require they should , may appear by their requiring in their Fourteen Propositions , that Sir John Brampston ( impeacht by themselves of so gret Misdemeanors ) may be made Chief Justice , and by their freeing and returning Justice Barkley ( accused by themselves of High Treason ) to sit upon the Bench , rather than free and imploy Justice Mallet , who was not legally committed at first , but fetcht from the Bench to Prison by a Troop of Horse , and who after so many Months Imprisonment remains not only unimpeacht , but wholly without any knowledge of what Crime he is suspected . They next object against the Persons in whose behalf the Demand is made . And to this His Majesty replies , That to shew how far He was from having raised this Army , or from intending to imploy it to destroy this Parliament , or the Act for the continuance thereof , as is falsely and maliciously charged upon him ; to avoid the Objection made against him , as if He only pretended to desire to rule by Law , but would really be the only Judge of Law Himself , and deny all Judgment to both Houses ; to shew how willing He was that both Houses should be the Judges of what belonged to them to Judge , whensoever they might be in that full and free condition in which it belonged to them to be ; and to avoid the Destruction of the Kingdom , which would be occasioned by the delay of Disbanding , if that were not ended before all the present Differences ; His Majesty proposed this way of a full and free Meeting in Parliament , and to refer those many Differences between Him and the remaining part of both Houses ( on which He might with Justice have insisted , and which in themselves were necessary to be settled ) till they might be settled in that Meeting , and insisted for the present only upon that which was necessary for the setling of such a Meeting . And in such a Convention , if the Persons now in question should upon debate have appeared guilty of such Crimes wherewith this Declaration charges them , as to have deserted the House , ( when intolerable Tumults and unjustifiable Votes drove them from it ) to have disobeyed and contemned the Authority of the House , ( for not having submitted their Allegiance to that Authority ) to have neglected the Trust reposed in them , ( for staying no longer where they could not with freedom discharge it ) and to have by Practices and Hostility endeavoured to destroy both Parliament and People , ( for having assisted His Majesty , and defended His Person against an Army raised and fighting against Him ; ) His Majesty would have been very well contented , if the Houses should then judge so , that they should have been finally expelled , and that the People might enjoy their interest and freedom of Choice and Election , when it should have been justly devolved to them . But by their declining of this course , it is evident that they well know , in such a full and free Meeting , who would appear by most voices to be the innocent , and who the guilty , who the deserters , and who the drivers , and that then and there they would as little be able to justifie their own Votes as to condemn these Persons ; and therefore having by Force got sole possession of the Place , are wisely resolved to admit none to judge there of what is Law , but only such of the major part of whose Judgments they are secure , as having been made instruments to violate it . To His Majesty's demand of security from such Tumults as formerly awed the Houses , they only answer , That what is said of awing the Members is a high and dangerous aspersion , raised without doubt to invalid the Acts and Proceedings of Parliament ; but to the known Particulars urged by His Majesty they are wholly silent ; and neither deny such Tumultuous assemblies to have been , nor the Lords to have twice in vain complained of them , and desired the House of Commons to joyn with them in a Declaration against them ; nor can they deny but the Lords added this Reason , Lest such Assemblies might be derogatory from the good Acts made and to be made in this Parliament ; all which Acts nevertheless that House undoubtedly did not intend to invalid , either by that desire or by that reason . Nor can any Man , that hath seen what Protestations His Majesty hath taken , ( all which He doth now again renew ) for maintaining of the Laws consented to by His Majesty this Parliament , but sufficiently free His Majesty from the aspersion of having rais'd this to invalid those . But if they mean by their Proceedings , the Votes , Orders , Ordinances and Declarations , wherewith they have almost dayly opprest His Subjects and defamed His Majesty since those Tumults , if they mean the countenance they have given by personal Contributions , by Oaths , by Commissions of Generalship and the like , to the present Rebellion raised against Him ; He then confesseth , not that He raised this Aspersion , but that He declared this Truth , as an argument of the more evident invalidity of their present Proceedings , which those Tumults , ( and apprehensions of the like , and of an Army now in the City to boot ) rather than the inclination of both Houses , may appear to have produced . And this appears to be no less their Opinion too , by their being so infinitely unwilling to suffer the Members to meet in so secure a manner , that they may be hindred by no awe from declaring to all the World whether they were awed before or no ; and thence the World may judge of these Mens aversion from all Agreement , when in order to so blessed a thing as Peace , they refuse so just a demand as Security . They next Object against adjourning twenty Miles from London : And in the first place they object against it , That in making that a Condition of Disbanding to which by Law they are not bound to consent , His Majesty requires a new Law by Arms. In which they are wholly deceived , for His Majesty never made it a condition : To have Security for Himself and both Houses from Tumults ( which they cannot deny to have been , and against which notwithstanding they do not offer any other kind of Security ) His Majesty did demand as a Condition , ( and Security is undoubtedly His Majesty's due by Law ) but the Adjournment was only expressed as that which His Majesty only conceived to be the only Security ; not but if they could find a better or but another way , His Majesty would as readily approve of it . But His Majesty appeals to the World , whether His Majesty ought to have done less for His Safety and that of the Members , and the freedom of their Votes , than to demand Security against Tumults ; whether He could do more for Peace , than to be ready to accept any sufficient Security that they should offer , and withal to be industrious to find out a fit means for that Security Himself , and to propose it in so large a manner to them , as to leave them to chuse their own place out of all the rest of England ; and whether on the other side they could do less toward either , than not to grant the Security , when they cannot deny the Danger , and not only not to seek after and offer any one way that might secure , but so absolutely to refuse that reasonable way of Security which is offered to them ; whether the inconvenience of removing Records twenty miles ought to be in any balance with the Miseries of a War ; whether the avoiding of this ( but tacite ) confession of that Truth , ( which they call a Scandal , but can never prove one ) that His Majesty was forced for His Safety to withdraw from His Parliament , ( of which the Army raised without His consent , to bring in triumph to the Houses Persons accused of High Treason by Him , were alone a sufficient testimony ) and that the Members were awed ( when their Names were sometimes demanded , and sometimes posted , their Persons laid hands on , and the Tumultuous multitude neither punish'd nor discountenanc'd so much as by a Declaration ; ) whether the fear lest London ( in which and by a part of which all this was done ) should seem to suffer under a Charge ; and lastly , whether the Doubt , lest in any place out of London His Majesty should again come to the House of Commons with armed men , ( upon what appearance of Right , after what orders against his known Right , and with how little either intention , offer or colour of Violence He came thither , having been shewed before ) can appear a sufficient Reason for their Resolution against such an Adjournment , in order to the publick Peace : and whether , although there were no necessity of it but His Majesty's Desire , ( Who out of compliance with them hath put the absolute Power out of His own hands , not only of Adjourning the Parliament whither , but of Dissolving it when He pleased ) it might not seem no unreasonable Request after so large a Grant. Their third part is , to prove His Majesty's aversion to Peace by several Circumstances . The first is , His having denied to receive their Petitions : which His Majesty never did . For if they mean ( which was all He ever did towards any refusal ) His refusing to receive any from or by any Person accused of High Treason by Him , ( when they had other and more direct ways of sending to Him ( as they did then by the Earl of Essex , if they had not gone out of their way out of desire to have it refused ) they may as well say , He hath refused all that have ever since come to Him from them , for He continued always to make that Exception : and if their hope of present and total Victory had not made them insist upon that before Edge-hill which they quitted after , the Petition offered to have been sent from my Lord of Essex from the head of his Army had been then received too by any other kind of hand ; though , if His Majesty were rightly informed of the Contents of that Petition , neither their offer of such a Petition could shew any inclination to Peace in them , nor could His absolute resusal have shewed any aversion to it in His Majesty . The second is , That their Committee must not , without a special safe Conduct and Protection from Him , have Access to Him ; a Liberty incident to them not only as Members of the Parliament , and employed by both Houses , but as they were free-born Subjects . To this His Majesty replies , That He never denied their Committee to have access to Him without a safe Conduct , nor did He ever so much as mention any to them . The first motion concerning a safe Conduct , was in a Letter from the Lord Grey of Wark , Speaker pro tempore of the Lords House , to either of His Majesty's Secretaries , dated the third of Novemb. 1642. desiring one for that Committee , which after attended His Majesty at Colebrook ; and the same was again desired for the Committee appointed to treat at Oxford , by a Letter from the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the same House , to the Lord Falkland , dated the 28. of February . And must it not seem strange to all the World , that His Majesty's granting of that which both Houses in order to the Treaty ask'd of Him , should be after charged upon Him as a provocation laid in the way to interrupt or break off the Treaty ? And since undoubtedly ( and that reasonably ) it would have been interpreted aversion in His Majesty from Peace , if He had denied this when it was as'd ; His condition was very hard , when , it seems , He could not either way have avoided this imputation , whether he had denied or granted it . But His Majesty desires His Subjects to consider the great difference between what His Majesty hath cause to complain of , and what they do . Master Alexander Hampden , imployed by His Majesty with an Olive-branch , a Message for Peace directed to both Houses , inclosed in a Letter to the Speaker of the Lords House , having His Majesty's pass , testifying that He was so employed , having delivered this Message to the Lords House , and that House having received it as a gracious Message , is committed by the House of Commons ( notwithstanding the liberty of access said to be incident to all free-born Subjects ) for not having a safe Conduct from their General , upon pretence of an Order of that House but lately made , and never past the Lords , nor publish'd by themselves : and notwithstanding that the Lords at a Conference desired the Messengers release upon the aforesaid reasons , and that he was sent to them , and that their own Messengers had divers times of late gone to Oxford in the same manner , and none of His Majesty's had come otherwise , yet the only Answer returned was , That they would stand to their own Order . Upon which His Majesty cannot but observe , First , that how great Authority soever both Houses expect to have with His Majesty , yet one House hath but a little with the other : Secondly , That the Privilege of that House is as little considered as their Intercession , since undoubtedly , if the Lords ( who in many cases have power to commit , which the House of Commons hath not over more than their own Members , in any case but of breach of Privilege ) had committed a Messenger sent to the House of Commons ( especially from any to whose Messengers they paid half that respect which they owe to His Majesty's ) upon an Order only of their own House , and having committed him without their consents , should not release him at their desire , it would have been look'd upon by them as no less a breach of Privilege than His Majesty's coming to their House : Thirdly , That by this His Majesty hopes that the Violent party doth now see better times are not far off , since He is told by this very Declaration , That evil Spirits do then rage most , when they think they must be cast out . The grounds of their third and fourth ( for such as have been taken notice of by the bye , and replied to before , need not to be repeated ) are these . During the Treaty two Proclamations issued at Oxford against Associations , and raising of Forces and Taxes by virtue of Ordinances , in which His Majesty charges a Traitorous and Rebellious Army of Brownists , Anabaptists , and Atheists , ( but not both Houses , as , for want of being charged , they charge themselves ) to endeavour to take away His Life , and the Religion and Laws of the Kingdom . And some Letters were intercepted , by which , they say , it probably appears to them , that His Majesty had then designs upon Killingworth , Scarborough and Bristol . But His Majesty thinks it strange that it should be expected , that this Treaty should have so much influence on one side , and so little on the other ; that during the Treaty Taxes may be illegally laid and levied , and His Majesty may not legally forbid them ; that Souldiers of the Earl of Essex his Army daily rail against Episcopacy , break into Churches , pull down Organs and Monuments , tear Surplices and Common-Prayer-Books , and His Majesty may not call them Brownists ; that that Army may go on daily during the Treaty in overt acts of Rebellion and Treason , and it must be an Interruption of the Treaty in His Majesty to call them Rebels and Traytors ; that He may not say they endeavour to take His Life , who have shot at Him as often as He hath come within Cannon-shot of them ; and that the Treaty should not oblige them from taking any Town or Castle of His Majesty 's from Him , and yet His Majesty be obliged by it neither to regain any of His Towns , nor receive any of His own Castles ; that Sir William Waller may really take Malmesbury and Tukesbury , and His Majesty must not so much as think of Scarborough or Bristol ; upon which City as His Majesty doth avow to have had a Design to recover it from the Rebels , so He absolutely denies it to have been either bloody or barbarous , Epithets which they are pleased to give it , but for what reason He cannot imagine , His Majesty abhorring all thought of what is printed at London , That it was intended , Man , Woman and Child should have been all killed in that Town , that had not such a Word or wore not such a Ribband : though some Word or Mark might well be agreed on , not with intention to kill all that had it not , but that more particular care might be taken of their protection that had it , not only from all danger , but from all disrespect . But the execution upon cold blood of some of the principal Citizens of that City for their Loyalty to His Majesty upon a single Order , without the least colour of any Legal proceedings , will appear to all men most barbarous and bloody , and such a Murther as His Majesty must not leave unrevenged , nor can His Subjects look upon otherwise , than as purposely now committed to make Peace yet more impossible , and as an earnest of that intolerable Arbitrary Government , which they must always expect to suffer under , if that Violent party should prevail . Since therefore , notwithstanding these frivolous Objections , His Majesty's Desire of Peace ( by His earnestness for it both before , and during , and after the Treaty ) doth so fully appear ; and since their inclination to the contrary , ( by their most earnest and utmost endeavours to hinder both the beginning , continuance , and renewing of the Treaty ) is no less evident ; since in the Treaty His Majesty's main aim was the immediate disbanding of the Armies , and that Differences might be debated in a full and free Convention in Parliament , and that to that end the Parliament might be restored to the natural and genuine Condition , and all things only restored into that state wherein they were when the Houses were full and free ; since His Majesty ask'd nothing that they could deny to be due to Him by Law , and His Majesty denied nothing that themselves could claim by Law to belong to them , nor any one thing of that publick necessity or value as deserves the shedding of one drop of that Sea of Blood , which will be spent in this unnatural natural Quarrel ; since His Majesty made the last most reasonable Proposition , and they will never suffer it to be granted nor debated , and three Messages of His Majesty's cannot obtain one Answer ; His Majesty hopes that the scales will now fall from the eyes of His most blindly-seduced Subjects , and they will now be able do discern both their Duty and their Interest by so clear a Light , that it will be no longer in the power of this Violent party to ingage them to be Wicked that they may be Miserable , and by opposing Justice to destroy Peace . And His Majesty doth most earnestly conjure those whose fault hath hitherto proceeded rather from want of heat than want of light , who out of too much care of their private safety have been either lookers on , or have at once dislik'd and countenanc'd these Courses , that they at last rouze up their Courage to take part with their Conscience , and fear to be Damned more than to be Plundred , and consider that if they will desert and oppose that Party whom their Tameness only makes considerable , and unite themselves with but half that industry to defend His Majesty , and the Religion and Law establisht , which the others use to destroy them all , they may avoid the One , and be in no danger of the Other , their numbers being such , that if they once but knew one another , by meerly joyning to appear to think as they do they might speedily end this ( truly styled by them ) the worst kind of War , both as it is of English against English , and of Subjects against their Prince . But if they shall still suffer themselves to be carried away with the Stream , they will by that suffer the Power of the Violent party to take so deep a root ( by being seized of all the Arms , Ships , and strong places of the Kingdom ) that if they should happen to prevail in this War against His Majesty , they will ( in despight not only of them , but of their present Rulers , if they should be willing to divert them ) extirpate the Law Root and Branch , alter the whole frame of Government , introduce Democracy , Independence and Parity , and leave neither King , Church nor Gentleman : And ( besides that they will then appear to themselves guilty of this intolerable Innovation which they have not timely enough opposed ) this Party will then forget that they did not oppose them at all , and remember that they did assist them but a little , will distinguish between those who assisted them out of Zeal and out of fear ; and who are now call'd Moderate , they will then call Malignant , and the Inequality , Injustice and Oppression they will then indure , will too late discover to them to their Costs , that they have undone themselves with too much Discretion , and obtain'd nothing by their unjustifiable cautious Compliance but to be destroyed last . By the King A Proclamation , warning all His MAJESTY'S good Subjects no longer to be misled by the Votes , Orders , and pretended Ordinances of one or both Houses , by reason the Members do not enjoy the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament : With His MAJESTY'S gracious offer of Pardon to the Members of both Houses , and of Protection to such of them as shall repair to Him. WHereas We have been long since driven by Force and Violence from Our Palace at Westminster , ( the place of sitting for Us and Our two Houses of this Parliament ) so that We could not with safety of Our Life be present with Our great Council , and much the greater part of the Members of both Houses of Parliament have been likewise driven by Tumults and Force for their safety from their Attendance upon that Council , the said Members having been threatned and assaulted for delivering their Opinions freely in the Houses , or have out of Conscience and Duty withdrawn themselves from being present at the Debates and Resolutions which they have well known to be so contrary to their Duty and Allegiance , or for so withdrawing , or for freely speaking in the Houses , have been expelled or suspended from being Members of that Council , contrary to the ancient Practice and just Privileges of Parliament ; since which time , and by which means , a great and Rebellious Army hath been raised against Us , under the Command of Robert Earl of Essex , which Army hath not only endeavoured to take Our Life from Us in a set Battel , but the same , and other Forces raised by the like means , have committed all the Acts of Outrage , Robbery and Murther upon Our good Subjects throughout the Kingdom , and still continue to do the same : And though in truth a very small part of that great Councel remain there together , yet under pretence of having the countenance of Our two Houses of Parliament , some Seditious Persons assume to themselves ( with the assistance of those Rebellious Armies , and of divers mutinous and desperate Brownists , Anabaptists , and other ill-affected Persons in Our City of London , by whose means they awe such Members of both Houses who yet continue amongst them ) a power to do things absolutely contrary to the Laws of the Land , and destructive to Our Rights , and to the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and to alter the whole frame and Government of this Kingdom , disposing of the Lives and Fortunes of Us and Our good Subjects according to their discretion , subjecting both to their own unlimited Arbitrary Power and Government : We have only accused some particular Persons , whom We well knew to be the Authors and Contrivers of these desperate Counsels and Actions , and have forborn to censure or charge the whole number of the Members remaining , by whose Orders and Authority the evils have been pretended to be done , well hoping that the Sense of the miserable Distractions of the Kingdom , would at length have brought them to discern where they had erred , and Our often Messages and Complaints of the Violence offered to Us , and to the Members of both Houses , would have procured Justice and Redress , and that the Power and Reputation of such amongst them who wished well to the Peace of the Kingdom , and Honour and Dignity of Parliaments , would at last have so far prev●●●ed , that a right understanding might have been begotten between Us and Our People , and all shew of Force and Violence so taken away and suppressed , that We might in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , with the Advice of that Our great Council , have so setled the present Distempers , that there might be no fear left of the like for the future . But finding to Our great grief , that the Power of those Seditious Persons who first contrived these desperate and bloody Distractions continues so great , That as they have driven and now keep Us and the much greater part of both Houses from being present at that Council , so they so far awe those who remain there , that they cannot with freedom give their Votes and Resolutions according to their Consciences , and the Laws and Constitutions of the Kingdom : That the Members of both Houses have been compelled to make Protestations to live and die with the Earl of Essex , the General of the Rebellious Army , and other unlawful and Treasonable Protestations , and that such who have refused to take the said Protestations have been expelled and imprisoned for such their refusal ; That the great Affairs of the Kingdom are managed ●nd concluded by a private Committee without being ever reported to the Houses , contrary to the Laws and Rules of Parliament ; That the Common-councel of London ( most of them being Persons factiously chosen out of Brownists , Anabaptists , and such who oppose the regular wholesome Government of that City , and have promised themselves the destruction of the Church ) are grown the Superintendants over both Houses , and obtrude upon them what Conclusions and Resolutions they please ; That they take upon them to justifie this Rebellion against Us , and have presumed , under pretence of the Order of both Houses , to invite Foreign Forces to invade this Kingdom ; to send Agents to Foreign Princes , to negotiate and treat with them in their own Names ; to imprison Our good Subjects contrary to Law , prohibiting Our Judges to grant Habeas corpus according to Law ; to introduce a new Clergy throughout the Kingdom , by displacing Godly Learned Divines , without the least colour of Law or judicial Proceedings , and putting ignorant Seditious Preachers in their Places , to poison the hearts of the People ; to countenance the vilifying of the Book of Common-Prayer established by the Law of the Land ; to seize , levy , and take away what they please of the Estates and Fortunes of Our Subjects , by disposing of the Twentieth Part of their Estates , by exhausting them with insupportable Weekly Taxes , for the maintainance of their Rebellious Army , and by endeavouring to lay odious Excises upon Victuals , Goods and Merchandize of Our People for the same purpose , whilst they suffer Our poor Protestant Subjects of Our Kingdom of Ireland , whose defence was undertaken by Our two Houses , and that Army raised for the suppressing that horrid Rebellion , to be starved , and in danger of disbanding , or necessitated to desert that Kingdom for want of Money , Victual and such other necessaries as were to be provided for them by Act of Parliament , out of those Moneys , which they have spent to destroy Us and this Kingdom ; by exacting from Merchants Tonnage and Poundage , and other Impositions upon Merchandizes as well Native as Foreign , contrary to an Act made this present Parliament , with a penalty of Praemunire , on those who shall pay or receive it it : And lastly , that they have ( after the breaking of the late Treaty by a peremptory recalling the Committee , who in truth during their abode with Us had no Power to Treat , by reason of their strict Limitation ) so far rejected all possible means and Overtures of Treaty and Accommodation , that instead of answering our gracious Messages , the House of Commons hath imprisoned Our Messenger sent by Us to them to invite both Houses to an Accommodation , and especially to move them to take such a course for the freedom of Parliament , that We might safely advise with that Our great Council for the setling those miserable Distempers ; and have maliciously and in contempt of Us ( and after an attempt to Murther Her at Burlington-Road , the place of Her Landing ) impeached Our Royal Consort of High Treason , for assisting Us with Arms and Ammunition to defend Us from this Rebellion : 'T is time now to let Our good Subjects know , that they may no longer look upon the Votes and Actions of the Persons now remaining as upon Our two Houses of Parliament , Freedom and Liberty to be present , and of Opinion and Debate there , being essential to a Parliament ; which Freedom and Liberty all Men must confess to be taken away from this Assembly , when they remember the great Tumults brought down to awe and terrifie both Houses , and that they were then brought down when any great Debate was in either House , and not like to be so carried as some Seditious Persons who governed those Tumults did desire ; that in the greatest heat and fury of those Tumults the principal Governors amongst them directed the unruly People to go to White-hall , where Our own Person then was , and designed by Force to have surprised the Person of Our Son the Prince ; that when it was desired that a Declaration might be made against such Tumults , instead of consenting thereunto , the Tumults themselves were justified , and when a Legal course was prescribed by the Lords , and taken by the proper Ministers of Justice , to suppress and prevent such Tumults and Riots , that Legal course was superseded by those who were then present of the House of Commons , and the Ministers of Justice punished and imprisoned for executing the Law ; when they remember that several Members of either House have been threatned and assaulted in those Tumults , and their own Names proscribed as Persons disaffected , because they freely used to speak their Consciences in both Houses ; that the House of Peers have been so far threatned and menaced , that the Names of those have been with Threats demanded by the House of Commons at the Bar of the Lords House , who refused to consent to this or that Proposition which hath been in debate before them , and Tumultuous Petitions countenanced which have been presented to that same purpose ; that the Members of both Houses have been imprisoned and forbid to be present at those Councils , for no Reason but because their Opinions have not been liked ; that Our Negative Voice ( Our greatest and most soveraign Privilege ) is boldly denied ; that a presumptuous Attempt hath been made by the major part of the remaining part of the House of Commons to make Our Great Seal of England , the making of which by the express Letter of the Law is High-Treason , and would subvert the ancient and fundamental Administration of Justice ; that at this time We and the major part of both Houses are kept by a strong and Rebellious Army from being present at that Council , and that those who are present are by the same Army awed and forced to take unlawful and Treasonable Protestations to engage their Votes ; and that such Resolutions and Directions which concern the Property and Liberty of the Subject are transacted and concluded by a few Persons ( under the Name of a Close Committee , consisting of the Earl of Manchester , the Lord Say , Master Pym , Master Hampden , Master Stroud , Master Martin , and others , the whole number not exceeding seventeen Persons ) without reporting the same to the Houses , or having the same confirmed by the Houses , contrary to the express Law and Customs of Parliament . All which for the matter of Fact We are ready to make proof of , and desire nothing but to bring the Contrivers of all the aforesaid Mischiefs to their Tryal by Law ; and till that be submitted to , We must pursue them by Arms or any other way , in which all our good Subjects ought to give Us assistance to that purpose : The imagining the Death of Us , Our Royal Consort , or Our Eldest Son , the Levying War against Us in Our Realm , or adhering to Our Enemies in Our Realm , giving to them Aid or Comfort , the counterfeiting Our Great Seal or Money , being by the express Words of the Statute of the 25 Year of King Edward the J. Chap. 2. High Treason . And how applicable this is to those who have actually born Arms against Us , and to those who have consented that such Arms be born , to those who have promised to live and die with the Earl of Essex , and those who every day consent to some Act for the support and encrease of that Army , We shall leave to all the World to judge ; and hope that this gracious Warning and Information now given by Us will make that impression in the Hearts of Our People , that they will no longer suffer themselves to be mis-led from their Duty and Allegiance upon any pretences whatsoever . And We do declare , That We shall proceed with all severity against all Persons whatsoever who shall henceforward assist , vote or concur in any kind toward the maintaining or countenancing such Actions and Resolutions , which by the known and express Laws of the Land are High Treason , and against all those who shall adhere to them who are in Rebellion against Us , as against Rebels and Traitors , in such manner as by the Laws and Statutes of the Realm is directed and appointed . And since by the Power of Seditious Persons We and both Houses are kept from being secured against Tumultuous Assemblies , and both Houses from Adjournment to some place of Safety , which being done might quickly make an end of these miserable Distractions , whereby We are debarred from the benefit and advice We expected from that Our great Council , the Members thereof being scattered into several places ; therefore that the whole Kingdom may see that We are willing to receive Advice from those who are trusted by them , though We cannot receive the same in the place to which they were called , for the Reasons aforesaid , nor intend to receive Advice from them elsewhere in the capacity of Houses of Parliament , We do hereby declare , that such of the Members of both Houses , as well those who have been by the Faction of the Malignant Party expelled for performing their Duties to Us , and into whose Rooms no Persons have been since chosen by their Countries , as the rest who shall desire Our Protection , shall be welcome to Us at Our City of Oxford , until by the Adjournment of the Houses to some fit and free place , or otherwise due course be taken for the full and free Convention in Parliament of Us and all the Members of both Houses . And for their better encouragement to resort to Us , We do hereby Will and Command all the Officers and Souldiers of our Army , to suffer all such Persons who are Members of either House , with their Attendants and Servants , to come to Us to this Our City of Oxford . And that none of Our good Subjects may believe that by this Our necessary Declaration against the Freedom and Liberty of that present Assembly , We may have the least intention to violate or avoid any Act or Acts passed by Us for the good and benefit of Our People this Parliament , we do hereby declare to all the World , That We shall , as We have often promised , as inviolably observe all those Acts , as if no such unhappy Interruption had happened of the Freedom and Liberty in that Council ; and desire nothing more than to have such a free Convention in Parliament , that we may add such further Acts of Grace as shall be thought necessary for the Advancement of the true Protestant Religion , for the maintenance of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the preservation of the Liberty , Freedom and Privileges of Parliament . And that all the World may see how willing and desirous We are to forget all the Injuries and Indignities offered to Us by such who have been misled through Weakness or Fear , or who have not been the principal Contrivers of the present Miseries , We do offer a free and general Pardon to all the Members of either House , ( except Robert Earl of Essex , Robert Earl of Warwick , Edward Earl of Manchester , Henry Earl of Stamford , William Viscount Say and Seal , Sir John Hotham Knight and Baronet , Sir Arthur Hesilrigge Baronet , Sir Henry Ludlow , Sir Edward Hungerford , Sir Francis Popham , Knights , Nathanael Fiennes , John Hampden , John Pym , William Stroude , Henry Martin and Alexander Popham , Esquires , Isaak Pennington Alderman of London , and Captain Venne , who being the principal Authors of these present Calamities , have sacrificed the Peace and Prosperity of their Country to their own Pride , Malice and Ambition , and against whom We shall proceed as against Persons guilty of High Treason by the known Laws of the Land , and shall in the proceeding be most careful to preserve all Privileges in the fullest manner that by the Law or the usage of former times is due to them ) if they shall within Ten days after the publishing this Our Proclamation return to their Duty and Allegiance to Us. And lastly , We further enjoyn and command all Our Subjects upon their Allegiance to Us , as they will answer the contrary to Almighty God , and as they desire that they and their Posterity should be free from the foul Taint of High Treason , and as they tender the Peace of this Kingdom , that they presume not to give any Assistance to the before-mentioned Rebellious Armies in their Persons or Estates in any sort whatsoever , but joyn with Us , according to their Duty and the Laws of the Land , to suppress this horrid Rebellion . And Our Pleasure and Command is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chapels within this Our Kingdom . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the twentieth Day of June , in the Nineteenth Year of Our Reign . God save the King. A DECLARATION CONCERNING THE CESSATION IN IRELAND . ALSO DECLARATIONS and PASSAGES of the PARLIAMENT at OXFORD . MDCXLIII . Octob. 19. The Grounds and Motives inducing His MAJESTY to agree to a Cessation of Arms for one Year with the Roman Catholicks of IRELAND . AS there hath been no Argument with which the Minds and Affections of Our People have with more Subtilty and Malice been infected and corrupted , by the great Authors and Contrivers of this unnatural and odious Rebellion in England , than with the gross and senseless Imputations of Our neglect of Our poor Protestant Subjects in Ireland ; so there is no Calumny of theirs against which We can with more Confidence , Clearness and Integrity justifie Our Self and all Our Actions before God and Man. We will not now trouble Our Self with the remembring Our several Messages and Importunities to Our two Houses of Parliament in that business ; Our offer to engage Our own Royal Person in that War , and the scornful rejection of that offer ; Our consenting to all Propositions and Acts proposed to Us for the raising of Men or providing of Money for that Service , till it was evident that Men and Money being raised under pretence of quenching the Rebellion there , were both imployed in kindling and maintaining the Rebellion here ; Our granting a Commission to Persons named by themselves , for the managing the Affairs of that Kingdom , according to Instructions drawn by themselves , not one of which have been observed by them : We shall have occasion of publishing all these particulars in a full and clear Narration to the World , that all Our good Subjects may see that the same Men ( and only they ) who have brought all these Miseries and Calamities upon them here , have been the Promoters ( if not the Contrivers ) of the Miseries of their Brethren in Ireland , by preventing those Remedies , and diverting that Assistance which , being seasonably applyed , might have eased that poor People of many of those Calamities they have since endured . But for the present We shall only ( being to publish the Articles of Cessation agreed on Our behalf by the Persons trusted by Us in that Kingdom ) let Our good Subjects briesty know the Grounds and Circumstances of that Treaty and Conclusion . About the Month of November last ( after We had been advertised , as well by Our Council-board of that Kingdom , as several Petitions and Remonstrances of all the principal Commanders and Officers of Our Army , of the miserable condition of Our Forces there , by the extream want of Money , Victuals and Ammunition ; of which they were so far from being like to receive supply from Our two Houses here , who had undertaken to defray those Charges , that We had had too sad experience , that both the Money raised by Act of Parliament , and the Men raised by Our own Commission for that purpose , were imployed against Us in that Rebellious Army , which not long before had given Us Battle ) a short Petition was sent to Us by the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom , which they had received in the name of the Roman Catholicks of Our Kingdom of Ireland , directed to Us , in which nothing was desired of Us , but that We would appoint some Persons to hear what they could say for themselves , with many expressions of Duty and Submission to Us. Shortly after , in the end of that Month , or beginning of December , the Committee for Ireland attended Us at Oxford , and set forth by their Petition , That all passages by which Comfort and Life should be conveyed unto that gasping Kingdom seemed totally to be obstructed , and that unless timely Relief were afforded , Our Loyal Subjects there must yield their Fortunes a prey , their Lives a sacrifice , and their Religion a scorn to the merciless Rebels . Hereupon We granted a Commission to some Persons of Honour and Trust to meet and confer with such Persons as the Rebels should imploy , but without power to conclude any thing , or with other Authority than only to receive such Propositions as they should make , and to derive the same to Us. The meeting upon this Commission produced little effect , in so much that the Lieutenant-General of Our Army there ( whom We trusted principally in that Commission ) being unsatisfied with the Cavils and Proceedings of the Rebels , in February marched out with 2500. Foot and 500. Horse , to force Victual and Provision from them for the subsistance of Our Army ; in which Expedition he performed those good services which are known to most men : so that all men may observe , the discourse or expectation of a Treaty caused Us not to omit any opportunity which was offered for Our advantage . No success of Our Army there ( though God blessed it then with a very great Victory ) could supply those extreme wants they suffered , by not having received any Relief either of Money or Victual in above four Months from hence ; and therefore the Lords , Justices and Council by their Letter of the 16 th . of March signified unto Us , That the State and Army there were in very terrible want of means to support a War , and that unless supplies of Money , Munition , Arms , Cloaths , and other Abiliments of War were speedily sent thither , there was little hope to escape utter Destruction and Loss of the Kingdom . And by their Letter of the 4 th . of July , after mentioning how often and how much in vain they had recommending their condition to the Two Houses , they told Us plainly , that unless the supplies then mentioned in their Letters to the Speaker of the House of Commons , ( a Copy of which was sent to Us ) were forthwith sent to them , That Our Army would be forced through wants to disband or depart the Kingdom , and that there would be nothing to be exspected there but the instant Loss of the Kingdom , and the destruction of the remnant of Our good Subjects yet left there . In stead of any redress or relief according to these Letters , such Ships as were by the care and charity of well-affected Persons provided to transport Cloths and Victual to them , were in their Voyage thither seized , and taken by the Ships under the Command of the Earl of Warwick , and in stead of endeavours to send more Forces thither , attempts were made to draw the Scotch Forces from thence into this Kingdom . So that We thought Our Self bound in Duty and Conscience , since it was not in Our power otherwise to preserve that Kingdom from utter Ruine , at least to admit any Expedient , which with God's blessing might be a means to preserve that People ; and therefore We directed the Lord Marquess Ormond ( whom for his Courage , Affection and Loyalty , We had made Our Lieutenant-General of that Our Army , and who having gotten so many notable Victories upon the Rebels , was very well approved of by the two Houses of Parliament ) to agree on Our behalf to such a Cessation of Arms with the Rebels , as upon his understanding and knowledge of the condition of Our affairs there should be thought reasonable . This Cessation was concluded on the 15. day of September for one whole year ; and the Articles thereof , printed at Dublin , were sent to Us by Our Lords Justices and Council , and arrived here on Saturday last , with a Letter from them to one of Our Secretaries , expressing the great sufferings of Our Army there , through want of relief out of England . We have thought fit with this true and plain relation to publish the said Articles according to the Copy sent Us , that all Our good Subjects may see how We have proceeded herein . What opinion the principal Persons as well of Our Council as the Officers of Our Army there have of this Cessation , may appear by the Testimony which We have caused to be Printed after the Articles , with their names who have set their hands to the same . And let all Our good Subjects be assured , that as We have for these Reasons , and with this Caution and deliberation , consented to this Preparation to Peace , and to that purpose do continue Our Parliament there ; so We shall proceed in the accomplishing thereof with that care and circumspection , that We shall not admit even Peace it self , otherwise than as it may be agreeable to Conscience , Honour and Justice . By the Lords , Justices and Council . Jo. Borlase . Hen. Tichborne . UPON consideration had of the annexed Articles of Cessation of Arms , whereby it is concluded and accorded , that there be a Cessation of Arms , and of all Acts of Hostility , for one whole year , beginning the fifteenth day of September , Anno Domini one thousand six hundred forty three , at the hour of twelve of the Clock of the said day ; We the Lords Justices and Council , according to His Majesty's Letters of the one and thirtieth of July last , do by this Proclamation in His Majesty's Name ratifie , confirm and publish the same ; and do require all His Majesty's Subjects whom it may concern , by Sea and Land , to take notice thereof , and to yield all due Obedience thereunto in all the parts thereof . Given at His Majesty's Castle of Dublin , the 19th . day of September , 1643. R. Bolton Canc. Roscomon . Cha. Lambart . Tho. Rotherham . Tho. Lucas . La. Dublin . Edw. Brabazon . Geo. Shurley . Ormonde . Ant. Midensis . Gerard Lowther . Fr. Willoughby . Ja. Ware. God Save the KING . ARticles of Cessation of Arms agreed and concluded on at Singingstown in the County of Kildare , the 15. day of September , in the nineteenth year of His Majesty's Reign , by and between James Marquess of Ormond , Lieutenant-General of His Majesty's Army in the Kingdom of Ireland , for and in the Name of Our Gracious Sovereign Lord CHARLES , by the Grace of God King of Great Britain , France and Ireland , &c. by virtue of His Majesty's Commission , bearing date at Dublin , the last of August , in the said nineteenth year of His Majesty's Reign , of the one part ; and Donnogh Viscount Muskery , Sir Lucas Dillon Knight , Nicholas Plunket Esquire , Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , Sir Richard Barnewell Baronet , Torlogh O-Neal , Geffry Brown , Ever Mac-Gennis , and John Walsh , Esquires , authorized by His Majesty's Roman Catholick Subjects , of whose party they are , and now in Arms in the said Kingdom , &c. to treat and conclude with the said Marquess for a Cessation of Arms , by virtue of an Authority given unto them , bearing date at Cashel , the 7. day of September , in the said nineteenth year of His Majesty's Reign , of the other part . FIrst , It is concluded and accorded , that there be a Cessation of Arms , and of all Acts of Hostility , between His Majesty 's said Roman Catholick Subjects , who are now in Arms , &c. in this Kingdom , and their Party , and all others His Majesty's good Subjects , for one whole year , to begin the fifteenth day of Septemb. Anno Dom. 1643. at the hour of 12. of the clock of the said day . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that free passage , Entercourse , Commerce and Traffick , during the said Cessation , shall be between His Majesty 's said Roman Catholick Subjects who are now in Arms , &c. and their Party , and all others His Majesty's good Subjects , and all others in League with His Majesty , by Sea and Land. Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named Persons do promise and undertake for and in the behalf of those for whom they are authorized to treat and conclude as aforesaid , that all Ships , Barques and Vessels which shall bring Provisions to any Harbour in this Kingdom , in the hands or possession of such as shall obey the Articles of this Cessation , from Minehead and White-haven , and from all the Ports between , on that side where Wales is situate , so as they be Ships belonging to any of the said Ports , and do not use any Acts of Hostility to any of the said Roman Catholicks who are now in Arms , &c. or to any of their Party , or to any who shall be waged or employed unto or by them , shall not be interrupted by any of their Party , nor by any Ships or other Vessels , of what Country or Nation soever , under their Power or Command , or waged , employed , or contracted with on their behalf , or by any Forts , Garrisons , or forces within this Kingdom under their power , in their coming to this Kingdom , or returning from thence . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Lord Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named parties do promise and undertake for and in the behalf of those for whom they are authorized as aforesaid , that all Ships , Barques and Vessels which shall bring Provisions to any Harbour in this Kingdom , in the hands of such as shall obey the Articles of this Cessation , from any Ports in the Kingdom of England , having His Majesty's Pass , or the Pass of any who is or shall be His Majesty's Admiral or Vice-Admiral , or the Pass of any Governour or Governours of any the Ports in England in His Majesty's Hands , or which shall hereafter during this Cessation be in His Majesty's Hands , or the Pass of the said Marquess , shall not be interrupted by any of those for whom the said Lord Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named Persons are authorized as aforesaid , neither in their coming to this Kingdom , nor in their return so as they use not any Act of Hostility to any of their said Party : And this to be a Rule until His Majesty's pleasure be further declared therein , upon application of the Agents of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. to His Majesty . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said James Marquess of Ormond doth promise and undertake for and in the name of His Majesty , that no interruption shall be given by any Ship or Ships under His Majesty's Power and Command , or waged , employed , or contracted with , by or in the behalf of His Majesty , or by any of His Majesty's Forts , Garrisons , or Forces within this Kingdom , to any Ship or Ships that shall trade with any of the said Roman Catholicks who are now in Arms , &c. or any of their Party , or which shall come in or go out of any the Cities , Towns , Harbours , Creeks or Ports of this Kingdom in the hands of the said Roman Catholicks now in Arms , &c. with Arms , Ammunition , Merchandize , Commodity , or any thing whatsoever , during this Cessation : as on the other side , the said Donnogh Viscount Muskery , and the rest above-named of that Party , do promise and undertake for and in the behalf of those by whom they are authorized , that no interruption shall be given by any Ship or other Vessel whatsoever under the Power and Command of their Party , or waged , employed , or contracted with , by , or in the behalf of their Party , or by any Forts , Garrisons , or Forces within this Kingdom in their power , to any Ship or Ships that shall Trade with any of His Majesty's Subjects obeying this Cessation , or which shall come in or go out of any the Cities , Towns , Harbours or Ports of this Kingdom which shall obey this Cessation , with Arms , Ammunition , Merchandize , Commodity , or any other thing whatsoever , during this Cessation . Provided that no Ship or Ships shall be admitted free Trade , by colour of this Article , but such as are warranted by the precedent Articles . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Leimster be as followeth : viz. That the County of Dublin , the County of the City of Dublin , the County of the Town of Droghedagh , and the County of Lowth , shall remain and be , during the Cessation , in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and of such as adhere unto them respectively ; saving and excepting unto the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said fifteenth day of September 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed in the said Counties , or any of them , by any of the said Party . And it is further concluded and accorded , that as much of the County of Meath , as is on the East and South sides of the River of Boyne , from Droghedagh to Trim , and thence to the Lordship of Moylagh , and thence to Moyglare , and thence to Dublin , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and of such as adhere unto them respectively ; saving and excepting to the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , and their party , all such Castles , Towns , Lands , and Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said fifteenth day of September 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and of their Party , within the said limits and boundaries : and that the residue of the said County of Meath , shall remain in the hands and possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except the Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the fifteenth day of September 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed within the said last-mentioned Quarters in the County of Meath by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and such as adhere unto them , or by any of them respectively . And that so much of the County of Kildare as is on this side of the Liffy , where Naas is situate , and on the other side of the Liffy , from Dublin Westward into the County of Kildare , so far as the Rye water at Kilcock , and so far betwixt that and the Liffy , as shall be at the same distance from Dublin , as the said Rye water is at Kilcock , on that side of the Liffy , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the hands and possessions of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents respectively ; except such Castles , Towns , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said 15th . day of Sep. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed within the said Quarters by the said Roman Catholick Subjects who are now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; and that the residue of the said County of Kildare shall remain in the hands of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said 15th . day of Sep. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents respectively within the said last mentioned Quarters in the said County of Kildare . And that the several Counties of Wicklow , West-Meath , King County , Queens County , Catherlagh , Kilkenny , County of the City of Kilkenny , Weixford and Longford , shall during the said Cessation remain in the hands of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which upon the said fifteenth day of Septemb. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed within the said County by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents respectively . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that what Corn hath been sown by any of His Majesty's Army , or by any of His Protestant Subjects , or their adherents , or by any of them , within any of the Quarters allotted in the Province of Leimster to the said other Party , the same shall be enjoyed by the sowers and manurers , paying for the same as they did agree ; and in case they did not agree , paying the fourth sheaf unto such Garrison within whose Quarters the same shall fall . And that in case any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or any of their Party , have sown Corn within any the Quarters allotted in the Province of Leimster to the said other Party , the same shall be enjoyed by the sowers and manurers , paying for the same as they did agree ; and in case they did not agree , paying the fourth sheaf unto such Garrisons within whose Quarters the same shall fall . And it is likewise concluded and accorded , that those places which have been protected by the Lords Justices , or any Officer of His Majesty's Army , do pay according to the agreement which was made ; and if no agreement were made , to pay the fourth sheaf to those Garrisons or Persons who protected them , in whose soever Quarters they are : And this to continue for a Rule , other than as to so many of those Garrisons who granted such protection , and are since regained by the said Party , or some of them , for whom the said Donnogh Viscount Muskery , and the Persons above-named are authorized as aforesaid . And that the Tenants of the Town of Balliboght in the County of Dublin , if they have not been protected , shall pay according to agreement ; and if no agreement made , then the fourth sheaf , and to continue their possession during this Cessation . And it is further concluded and accorded , that where His Majesty or any of His Protestant Subjects or their adherents shall happen to have any Garrison or Garrisons within the Quarters set forth in the next precedent Article for the said other Party , that such Garrison and Garrisons shall have such competency of the Lands , as well profitable as unprofitable , now termed Wast , as shall be found necessary for them by any indifferent Commissioners to be appointed to that purpose . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Munster be as followeth : viz. That the County of the City of Corck , and so much of the County of Corck as is within the subsequent Garrisons , viz. from Youghall and Mogeely , thence to Formoye , thence to Michells-town , thence to Liscaroll , and so in a line from Michells-town and Liscaroll North-ward , as far as His Majesty's out-Garrisons on that side do extend , and from Liscaroll to Mallow , thence to Corck , thence to Carrig-croghan , thence to Rochfordstown , thence to Bandon-bridge , thence to Timmoleagie , and thence forward to the Sea , together with the said Garrisons , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects , and of such as adhere unto them ; saving and excepting to the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed in the said Counties or any of them by any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party : And that the residue of the said County of Corck shall likewise remain to the said Party last named ; saving and excepting to His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their Adherents all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories , and the Lands and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , which on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed in the last mentioned Quarters by them or any of them . And that the County of Tipperary , the County of Limerick , the County of the City of Limerick , the County of Kerry , the County of Waterford , the County of the City of Waterford , and the County of Clare , shall , during the said Cessation , remain and be in the possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; except Knockmorne , Ardmore , Piltowne , Cappoquin , Ballinetra , Strongcally , Lismore , Balliduffe , Lisfinny and Tallow , all situate in the County of Waterford , or as many of them as are possessed by His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and their adherents the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid ; and likewise except all such Castles , Towns , Lands , Territories and Hereditaments thereunto belonging , as within the said Counties respectively , on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects or such as adhere unto that Party respectively , in the said County of Waterford and the rest of the last mentioned Counties . And it is concluded and accorded , that the like Rule for Corn sown , and what shall be payed by places protected , and for the laying out Wasts for the respective Garrisons , shall be observed in the Province of Munster , as it is set down for Leimster . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Ulster be as followeth , viz. That such Counties , Baronies , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments in the Province of Ulster , which the said 15th . of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects or any that adhere unto them , and all places protected by any Commander deriving Authority from His Majesty , shall , during the said Cessation , remain entirely in the hands and in the possession of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects and such as adhere unto them ; excepting such Castles , Lands and Hereditaments as on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or their Party . And that all such Counties , Baronies , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments in the said Province , which on the said 15th . of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; shall remain entirely during this Cessation in the hands and possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; saving and excepting thereout all places protected by any Commander deriving Authority from His Majesty , and likewise excepting thereout all such Territories , Castles , Towns , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments which on the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Protestant Subjects or such as adhere unto them . And it is concluded and accorded , that the like Rule for Corn sown , and what shall be payed for protected places , and for the laying down of Wasts for the respective Garrisons , shall be observed in the Province of Ulster , as is set down for Leimster . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the Quarters in the Province of Connaght be as followeth : viz. That the County of Galway , Roscomon , Slego and Letrym , in the Province of Connaght , and all such Castles , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments in the said Province , which the said 15th . day of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; shall , during the said Cessation , remain entirely in the possession of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party ; excepting all such Territories , Castles , Lands , Tenements and Hereditaments within the said several Counties , which upon the said 15th . of Sept. 1643. at the hour aforesaid , are possessed by any of His Majesty's Forces , or by any of them ; and that those who after taking protection from any of His Majesty's Forces , or any of that Party , or from any Governours deriving Authority from His Majesty there , have joyned themselves to the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , shall pay no Contribution unto such who protected them . But in regard there may be a Rule different touching Persons that may be said to do this , and consequently touching the Contributions payable by them ; it is concluded and accorded , that such disputes and questions , if any shall arise , be determined by Commissioners indifferently chosen on each side . And it is concluded and accorded , that the like Rule for sowers and manurers of Corn within the Quarters of each other shall be observed in the Province of Connaght , as is set down for Leimster . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Marquess of Ormond for and in the name of His Majesty doth promise and undertake , that no Interruption shall be given unto any of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or their Party , in any of the said Counties , Quarters , or places by the said precedent Articles unto them or any of them limited as aforesaid , during this Cessation ; like as the said Donnogh Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named persons who are authorized as aforesaid , do promise and undertake , that no Interruption shall be given unto any of His Majesty's Forces , Protestant Subjects or such as adhere unto them , within any of the said Counties , Quarters , or places by the precedent Articles limited unto them as aforesaid , during the said Cessation . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that no Officer of the Army or Souldier of either side shall be admitted , without licence from the Commander in chief of the Army on bothsides , or of the Commander of the next chief Garrisons respectively , to pass or repair into any of the Garrisons on either side ; save that it be lawful for either Party to furnish any Garrison in their Power , during the Cessation , with Victuals , Cloth , Ammunition or other Necessaries , by licence as aforesaid , which is not to be denied upon demand . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that if any Army or Forces in this Kingdom , raised by His Majesty's Authority , or any part thereof , or any other His Majesty's Subjects , shall not yield obedience to the Articles of this Cessation , but shall publickly stand in opposition thereunto , that the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party may prosecute such : and the said James Marquess of Ormond doth promise and undertake , that such who shall so stand in opposition shall not be assisted , protected , or defended against the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. or their Party , by His Majesty or any of His Forces ; and yet nevertheless the same shall not be understood to be any breach of Cessation as to other parts of the Kingdom which shall conform and yield thereunto . And whereas the assistance of His Majesty's Forces is desired by the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. against such as shall oppose the Articles of this Cessation , and will not yield obedience thereunto , or interrupt the Trade and Traffick , albeit that it is not to be supposed that there will be any such , the said James Marquess of Ormond doth further promise and undertake , that their said request shall be made known to His Majesty , and upon signification of His pleasure the same shall be obeyed . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that if in other cases it be pretended on either side that the Cessation is violated , that yet no Act of Hostility is immediately to follow , but first the Party complaining is to acquaint the Lord General , Lieutenant-General , or other chief Commander of either side in that Province in which the said Cessation is pretended to be violated , therewith , and to allow fourteen days after notice given for reparation or satisfaction ; and in case reparation or satisfaction be not given or tendred , then fourteen days notice to be given before Hostility begin . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that all Prisoners and Hostages of both sides in all parts of the Kingdom , excepting such of them as are indicted of any Capital offence , shall be mutually released and set at liberty within seven days after publication of the said Cessation . And the said Marquess of Ormond doth further promise and undertake , that such Prisoners who are indicted of any Capital offence shall be set at liberty upon Bail , until His Majesty's further Pleasure be known therein . Provided nevertheless , that if any party of His Majesty's Army in any other Province of the Kingdom shall not within Ten days after Publication of these Articles yield obedience thereunto , that the same shall be no breach of Cessation , but that His Majesty be first made acquainted with such Disobedience , and His Direction expected therein : and that all other Persons that do reside with either Party , and all Women and Children , shall be permitted within seven days after publishing of this Cessation , or when they please , with their Goods and Chattels to depart to what place they please , with a safe Conduct or Convoy , if they desire it . Item , It is concluded and accorded , that the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , may at any time , during the Cessation , send such Agents to His Majesty as they shall think fit ; and the said Agents shall have safe Conduct in writing from the chief Governour or Governours of this Kingdom for the time being upon demand . Item , It is concluded and accorded , and the said Marquess of Ormond doth promise and undertake for and in the name of His Majesty , that all and every of the precedent Articles , which have been agreed unto and undertaken by the said Marquess for and in the behalf of His Majesty , shall be faithfully , truly and inviolably observed , fulfilled and kept . And the said Viscount Muskery , Sir Lucas Dillon Knight , Nicholas Plunket Esquire , Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , Sir Richard Barnewell , Torlogh O-Neale , Geffry Brown , Ever Mac-Gennis , and John Walsh , Esquires , for and in the behalf of the said Roman Catholick Subjects now in Arms , &c. and their Party , do promise and undertake , that all and every of the precedent Articles which have been agreed unto and undertaken by them for and in the behalf of their Party , shall be faithfully , truly and inviolably observed , fulfilled and kept . Lastly , It is concluded and accorded , that all possessions , and likewise all Goods and Chattels , that shall be found in specie by either Party after the hour of twelve aforesaid , and before publication of this Cessation , shall be restored to the owners ; and after publication , all Possessions and Goods that shall be taken , to be restored to the owners upon demand , or damages for the same . In witness whereof the said Marquess to the said Articles remaining with the said Viscount Muskery and the rest of the above-named Persons , hath put his Hand and Seal : And the said Viscount Muskery , Sir , Lucas Dillon Knight , Nicholas Plunket Esquire , Sir Robert Talbot Baronet , Sir Richard Barnewell Baronet , Torlogh O-Neale , Geffry Brown , Ever Mac-Gennis , and John Walsh , Esquires , to that part of the Articles remaining with the said Marquess of Ormond , have put their Hands and Seals , the day and year above written . Muskery . Lucas Dillon . Nic. Plunket . Rob. Talbot . Rich. Barnewell . Torl . O-Neale . Geffry Browne . Ever Mac-Gennis . Jo. Walsh . An Instrument touching the manner of payment of 30800. pound Sterling by several Payments . VVHereas by an Instrument bearing Date with these presents , we have , in the behalf and by Authority from the Roman Catholicks of this Kingdom , freely given unto His Majesty the Sum of thirty thousand pounds Sterling , wherein the times or manner of payments are not expressed ; we do therefore hereby agree , that the same shall be paid in manner following : viz. 5000. pounds within one Month next after the Date of these presents , the one half in money , and the other half in goods and merchantable Beeves , not under four or above ten years old , at the rate of 30 pounds the score , at the City of Dublin : 5000 pounds more within one month next after the said first month , the one half in money , and the other half in Beeves , as aforesaid , at the like rates , at the City of Dublin aforesaid : also within two months next after , 5000 pounds more , whereof one half of Beeves , as aforesaid , at the like rates , and the other half in money : one other 5000 pounds at or before the last of February next : and the Sum of 10000 pounds , being the last payment of the said thirty thousand pounds , at or before the last day of May next , which shall be in the year 1644. And we hereby further agree that 800 pounds more shall be paid to His Majesty's use , to whom the Lords Justices shall appoint , at the Garrison of Naas , within two months next ensuing , the one half by one months end next after the Date hereof , and the other half by the end of one month more next after the first month . All other payments in money , save the eight hundred pounds , shall be paid at Dublin ; and the rest of the Beeves , save the said first two payments , to be paid within the several Provinces to His Majesty's use , to such persons as shall be appointed by His Majesty's Lords Justices , or other chief Governour or Governours in this Kingdom , they first giving notice to us , or any one or more of us , of their pleasures therein . In witness whereof we have hereunto put our Hands and Seals , the sixteenth day of September , 1643. Muskery . Lucas Dillon . Nic. Plunket . Rob. Talbot . R. Barnewell . Tor. O-Neale . Geffry Browne . Ever Mac-Gennis . Jo. Walsh . VVHereas the Lord Marquess of Ormond hath demanded the Opinions as well of the Members appointed from the Council-board to assist his Lordship in the present Treaty , as of other Persons of Honour and Command , that have since the beginning thereof repaired out of several parts of this Kingdom to his Lordship : they therefore seriously considering how much His Majesty's Army here hath already suffered through want of relief out of England , though the same was often pressed and importuned by His most Gracious Majesty , Who hath left nothing unattempted which might conduce to their support and maintenance , and unto what common Misery not only the Officer and Souldier , but others also His Majesty's good Subjects within this Kingdom are reduced ; and further considering how many of his Majesty's principal Forts and places of strength are at this present in great distress , and the imminent danger the Kingdom is like to fall into ; and finding no possibility of prosecuting this War without large Supplies , whereof they can apprehend no hope nor possibility in due time : they for these causes do conceive it necessary for His Majesty's Honour and Service , that the said Lord Marquess assent to a Cessation of Arms for one whole Year ; on the Articles and Conditions this day drawn up , and to be perfected by virtue of His Majesty's Commission , for the preservation of this Kingdom of Ireland . Witness our Hands , the fifteenth day of September , 1643. Clanrickard and St. Albans , Roscomon , Richard Dungarvan , Edward Brabazon , Inchequin , Thomas Lucas , James Ware , Michael Ernly , Foulk Huncks , John Powlet , Maurice Eustace , Edward Povey , John Gifford , Philip Percival , Richard Gibson , Henry Warren , Alanus Cooke , Advocatus Regis . MDCXLIII . By the King A Proclamation for the Assembling the Members of both Houses at Oxford , upon occasion of the Invasion by the Scots . VVHereas We did by our Proclamation , bearing date the twentieth day of June last , upon due consideration of the Miseries of this Kingdom , and the true Cause thereof , warn all Our good Subjects no longer to be mis-led by Votes , Orders , or pretended Ordinances of One or Both Houses , by reason the Members do not enjoy the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament , which appears by several instances of Force and Violence , and by the course of their Proceedings mentioned in Our said Proclamation , and several of Our Declarations ; since which time Our Subjects of Scotland have made great and Warlike preparations to enter and invade this Kingdom with an Army , and have already actually invaded the same , by possessing themselves by force of Arms of Our Town of Berwick , upon pretence that they are invited thereunto by the desires of the two Houses : the which as We doubt not all Our good Subjects of this Kingdom will look upon as the most insolent Act of Ingratitude and Disloyalty , and to the apparent breach of the late Act of Pacification so solemnly made between the Kingdoms , and is indeed no other than a design of Conquest , and to impose new Laws upon this Nation , they not so much as pretending the least Provocation or Violation from this Kingdom ; so We are most assured that the major part of both Houses of Parliament do from their Souls abhor the least thought of introducing that Foreign Power , to increase and make desperate the Miseries of their unhappy Country : And therefore that it may appear to all the World how far the major part of both Houses is from such Actions of Treason and Disloyalty , and how grossly those few Members remaining at Westminster have and do impose upon Our People , We do Will and require such of the Members of both Houses , as well those who have been by the Faction of the Malignant party expelled for performing their Duty to Us , and into whose rooms no Persons have been since chosen by their Country , as the rest who have been driven thence , and all those who being conscious of their want of Freedom now , shall be willing to withdraw from that Rebellious City , to assemble themselves together at our City of Oxford , on Munday the twenty second day of January , where care shall be taken for their several Accommodations , and fit places appointed for their meeting , and where all Our good Subjects shall see how willing We are to receive Advice for the Preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and , as far as in Us lyes , to restore it to its former Peace and Security , ( Our chief and only end ) from those whom they have trusted , though We cannot receive it in the place where We appointed . And for the better encouragement of those Members of either House to resort to Us , who may be conscious to themselves of having justly incurred Our Displeasure by submitting to or concurring in unlawful Actions , and that all the World may see how willing and desirous We are to forget the Injuries and Indignities offered to Us , and by an Union of English Hearts , to prevent the lasting Miseries which this Foreign Invasion must bring upon this Kingdom , We do offer a free and General Pardon to all the Members of either House , who shall at or before the said twenty second day of January appear at Our City of Oxford , and desire the same , without Exceptions : which considering the manifest Treasons committed against Us , and the Condition We are now in , improved , by God's wonderful blessing , to a better degree than We have enjoyed at any time since these Distractions , is the greatest instance of Princely and Fatherly Care of Our People that can be expressed , and which malice it self cannot suggest to proceed from any other Ground . And therefore We hope and are confident , that all such who upon this our gracious Invitation will not return to their Duty and Allegiance , shall be no more thought Promoters of the Religion , laws and liberty of the Kingdom , ( which this way may be , without doubt , setled and secured ) but Persons engaged from the beginning , out of their own Pride , Malice and Ambition , to bring Confusion and Desolation upon their Country , and to that purpose ( having long since contrived the Design ) to invite and joyn with a Foreign Nation to ruine and extinguish their own , and shall accordingly be pursued as the most desperate and malicious Enemies of the Kingdom . And Our pleasure is , That this Our Proclamation be read in all Churches and Chapels within this Our Kingdom , and Dominion of Wales . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the two and twentieth day of December , in the Nineteenth year of Our Reign , 1643. God Save the KING . MDCXLIII . IV. A Letter from the Lords at Oxford , and other Lords whose Names are subscribed , to the Lords of the Privy-Council , and the Conservators of the Peace of the Kingdom of Scotland . Our very good Lords , IF for no other Reason , yet that Posterity may know we have done our Duties , and not sate still while our Brethren of Scotland were transported with a dangerous and fatal mis-understanding , that the Resolution now taken among them for an Expedition into England is agreeable to their obligation by the late Treaty , and to the Wishes and Desires of this Kingdom , expressed by the two Houses of Parliament ; we have thought it necessary to let your Lordships know , That if we had dissented from that Act , it could never have been made a Law : And when you have examined and considered the Names of us who subscribe this Letter ( who , we hope , are too well known to your Lordships , and to both Kingdoms , to be suspected to want Affection to Religion , or to the Laws and Liberties of our Country , for the Defence and maintenance of which we shall always hold our Lives a cheap Sacrifice , ) and when you are informed that the Earls of Arundel and Thanet , and the Lords Stafford , Stanhope , Coventry , Goring , and Craven , are in the parts beyond the Seas , and the Earl of Chesterfield , Westmorland , and the Lord Mountague of Boughton , under restraint at London for their Loyalty and Duty to His Majesty and the Kingdom ; your Lordships will easily conclude how very few now make up the Peers at Westminster , there being in truth not above five and twenty Lords present or privy to those Councils , or , being absent , consenting or concurring with them ; whereas the House of Peers consist of above one hundred , besides Minors and Recusant Lords , neither of which keep us company in this Address to your Lordships . How we and the major part of the House of Commons come to be absent from thence , is so notorious to all the World , that we believe your Lordships cannot be strangers to it ; How several times during our sitting there , Multitudes of the meanest sort of People , with weapons not agreeing with their condition or custom , in a manner very contrary and destructive to the privilege of Parliament , fill'd up the way between both Houses , offering Injuries both by words and actions to , and laying violent hands upon , several Members , and crying out many Hours together against the established Laws , in a most tumultuous and menacing way ; How no remedy would be submitted to for preventing those Tumults : After which , and other unlawful and unparliamentary Actions , many things rejected , and setled , upon solemn debate in the House of Peers , were again after many Threats and Menaces resumed , altered and determined , contrary to the Custom and Laws of Parliaments ; and so , many of us withdrew ourselves from thence , where we could not Sit , Speak and Vote with Honour , Freedom and Safety , and are now kept from thence for our Duty and Loyalty to our Sovereign . And we must therefore protest against any Invitation which hath been made to our Brethren of Scotland , to enter this Kingdom with an Army , the same being as much against the Desires as against the Duty of the Lords and Commons of England . And we do conjure your Lordships by our common Allegiance and Subjection under one gracious Sovereign , by the Amity and Affection between the two Nations , by the Treaty of Pacification , which by any such Act is absolutely dissolved , and by all Obligations both Divine and Humane which can preserve Peace upon earth , to use your utmost endeavours to prevent the effusion of so much Christian blood , and the Confusion and Desolation which must follow the unjust Invasions of this Kingdom , which we and , we are confident , all true English men must interpret as a Design of Conquest , and to impose new Laws upon us . And therefore your Lordships may be assured we shall not so far forget our own Interests and the Honour of our Nation , as not to expose our Lives and Fortunes in the just and necessary defence of the Kingdom . But if your Lordships in truth have any doubts or apprehensions that there now is , or hereafter may be , a purpose to infringe your Laws or Liberties from any Attempt of this Kingdom ; we do engage our Honours to your Lordships , to be our selves most religious observers of the Act of Pacification , and if the Breach and violation do not first begin within that Kingdom , we are most confident you shall never have cause to complain of this . And having thus far expressed Our selves to your Lordships , we hope to receive such an Answer from you as may be a means to preserve a right understanding between the two Nations , and lay an Obligation upon us to continue Your Lordships most affectionate humble Servants , Ed. Littleton C. S. L. Cottington . D. Richmond . M. Hartford . M. Newcastle . E. Huntington . E. Bathon . E. Southampton . E. Dorset . E. Northampton . E. Devonshire . E. Bristol . E. Berkshire . E. Cleveland . E. Marlburgh . E. Rivers . E. Lindsey . E. Dover . E. Peterburgh . E. Kingston . E. Newport . E. Portland . E. Carbury . V. Conway . V. Falconbridge . V. Wilmot . V. Savile . L. Mowbray and Maltravers . L. Darcy and Coniers . L. Wentworth . L. Cromwell . L. Rich. L. Paget . L. Digby . L. Howard of Charleton . L. Deincourt . L. Lovelace . L. Pawlet . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Herbert . L. Cobham . L. Capell . L. Percy . L. Leigh . L. Hatton . L. Hopton . L. Jermyn . L. Loughborough . L. Byron . L. Widderington . MDCXLIII . IV. Votes of the Commons at Oxford . Die Veneris Januar. 26. 1643. Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , THat all such Subjects of Scotland as have consented to the Declaration intituled the Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland , and concerning the present Expedition into England , according to the Commission and Order of the Convention of Estates from their meeting at Edinburgh , August . 1643. have thereby denounced War against the Kingdom of England , and broke the Act of Pacification . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all such of the Subjects of Scotland as have in a Hostile manner entred into the Town of Berwick upon Twede , have thereby broke the Act of Pacification . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all His Majesty's Subjects of the Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales are , both by their Allegiance and the Act of Pacification , bound to resist and repress all such of the Subjects of Scotland as have in a Hostile manner already entred , or shall hereafter enter into the Town of Barwick upon Twede , or any other part of His Majesty's Realm of England or Dominion of Wales , as Traytors and Enemies to the State. Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That shall such of His Majesty's Subjects of the Realm of England or Dominion of Wales , that shall be abetting , aiding and assisting to the Subjects of Scotland in their Hostile Invasion of any part of His Majesty's Realm of England or Dominion of Wales , shall be deemed and taken as Traitors and Enemies to the State. Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all His Majesty's Subjects of Scotland are bound by the Act of Pacification to resist and repress all of that Kindom that already haveraised Arms , or shall rise in Arms , to invade this Kingdom of England or Dominion of Wales . Votes of the Commons at Oxford , March 12. 1643. Resolved upon the Question Nemine contradicente , THat the Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , that have given their Votes or consent to the raising of Forces under the Command of the Earl of Essex , or have been abetting , aiding or assisting thereunto , have levied and made War against the King , and are therein guilty of High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That the Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , that have given their Votes and consents for the making and using of a new Great Seal , have thereby counterfeited the Kings Great Seal , and therein committed High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That the said Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , that have given their consents , or have been abetting , aiding or assisting to the present coming in of the Scots into England in a Warlike manner , have therein committed High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That the Lords and Commons now remaining at Westminster , who have committed the Crimes mentioned in the three former Votes , have therein broken the Trust in them reposed by their Country , and ought to be proceeded against as Traitors to the King and Kingdom . Resolved upon the Question , Nemine contradicente , That all the Endeavours and Offers of Peace and Treaty made by His Majesty , by the advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , have been refused and rejected by the Lords and Commons remaining at Westminster . MDCXLIII . IV. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , of their Proceedings touching a Treaty for Peace , and the Refusal thereof ; with the several Letters and Answers that passed therein . IF our most earnest Desires and Endeavours could have prevailed for a Treaty , our Proceedings therein , without this Declaration , would have manifested to all the World the clearness of our Intentions for the restoring the Peace of this Kingdom : But seeing all the means used by Us for that purpose have been rendred fruitless , we hold our selves bound to let our Countries know , what in discharge of our Duty to God and to them we on our parts have done since our coming to Oxford , to prevent the further effusion of Christian blood , and the Desolation of this Kingdom . His Majesty having by His Proclamation , upon occasion of the Invasion from Scotland and other weighty reasons , commanded our attendance at Oxford upon the 22. of January last , there to advise Him for the preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and to restore it to its former Peace and Security ; these Motives , with the true sense of our Countries Miseries , quickned our duty to give ready obedience to those His Royal Commands , hoping ( by God's blessing ) to have become happy Instruments for such good Ends. And upon our coming hither , we applyed our selves with all diligence to advise of such means as might most probably settle the Peace of this Kingdom , ( the thing most desired by His Majesty and our selves : ) And because we found many gracious offers of Treaty for Peace by His Majesty had been rejected by the Lords and Commons remaining at Westminster , we deemed it fit to write in our own names , and thereby make tryal , whether that might produce any better effect for accomplishing our desires and our Countries Happiness . And they having ( under pain of Death ) prohibited the address of any Letters or Message to Westminster , but by their General , and we conceiving him a Person who ( by reason of their trust reposed in him ) had a great influence into and Power over their Proceedings , resolved to recommend it to his Care , and to engage him in that Pious Work , with our earnest desire to him to represent it to those that trusted him , ( to prevent all exceptions and delay : ) And thereupon , the 27. of the same January , dispatched a Letter away under the hands of the Prince His Highness , the Duke of York , and of 43. Dukes , Marquesses , Earls , Viscounts and Barons of the House of Peers , and 118. Members of the House of Commons there present , ( many others of us by reason of distance of place , sickness and imployments in His Majesty's Service , and for want of timely notice of the Proclamation of Summons ; not being then come hither : ) which Letter we caused to be inclosed in a Letter from the Earl of Forth the Kings General . A true Copy of which Letter from us to the Earl of Essex hereafter followeth , viz. My Lord , HIS Majesty having by His Proclamation of the 22. of December ( upon the occasion of the Invasion threatned , and in part begun , by some of His Subjects of Scotland ) summoned all the Members of both Houses of Parliament to attend him here at Oxford ; we , whose Names are under-written , are here met and Assembled in obedience to those His Majesty's Commands . His Majesty was pleased to invite us in the said Proclamation by these gracious expressions . [ That His Subjects should see how willing He was to receive Advice for the preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and , as far as in Him lay , to restore it to its former Peace and Security , ( His chief and only end , ) from those whom they had trusted , though He could not receive it in the Place where He appointed . ] This most gracious Invitation hath not only been made good unto us , but seconded and heightned by such unquestionable Demonstrations of the deep and Princely sense which possesses His Royal Heart of the Miseries and Calamities of His poor Subjects in this unnatural War , and of His most entire and passionate Affections to redeem them from that sad and deplorable condition , by all ways possible consistent either with His Honour or with the future Safety of the Kingdom , that , as it were Impiety to question the Sincerity of them , so were it great want of Duty and Faithfulness in us , ( His Majesty having vouchsafed to declare , that He did call us to be Witnesses of His Actions , and privy to His Intentions , ) should we not testifie and witness to all the World the assurance we have of the Piety and sincerity of both . We being most entirely satisfied of this truth , we cannot but confess that , amidst our highest afflictions in the deep and piercing sense of the present Miseries and Desolations of our Country , and those farther Dangers threatned from Scotland , we are at length erected to some chearful and comfortable thoughts , that possibly we may yet ( by God's Mercy , if his Justice have not determined this Nation for its Sins to total Ruine and Desolation ) hope to be happy Instruments of our Countries Redemption from the Miseries of War , and restitution to the Blessings of Peace . And we being desirous to believe your Lordship ( howsoever ingaged ) a person likely to be sensibly touched with these considerations , have thought fit to invite you to that part in this blessed Work , which is only capable to repair all our misfortunes , and to buoy up the Kingdom from Ruine ; that is , by conjuring you by all the Obligations that have Power upon Honour , Conscience or publick Piety , that laying to heart as we do , the inwardly-bleeding condition of your Country , and the outward more menacing Destruction by a Foreign Nation , upon the very point of invading it , you will co-operate with us to its Preservation , by truly representing to , and faithfully and industriously promoving with those by whom you are trusted , this following most sincere and most earnest desire of ours ; That they joyning with us in a right sense of the past , present , and more threatning Calamities of this deplorable Kingdom , some persons be appointed on either part , and a place agreed on , to treat of such a Peace as may yet redeem it from the brink of Desolation . This Address we should not have made , but that His Majesty's Summons by which we are met , most graciously proclaiming Pardon to all without exception , is evidence enough that His Mercy and Clemency can transcend all former Provocations , and that He hath not only made us witnesses of His Princely Intentions , but honoured us also with the name of being Security for them . God Almighty direct your Lordship , and those to whom you shall present these our most real desires , in such a course as may produce that happy Peace and Settlement of the present Distractions , which is so heartily desired and prayed for by us , and which may make us Your , &c. From Oxford , the 27. of Jan. 1643. We are not ashamed of that earnest , meek and Christian request we made in that Letter , ( though it was cryed through London Streets in scorn , as the Petition of the Prince and Duke of York for Peace ) and we thought it would have prevailed to have procured a Treaty for so blessed a thing as Peace , and for such an end as redeeming the Kingdom from Desolation ( the only desire of that our Letter : ) But instead of a compliance with us in this Christian work of Treaty and Accommodation , we received a mere frivolous Answer , or rather a paper of Scorn , in form of a Letter , directed to the Earl of Forth , wherein was inclosed a Printed paper , called A National Covenant of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and two other Papers in writing , one called A Declaration of both those Kingdoms , and the other , A Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland , Pamphlets , full of Treason , Sedition and Disloyalty ; which being publick , and needless here to be inserted , the Copy of the Letter hereafter followeth . My Lord , I Received this day a Letter of the nine and twentieth of this instant from your Lordship , and a Parchment subscribed by the Prince , Duke of York , and divers other Lords and Gentlemen ; but it neither having Address to the two Houses of Parliament , nor therein there being any acknowledgment of them , I could not communicate it to them . My Lord , the maintenance of the Parliament of England and of the Privileges thereof is that for which we are all resolved to spend our blood , as being the foundation whereupon all our Laws and Liberties are built . I send your Lordship herewith a National Covenant solemnly entred into by both the Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and a Declaration passed by them both together , with another Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland . I rest , Your Lordships humble Servant , Essex . Essex-House , Jan. 30. 1643. Whosoever considers this Letter , will easily find it was fully understood to whom ours was desired to be communicated , under the expression of [ those by whom their General was trusted : ] And although it be pretended , because there was no Address to the two Houses of Parliament nor ackuowledgment of them , it could not be communicated to them , it is notoriously known , he did so far impart it , that a Committee of theirs advised the Answer , and it appears by the penning , they all concurred in the resolution therein mentioned ; whereby it is evident that this was but an excuse framed to avoid a Treaty . And what could that printed Covenant and two Declarations enclosed signifie , but to let us know , that before we come to any Treaty , we must also joyn in that Covenant with them for the absolute extirpation of Church-Government here , ( without , nay though against , the Kings Consent , ) submit the Lives , Liberties and Estates of us , and all those who according to their Allegiance have assisted His Majesty , to their Mercy , and admit and justifie the Invasion from Scotland , according to the plain sense of their Declaration ; which all indifferent Men will think strange Preparatives to a Treaty for Peace ; and after such a yielding and submission , we know not what is left to Treat upon . These things are too apparent to every ordinary understanding : And yet we are not forward to apprehend the Scorn of that Letter , or take it for a Denial of a Treaty , but being still sollicitous for that happy Peace which alone could redeem this Kingdom from Ruine , we resolved to try another way , and for avoiding Delay , or Cavil about Names or Titles , or descants upon words , to forbear writing ; and humbly besought His Majesty to send Messengers with Instructions , to desire a Treaty for Peace : Who was pleased to name Mr. Richard Fanshaw and Mr. Thomas Offly ( Gentlemen of clear Repute and Integrity ) and , to avoid their danger in repairing to Westminster , at our desire , commanded the Earl of Forth , His General , to write to theirs for a safe Conduct for those two Messengers , ( for such is our Condition at present , that a free-born Subject , sent upon the Kings Message , cannot but with such leave repair to London or Westminster , without danger of his Life . ) The Letter for the safe Conduct was as followeth . My Lord , I Cannot so willingly write to you in any business as in that of Peace , the Endeavour thereof being the principal Duty of those who are trusted in places of our Commands , especially when the Blood that is spilt is of persons under the same Allegiance , of the same Country and Religion . His Majesty continuing constant in His pious and fervent desires of a happy end to these bloody Distractions , I do hereby desire your Lordship to send me a safe Conduct to and from Westminster , for Mr. Richard Fanshaw and Mr. Tho Offly , to be sent by His Majesty concerning a Treaty for Peace . I rest , Your Lordships humble Servant , Forth . To this was returned a Letter directed to the Earl of Forth , in these words , viz. My Lord , YOV shew your Nobleness in declaring your willingness to write to me in any business as of that of Peace , and I joyn with you in the same opinion , that it ought to be a principal Duty of those who are trusted in places of our Command ; and therefore whensoever I shall receive any directions to those who have intrusted me , I shall use my best endeavours ; and when you shall send for a safe Conduct for those Gentlemen mentioned in your Letter , from His Majesty to the Houses of Parliament , I shall with all cheerfulness shew my willingness to further any way that may produce that Happiness that all honest Men pray for , which is a true understanding between His Majesty and His faithful and only Council , the Parliament . Your Lordships humble Servant , Essex . Essex-House , 19. Feb. 1643. That this doth neither grant a safe Conduct , nor give any direct Answer to the Earl of Forth 's Request , every ordinary Eye may see , ( and yet such Requests amongst Generals are rarely denied ) and we may easily thereby discern how fearful they at Westminster are , lest the poor distressed People of this Kingdom should by the advantage of a Treaty and free debate of the present Difference , see how grossly they had been deceived and misled , and so obtain an end of their Miseries ; for otherwise who could have believed , that when these Differences arose and were continued for want of a free Convention in Parliament , and that a main end of the Treaty was to resolve how we , according to Our Duty and the Trust reposed in us by our Countries , might with them freely debate , and advise His Majesty in those things that concerned the maintenance of our Religion , Parliament-Privileges , the Kings Rights , and the Subjects Liberty and Property , that this Letter should tell us , that the Party we are to Treat withal is the Kings only Council , excluding all others , not only our selves , called by the same Authority to Council as they were , but His Privy-Council also and Council at Law ? so that we could have no hopes of a Treaty , unless we should first agree that they are the Parliament , and the Kings only Council , whereby they that are parties would bccome the only Judges of all things in question ; which would be a Submission , and not a Treaty . Having received these frivolous delays , which we might have interpreted absolute denials of any Treaty of Peace , we yet resolved not to give over our endeavours for that which so much concerned the good of our Country , and the welfare of all Professors of the true Protestant Religion , but by our humble and earnest desires to his Majesty , prevailed with Him to write His Royal Letters , and once more desire a Treaty for Peace , ( though it had been so often formerly rejected ) and to avoid all colour of Exception , to direct it To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster : which was done , and enclosed in a Letter from the Earl of Forth to their General . A Copy of both which Letters hereafter follows . My Lord , I Have received your Letter of the 19 th . of this Month , which , according to my Duty , I shewed to His Majesty ; Who observing in it your expressions concerning Peace , ( that whensoever you shall receive any directions to those that have entrusted you , you shall use your best endeavours , ) is graciously pleased to send this enclosed , which is desired may be delivered according to the directions . Directed to the Earl of Essex , Subscribed by the Earl of Forth . C. R. OVT of Our most tender and pious sense of the sad and bleeding condition of this Our Kingdom , and Our unwearied desires to apply all Remedies which , by the blessing of Almighty God , may recover it from an utter Ruine , by the Advice of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , We do propound and desire , That a convenient number of fit Person may be appointed and authorized by you to meet with all convenient speed , at such Place as you shall nominate , with an equal number of fit Persons whom We shall appoint and authorize , to Treat of the ways and means to settle the present Distractions of this Our Kingdom , and to procure a happy Peace ; and particularly , how all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , there to Treat , consult and agree upon such things as may conduce to the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , with due consideration to all just and reasonable ease of tender Consciences ; to the settling and maintaining of Our just Rights and Privileges , of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament , the Laws of the Land , the Liberty and Property of the Subject ; and all other Expedients that may conduce to that blessed end of a firm and lasting Peace both in Church and State , and a perfect understanding betwixt Vs and Our People : wherein no Endeavours or Concurrence of Ours shall be wanting . And God direct your hearts in the ways of Peace . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the third day of March , 1643. Superscribed To the Lords and Commons of Parliament Assembled at Westminster . We now appeal to all the World , what could more have been done by His Majesty or us in order to Peace , here being so great a Condescending from a King to Subjects , all indifferent Advantages left to them , both for time and place of Treaty , and choice of Persons to Treat : But what their Intentions to Peace are , will appear by their Letter enclosed in one from their General to the Earl of Forth ; both which are as followeth . My Lord , I Am commanded by both Houses of Parliament to send a Trumpeter with the inclosed Letter to His Majesty , which I desire your Lordship may be most humbly presented to His Majesty . I rest Essex-House , March 9. 1643. Your Lordships humble Servant , Essex . May it please Your MAJESTY , WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , taking into our Consideration a Letter sent from Your Majesty , dated the third of March instant , and directed to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , ( which by the Contents of a Letter from the Earl of Forth unto the Lord General , the Earl of Essex , we conceive was intended to our selves ) have resolved , with the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to represent to Your Majesty in all humility and plainness as followeth : That as we have used all means for a just and safe Peace ; so will we never be wanting to do our utmost for the procuring thereof : But when we consider the Expressions in that Letter of Your Majesty's , we have more sad and dispairing thoughts of attaining the same than ever ; because thereby those Persons now assembled at Oxford , who , contrary to their Duty , have deserted Your Parliament , are put into an equal Condition with it ; and this present Parliament , convened according to the known and Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom , ( the continuance whereof is established by a Law consented unto by Your Majesty , ) is in effect denied to be a Parliament : The Scope and Intention of that Letter being to make provision how all the Members ( as is pretended ) of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament : Whereof no other conclusion can be made , but that this present Parliament is not a full nor free Convention , and that to make it a full and free Convention of Parliament , the presence of those is necessary who , notwithstanding that they have deserted that great Trust , and do levy War against the Parliament , are pretended to be Members of the two Houses of Parliament . And hereupon we think our selves bound to let Your Majesty know , That seeing the Continuance of this Parliament is settled by a Law ( which , as all other Laws of Your Kingdoms , Your Majesty hath sworn to maintain , as we are sworn to our Allegiance to Your Majesty , these obligations being reciprocal , ) we must in duty , and accordingly are resolved , with our Lives and Fortunes , to defend and preserve the Just Rights and full Power of this Parliament : And do beseech Your Majesty to be assured , that Your Majesty's Royal and hearty Concurrence with us herein will be the most effectual and ready means of procuring a firm and lasting Peace in all Your Majesty's Dominions , and of begetting a perfect understanding between Your Majesty and Your People ; without which Your Majesty's most earnest Professions and our most real Intentions concerning the same must necessarily be frustrated . And in case Your Majesty's three Kingdoms should , by reason thereof , remain in this sad and bleeding Condition , tending , by the continuance of this unnatural War , to their Ruine ; Your Majesty cannot be the least , nor the last Sufferer . God in his goodness incline Your Royal Breast , out of pity and compassion to those deep Sufferings of Your Innocent People , to put a speedy and happy issue to these desperate Evils , by the joynt Advice of both Your Kingdoms now happily united in this Cause by their late solemn League and Covenant . Which as it will prove the surest Remedy , so is it the earnest prayer of Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England . Westminster the 9 of March , 1643. Gray of Wark Speaker of the House of Peers in Parliament , pro tempore . William Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House in Parliament . Whosoever considers that this should be a Letter from Subjects , might well think it very unbeseeming Language in them , to call His Majesty's earnest endeavours for Peace but Professions , and their own feigned pretence most real Intentions , but much more menacing Language , that is Majesty cannot be the least , or last Sufferer ; which expressions from Subjects in Arms to their Soveraign , what dangerous Construction they may admit , we are unwilling to mention . But we need not wonder at the manner of their expressions , when we see in this Letter the Parliament it self , as far as in them lies , destroyed , and those who here style themselves the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , not to resolve upon their Answer to their King , without the concurrent advice and consent of the Commissioners , as they call them , of the Kingdom of Scotland . If they had only taken the Advice of the Scotish Commissioners , they had broken the Fundamental Constitution of Parliament ; the very Writs of Summons , the Foundation of all Power in Parliament , being in express terms for the Lords to treat and advise with the King and the Peers of the Kingdom of England , and for the Commons to do and consent to those things which by that Common-Council of England should be ordained , thereby excluding all others . But their League , it seems , is gone further ; the Scots must consent as well as advise , so that they have gotten a negative voice , and they , who in the former Letter would be the Kings only Council , are now become no Council without the Scotish Commissioners : The truth is , they have ( besides the solemn League and Covenant with the Scots , which their Letter mentions , a strange and traitourous presumption , for Subjects to make a Covenant and League with Subjects of another Kingdom without their Prince ) made private bargains with the Scots touching our Estates , and a private agreement not to treat without their consent , as some of themselves being afraid of a Treaty openly declared to the Common-Council of London : And therefore 't is no wonder , that being touched to the quick with the apprehension that they are not , nor can be in this condition , a full and free Convention of Parliament , they charge us with deserting our Trust , and would have us to be no Members of the Parliament . They may remember it was our want of freedom within , and the seditious Tumults without , their many multiplied Treasons there , and imposing traitourous Oaths , which inforced our absence : But concerning that and the want of freedom in Parliament we shall say no more here , ( that being the Subject of another Declaration ) only we wish them to consider by what Fundamental Laws of the Kingdom ( which they have lately wrested to serve all turns ) they can exclude us from our Votes in Parliament , who were duely summoned , chosen and returned Members of Parliament , and take in those of another Kingdom to their Resolutions , who are not bound by our Laws . But what violation soever they make of the Laws , they are forward to put the King in mind of His Duty ; and therefore tell Him , That He is sworn to maintain the Laws , as they are sworn to their Allegiance to Him , these Obligations being reciprocal . It is true in some sense , that the Oath of the King and Subjects is reciprocal , that is , each is bound to perform what they swear , the King as well as the Subjects ; but he that will well weigh their Letter , and make one part have connexion with the other , and examine that part of their Covenant , whereby they swear they will defend the Kings Person and Authority no further or otherwise than in preservation of their Religion and Liberties , may easily find another construction , viz. That the Subjects Allegiance is no longer due than the King performs His Duty , nay , no longer than He in their opinion observes His Duty , whereof they themselves must be Judges ; and if He fail in His Duty , they may take up Arms against Him : A Principle which as it is utterly destructive to all Government , so , we believe , they themselves dare not plainly avow it , lest as they now make use of it against the King , so the People finding their failure of Duty and breach of Trust , should hereafter practise it by taking up Arms against them , and so shake of that yoak of Tyranny imposed by their fellow Subjects which lies so heavy upon them . It were well as they still press upon the King maintenance of the Laws , they would also know that their Obligation to observe the same is reciprocal ; and while they here resolve to defend and preserve the full Power of this Parliament ( which in their sense can be no other than the Power they have exercised this Parliament ) they would take notice that they are therein so far from observation of the Laws , that they desperately resolve an utter subversion of them : For what can more tend to the destruction of the Laws , than to usurp a Power to themselves without the King , and against His will to raise Arms , to attribute to their Orders or pretended Ordinances the power of Laws and Statutes , to inforce Contributions , Loans and Taxes of all sorts from the Subject , to imprison without cause shewed , and then prohibit Writs of Habeas Corpus for their enlargement , to lay Excises upon all Commodities , to command and dispose of the Lives and Estates of the free-born Subjects of this Kingdom at their pleasure , to impose Tonnage and Poundage ; contrary to the Law declared in the late Act for Tonnage and Poundage ; and all this done and justified as by a legal civil Power founded and inherent in them ? All which are manifest breaches of the Petition of Right and Magna Charta , the great Evidence of the Liberties of England ; which Charter by express words binds them and us , though assembled in Parliament , as well as the King : And though it be not now , as heretofore it hath been , taken by solemn Oath on the Peoples part as well as on the Kings , nor a Curse , as heretofore , pronounced on the Violators ; yet they having taken a Protestation to maintain the Laws , and the Liberties and Properties of the Subject , and inclusively that Charter , let them take heed , whilst they make use of this their pretended Power to the destruction of the Law , lest a Curse fall upon them and upon their Posterity . God knoweth , and it is too certain a truth , that our selves and many other good Subjects in this Kindom , even under the Power of the Kings Army , have suffered exceedingly in Liberty and Estates , during this present Rebellion , by many heavy Charges ; the sad consideration whereof makes our hearts bleed , because we can see no way for relief , so long as this unnatural Rebellion continues : But as these things were first practised by them , and thereby necessitated upon the Kings Army ; so it was never yet pretended that they were done by virtue of a Law , but either by Consent , or by the unhappy and unavoidable exigences of War , and to expire with the present Rebellion , which God in mercy hasten . For our parts , we have the inward comfort of our own Consciences witnessing with us , that we have improved all opportunities and advantages for the restoring of this Kingdom to its former Peace ; and we must witness for His Majesty His most hearty desires thereof : And though both His Majesty and our endeavours therein have been made frustrate , yet God in his great goodness hath raised up our spirits , not to desert our Religion , our King , our Laws , our Lives , the Liberties of us English free-born Subjects ; and , by God's assistance and His Majesty's concurrence , we do resolve to unite our selves as one Man , and cheerfully adventure our Lives and Estates for the maintenance and defence of the true Reformed Protestant Religion of the Church of England , ( of which we profess our selves to be , ) for the defence of the Kings Person and Rights of His Crown , for the regaining and maintaining the Rights and Privileges of Parliament , and the Liberty of the Subjects Person and Property of his Estate , according to the known Laws of the Land , to repel those of the Stotish Nation , that have in a warlike manner entred this Realm , and to reduce the Subjects thereof now in Rebellion to the Kings Obedience . And we doubt not but the same God will enlighten the eyes of the poor deceived People of this Land , like true-hearted honest English-Men , to joyn unanimously with us in so just and pious a work . And the God of Heaven prosper us , according to the goodness of the Cause we have in hand . The Names of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , who did subscribe the Letter to the Earl of Essex , dated January , 27. 1643. CHARLES P. YORK . CUMBERLAND . Ed. Littleton C. S. Fra. Cottington . D. Richmond . M. Hartford . E. Lindsey . E. Dorset . E. Shrewsbury . E. Bath . E. Southampton . E. Leicester . E. Northampton . E. Devonshire . E. Carlisle . E. Bristol . E. Berkshire . E. Cleveland . E. Rivers . E. Dover . E. Peterburgh . E. Kingston . E. Newport . E. Portland . V. Conway . L. Digby . L. Mowbray and Maltravers . L. Wentworth . L. Cromwell . L. Rich. L. Paget . L. Chandois . L. Howard of Charleton . L. Lovelace . L. Savile . L. Mohun . L. Dunsmore . L. Seymour . L. Percy . L. Wilmott . L. Leigh . L. Hatton . L. Jermyn . L. Carrington . JOhn Fettiplace , Esq Sir Alex. Denton . Sir John Packington . Sir Tho. Smith . F. Gamul , Esq Jo. Harris , Esq Joseph Jane , Esq Rich. Edgcombe , Esq Jonathan Rashleigh , Esq G. Fane , Esq P. Edgcombe , Esq Will. Glanvill , Esq Sir Ro. Holborne . Sir Ra. Sydenham . Fra. Godolphin , Esq Geo. Parry , D. of Law. Amb. Manaton , Esq Ri. Vivian , Esq Jo. Polewheele , Esq John Arundell , Esq Tho. Lower , Esq Sir Edw. Hide . Will. Allestree , Esq Sir Geo. Stonehouse . Ed. Seymour , Esq Peter Sainthill , Esq Sir Will. Poole . Roger Matthew , Esq Ri. Arundell , Esq Ro. Walker , Esq Giles Strangwaies , Esq Sir John Strangwaies . Sir Tho. Hele. Sir Ger. Naper . Sam. Turner , D. in Physick . Will. Constantine , Esq Hen. Killegrew , Esq . Ric. King , Esq . John Dutton , Esq Hen. Bret , Esq Will. Chadwel , Esq Sir Theobald Gorges . John George , Esq Sir Tho. Fanshaw . Humf. Conningesby , Esq Ri. Seaborne , Esq Arth. Lord Ranelaugh . Tho. Tomkins , Esq Sir Sampson Evers . Sir John Culpeper . Jeffrey Palmer , Esq Sir John Harrison . Tho. Fanshaw , Esq Sir Rog. Palmer . Sir Orlando Bridgman . Will. Watkins Esq John Smith , Esq . Sir Tho. Bludder . Sir Ed. Littleton . Sir Harvy Bagot . Sir Ri. Leveson . Sir Ri. Cave . Ri. Weston , Esq Sir Ri. Lee. Sir Tho. Whitmore . Sir Ed. Acton . C. Baldwin , Esq R. Goodwin , Esq Tho. Howard , Esq Tho. Littleton , Esq . Sir Ro. Howard . Sir John Meux . Matthew Davis , Esq Sir F. Cornwallis . Tho. Jermyn , Esq John Taylor Esq William Basset , Esq Sir William Portman . Sir Edw. Rodney . Tho. Hanham , Esq Ed. Phelips , Esq John Digby , Esq Ed. Kirton , Esq Christ. Leuknor , Esq . Sir Edw. Alford . John White , Esq John Ashburnham , Esq Will. Smith , Esq Tho. Leedes , Esq Sir Ja. Thynne . W. Pleydell , Esq Ro. Hyde , Serjeant at Law. Sir Ed. Griffin . Sir Walter Smith . Geo. Lawe , Esq Ric. Harding , Esq Sir Hen. Herbert . End. Porter , Esq Sam. Sandys , Esq John Bodvill , Esq Will. Morgan , Esq Will. Thomas , Esq Jo. Mostyn , Esq Hen. Bellasis , Esq Sir Geo. Wentworth . Will. Mallory , Esq Ri. Aldburgh , Esq John Salisbury , Esq Will. Herbert , Esq William Price , Esq Sir John Price . Sir Ri. Herbert . Charles Price , Esq Phil. Warwick , Esq Tho. Cooke , Esq Sir Rob. Crooke . Herb. Price , Esq John Whistler , Esq These Peers following , being disabled by several accidents to appear sooner , have since attended the Service and concurred with us : Viscount Cambden . Lord Abergavenny . Lord Arundell . Lord Capell . Lord Newport . Peers imployed in His Majesty's Service , or absent with leave . Marquess of Winchester . Marquess of Worcester . Marquess of New-castle . Earl of Darby Earl of Huntingdon . Earl of Clare . Earl of Marleborough . V. Falconbridge . L. Morly . L. Darcy and Coniers . L. Stourton . L. Evers . L. Daincourt . L. Pawlet . L. Brudenel . L. Powys . L. Herbert of Cherbury . L. Hopton . L. Loughborough . L. Byron . L. Vaughan . L. Widderington . Peers absent in the parts beyond the Seas . Earl of Arundell . Earl of St. Albans . L. Viscount Montague L. Viscount Stafford . L. Stanhope . L. Coventry . L. Goring . L. Craven of Hamsted . L. Craven of Ryton . Peers in Prison for their Loyalty to His Majesty . Earl of Chesterfield . L. Mountague of Boughton . Whoever views these numbers , and considers how many Peers are at this time under Age , will quickly know who and how many are privy or consenting to the Counsels at Westminster . These Members of the Commons House following , being disabled by several accidents to appear sooner , have since attended the Service , and concurred with us . Peter Venables , Esquire . Sir John Pawlet . Edward Bagshaw , Esq Sir John Burlasey . Francis Newport , Esquire . Anthony Hungerford , Esq John Russel , Esquire . Thomas Chichley , Esquire . Earl of Cork . Sir Gervase Clifton . Sir Guy Palmes . Robert Sutton , Esquire . Gervase Hollis , Esquire . Sir Patricius Curwen . Sir Henry Bellingham . Sir George Dalston . Sir Thomas Sandford . Sir William Dalston . Michael Wharton , Esquire . Sir Robert Hatton . James Scudamore , Esq . Sir John Brooke . Sir John Stepney . Imployed in His Majesty's Service , or absent with leave , or by Sickness . Sir John Fenwick . Hugh Potter , Esquire . Walter Kirle , Esquire . William Stanhope , Esquire . Sir William Carnaby . Sir Thomas Danby . John Fenwick , Esquire . Ralph Sneade , Esquire . Sir William Ogle , Sir Thomas Jermyn . Sir John Stowell . Sir Robert Strickland . Sir Philip Musgrave . John Cowcher , Esquire . John Coventry , Esquire . Sir Henry Slingsby . Sir John Mallory . John Bellassis , Esquire . Sir. Thomas Ingram . Lord Mansfield . Thomas Heblethwayte , Esquire . Sir Hugh Cholmely . Sir George Wentworth . Sir Walter Lloyd . Sir Henry Vaughan . Francis Lloyd . John Vaughan , Esquire . Richard Ferrers , Esq . George Hartnoll , Esq . Sir William Vdall . Robert Hunt , Esquire . Thomas May , Esquire . Sir Thomas Bowyer . Sir Thomas Roe . Whoever now considers how many have retired themselves unto several Counties , and so are absent from Westminster , and yet cannot through the danger of Travelling be present at Oxford ; how many have withdrawn themselves into the parts beyond the Seas ; how many of their own principal Instruments are Voted out of the House by themselves , as Sir John Hotham and his Son , Sir Alexander Carew , Mr. Martin , Mr. Fiennes , and many others ; and how many now are Imprisoned by them ; how many Members from the beginning have been factiously kept from the House upon questions of Election ; and how many without any colour are kept in , by not suffering their Elections to be reported ; and that there are Thirty five Members dead , into whose rooms no new Persons are chosen ; how many since are become Barons by descent or Creation ; will easily conclude how small the number is which remains , and of those how few in truth have Right in sit there . CHARLES R. March 19. 1643. Our express Pleasure is , That this Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford be read by the Parson , Vicar or Curate , in every Church and Chapel within Our Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales . The Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford according to His MAJESTY'S Proclamation , Concerning their Endeavours since they came thither for the Peace of the Kingdom , and the Reasons , enforcing their Abscence from Westminster . VVE the Lords and Commons of Parliament , being upon just and important reasons absent from the City of Westminster , whither we were Legally called or sent by the Power and Authority of His Majesty's Writ , when He summoned His Parliament , and being by His gracious Proclamation of the two and twentieth day of December convened at Oxford , with full liberty to present our humble Advice to His Majesty , for the preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom ; thought it most agreeable to our Duty to God , our zeal and tenderness of His Majesty's Honour and Safety , and our Affection and Compassion of the bleeding condition of our miserable Country , to use our utmost and earliest endeavours to prevent the effusion of more Christian English Blood , and to close those Wounds through which this Kingdom is in danger , in a short time , to languish even to Desolation . And finding the ill success which had attended all the Overtures of Treaty and Accommodation made by His Majesty ; His Majesty's most gracious Message from Nottingham being with so much contempt rejected , which being sent by Members of both Houses , those Messengers were not suffered to deliver it as Members , or to sit in the House whilst the same was debated , contrary to the Privilege of Parliament ; and that to the two last Messages sent by Him , of the twelfth of April , and nineteenth of May , ( in both which are most gracious expressions of His Princely and passionate inclinations to Peace , as may appear by those Messages herewith again re-printed , ) there hath not been the least Answer returned to His Majesty ; but on the contrary His Messenger imprisoned , and to this day detained , and an Order that on pain of Death none should presume to come thither from His Majesty , upon what business soever , without leave from the Earl of Essex ; in pursuance of which Order , though the same passed only the Commons , a sworn Messenger of His Majesty's hath been barbarously put to death for carrying a Legal Writ to London : we thought any address for Peace would most successfully pass through His hands , and that when * we had considered how unhappily he had been made an Instrument of so much Blood and Devastation , he would with great chearfulness have interposed in a business of Reconciliation , and at least have met us half way in so blessed a Work ; and therefore , with His Majesty's leave , ( which He most readily and graciously gave us , and for which we doubt not He shall receive the Thanks and Prayers of all His good Subjects ) we direct a Letter to that purpose to him , signed under our hands . Whosoever reads that Letter ( and we hope it will be read by all men ) will bear us witness ( and it will be a Witness against those who have rejected it , ) that we have done our parts . In stead of vouchsafing us any Answer , or proposing us any other way towards Peace , ( if that which we proposed was not thought convenient , ) he writes a short Letter to the Earl of Forth , General of His Majesty's Army , acknowledging the receipt of ours , but saying , that it neither having Address to the two Houses of Parliament , nor therein there being any acknowledgement of them , he could not Communicate it to them ; whereas the Address was in the way prescribed , ( prescribed under pain of Death , no Address being allowed , as aforesaid , but by the Earl of Essex , ) and he being desired to represent to and promove with those by whom he is trusted our most sincere and earnest desire of a Treaty : so that if there had been the least inclination to or enduring of an Overture of Peace , he might have as easily communicated it to all those by whom he is instrusted as to a Committee , by whose Advice ( 't is well known ) his Answer was sent , and with it , and as part of it , a Paper intituled , The Declaration of the Kingdom of Scotland , and , A Declaration of the Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and another , A solemn League and Covenant ; the Declarations and Covenant being against the King of both Kingdoms , without the consent of and against the major part of the Nobility , and we are confident the Gentry and Commonalty , of This. And if his Lordship would make good his own Letter , and spend his Blood , or but use his endeavour , for the maintenance of the Parliament of England , being indeed the foundation whereupon all Our Laws and Liberties are supported , we should not Treat at this distance , at least a Treaty would not have been rejected . We suffered not Our Selves to be discouraged with this refusal , but a safe Conduct was desired for two Gentlemen ( against whom there neither was nor could be the least exception ) to go to Westminster , to present such Propositions as might best conduce to the Peace of the Kingdom ; conceiving that by such means our meaning and intentions might best appear , and all formalities and unnecessary insisting and mistakes upon words might be removed . This safe Conduct ( which hath never been denied by His Majesty , or His Generals , to any person who hath desired to have admittance to Him , ) was likewise absolutely refused by the Earl of Essex ; yet with some expressions , That if any Propositions should be sent to those by whom he was intrusted , he would use his utmost endeavours to advance the Peace : which though it seem'd nothing agreeable to his former Answers , obtained yet so much credit with us , that we besought His Majesty once more in His own Royal Name to press and desire a Treaty , and to direct His Message under such a Title , that they who call themselves the two Houses of Parliament , could not take any Exception , but should be compelled to return some Answer or other . And an Answer it hath drawn from them , but such an one as will sufficiently inform the World ( if there could yet have remained any doubt of it ) how much they are Enemies to Peace . Those Answers , Declarations , and that Covenant , are likewise publick to all men : God and the World must judge between us . In the mean time we must , without bitterness or sharpness of Language , ( to which neither example or provocation shall transport us ) tell these men , That most of us are too well known , even to themselves , to be suspected to incline to be either Papists or Slaves , or that we can possibly be made Instruments to advance either Popery or Tyranny . And since the defence of the Religion , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , seems to be ( and in truth is on our part ) the Argument of this bloody Contention , and that we are endeavouring all ways to destroy one another in the behalf of that we all do or all pretend to desire ; we think our selves obliged to Truth , to the present Age , and to Posterity , to let the World know , That as we are much more tender of the Religion , Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom , than of our Lives and Fortunes ; so the uneasie Condition wherein we are , and the heavy Judgments and Proscriptions imposed on us by our Equals , have proceeded and been caused from that Conscience , Loyalty and Duty in which we have been Born and Bred , and from which we could not swerve without the manifest breach of our Allegiance , and those civil Oaths we are obliged by : As , we hope , will appear to all men by this our ensuing Declaration . We shall pass over ( only acknowledging His Majesty's abundant care and favour to His People ) those excellent Laws made this Parliament for the vindication and removal of those Mischiefs and Inconveniences which seemed to threaten our Rights and Liberty , to all which there are very few amongst us who concurred not fully , ( however we are now traduced with the negligence of both ; ) and that most gracious Offer of His Majesty , to consent to an Act for the ease of tender Consciences in matters indifferent , which if it had been accepted , would have prevented many of the Miseries have since besallen this poor Kingdom . And because the Name and Privilege of Parliament is pretended in defence of those Actions which are done contrary to the known Laws , ( by which only Right and Wrong can be measured and determined , ) and by that venerable Name many of our Companions and Friends have been led into unwarrantable Actions ; before we come to consider the state and condition of the Religion , Laws and Liberty of the Kingdom by these Distractions , we shall let the World know , how much the inherent and essential Privileges of Parliament have been violated ; how we ( being called by His Majesty , and trusted by our Country with their Suffrages in that Council ) hath been driven , and are now kept from the place whither we were first called by His Majesty , and where some Members still sit ; and lastly , how far this miserable and ( to say no more ) this unjustifiable Civil War , and this desperate and odious Invasion of a Foreign Power to invade this Kingdom , is from having the Countenance , Authority and Approbation of the two Houses of Parliament . The great Industry and ill Arts used by those who have since been principal Instruments of the present Rebellion , to bring in Persons of their Faction into the House of Commons ; the admitting and receiving such who were neither lawfully chosen nor lawfully returned by their Country , and the putting and keeping out others whose Opinions were not liked ; the reprehending , reproaching and imprisoning of Members for speaking freely according to their Consciences in matters in debate ; the posting and setting up mens Names in publick places , and proscribing them as Enemies to their Country , who dissented in the Houses in opinion in matters debated , and being complained plained of , no reparation granted ; the sitting at unparliamentary hours , thereby wearying and tiring many Members from attendance , and so in a thin House altering and reversing the resolution taken in a full House ; the refusing to receive and suppressing Petitions against Persons in favour , though in point of Bribery and corruption in Judicatory , and the like of other Petitions from whole Counties for the preservation of the Government of the Church , as from Notinghamshire and Somerseshire , whilst others against it were received with great countenance and approbation , from mean , unknown People ; the getting with great labour and Faction several hands to Petitions from Counties , and then framing new Petitions at London , and annexing the hands formerly gotten in the Country to those Petitions , of which they who subscribed their hands know nothing , as in the Petition of Buckinghamshire , and the setting names in London to Petitions in the name of , as if they had been subscribed in remote Counties ; the usurping of Jurisdictions to supersede Acts of Parliament , and to dispense with the breach of Laws in force ; the suffering undutiful and disloyal language against the Sacred Person of the King , without so much as Reprehension , and the denying His Majesty's Negative Voice ; we insist not so much on , ( though very prejudicial and scandalous to the Privileges and Honour of Parliament ) as on those Acts of Force and Violence which are contrary and destructive to the Freedom and Liberty of Parliament . Shortly after His Majesty returned from Scotland , there being a very long debate in the House of Commons concerning an unparliamentary Remonstrance to be published to the People of the State of the Kingdom , ( which many of us then thought might prove prejudicial to the Peace thereof ) Captain Venne , then a Member of the House of Commons , ( who had before bragged of having brought down the People upon the two Houses , and so drawn Resolutions from them , ) sent Notes in writing under his Hand into the City , that the People should come down to Westminster , for that the better part of the House was like to be over-powered by the worser part : whereupon , both at that time and some days after , Multitudes of the meanest sort of people , with weapons not agreeing with their condition or custom , in a manner very contrary and destructive to the Privilege of Parliament , filled up the way between both Houses , offering Injuries both by words and actions to , and laying violent hands upon , several Members , proclaiming the Names of several of the Peers , as evil and rotten-hearted Lords , crying out many hours together against the established Laws in a most tumultuous and menacing way . This action of Captain Venne's was complained of to the House of Commons , and Witnesses offered to prove it ; a fellow who had assaulted and reproached a Member of the House of Commons in those Tumults was complained of , and shewed to the House , in the number of those who brought a Petition to the Bar : and yet in neither of these cases Justice , or so much as an Examination , could be obtained . Upon a suggestion and pretence of Danger , and suit made to His Majesty , a Guard was allowed and appointed by Him for the Security of both Houses : shortly after this Guard was refused and discharged by themselves , and a new Guard appointed by them without His Majesty's Consent , thereby to awe all those who concurred not with them . A legal Writ issuing out by the direction of the House of Peers under the Great Seal of England , to prevent those Tumults which daily infested both Houses , the Justices of the Peace , for executing that Writ according to their Oaths , were imprisoned by the House of Commons . A Commission under the Great Seal of England , for enquiry after Riots committed in Southwark , was likewise superseded by an Order of the House of Commons : and when the Lords desired by several Messages , that the House of Commons would joyn with them in a Declaration against Tumults , they refused , or neglected to joyn with them , it being said by Mr. Pym in the House of Commons , God forbid we should dishearten our Friends who came to assist us . And albeit some of the Lords professed , that if the People were again drawn down in that tumultuous manner , they would no more come to the House ; and albeit an Order was made , that in such a case the House should be presently adjourned ; yet those Tumults again appearing , that Order , though urged by several Lords , was not suffered to be executed . The House of Commons having desired the House of Peers to join with them in desiring His Majesty that the Militia of this Kingdom might be put into such hands as both Houses did confide in , and this desire having been put to the Question , and carried negatively by much the major part of the Lords ; it being again resumed at another time ( contrary to the course of Parliament ) the debate was begun with a Declaration made by several of those Lords against whom that Question was twice carried by Votes , ( and that by much the major part ) that whosoever refused in this particular to joyn with the House of Commons , were in their opinions enemies to the State ; words destructive from the Liberty and Freedom of debate . During the time that this business of the Militia was in debate , ( that is , before it had the approbation and consent of the House of Peers ) a Petition in a tumultuous manner was delivered to the House of Lords , in the name of the Knights , Gentlemen , Free-holders , and others the Inhabitants of the County of Hartford , reckoning up the causes of the present Fears , Troubles and Distractions , and amongst them the want of Compliance in that Honourable House with the House of Commons , in entertaining those many good motions , and passing those necessary Bills presented to them from that House for the publick good , and desiring liberty to protest against all those as Enemies to the publick who refused to joyn with the Honourable Lords whose endeavours were for the publick good , and with the House of Commons , for the putting the Kingdom into a posture of Safety under the Command of such persons as the Parliament should appoint . Several Petitions of the same nature , particularly one under the Title of the Knights , Gentlemen , Free-holders , and other Inhabitants of the County of Surrey , directed to the House of Peers , concluded with this close , That they should be in duty obliged to mantain their Lordships so far as they should be united with the House of Commons in their just and pious proceedings ; sufficiently intimating that if they joyned not with the House of Commons , they then meant as much as others had plainly professed . About the same time , a Citizen saying at the Bar of the House of Commons , That they heard there were Lords who refused to consent and concur with them , and that they would gladly know their names , or words to that effect : a Petition in the name of many thousand poor People , in and about the City of London , was directed to the House of Commons , taking notice of a malignant Faction that made abortive all their good motions which tended to the Peace and Tranquillity of this Kingdom , desiring that those noble Worthies of the House of Peers , who concurred with them in their happy Votes , might be earnestly desired to joyn with that Honourable House , and to sit and Vote together as one entire body ; and professing that unless some speedy remedy were taken for the removing all such Obstructions as hindred the happy progress of their great Endeavours , their Petitioners should not rest in quietness , but should be forced to lay hold on the next remedy which was at hand , to remove the disturbers of the Peace , and ( Want and necessity breaking the bounds of Modesty ) not to leave any means unessayed for their relief ; lastly , adding , that the cry of the poor and needy was , that such Persons who were the obstacles of their Peace , and the hinderers of the happy proceedings of this Parliament , might be forthwith publickly declared , whose removal they conceived would put a period to those Distractions . And this Petition was brought up to the House of Lords by the House of Commons at a Conference : And after , the same day , Master Hollis , a Member of the House of Commons , in a Message from that House , pressed the Lords at their Bar to joyn with the House of Commons in their desire about the Militia ; and farther , with many other expressions of like nature , desired in words to this effect , That if that desire of the House of Commons were not assented unto , those Lords who were willing to concur , would find some means to make themselves known , that it might be known who were against them , and they might make it known to those that sent them . After which Petition so strangely framed , countenanced and seconded , many Lords thereupon withdrawing themselves , the Vote in order to the Militia , twice before rejected , was then passed . After these and other unparliamentary Actions , many things rejected and settled , upon solemn debate , were again , after many Threats and Menaces , resumed , altered and determined , contrary to the Custom and Laws of Parliament . And so many of us withdrew our selves from thence , where we could not Sit , Speak and Vote , with Honour , Freedom and Safety , and are now kept from thence for our Duty and Loyalty to our Sovereign . And though some of us Sate and continued there long after this , hoping that we might have been able to have prevented the growth and progress of farther Mischief ; yet since the Privilege of Parliament is so substantial and entire a Right , that as the Invasion of the Liberties of either House is an injury to the other and the whole Kingdom , so the Violence and Assaults upon any of our fellow-Members , for expressing their opinions in matters of debate , were instances to us what we were to look for when we should be known to dissent from what was expected ; and under that consideration every one of our just Liberties suffered violation . Many of us for these and other reasons , after His Majesty Himself was by many Indignities and Force driven from Westminster , have been , contrary to the Right and Freedom of Parliament , Voted out of the House , without committing any Crime , and some of us without hearing , or so much as being summoned to be heard ; and so our Countries , for which we were and are trusted , have been without any Proxies or Persons trusted on their behalf . An Army hath been raised without and against His Majesty's Consent ; and a Protestation enjoyned to live and die with the Earl of Essex , their General of that Army ; and a Member now amongst us , refusing to take that Protestation , was told , That if he left not the Town speedily , he should be committed to the Tower , or knocked on the head by the Souldiers . All Persons , even the Members of both Houses , have been and now are forced or injoyned to contribute for the maintenance and support of that Army . A trayterous Covenant is since taken by the Members who remain , and imposed upon the Kingdom , That they will to their power assist the Forces raised and continued by both Houses of Parliament , against the Forces raised by the King , with many other Clauses directly contrary to their Allegiance ; and another for the alteration of the Covenant of the Church established by Law : and such Members as have refused , according to their Duty and Conscience , to take those Covenants , have been imprisoned or expelled ; so as they have suffered none to reside with them , but those who are engaged with them in their desperate courses . The whole Power and Authority of both Houses is delegated , against the Law and nature of Parliament , to a close Committee , which assumes and usurps the Power of King , Lords and Commons , disposes of the Persons , Liberties and Estates of us and our fellow-Subjects , without so much as communicating their Resolutions to those that sit in the Houses . And when an Order hath been reported , to be confirmed by them , it hath been only put to the Question , no debates being suffered , it having been said in the House where the Commons sit to those who have excepted against such an Order when presented , That they were only to Vote , not to dispute ; and thereupon all Argument and contradiction hath been taken away . And to shew how impossible it is to contain themselves within any * bond of civility and humanity , when they have forfeited their Allegiance , after the attempt in a most barbarous manner to murther the Queens Majesty at Her landing at Burlington , by making many great shot at the house where She lodged for Her repose after a long Voyage by Sea , where by God's blessing it was disappointed , they impeached Her of High Treason , for assisting the King Her Husband and the Kingdom in their greatest necessities . All Petitions and Addresses for Peace have been with great Art and Vehemence discountenanced and suppressed ; whilst others for Sedition and Discord have with no less industry and passion been promoted . And when the Members of the House of Commons , in August last , had agreed , upon a long and solemn debate , to joyn with the Lords in sending Propositions of Peace to His Majesty , the next day printed Papers were scattered in the Streets , and fix'd upon the publick places both in the City and Suburbs , requiring all Persons well-affected to rise as one man , and to come to the House of Commons next Morning , for that 20000 Irish Rebels were landed ; which direction and information was likewise that day given in Pulpits by their Seditious Preachers : and in some of those Papers were subscribed , That the Malignant Party had over-voted the good , and if not prevented there would be Peace , ( the Propositions for Peace being the day before carried by nine and twenty Voices . ) A Common-council was called late at night , though Sunday , and a Petition there framed against Peace , which was the next morning brought to the House , countenanc'd by Alderman Pennington ( a known Promoter and Governour of those Tumults , ) and attended with a multitude of mean Persons , who used Threats , Menaces and Reproaches to the Members of both Houses . Their Petition took notice of Propositions passed by the Lords for Peace , which if allowed , would be destructive to Religion , Laws and Liberties ; and therefore desired an Ordinance according to the Tenor of an Act of their Common-council the night before . Thanks was given them by the Commons , whilst the Lords complained of the Tumults , and desired a concurrence to suppress them , and to prevent the like ; many of the People telling the Members of both Houses , That if they had not a good Answer , they would be there the next day with double the number . By these Threats and Violence the Propositions formerly received were rejected , and all thoughts of Peace laid aside . Shortly after , great numbers of Women resort to the House where the Commons sate , with a Petition for Peace . Troops of Horse were hereupon sent for , who wound and kill several of the Women , and disperse the rest . Then special notice was taken of those Members who seemed most importunate and desirous of Peace ; and thereupon the late Covenant eagerly and severely pressed upon them . By reason whereof and the other miscarriages , whereby their freedom was absolutely taken from them , divers of both Houses withdrew themselves . And we must now appeal to all our fellow-Subjects of this Kingdom , who have taken the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , who have any knowledge of the Rights , Customs and Privileges of Parliament , or of the Frame and Constitution of this Realm , whether we or they have failed in our Duty to our King or Country ; and whether we have not in discharge of a good Conscience undergone the evils we have born . And then we doubt not , we shall not be thought less Members of Parliament , though we are not at Westminster , than if that City were in the possession of a Foreign Enemy . Yet we confess the Place to be so material , that if there were that Liberty and Freedom which is due to the Members , and indeed is the life of Parliament , the Act of those in the House ( being a lawful Act ) is the Act of the House , though there were a greater number absent , all who were of another opinion : but in our case , when we are by force driven away , and by force kept away , and when nothing can be said to justifie the Actions which are done , but the Reputation and Number of the Actors , we rely so much upon the understanding and honesty of our Country-men , that they will believe , when they see our concurrence and unanimity in Resolutions and Counsel for their Peace , welfare and security , ( as we are confident the number of those who concur in this Declaration is greater than hath concurred in most , if not in any of those things of which we complain , ) that it will be better for them to be advised by us at Oxford than by those at Westminster ; from whence we are absent only by reason of those Outrages and Violence offered to our Persons or our Consciences , which takes away all Freedom and consequently all Authority , from those Councils , and where indeed these men ought not to undertake to act any thing , till that Freedom and Liberty be restored to us , who as long as this Parliament shall continue ( notwithstanding all the Votes of those who are guilty of Treason and Rebellion ) mustaccount our selves , and shall be accounted by our Country , the true and lawful Members of Parliament . Having said thus much to undeceive our Brethren , and that our fellow-Subjects may be no longer seduced to unlawful actions by colour and pretence of Parliament , we shall briefly present to their view and consideration the danger and condition of His Majesty's Person , His Honour and Rights , the Religion and Liberty of the Kingdom , the defence and maintenance of which those Persons with whom we cannot agree seem and pretend to undertake . For their Care of the Honour and Safety of His Majesty's Person , ( to the which we are so absolutely obliged and so solemnly sworn ) we shall need only to mention ( which we mention with great sadness of Heart and Horrour ) the taking by force His Majesty's Forts , Towns , Navy , the assuming a power over the Militia of the Kingdom , the denying his Majesty's Negative Voice , the uncomely , insolent and disloyal mentioning of His Majesty's Person , the neglect , contempt and violation of Leagues made by His Majesty with Foreign Princes , in the Injuries and Affronts done to their publick Ministers and otherwise , the transcendent presumption of sending Agents to Foreign Princes , and in the Name of the States of England , the traytourcus distinction between the Person of the King and His Office , and declaring that an attempt upon His Life is not High-Treason ; ( which Doctrine is so much countenanced , that Persons who have threatned to Kill the King , having been complained of , have been left unpunished , and the Witnesses and Prosecutors threatned or discountenanced ) the raising an Army against Him , and therewith giving Battle to His Person : All which are known to be very unagreeable with the Affection , Duty and Loyalty of Subjects , and English-men . Concerning Religion , we cannot but with bleeding Hearts and trembling Souls consider the unheard-of Impieties and Prophanations exercised in Churches and Consecrated places ; the Countenance and licence given to scandalous , debosh , ignorant Lay-persons to Preach and exercise the Office of the Ministry ; the suppressing and cruel using and imprisoning in Gaols and on Ship-board Godly , Learned , Orthodox Divines , famous and exemplary in their Lives and Doctrine , the most eminent Assertors of the Protestant Religion against Popery and Innovations ; the scurrilous and scandalous reviling , scoffing and suppressing the Book of Common-Prayer , compiled by glorious Martyrs for the Protestant Religion , established by Law , and so long and so publickly used and acknowledged as an excellent and unparallel'd form of Devotion and Divine Service ; the suspending the execution of the Act of Parliament made in the first year of Queen Elizabeth of famous memory , for Uniformity of Common-Prayer , by an Order under the hand of a private Member of the House of Commons , and that during the recess of both Houses ; the stirring up and inciting the People to Rebellion in Pulpits ; and ( which is the greatest Scandal and Reproach to the Protestant Religion that can be imagined ) the making Religion it self the ground and cause of Rebellion ; lastly , after having lived so many years in the most glorious and most unblemished Church of Christendom , the total defacing and pulling down the whole Fabrick of it , censuring and reproaching the Doctrine , and destroying the Discipline , and ( as if we were cast ashore in some uninhabited Climate where the Elements of Christianity were not known ) the calling ( without the least shadow or colour of Law or Lawful Authority , against His Majesty's express Consent , manifestly against the Statute of 25 th . year of King Henry the Eighth ) an assembly of Divines , composed of some Noblemen , Gentlemen , and Ministers , ( all under the style of Godly and Learned Divines ) most of which are not otherwise known than by their Schism and Separation from that Church in which they were born , and to which they have subscribed ; and these Men now must new-make and mould the Religion by which we must all be saved . God in his good time we hope will vindicate his own Cause , and repair the breaches which have been lately made . For the Laws of the Land and the Liberty of the Subject , so speciously urged and pretended to be the end of those who have disturbed our Peace , we need say little ; every place and every person is an ample evidence and testimony of the bold and avowed violation of either . The Charter of our Liberties , Magna Charta , so industriously and Religiously preserved by our Ancestors , and above Thirty several times confirmed in Parliament , that Rampire and Bulwark of all the precious Privileges and Immunities which the Subjects of this Kingdom could boast of , and which distinguishes them from all the Subjects of Christendom , is levelled and trampled under foot , scorned , despised and superseded by Votes and Orders ; Men of all sorts , Clergy and Laity , imprisoned without the least charge that by the Law is called a Crime , and their Estates are sequestred by Persons of whom the Law can take no notice ; Committees made by Committees , Rob , Banish , and Imprison the Lords and Commons of England ; Men committed by Persons of no Authority , for no cause , to Prison , have by Habeas Corpus ( the good old Remedy and Security for our Liberty ) been brought to the Kings Bench , and by command of those who first committed them remanded , and Commands given to the Judges that they should grant no Habeas Corpus ( which they were sworn to grant ) to any Persons committed by them , or by those to whom they grant Authority to commit , which themselves have not Power to do . Neither can we pass over the motion made by Mr. Rigby , a Member of the House of Commons , to transport those Lords and Gentlemen who were Prisoners , and by them accounted Malignants , to be sold as Slaves to Argiers , or sent to the new Plantation in the West - Indies ; urged the second time with much earnestness , because the Proposer had contracted with two Merchants to that purpose : the which though it took no effect at that time , may awaken those who have observed so many things to pass and be ordered long after they have been once or twice denied and rejected . And who sees the new and inhumane way of imprisoning Persons of Quality under Decks on Ship-board , by which cruel usage many of our Country-men have been murthered , may have reason to fear they may be hereafter carried a longer voyage than is yet avowed . The twentieth part of our Estates is at once taken , and if we are not willing to obey that Order , the other Nineteen are taken from us as Malignants ; a term unknown and undefined , and yet crime enough to forfeit our Lives and all that we have . Our fellow-Subjects have been executed in cold blood , for doing that which by the Laws of God and Man they were bound to do ; and after their Murther , their Estates seized , and their Wives and Children exposed to Misery and Famine . Laws made , and Penalties imposed by Laws this Parliament are suspended , dispensed withal , and those things done by Order against which those Laws were made . And that there may be no face of Justice over the Land , the Judges are prohibited to ride their Circuits , for the administration of that Justice which the King owes His People , and they are bound to execute . And after all this , and after the merciless shedding so much English Blood , after the expending so much Money ( much of which was given for relief of our poor Protestant Brethren of Ireland , and diverted for the improving the Distractions at home ) after the transportation of such vast sums of Money and great Treasure into Foreign parts , to the unspeakable impoverishing this Poor Kingdom ; to make our Misery lasting and our Confusion compleat , a Foreign Enemy is invited and brought into the Bowels of this Kingdom , to drink our blood , to divide our Possession , to give us new Laws , and to Rule over us . And the better to make way to those horrid Impositions , by confounding and making void all civil Rights and Proprieties , and the better preparing the Kingdom to be shared by Strangers , a New Great Seal ( the special Ensign of Monarchy , and the only way by which Justice is derived and distributed to the People ) is counterfeited and used , albeit it be by the express letter of the Statute of the 25 th . year of King Edward the Third declared to be High Treason . Having now made this clear plain Narration to the Kingdom , ( the truth and particulars whereof are known to most Men ) that when Posterity shall find our names in the Records of these times , as Members trusted by our Country in that great Council by whose Authority and Power the present Alteration and Distraction seems to be wrought , it may likewise see how far we have been and are from consenting to these desperate and fatal Innovations ; we cannot rest satisfied without Declaring and Publishing to all our fellow-Subjects and to the whole World , that all our Intentions and Actions have been , are , and shall be directed to the defence of His Majesty's Person and just Rights , the preservation of the true Protestant Religion , and Liberties of the Kingdom established by Law : That as we do with all humility to God Almighty , and as a great Blessing from him , acknowledge His Majesty's happy and Religious Reign and Government over this Kingdom , and especially the excellent Laws and Statutes made in His time , and particularly those in this Parliament ; so we do with all duty and submission Declare , That His Majesty is the only Supream Governour of this Realm in all Causes , Ecclesiastical and Temporal ; That His Natural Person is not to be divided from His Kingly Office , but that our natural Allegiance , and the Oaths of Allegiance and Supremacy , do bind us and all His other Subjects to Loyalty and Allegiance to His Natural Person ; That His Majesty's Negative Voice ( without which Monarchy is dissolved ) is an inherent Right of His Crown , and that no Orders of one or both Houses of Parliament , without His Majesty's express Consent , can make a Law to bind the Subjects either in their Property or Liberty ; That we do from our Souls abhor the present Rebellion raised in this Kingdom against His Majesty , and that all His Majesty's Subjects are bound by their natural Allegiance , and the Oaths lawfully taken by them , to the utmost of their power to resist and repress the same , and particularly the Army now under the Command of the Earl of Essex , and all other Armies raised or to be raised without His Majesty's Consent , under pretence of the two Houses of Parliament . And we do disclaim all Votes , Orders and Declarations in countenance or maintenance of the said Armies ; and Declare , That no Oath or Covenant voluntarily taken , or inforced , doth or can bind or dispense with the breach of those other Oaths formerly and lawfully taken to His Majesty ; and that all those who aid , assist or abett this horrid and odious Rebellion , are and ought to be accounted and pursued as Traitors , by the known Laws of the Land ; That we utterly detest and disclaim the Invitation which hath been made to His Majesty's Subjects of Scotland to enter this Kingdom with an Army , the same being as much against the Desires as against the Duty of the Lords and Commons of England , and all true-hearted English-Men . And we do Declare and publish to the World , That as any such Invasion or Hostile entry into the Kingdom by the Rebellious Subjects of Scotland is a direct and peremptory breach of the late Act of Pacification between the two Kingdoms ; so that we and all the Subjects of this Kingdom are bound by our Allegiance , and by that very Act , to resist and repress such Invasion : And whosoever is or shall be abetting , aiding or assisting to those of Scotland in their Hostile Invasion of this Kingdom , ought to be looked upon as betrayers of their Country , and are guilty of High Treason by the known Laws of the Kingdom . And that our weak , misled and seduced Country-men may no longer pay an implicite regard and reverence to the abused name of Parliament , ( which these guilty Persons usurp to themselves ) and so submit to those Actions and Commands which two Houses of Parliament ( never so legally and regularly constituted ) have not Authority to require or enjoyn ; and since these Men will not suffer their poor Country to be restored by a Treaty to the benefit of a Parliament , which would with Gods blessing easily remove these Miseries , and prevent the like for the time to come ; we must and do declare to the Whole Kingdom , That as at no time either or both Houses of Parliament can by any Orders or Ordinances impose upon the People without the Kings Consent ; so by reason of the want of Freedom and Security for all the Members of Parliament to meet at Westminster , and there to Sit , Speak and Vote with Freedom and Safety , all the Actions , Votes , Orders , Declarations , and pretended Ordinances , made by those Members who remain still at Westminster , are void and of none effect ; and that as many of the Lords and Commons assembled at Westminster as have at any time consented to the raising of Forces under the Command of the Earl of Essex , or to the making and using of the new Great Seal , or to the present coming of the Scots into England in a warlike manner , have therein broken the Trust reposed in them by their Country , and are to be proceeded against as Traitors . And yet we are far from dissolving or attempting the dissolution of this Parliament , or the violation of any Act made and confirmed by His Majesty's Royal Assent this Parliament , which we shall always maintain and defend : Acts of Parliament are only in danger to be destroyed by those who undervalue and despise the Authority and Power of Acts of Parliament , who therefore deny the Kings Negative Voice and neglect His Concurrence , that their own Resolutions may be reputed as Acts of Parliament , to the Ruine and Confusion of all Laws and Interest . It is our grief in the behalf of the whole Kingdom , that since the Parliament is not dissolved , the Power thereof should , by the Treason and Violence of these Men , be so far suspended , that the Kingdom should be without the fruit and benefit of a Parliament , which cannot be reduced to any Action or Authority , till the Freedom and Liberty due to the Members be restored and admitted ; and they who oppose this , must be only looked upon as the Enemies to Parliament : In the mean time we neither have nor shall attempt any thing for the Adjourning , Dissolving or Proroguing thereof , otherwise than as it may stand with the Act in that case provided . Lastly , we Declare , That our endeavours , actions and resolutions tend and are directed , and shall always be directed , to the maintenance of God's true Religion established by Law within this Kingdom , to the defence of His Majesty's Sacred Person , His Honour and just Rights , to the preservation of the Liberty and Property of the Subject , settled and evident by the Laws , Statutes and Customs of the Realm , and the just Freedom , Liberty and Privilege of Parliament ; and that what we shall do for the defence and maintenance of all these , proceeds from the Conscience of our Duty to God , our King and Country , without any private and sinister ends of our own , and out of our sincere love to Truth and Peace , the which as we have , so we shall always labour to procure , as the only blessed End of all our Labours . And we do therefore conjure all our Country-Men and fellow-Subjects , by all those precious obligations of Religion to God Almighty , of Loyalty towards their Soveraign , of Affection towards one another , and of Charity and Compassion towards their bleeding Country , to assist and joyn with us in the suppressing those Enemies to Peace , who are so much delighted with the Ruine and Confusion they have made , that they will not so much as vouchsafe to Treat with us , that all specious Pretences might be taken away , and the grounds of this bloody Contention clearly stated to the World. If these Men , with a true sence and remorse of the ill they have done , shall yet return to their Duty and Loyalty , they shall ( God willing ) find us of another temper towards them , than they have been towards us : And if the Conscience of their Duty shall not draw all our fellow-Subjects and Country-Men to joyn with us in assisting His Majesty , we hope that the prudent consideration , That 't is impossible to Reason for our miserable Country ever to be restored to Peace and Happiness , but by restoring all just and legally-due Power and Authority into His Majesty's hands again , will direct them what is fit to be done by them . And if any yet shall be so unskilful , and , to say no worse , vulgar-spirited , to hope by a Neutrality and odious Indifferency to rest secure in this Storm , though we shall not follow the examples of other Men , in telling them , that their Estates shall be forfeited and taken from them , as pernicious and publick Enemies , ( God be thanked , the Law is not so supprest , but that it proceeds in Attainders and Forfeitures , and all Men know an Estate escheated to His Majesty by High Treason is as much , as legally His Majesty's , or his to whom His Majesty grants it , as ever it was the unhappy Persons who hath so forfeited it ) yet we must let them know , that their Condition is like to be very dangerous ; and that as they ( for resistance of whom His Majesty's Armies are raised ) have declared to them what they are to expect at their hands , that is , to be dealt with as pernicious and publick Enemies , so they have reason to believe , that His Majesty cannot look upon them as Persons who have performed that Duty they are obliged by their natural Allegiance and their Oaths enjoyned by Law , which is , to defend the King to the utmost of their Power against all Conspiracies and Attempts whatsoever which shall be made against His Majesty's Person , His Crown and Dignity , and to do their best endeavours to disclose and make known to Him all Treasons and Conspiracies which shall be against Him , to their power to assist all Jurisdictions , Privileges , Preheminencies and Authorities belonging to Him , or united to the Imperial Crown of this Realm . The just and pious consideration and weighing of which Oath and Obligation must stir up all Men of Loyalty and Conscience , to be industrious and active on His Majesty's behalf against this horrid and odious Rebellion , and against the Authors and Fomenters of the same . And we are confident it will not a little encrease the Indignation of all good true English-Men , to find these Disturbers of their Peace , who have so speciously pretended the defence of the Rights and Privileges of Parliament , unite themselves with and govern their Actions by the concurrent ▪ Advice and Consent of Commissioners of another Kingdom , whose business is to alter our Laws , and confound our Government . And if all the other particulars so plainly set down in this Declaration , and so publickly known to most Men , were wanting , there could not be a greater instance of deserting the Dignity and Right , and , as much as in them lies , cancelling all the Liberties and Privileges of Parliament , than for these Men to break the Trust reposed in them by their Country , and to submit themselves to the Advice , and oblige themselves to the Consent of Agents of another Kingdom , who have cast off their Allegiance , and united themselves together against their natural and native King , and against the Laws of both Kingdoms , and have given an ample testimony to all those they have misled , how far they are from submitting or intending to be governed by Parliament , or by those who would yet be thought the two Houses of Parliament , by joyning four Scotch-Men ( Agents for the Rebellious Army which hath invaded this Kingdom ) in equal Power and Authority with seven Lords and fourteen Commons , by whose sole and uncontrolled managery and consent all business of Peace and War , which doth or may concern this languishing Kingdom , must be governed : And yet these Men take it very heinously that His Majesty should move them , in order to Peace , to agree that all the Members of both Houses may securely meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament ; because ( they say ) from thence no other Conclusion can be made , but that this present Parliament is not a full nor free Convention , and that to make it such the presence of us is necessary . We must appeal to all the World , whether in truth that Conclusion be not very apparent from the truth of their Proceedings , and even to the Consciences of these Men themselves ; whether whilst we were amongst them , we enjoyed that Liberty and Freedom which was due to us ; and whether ( if there were no danger or breach of Duty in being willingly and constantly present where Actions of Treason are plotted and concluded ) we could now be with them without engaging our selves in that Covenant , which as it takes away all freedom and liberty of Council , so cannot be taken without the violation of our Duty and Allegiance . For the deserting the great Trust reposed in us , we cannot with the least colour be accused ; we wish it had not been or were not now broken on their parts ; on ours we are sure it is not ; except observation of our Oaths lawfully taken and enjoyned , and submission to the known established Laws of the Land , the preservation of which is our greatest Trust , be to desert the Trust reposed in us . What they have done , who have broken through all these , and will not at last consent to the binding up the wounds they have made , we must leave to the World to judge . In the mean time , since 't is apparent they use their utmost endeavours to make Peace impossible , and ( having enriched themselv●● by these publick Calamities , and impoverished their Country by the transportation of ●he Wealth thereof into Foreign parts ) have left themselves no other means to repay those vast Sums they have extorted from the People upon that they call Publick Faith , ●ut out of the Estates of those who have preserved their Duty and Loyalty entire , and at the price of their Religion and Laws intend to establish a Government and Empire to themselves ; all good Men who desire Peace will joyn with us in the suppressing these Enemies of Peace , and by a resolute and unanimous Declaration of themselves , rise as One Man in the assistance of His Majesty with their Persons and their Fortunes , which is the only means , with God's blessing , to restore and preserve the Religion , Laws and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the very Being of Parliaments : The which if these Men have any mind to do ( it being not so easily to be done any other way ) they will at last be willing that all the Members of both Houses may meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , which we have always desired , and shall be always ready to do . His MAJESTY's Message to both Houses , April 12. 1643. Concerning Disbanding of both Armies , and His MAJESTY'S Return to both Houses of Parliament . TO shew to the whole World how earnestly His Majesty longs for Peace , and that no success shall make Him desire the continuance of His Army to any other end , or for any longer time than That , and until things may be so settled , as that the Law may have a full , free , and uninterrupted course , for the defence and preservation of the Rights of His Majesty , both Houses , and His good Subjects . 1. As soon as His Majesty is satisfied in His First Proposition , concerning His own Revenue , Magazines , Ships and Forts , in which He desires nothing but that the Just , Known , Legal Rights of His Majesty ( devolved to Him from His Progenitors ) and of the Persons trusted by Him , which have violently been taken from both , be restored unto Him and unto them , unless any Just and Legal Exceptions against any of the Persons trusted by Him ( which are yet unknown to His Majesty ) can be made appear to Him. 2. As soon as all the Members of both Houses shall be restored to the same capacity of Sitting and Voting in Parliament as they had upon the first of January 1641. the same of right belonging unto them by their Birth-rights and the free Election of those that sent them , and having been Voted from them for adhering to His Majesty in these Distractions ; His Majesty not intending that this should extend either to the Bishops , whose Votes have been taken away by Bill , or to such in whose places upon new Writs new Elections have been made . 3. As soon as His Majesty and both Houses may be secured from such tumultuous Assemblies as , to the great breach of the Privileges and the high Dishonour of Parliaments , have formerly assembled about both Houses , and awed the Members of the same , and occasioned two several complaints from the Lords House , and two several desires of that House to the House of Commons , to joyn in a Declaration against them , the complying with which desire might have prevented all these miserable Distractions which have ensued ; which Security His Majesty conceives can be only settled by Adjourning the Parliament to some other place , at the least twenty Miles from London , the choice of which His Majesty leaves to both Houses . His Majesty will most chearfully and readily consent that both Armies be immediately disbanded , and give a present meeting to both His Houses of Parliament , at the time and place at and to which the Parliament shall be agreed to be Adjourned . His Majesty being most confident that the Law will then recover the due credit and estimation , and that upon a free debate in a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , such Provisions will be made against Seditious Preaching and Printing against His Majesty and the established Laws , which hath been one of the chief causes of the present Distractions , and such care will be taken concerning the Legal and known Rights of His Majesty , and the Property and Liberty of His Subjects , that whatsoever hath been published or done in or by colour of any illegal Declaration , Ordinance , or Order of one or both Houses , or any Committee of either of them , and particularly the Power to raise Arms without His Majesty's Consent , will be in such manner recalled , disclaimed and provided against , that no seed will remain for the like to spring out of for the future , to disturb the Peace of the Kingdom , and to endanger the very Being of it . And in such a Convention His Majesty is resolved , by His readiness to consent to whatsoever shall be proposed to Him by Bill for the Real good of His Subjects , ( and particularly for the better discovery and speedier conviction of Recusants , for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion , for the prevention of practices of Papists against the State , and the due execution of the Laws , and true levying of the Penalties against them ) to make known to all the World , how causeless those fears and jealousies have been which have been raised against Him , and by that so distracted this miserable Kingdom . And if this Offer of His Majesty be not consented to ( in which He asks nothing for which there is not apparent Justice on His side , and in which He defers many things highly concerning both Himself and People , till a full and peaceable Convention of Parliament , which in Justice He might now require ) His Majesty is confident that it will then appear to all the World , not only who is most desirous of Peace , and whose fault it is that both Armies are not now disbanded , but who have been the true and first cause that this Peace was ever interrupted or these Armies raised ; and the beginning or continuance of the War , and the Destruction and Desolation of this poor Kingdom ( which is too likely to ensue ) will not by the most interessed , passionate or prejudicate Person , be imputed to His Majesty . His MAJESTY'S Message to both Houses May 19. in pursuance of the foregoing Message . SInce His Majesty's Message of the twelfth of April ( in which he conceived He had made such an Overture for the immediate Disbanding of all Armies and Composure of these present miserable Distractions , by a full and free Convention in Parliament , that a perfect and settled Peace would have ensued ) hath in all this time ( above a full Month ) procured no Answer from both Houses , His Majesty might well believe Himself absolved before God and Man , from the least possible Charge of not having used His utmost endeavour for Peace : Yet when He considers that the Scene of all this Calamity is in the Bowels of His own Kingdom , that all the Blood which is spilt is of His own Subjects , and that what Victory soever it shall please God to give Him , must be over those who ought not to have lifted up their hands against Him ; when He considers that these desperate civil Dissentions may encourage and invite a Foreign Enemy to make a Prey of the whole Nation ; that Ireland is in present danger to be totally lost ; that the heavy Judgments of God , Plague , Pestilence and Famine , will be the inevitable Attendants of this unnatural Contention ; and that in a short time there will be so general a habit of uncharitableness and Cruelty contracted throughout the Kingdom , that even Peace it self will not restore His People to their old Temper and Security ; His Majesty cannot but again call for an Answer to that His Message , which gives so fair a Rise , to end these unnatural Distractions . And His Majesty doth this with the more earnestness , because He doubts not the condition of His Armies in several parts , His strength of Horse , Foot and Artillery , His plenty of Ammunition ( which some Men lately might conceive He wanted ) is so well known and understood , that it must be confessed , that nothing but the Tenderness and Love to His People , and those Christian Impressions which always have and He hopes always shall dwell in His heart , could move Him once more to hazard a Refusal . And He requires them , as they will answer to God , to Himself and all the World , That they will no longer suffer their fellow-Subjects to welter in each others Blood ; that they will remember by whose Authority and to what end they met in that Council , and send such an Answer to His Majesty as may open a door to let in a firm Peace and Security to the whole Kingdom . If His Majesty shall again be disappointed of His Intentions herein , the Blood , Rapine and Distraction which must follow in England and Ireland , will be cast upon the Account of those who are deaf to the motion of Peace and Accommodation . CHARLES R. May 19. 1643. OUR express Pleasure is , That this Declaration of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford be read by the Parson , Vicar or Curate , in every Church and Chapel within Our Kingdom of England and Dominion of Wales . MDCXLIV . April 15. The Petition of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , Presented to His MAJESTY the day before the Recess : And His MAJESTY'S Gracious Answer to the same . To the Kings most excellent MAJESTY , The humble Petition of the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Oxford , according to Your MAJESTY'S Proclamation . WE most humbly acknowledge Your Princely Goodness in calling us to receive our Advices for preservation of the Religion , Laws and Safety of the Kingdom , and to restore it to its former Peace and Security . How earnestly we have sought a Peace with Your Majesty's most gracious Concurrence , doth appear by the printed Declaration of our Proceedings touching a Treaty for Peace , wherein we aimed at a free and full Convention of Parliament , as the most hopeful way to unite these unhappy Divisions . And since that hath been refused , we have applyed our Advices for supporting Your Armies , the visible means now left for maintaining our Religion , restoring the Laws , and procuring the Safety of the Kingdom ; being assured from Your Majesty , You do and will employ Your Armies to no other end . And although our selves are most fully satisfied of Your Majesty's pious and just Resolutions herein ; yet because Fears and Jealousies have been and are maliciously scattered amongst Your Subjects , to poison their Affections , and corrupt their Loyalty to Your Majesty ; therefore , to the end we may be enabled by Your gracious Answer to satisfie all the World , or to leave them unexcusable who will not be satisfied , we do in all humility present to Your Majesty these Petitions . That Your Majesty will give direction for the re-printing Your Protestation made in the head of Your Army , and Your other Declarations , wherein Your constant Resolution is declared , to maintain and defend the true reformed Protestant Religion , and that the same may be with more diligence published amongst the People ; that so Your Princely Christian Zeal and Affection to that Religion , and to maintain the same against all Popery , Schism and Profaneness , may be manifested ; and which we beseech Your Majesty upon this our Petition to declare again to all the World , to the discountenance and suppression of those Scandals laid upon Your Majesty by those who disturb our Peace . That when there may be a full and free Convention of Parliament , a National Synod may be lawfully called , to advise of some fit means for the establishing the Government and Peace of our Church ; to whom may be recommended a care for the ease of the tender Consciences of Your Protestant Subjects . Touching our Laws , we cannot ask more of Your Majesty than to declare and continue Your former Resolutions , to hold and keep them inviolable and unalterable , but by Act of Parliament . And for avoiding the Scandal maliciously infused into many of Your Subjects , that if Your Majesty prevail against this Rebellion , You intend not to use the frequent Council of Parliaments ; we humbly pray and advise Your Majesty to declare the sincerity of Your Royal Heart therein , to satisfie Your seduced Subjects against such false and malicious Aspersions . And in respect the present Contributions , Loans , Taxes , and other Impositions for maintenance of Your Armies , have been submitted unto as Exigences of War and Necessity , because of this unexampled Rebellion and Invasion ; we humbly beseech Your Majesty to Declare , That they shall not be drawn into example , nor continue longer than the present Exigence and Necessity , nor be at any time mentioned as Precedents : And that for the farther security of Your People , Your Majesty will vouchsafe to promise Your Royal Assent to a Law to be made and declared to that purpose in a full and free Convention of Parliament . And that for the present ease and encouragement of those under Contributions by Contract with Your Majesty , You will be pleased that those Contracts may be so observed , that Your Subjects may not have just cause of complaint against the Commanders , Governors , Officers or Souldiers of Your Army , or of or in any Your Garrisons , Castles or Forts , for taking any Money , Horses or other Cattel , Provisions or other Goods , or any Timber or Woods of any Your Subjects , or Free-Billet , or Free-Quarter , in any place where the Contributions and Taxes agreed on are paid ; humbly beseeching Your Majesty's gracious Care herein , and that the Offenders may receive exemplary punishment . Lastly , That Your Majesty will retain Your pious endeavours to procure the Peace of this languishing Kingdom , not to be removed or altered by any advantages or prosperous success . His MAJESTY'S Gracious Answer to the aforesaid Petition . AS We shall always acknowledge the great Comfort and Assistance We have received by your Councils since your Meeting here according to Our Proclamation ; so We must give you very particular Thanks for the Expressions you have made in this Petition of your Confidence in Us , and for the Care you have therein taken , that all Our good Subjects may receive ample satisfaction in those things upon which the Good and Welfare of their Condition so much depends . We have long observed ( though not without wonder ) the sly , subtile , and groundless Insinuation infused and dispersed amongst our People by the disturbers of the Publick Peace , of Our favouring and countenancing of Popery : And therefore as in Our constant , visible practice We have to the utmost of Our Power , ( and We hope , sufficiently ) manifested the gross falshood of those Imputations and Scandals , so We have omitted no opportunity of publishing to all the World the clear Intentions and Resolutions of the Soul in that point . We wish from Our heart that the true Reformed Protestant Religion may not receive greater Blemish by the Actions and Practices of these Men , than it doth or shall by any Connivence of Ours . We will take the best care We can ( and We desire your assistance in it ) to publish to all Our good Subjects that Our Protestation , and those Declarations you mention : And We do assure you , there is not an Expression in either of them , for the maintenance and advancement of Our Religion , with which Our Heart doth not fully concur ; and in which We shall be so constant , that if it shall not please God to enable Us by Force to defend it , We shall shew Our Affection and Love to it by dying for it . We may without vanity say , It hath pleased God to enlighten Our Understanding to discern the clear Truth of the Protestant Religion , in which We have been born and bred , from the Mists and Clouds of Popery , the which ( if it hath made any growth or progress of late within the Kingdom , as We hope it hath not ) is more beholding to the unchristian Rage and Fury of these Men than to any Connivence or Favour of Ours . For a National Synod , We have often promised it , and when God shall give so much Peace and Quiet to this Kingdom , that regular and lawful Conventions may be esteemed , shall gladly perform that Promise , as the best means to re-establish Our Religion , and make up those Breaches which are made : And We shall then willingly recommend unto them a special care of the ease of tender Consciences of Our Protestant Subjects , as We have often expressed . For the Laws of the Land , We can say no more than We have said in that Protestation you mention , and We thank you for being satisfied with it ; in which God knows Our Resolution to be so firm and stedfast , that We will give any Security under Heaven for the observation of it . And as Our greatest desire at this present is to meet in a full and free Convention of Parliament , which We are confident would quickly put an end to all these Troubles : So , when it shall please God to restore that Blessing to Us , We shall value and esteem that Council , and frequently consult with it , and be advised by it , as the best means to make both King and People truly happy ; and We shall then by an Act given wipe out the footsteps of these extraordinary Supplies , which nothing but this real visible Necessity which oppresses us all could have compelled Us to make use of , and which shall never be mentioned or remembred by Us to the least Prejudice of your Rights and Liberties . And in the mean time , We shall leave nothing undone for the preservation of particular Contracts , and prevention of the disorder and licence of the Souldier , which is in Our Power to do , no particular Person enduring half that sadness of heart for those Breaches and Pressures which We Our Self do : For the prevention and suppression whereof We shall proceed with all Rigour and Severity . Lastly , as the support and maintenance of the Religion , Laws and Privileges of Parliament is ( as you well know ) the only Argument of Our defensive Arms ; so those being secured , We shall with all imaginable Joy lay down those Arms : And as you have been Our Witnesses and Our Assistants in Our earnest desires of Peace , so We promise you , We shall not only with the same earnestness always embrace it , if it shall be offered , but pursue and press it upon the least likelihood of Opportunity . And this Our Resolution , by God's Blessing , shall never be altered by any Advantages or prosperous Success . His MAJESTY'S Protestation . I DO Promise in the presence of Almighty God , and as I hope for his Blessing and Protection , That I will , to the utmost of My Power , defend and maintain the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in the Church of England , and by the Grace of God in the same will live and die . I desire to Govern by the known Laws of the Land , and that the Liberty and Property of the Subject may be by them preserved with the same care as My own just Rights : And if it please God by His blessing upon this Army raised for My necessary defence , to preserve Me from this Rebellion , I do solemnly and faithfully Promise , in the sight of God , to maintain the just Privileges and Freedom of Parliament , and to govern by the known Laws of the Land , to My utmost Power ; and particularly to observe inviolably the Laws consented to by Me this Parliament . In the mean while , if this time of War , and the great necessity and streights I am now driven to , beget any violation of those , I hope it shall be imputed by God and Man to the Authors of this War , and not to Me , Who have so earnestly laboured for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom . When I willingly fail in these particulars , I will expect no Aid or Relief from any Man , or Protection from Heaven : But in this Resolution I hope for the chearful Assistance of all good Men , and am confident of God's Blessing . MDCXLIV . [ The Declaration of the most Excellent and Potent Prince , CHARLES King of Great Britain , sent to the Protestant Churches beyond the Seas . ] CHARLES by the Providence of Almighty God King of England , Scotland , France and Ireland , Defender of the Faith , To all those who profess the true Reformed Protestant Religion , of what Nation , degree and condition soever they be , to whom this present Declaration shall come , Greeting . Whereas We are given to understand , that many false Rumors and Scandalous Letters are spread up and down amongst the Reformed Churches in Foreign parts by the politick , or rather the pernicious , industry of some ill-affected Persons , that We have an inclination to recede from that Orthodox Religion which We were born , baptized and bred in , and which We have firmly professed and practised throughout the whole course of Our Life to this moment , and that We intend to give way to the introduction and publick Exercise of Popery again in Our Dominions : Which Conjecture or rather most detestable Calumny , being grounded upon no imaginable foundation , hath raised these horrid Tumults and more than barbarous Wars throughout this flourishing Island , under pretext of a kind of Reformation , which would not only prove incongruous , but incompatible with the Fundamental Laws and Government of this Kingdom : We desire that the whole Christian World should take notice and rest assured , that We never entertained in Our Imagination the least thought to attempt such a thing , or to depart a jot from that holy Religion , which when we received the Crown and Sceptre of this Kingdom , We took a most Solemn and Sacramental Oath to profess and protect . Nor doth Our most constant practice and quotidian visible presence in the exercise of this sole Religion , with so many Asseverations in the head of Our Armies , and the publick Attestation of Our Barons , with the circumspection used in the Education of Our Royal Off-spring , besides divers other undeniable Arguments , only demonstrate this ; but also that happy Alliance of Marriage We contracted betwixt Our Eldest Daughter and the Illustrious Prince of Orange , most clearly confirms the reality of Our Intentions herein ; by which Nuptial Engagement it appears further , that Our endeavours are not only to make a bare Profession thereof in Our Own Dominions , but to inlarge and corroborate it abroad as much as lyeth in Our Power . This most holy Religion of the Anglicane Church , ordain'd by so many Convocations of Learned Divines , confirm'd by so many Acts of National Parliaments , and strengthned by so many Royal Proclamations , together with the Ecclesiastick Discipline and Liturgy thereunto appertaining , ( which Liturgy and Discipline the most eminent of Protestant Authors , as well Germans as French , as well Danes as Swedes and Switzers , as well Belgians as Bohemians , do with many Elogies , and not without a kind of envy , approve and applaud in their publick Writings ; particularly in the Transactions of the Synod of Dort , wherein , besides other of Our Divines who afterwards were Prelates , one of Our Bishops assisted , to whose Dignity all due respects and precedency was given ; ) this Religion , We say , which Our Royal Father of blessed Memory doth publickly assert in that His famous Confession address'd ( as We also do this Our Protestation ) to all Christian Princes , this , this most holy Religion , with the Hierarchy and Liturgy thereof , We solemny protest that , by the help of Almighty God , We will endeavour , to Our utmost Power and last period of Our Life , to keep entire and inviolable , and will be careful , according to Our duty to Heaven , and the tenor of the aforesaid most sacred Oath at Our Coronation , that all Our Ecclesiasticks in their several degrees and incumbences shall preach and practise the same . Wherefore We enjoyn and command all Our Ministers of State beyond the Seas , as well Ambassadors , as Residents , Agents and Messengers , and We desire all the rest of Our loving Subjects that sojourn either for curiosity or commerce in any Foreign parts , to communicate , uphold , and assert this Our solemn and sincere Protestation , when opportunity of time and place shall be offered . Given in Our Vniversity and City of Oxford , the 14th . day of May , 1644. The goodly CEDAR of Apostolick EPISCOPACY , comp●●●d with the moderne Shoots & Slips of divided NOVELTIES in the Church before the Introduction of the Apostles Lives PAPERS AND PASSAGES CONCERNING THE TREATY OF PEACE AT UXBRIDGE , MDCXLIV . XLV . By the King A Proclamation declaring His Majesty's Resolution for settling a speedy Peace by a good Accommodation , and an Invitation to all His Loyal Subjects to joyn together for His Assistance therein . AMongst the many Troubles wherewith ( for more than two years last past ) We have been involved , nothing hath more afflicted Us than the real sense of Our Subjects Sufferings , occasioned by this most unnatural War ; and the chief of Our Care hath been ( and by God's assistance shall still be ) to settle them in a happy Peace , with that freedom of enjoyning the exercise of their Religion , Rights and Liberties , according to the Laws of this Kingdom , as they or any of their Ancestors enjoyed the same in the best times of the late Queen Elizabeth , or Our Royal Father . And as we have always profest in the sincerity of Our Heart , That no Success should ever make Us averse unto Peace ; so have We always , when God hath blessed Us with any eminent Victory , sollicited the Members of both Houses of Parliament remaining at Westminster , by frequent Messages , for a Treaty conducing thereunto : and in particular upon Our late Victory over the Earl of Essex his Army in Cornwal ( which We wholly attribute to the immediate hand of God ) We presently dispatch'd a Message to them to desire a Treaty for Peace and Accommodation ; of which , as likewise of that former Message for Peace which We sent them from Evesholm the fourth of July last , We have yet received no Answer ; and therefore have resolved with Our Army to draw presently towards London and Our Southern and Eastern Counties , not looking upon those parts as Enemies to Us , and so to suffer by the approach of Our Army or the disorders thereof , ( which We will use all possible means to prevent ) but as Our poor Subjects oppressed by Power , ( of which We rest assured the greater part remain Loyal to Us ) and so deserving Our Protection . And We hope that at a nearer distance of place there may be begot so right an understanding between Us and Our People , that at length We may obtain a Treaty for Peace , and a full , free and peaceable Convention in Parliament , and therein make an end of these unhappy Differences by a good Accommodation . In which We hereby assure all Our People upon Our Royal Word , and the Faith of a Christian , ( which is the greatest Security We can give them ) that We will insist only upon the setling and continuance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion , Our own undoubted known Rights , the Privileges of Parliament , and Our Subjects Liberty and Property , according to the Laws of the Land , and to have all these settled in a full and free Parliament , whereby the Armies on both sides may be presently disbanded , this Kingdom may be secured from the danger of a Conquest by Foreign Forces , all Strangers now in Arms may return to their own Countries , and Our poor Subjects be freed of those grievous burthens , which by reason of the late Distractions have ( much against Our Will ) too much pressed them . And to the end Our Subjects may no longer be misled be false pretences , We do desire all of them , as well in Our own Quarters as where the Rebels have usurped a Power , to take into serious consideration the Duty and Loyalty which by the Law of God and their Oath of Allegiance they owe unto Us , and more particularly that part thereof which concerns the Defence of Our Person , and Assistance of Us against Rebels and such as rise in Arms against Us ; which they may find plainly set down in the Statute of the II. year of King Henry the Seventh , Cap. 1. And We do hereby require Our Subjects within Our own Quarters through or near which We shall pass , by that Duty they owe to Us and their Country , that they forthwith prepare themselves , with the best Arms they can get , to be ready , and joyn , and go along with Us in this present Expedition , ( We resolving to take special care to place them under the Command of Gentlemen of Quality of their own Countries , to their good content and satisfaction . ) And we likewise require and authorize all Our good Subjects , as well the Trained Bands as others , of Our City of London , and Our Southern and Eastern Counties , to chuse their own Commanders and Leaders amongst those Gentlemen and Citizens that are of approved Loyalty to Us , and Lovers of the Peace of their Country , and upon Our approach towards those parts to put themselves into Arms , and march in warlike manner to assist Us in this good Work , and free themselves from the Tyranny of their fellow-Subjects under which they groan ; commanding and authorizing them to seize such places of Strength in those Southern and Eastern Counties as the Rebels have possessed themselves of , to oppose with force of Arms such Persons as shall resist them in obeying these Our Commands , and to apprehend and secure the Persons of all such as shall endeavour to continue this Rebellion , and to hinder the settling of the Peace of this Kingdom in a full and free Convention of Parliament , ( the only visible means lest , by blessing of God , to redeem this Nation from utter Ruine ; ) wherein We will afford Our utmost Protection and Safety unto all Our Subjects that shall give Obedience to these Our Commands . And as We doubt not but that all Our good Subjects will come chearfully to Our assistance for so good an end ( beyond which We do not require it ; ) so We trust that God , who hath hitherto wonderfully preserved Us , will crown this Action with happy Success , for his Glory , and the welfare of this poor Nation . Given at Our Court at Chard , the thirtieth day of September , 1644. God Save the KING . By the King A Proclamation for a Solemn Fast on Wednesday the Fifth of February next , upon occasion of the present Treaty for Peace . VVHereas Almighty God in his Justice , to punish the Common and Crying Sins of the Land , hath sent a Civil Sword throughout all Our Dominions , which hath miserably wasted , and threatens a speedy and utter Desolation to the same ; and now in the height of these Calamities , a Treaty is assented to , to begin at Vxbridge on Thursday the Thirtieth day of this instant January , touching the composing and ending of those unhappy Differences and Distractions , about which so much blood hath been already spilt , which Treaty may , by the blessing of God ( who is the disposer of all mens hearts and of all events ) be a means to produce a Peace : and whereas it is the Duty , and hath been the practice , of Christians under Affliction , to set apart some time for publick and solemn Humiliation and Prayer , for removing of God's Judgments , and particularly for a Blessing and good Success to the means conducing to their Deliverance : We do therefore by this Our Praclamation appoint and streightly charge and command , that on Wednesday being the 5. of February next ensuing , a solemn Fast be kept in all places within Our Dominions , whither the notice of this Our Proclamation shall or may come before that time , that both Prince and People may then joyn together in a true Humiliation , and Devout and earnest Prayers to God , that He would be pleased so to bless and prosper this intended Treaty , that it may produce a happy Peace in all Our Dominions , such as may be for his Honour , and the good of His Church , and of Us and all Our Subjects . And We do hereby charge and require all Our Subjects , of what degree or condition soever they be , which shall have notice of this Our Proclamation , That they do religiously prepare and apply themselves to a due observation of the same , by Fasting , Humiliation , and Prayer on that day , and in hearing of God's Word , as they will answer to God their neglect of this Christian Duty , and as will Answer to Us their neglect of this Our just and necessary Command . And for the better and more orderly observation of this Fast , We do hereby appoint , that the Form of Prayer and Service of God set forth in the Book heretofore published for the Monthly Fast , with such Alterations and Additions as shall be prepared and fitted for this present purpose , and published in Print before the said day , shall be used in all Churches and Chapels where this Fast shall be kept . Given at Our Court at Oxford , this 27. day of January , in the Twentieth year of Our Reign , 1644. God Save the KING . HIS Majesty having received an Account from His Commissioners of their proceedings in the late Treaty at Vxbridge , to the end that all His People may be fully satisfied of His earnest and constant endeavours to procure the publick Peace , whereby to put an end to these present Miseries , hath commanded this full and plain Narrative of all the Passages concerning that Treaty to be made and published . AFter His Majesty's Message from Evesham of the 4. of July last , desiring and propounding a Treaty for Peace , and His second Message from Tavestock of the 8. of September last , renewing that desire ; at length , on the 23. day of November last past , the Earl of Denbigh and others repaired to His Majesty at Oxford with Propositions , in these words following . VVE Your Majesty's Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Your Kingdoms , from the sense of that Duty we owe unto Your Majesty , and of the deep Sufferings and many Miseries under which Your People of all Your Kingdoms lie bleeding in this unnatural War , after long and serious consultation about the best ways and means of their Preservation , and for settling Your Majesty's Throne , and Your Subjects in Peace and Security , have with common consent resolved upon these Propositions , which we do humbly tender unto Your Majesty . The humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace , agreed upon by the mutual Advice and Consent of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , united by solemn League and Covenant , to be presented to His Majesty . I. That by Act of Parliament in each Kingdom respectively , all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations against both or either of the Houses of the Parliament of England , and the late Convention of Estates in Scotland , or Committees flowing from the Parliament , or Convention in Scotland , or their Ordinances and Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , and all Indictments , Outlawries and Attainders against any for the said Causes , be declared Null , suppressed and forbidden ; and that this be publickly intimated in all Parish-Churches within His Majesty's Dominions , and all other places needful . II. That His Majesty , according to the laudable Example of His Royal Father of happy memory , may be pleased to swear and sign the late solemn League and Covenant ; and that an Act of Parliament be passed in both Kingdoms respectively , for enjoyning the taking thereof by all the Subjects of the three Kingdoms , and the Ordinances concerning the manner of taking the same in both Kingdoms be confirmed by Acts of Parliaments respectively , with such Penalties as by mutual Advice of both Kingdoms shall be agreed upon . III. That the Bill be passed for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellours and Commissaries , Deans and Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellours , Treasurers , Sub-treasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church and all other their under-Officers , out of the Church of England and Dominion of Wales , and out of the Church of Ireland , with such Alterations concerning the Estates of Prelates as shall agree with the Articles of the late Treaty , of the Date at Edenborough 29 of Novemb. 1643. and joint Declaration of both Kingdoms . IV. That the Ordinance concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament . V. That Reformation of Religion according to the Covenant be settled by Act of Parliament in such manner as both Houses shall agree upon after Consultation had with the Assembly of Divines . And for as much as both Kingdoms are mutually obliged by the same Covenant , to endeavour the nearest Conjunction and Uniforminy in matters of Religion , that such Unity and Uniformity in Religion according to the Covenant as , after Consultation had with the Divines of both Kingdoms now assembled , shall be joyntly agreed upon by both Houses of the Parliament of England , and by the Church and Kingdom of Scotland , be confirmed by Acts of Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively . VI. That for the more effectual disabling Jesuits , Priests , Papists and Popish Recusants from disturbing the State and deluding the Laws , and for the better discovering and speedy conviction of Recusants , an Oath be established by Act of Parliament to be administred to them , wherein they shall abjure and renounce the Popes Supremacy , the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , Purgatory , worshipping of the consecrated Host , Crucifixes and Images , and all other Popish Superstitions and Errors ; and refusing the said Oath being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by the said Act , to be sufficient conviction in Law of Recusancy . VII . An Act of Parliament for Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . VIII . An Act for the true levying of the Penalties against them , which Penalties to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , wherein to be provided that His Majesty shall have no loss . IX . That an Act be passed in Parliament , whereby the practices of Papists against the State may be prevented , and the Laws against them duly executed , and a stricter course taken to prevent the saying or hearing of Mass in the Court , or any other part of this Kingdom . X. The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the four last preceding Propositions , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . XI . That the King do give His Royal Assent To an Act for the due Observation of the Lords day ; And to the Bill for the suppression of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God ; and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom . And to the Bill against the enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and non-Residency . And to an Act to be framed and agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament , for the reforming and regulating of both Universities , of the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester , and Eaton . And to an Act in like manner to be agreed upon for the suppression of Interludes and Stage-playes ; this Act to be perpetual . And to an Act for the taking the Accompts of the Kingdom . And to an Act to be made for relief of sick and maimed Souldiers , and of poor Widows and Children of Soldiers . And to such Act or Acts for raising of Moneys for the payment and satisfying of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom , and other publick uses , as shall hereafter be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament . And to an Act or Acts of Parliament for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries , and all Wardships , Liveries , Primer seisins , and Ouster le maines , and all other charges incident or arising for or by reason of Wardship , Livery , Primer seisin , or Ouster le main . And for the taking away of all Tenures by Homage , and all Fines , Licences , Seisures , and Pardons for Alienation , and all other charges incident thereunto , and for turning of all Tenures by Knights service , either of His Majesty or others , or by Knights service or soccage in Capite of His Majesty , into free and common Soccage ; and that His Majesty will please to accept in recompence hereof 100000 pounds per annum . And give Assurance of His consenting in the Parliament of Scotland to an Act ratifying the Acts of Convention of the Estates of Scotland called by the Council and Conservatory of Peace , and the Commissioners for the common Burthens , and assembled the 22 day of June 1643. and several times continued since , in such manner , and with such additions and other Acts , as the Estates convened in this present Parliament , shall think convenient . XII . That an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively for confirmation of the Treaties passed betwixt the two Kingdom , ( viz. ) the large Treaties , the late Treaty for the coming of the Scots Army into England , and the settling of the Garrison of Berwick of the 29. of November 1643. and the Treaty concerning Ireland of the 6. of August 1642. with all other Ordinances and Proceedings passed betwixt the two Kingdoms in pursuance of the said Treaties . XIII . That an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties with the Rebels without consent of both Houses of Parliament , and to settle the prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of Parliament , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms ; and the King to assist , and to do no Act to discountenance or molest them therein . XIV . That an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively , for establishing the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , bearing date the 30. of January 1643. in England and 1644. in Scotland , with the Qualifications ensuing . 1. That the Persons who shall expect no Pardon be only these following , RUPERT and MAURICE , Count Palatines of the Rhene , James Earl of Derby , John Earl of Bristol , William Earl of Newcastle , Francis Lord Cottington , John Lord Pawlet , George Lord Digby , Edward Lord Littleton , William Laud Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , Matthew Wren , Bishop of Ely , Sir Robert Heath Knight , Doctor Bramhall Bishop of Dery , Sir John Biron Knight , William Widdrington , Colonel George Goring Henry Jermin Esq ; Sir Ralph Hopton , Sir Francis Doddington , M. Endymion Porter , Sir George Ratcliffe , Sir Marmaduke Langdale , Sir John Hotham , Captain John Hotham his Son , Sir Henr , Vaughan , Sir Francis Windebanke , Sir Richard Greenvile , Master Edward Hyde , Sir John Marley , Sir Nicholas Cole , Sir Thomas Riddel Junior , Colonel ..... Ware , Sir John Strangwaies , Sir John Culpeper , Sir Richard Floyd , John Bodvile Esq ; Mr. David Jenkins , Sir George Strode , Sir Alexander Carew , Marquiss of Huntley , Earl of Montross , Earl of Niddisdale , Earl of Traquaire , Earl of Carnewath , Viscount of Aubayne , Lord Ogilby , Lord Rae , Lord Harris , Lodwick Lindsey sometime Earl of Crawford , Patrick Ruthen sometime Earl of Forth , James King sometime Lord Ethyn , Irving younger of Drunim , Gordon younger of Gight , Lesly of Auchintoule , Sir Robert Spotswood of Dumipace , Colonel John Cockram , Master John Maxwel sometime pretended Bishop of Ross , Master Walter Balcanquall , and all such others as being processed by the Estates for Treason , shall be condemned before the Act of Oblivion be passed . 2. All Papists and Popish Recusants who have been , now are , or shall be actually in Arms , or voluntarily assisting against the Parliaments or Estates of either Kingdom . 3. All persons who have had any hand in the plotting , designing or assisting the Rebellion in Ireland . 4. That Humphry Bennet Esq ; Sir Edward Ford , Sir John Penruddock , Sir George Vaughan , Sir John Weld , Sir Robert Lee , Sir John Pate , John Ackland , Edmund Windham , Esquires , Sir John Fitz-herbert , Sir Edward Laurence , Sir Ralph Dutton , Henry Lingen Esq ; Sir William Russel of Worcestershire , Thomas Lee of Adlington Esq ; Sir John Girlington , Sir Paul Neale , Sir William Thorold , Sir Edward Hussey , Sir Thomas Lyddel , Senior , Sir Philip Musgrave , Sir John Digby of Nottingh . Sir Henry Fletcher , Sir Richard Minshal , Laurence Halsteed , John Denham , Esquires , Sir Edmund Fortescue , Peter St. Hill Esq ; Sir Tho. Tildesly , Sir Hen. Griffith , Michael Wharton Esq ; Sir Hen. Spiller , Sir George Benion , Sir Edward Nicholas , Sir Edward Walgrove , Sir Edward Bishop , Sir Robert Owsly , Sir John Maney , Lord Cholmely , Sir Thomas Aston , Sir Lewis Dives , Sir Peter Osborn , Samuel Thorneton Esq ; Sir John Lucas , John Blomey Esq ; Sir Thomas Chedle , Sir Nicholas Kemish , and Hugh Lloyd Esq ; and all such of the Scotish Nation as have concurred in the Votes at Oxford against the Kingdom of Scotland and their Proceedings , or have sworn or subscribed the Declaration against the Convention and Covenant ; and all such as have assisted the Rebellion in the North , or the Invasion in the South of the said Kingdom of Scotland , or the late Invasion made there by the Irish and their Adherents ; and that the Members of either House of Parliament who have not only deserted the Parliament , but have also Voted both Kingdoms Traitors , may be removed from His Majesty's Councils , and be restrained from coming within the verge of the Court , and that they may not without the advice and consent of both Kingdoms bear any Office , or have any employment concerning the State or Commonwealth : And also that the Members of either House of Parliament who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and not rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. may be removed from His Majesty's Councils , and be restrained from coming within the verge of the Court , and that they may not , without the advice and consent of both Houses of Parliament , bear any Office , or have any employment concerning the State or Common-wealth : And in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon by His Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland respectively , shall think fit . 5. That by Act of Parliament all Judges and Officers towards the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be made incapable of any place of Judicature or Office towards the Law , Common or Civil ; and that all Serjeants , Councellors and Attourneys , Doctors , Advocates and Proctors of the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be made incapable of any practice in the Law , Common or Civil , either in publick or in private : And that they , and likewise all Bishops , Clergy-men , and other Ecclesiastical persons , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , shall not be capable of any preferment or imployment either in Church or Commonwealth , without the advice and consent of both Houses of Parliament . 6. The persons of all others to be free of all personal censure , notwithstanding any Act or thing done in or concerning this War , they taking the Covenant . 7. The Estates of those persons excepted in the first three preceding qualifications , to pay publick Debts and Damages . 8. A third part in full value of the Estates of the persons made incapable of any imployment , as aforesaid , to be imployed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages , according to the Declaration . 9. And likewise a tenth part of the Estates of all other Delinquents within the joynt Declarations . And in case the Estates and proportions aforementioned shall not suffice for the payment of the publick engagements , whereunto they are only to be employed that then a new proportion may be appointed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , providing it exceed not the one moity of the Estates of the persons made incapable , as aforesaid , and that it exceed not a sixth part of the Estate of the other Delinquents . 10. That the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of England , who in Lands or Goods be not worth 200 l. sterling , and the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of Scotland , who in Lands or Goods be not worth 100 l. sterling , be at liberty and discharged . 11. That an Act be passed whereby the Debts of the Kingdom , and the Persons of Delinquents , and the value of their Estates may be known ; and which Act shall appoint in what manner the Confiscations and proportions before mentioned may be levied , and applyed to the discharge of the said engagements . XV. That by Act of Parliament the Subjects of the Kingdom of England may be appointed to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined in such manner as both Houses shall think fit : The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . XVI . That an Act of Parliament be passed for the setling of the Admiralty and Forces at Sea , and for the raising of such Moneys for maintenance of the said Forces and of the Navy as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit : The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . XVII . An Act for the settling of all Forces both by Sea and Land in Commissioners to be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , of persons of known Integrity , and such as both Kingdoms may confide in , for their faithfulness to Religion and the Peace of the Kingdoms , of the House of Peers , and of the House of Commons , who shall be removed or altered from time to time as both Houses shall think fit ; and when any shall die , others to be nominated in their places by the said Houses . Which Commissioners shall have power , 1. To suppress any Forces raised without Authority of both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliaments without consent of the said Commissioners , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , and to suppress any Foreign Forces that shall invade this Kingdom : And that it shall be high Treason in any who shall levy any Force without such Authority or consent , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , any Commission under the great Seal or Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding , and they to be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed of as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit . 2. To preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbance of the publick Peace that may rise by occasion of the late Troubles ; so for the Kingdom of Scotland . 3. To have power to send part of themselves , so as they exceed not a third part , or be not under the number of to reside in the Kingdom of Scotland , to assist and Vote as single persons with the Commissioners of Scotland , in those matters wherein the Kingdom of Scotland is only concerned : so for the Kingdom of Scotland . 4. That the Commissioners of both Kingdoms may meet as a joynt Committee , as they shall see cause , or send part of themselves , as aforesaid , to do as followeth . 1. To preserve the Peace betwixt the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them . 2. To prevent the violation of the Articles of Peace , as aforesaid , or any troubles arising in the Kingdoms by breach of the said Articles , and to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the same , according to the Treaty , and to do further accordingly as they shall respectively receive Instructions from both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , and in the Intervals of Parliaments from the Commissioners for the preservation of the publick Peace . 3. To raise and joyn the Forces of both Kingdoms to resist all Foreign Invasion , and to suppress any Forces raised within any of the Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , by any authority under the great Seal or other Warrant whatsoever , without consent of both Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , or the said Commissioners of that Kingdom whereof they are Subjects ; and that in those cases of joynt concernment to both Kingdoms , the Commissioners to be directed to be there all , or such part as aforesaid , to act and direct as joynt Commissioners of both Kingdoms . 4. To order the War of Ireland according to the Ordinance of the 11 th . of April , and to order the Militia , and conserve the peace of the Kingdom of Ireland . XVIII . That His Majesty give His assent to what the two Kingdoms shall agree upon in prosecution of the Articles of the large Treaty , which are not yet finished . XIX . That by Act of Parliament all Peers made since the day that Edward Lord Littleton , then Lord Keeper of the great Seal , deserted the Parliament , and that the said great Seal was surreptitiously conveyed away from the Parliament , being the 21. day of May 1642. and who shall be hereafter made , shall not sit or Vote in the Parliament of England , without consent of both Houses of Parliament ; and that all Honour and Title conferred on any , without consent of both Houses of Parliament , since the 20. day of May 1642. being the day that both Houses declared , That the King , seduced by evil Counsel , intended to raise War against the Parliament , be declared null and void . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , those being excepted whose Patents were passed the great Seal before the 4. of June 1644. XX. That by Act of Parliament the Deputy or chief Governour , or other Governours of Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliament by the Commissioners , to continue during the pleasure of the said Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament during the pleasure of the said Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament during the pleasure of the aforementioned Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting : And that the Chancellor or Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , Commissioners of the great Seal or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports , Chancellors of the Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Judges of both Benches and of the Exchequer of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , to continue quamdiu se bene gesserint , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the aforementioned Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , adding the Justice General , and in such manner , as the Estates in Parliament there shall think fit . XXI . That by Act of Parliament the Education of Your Majesty's Children , and the Children of Your Heirs and Successors , be in the true Protestant Religion , and that their Tutors and Governours be of known Integrity , and be chosen by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , or in the Intervals of Parliaments by the aforenamed Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Parliaments at their next sitting : and that if they be Male , they be married to such only as are of the true Protestant Religion ; if they be Female , they may not be marryed but with the advice and consent of both Parliaments , or in the Intervals of Parliament by their Commissioners . XXII . That Your Majesty will give Your Royal Assent to such ways and means as the Parliaments of both Kingdoms shall think fitting for the uniting of the Protestant Princes , and for the entire Restitution and Re-establishment of Charles Lodwick , Prince Elector Palatine , His Heirs and Successors , to His Electoral Dignity , Rights and Dominions : Provided that this extend not to Prince Rupert or Prince Maurice , or the Children of either of them , who have been the Instruments of so much blood-shed and mischief against both Kingdoms . XXIII . That by Act of Parliament the concluding of Peace or War with Foreign Princes and States be with advice and consent of both Parliaments , or in the Intervals of Parliaments by their Commissioners . XXIV . That an Act of Oblivion be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively , relative to the Qualifications in the Propositions aforesaid , concerning the joint Declaration of both Kingdoms , with the exception of all Murderers , Thieves , and other Offenders not having relation to the War. XXV . That the Members of both Houses of Parliaments , or others , who have during this Parliament been put out of any Place or Office , Pension or Benefit , for adhering to the Parliament , may either be restored thereunto , or otherwise have Recompence for the same , upon the humble desire of both Houses of Parliament . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland . XXVI . That the Armies may be Disbanded at such time and in such manner as shall be agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , or such as shall be Authorized by them to that effect . XXVII . That an Act be passed for the granting and confirming of the Charters , Customs , Liberties and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Non-user , Mis-user , or Abuser . That the Militia of the City of London may be in the ordering and Government of the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , whereof the Lord Major and Sheriffs for the time being to be three : And that the Militia of the Parishes without London , and the Liberties within the weekly Bills of Mortality , may be under Command of the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council of the said City , to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . That the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of London , and the chief Officer and Governour thereof from time to time be nominated and removable by the Common-Council . That the Citizens or Forces of London shall not be drawn out of the City into any other parts of the Kingdom without their own consent , and that the drawing of their Forces into other parts of the Kingdom in these distracted times may not be drawn into example for the future . And for prevention of Inconveniences which may happen by the long intermission of Common-Councils , it is desired that there be an Act , that all By-Laws and Ordinances already made or hereafter to be made by the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council assembled , touching the calling , continuing , directing and regulating of the same , shall be as effectual in Law to all intents and purposes , as if the same were particularly enacted by the Authority of Parliament ; and that the Lord Major , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council may add to , or repeal , the said Ordinances from time to time , as they shall see cause . That such other Propositions as shall be made for the City for their farther Safety , Welfare and Government , and shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament , may be granted and confirmed by Act of Parliament . Upon consideration of which Propositions His Majesty sent the Duke of Richmond , and the Earl of Southampton with this Message of the 13. of December . HIS Majesty hath seriously considered your Propositions , and finds it very difficult , in respect they import so great an Alteration in Government both in Church and State , to return a particular and positive Answer before a full debate , wherein those Propositions , and all the necessary Explanations and Reasons for assenting , dissenting , or qualifying , and all inconveniences and mischiefs which may ensue , and cannot otherwise be so well foreseen , may be discussed and weighed . His Majesty therefore proposeth and desireth , as the best Expedient for Peace , That you will appoint such a number of Persons as you shall think fit , to Treat with the like number of Persons to be appointed by His Majesty upon the said Propositions , and such other things as shall be proposed by His Majesty , for the preservation and defence of the Protestant Religion ( with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , as His Majesty hath often offered ) the Rights of the Crown , the Liberty and Property of the Subjects , and the Privileges of Parliament ; and upon the whole matter to conclude a happy and blessed Peace . Unto which Message this Answer of the 27. of December was returned to His Majesty . May it please Your most Excellent Majesty , VVE Your Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects of both Kingdoms have considered of Your Majesty's Message of the 13. of December 1644. sent by the Duke of Richmond and the Earl of Southampton , directed to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland now at London , and do in all humbleness return this Answer : That we do consent there be a Treaty for a safe and well-grounded Peace ; but find that it will require some time to resolve concerning the Instructions and manner of that Treaty ; and therefore , that Your Majesty might not be held in suspence touching our readiness to make use of any opportunity for attaining such a blessed and happy Peace in all Your Majesty's Dominions , we would not stay Your Majesty's Messengers till we did resolve upon all those particulars , which we will take into our serious consideration , and present our humble desires to Your Majesty with all convenient speed . Westminster the 20. of December , 1644. Signed in the name and by warrant of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , Lowdon . Gray of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthal , Speaker , of the Commons House assembled in Parliament . And afterwards , upon the 18th . of January following , Sir Peter Killegrew brought this farther Answer to His Majesty . May it please Your most Excellent Majesty , VVE Your Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , do make our further Answer to Your Majesty's Message of the 13 th . of December last 1644. concerning a Treaty for Peace , as followeth . We do consent that there be a Treaty for a safe and well-grounded Peace between Your Majesty and Your humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliament of both Kingdoms ; and for the present have appointed Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembrook and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Basil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzill Hollis , William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , Edmund Prideaux , for the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster ; and John Earl of Lowdon , Lord Chancellor of Scotland , Archibald Marquefs of Argyle , John Lord Maitland , John Lord Balmerino , Sir Archibald Johnston , Sir Charles Erskin , George Dundas , Sir John Smith , Master Hugh Kennedy , and Master Robert Barclay , for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , together with Master Alexander Henderson , upon the Propositions concerning Religion : Who , or any Ten of them ( there being always some of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms ) are appointed and authorized to meet at Vxbridge , on what day Your Majesty shall be pleased to set down before the last day of this present January , with such persons as Your Majesty shall appoint under Your Sign Manual for that purpose ; and the number of the persons to Treat not to exceed Seventeen on either part , unless the persons named for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland now not here , or any of them , shall come , and then Your Majesty may have the like number if You please ; there to Treat upon the Matters contained in the Propositions we lately sent unto Your Majesty , according to such Instructions as shall be given unto them ; and the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and for Ireland , to be first Treated on and agreed , and the time for the Treaty upon the said Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and for Ireland , not to exceed Twenty days . And for the things mentioned in Your Message to be propounded by Your Majesty , when the Persons sent by Your Majesty shall communicate the same to the Committees appointed by us as aforesaid , we have directed them to send the same to us , that they may receive our Instructions , what to do therein . And to the end that the Persons that are to be sent from Your Majesty and from us with their Retinue , not exceeding the number of one hundred and eight on either part , may repair to Vxbridge , stay there , and return at their pleasure without interruption , that mutual safe Conducts be granted to the said Persons according to the several Lists of their Names . Signed by Order of the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster . Signed in the name and by warrant of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland . Lowdon . Grey of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthall , Speaker of the Commons House in the Parliament of England . Whereunto His MAJESTY returned an Answer inclosed in a Letter from Prince Rupert to the Earl of Essex , dated the 21 of January ; which Letter and Answer were as followeth . The Letter . My Lord , I Am commanded by His Majesty to return this His Answer to the Message lately sent Him from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , by Sir Peter Killegrew . I have likewise sent your Lordship His Majesty's safe Conduct for the persons desired , and also a List of the names of those His Majesty hath appointed to Treat , for whom , together with their Retinue , His Majesty hath desired a safe Conduct . The Answer inclosed . HIS Majesty having received a Message by Sir Peter Killegrew from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , concerning a Treaty , returns this Answer ; That His Majesty doth very willing consent that there be a Treaty upon the Matters contained in the Propositions lately sent unto Him in such manner as is proposed , and at the place appointed in the said Message ; and to that purpose His Majesty will send the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kingston , the Earl of Chichester , the Lord Capell , the Lord Seymour , the Lord Hatton , the Lord Culpeper , Secretary Nicholas , Master Chancellor of the Exchequer , the Lord Chief Baron Lane , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Sir Thomas Gardiner , M. John Ashburnham , M. Jeffrey Palmer , ( together with Dr. Steward , Clerk of His Majesty's Closet , upon the Propositions concerning Religion , ) to meet with the persons mentioned in the said Message at Vxbridge on Wednesday night the 29 th . of this instant January , the Treaty to begin the next day ; which persons , or any Ten of them , shall be sufficiently authorized by His Majesty to Treat and conclude on His Majesty's part . And to the end that the persons aforesaid and their Retinue may repair to Vxbridge , stay there , and return at their pleasure without interruption , or go or send , during their abode there , to His Majesty , as often as occasion shall require , His Majesty desires that a safe Conduct may accordingly be sent for the said persons and their Retinue , according to a List of their names herewith sent . And then also inclosed in a Letter from Prince Rupert to the Earl of Essex , His Majesty sent Propositions to be Treated upon on His Majesty's part ; which Letter and Propositions follow . My Lord , I Am commanded by His Majesty to send these enclosed Propositions to your Lordship , to be presented to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , to the end that there may be as little loss of time as is possible ; but that the same may be treated on as soon as may be thought convenient , after the entry upon the Treaty . His MAJESTY'S Propositions to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , for a safe and well-grounded Peace . I. THAT His Majesty's own Revenue , Magazines , Towns , Forts and Ships , which have been taken or kept from Him by force , be forthwith restored unto Him. II. That whatsoever hath been done or published contrary to the known Laws of the Land , or derogatory to His Majesty's Legal and known Power and Rights , be renounced and recalled ; that no seed may remain for the like to spring out of for the future . III. That whatsoever illegal Power hath been claimed or exercised by or over His Subjects , as Imprisoning or putting to Death their Persons without Law , stopping their Corpus's , and imposing upon their Estates without Act of Parliament , &c. either by both or either House , or any Committee of both or either , or by any Persons appointed by any of them , be disclaimed , and all such persons so committed forthwith discharged . IV. That as His Majesty hath always professed His readiness to that purpose , so He will most chearfully consent to any good Acts to be made for the suppression of Popery , and for the firmer settling of the Protestant Religion established by Law ; as also that a good Bill may be framed for the better preserving of the Book of Common-Prayer from scorn and violence ; and that another Bill may be framed for the ease of tender Consciences , in such particulars as shall be agreed upon . For all which His Majesty conceives the best expedient to be , that a National Synod be legally called with all convenient speed . V. That all such persons as upon the Treaty shall be excepted , and agreed upon on either side , out of the General Pardon , shall be tried per Pares , according to the usual course and known Law of the Land , and that it be left to that either to acquit or condemn them . VI. And to the intent this Treaty may not suffer interruption by any intervening Accidents , that a Cessation of Arms , and free Trade for all His Majesty's Subjects , may be agreed upon with all possible speed . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 21th . day of Jan. 1644. The Earl of Essex upon receipt hereof returned to Prince Rupert , together with a safe Conduct , this Letter of the 25. of January . Sir , I AM commanded by both Houses of the Parliament of England , and desired by the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to desire Your Highness to let His Majesty know , That they do agree , that their Committees do begin the Treaty at Vxbridge on Thursday the 30 th . of this January , with the Persons appointed by His Majesty , on the matters contained in the Propositions lately sent unto His Majesty , in such manner as was proposed . And their Committees shall have Instructions concerning the Propositions sent from His Majesty in your Highness Letter . And you will herewith receive a safe Conduct from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , for the Persons that are appointed by His Majesty to come to Vxbridge , to Treat on the Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace , with their Retinue , in a List hereunto annexed . Sir , I am Your Highness humble Servant , Essex . Westminster , 25. Jan. 1644. Thursday the 30th . of January , all the Commissioners named by His Majesty , and Commissioners named by the two Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , did meet at Uxbridge , where their Commissions were mutually delivered in and read , and are as followeth . His MAJESTY'S Commission . CHARLES R. VVHereas after several Messages sent by Us to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , expressing Our desires of Peace , certain Propositions were sent from them ; and brought unto Us at Oxford , in November last , by the Earl of Denbigh and others , and upon our Answers , Messages , and Propositions to them , and their Returns to Us , it is now agreed , That there shall be a Treaty for a safe and well grounded Peace , to begin at Vxbridge on Thursday the 30 th . of this instant January , as by the said Propositions , Answers , Messages and Returns in writing may more fully appear : We do therefore hereby appoint , assign and constitute James Duke of Richmond and Lenox , William Marquess of Hartford , Thomas Earl of Southampton , Henry Earl of Kingston , Francis Earl of Chichester , Francis Lord Seymour , Arthur Lord Capell , Christopher Lord Hatton , John Lord Culpeper , Sir Edward Nicholas Knight , one of Our principal Secretaries of State , Sir Edward Hyde Knight , Chancellour and Under-Treasurer of Our Exchequer , Sir Richard Lane , chief Baron of Our said Exchequer , Sir Thomas Gardiner , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Mr. John Ashburnham , and Mr. Jeffrey Palmer , ( together with Doctor Richard Steward , upon these Propositions concerning Religion ) to be Our Commissioners touching the premises ; and do hereby give unto them , and to any Ten or more of them , full power and authority to meet , and on Our part to Treat with Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Bafil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzil Hollis , William Pierrepont , Esquires , Sir Henry Vane the younger , Knight , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , and Edmund Prideaux , Esquires , for the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster ; and John Earl of Lowdon , Lord Chancellour of Scotland , Archibald Marquess of Argyle , John Lord Maitland , John Lord Balmerino , Sir Archibald Johnston , Sir Charles Erskin , George Dundas , Sir John Smith , Mr. Hugh Kennedy , and Mr. Robert Barclay , for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , ( together with Master Alexander Henderson , upon the Propositions concerning Religion ) or with any Ten or more of them , upon and touching the matters , contained in the said Propositions , Answers and Messages , or any other , according to the manner and agreement therein specified , or otherwise , as they , or any Ten or more of them , shall think fit , and to take all the premises into their serious considerations , and to compose , conclude and end all differences arising thereupon , or otherwise , as they , or any Ten or more of them , in their wisdoms shall think fit , and upon the whole matter to conclude a safe and well-grounded Peace , if they can . And whatsoever they , or any Ten or more of them , shall do in the premises , We do by these presents ratifie and confirm the same . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the eight and twentieth day of January , in the Twentieth year of Our Reign , 1644. Their Commission to the English Commissioners . Die Martis , 28. January , 1644. BE it Ordained by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Basil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzil Hollis , William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , and Edmund Prideaux , shall have power and authority , and are hereby authorized , to joyn with the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , together with Alexander Henderson upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , to Treat with the Lord Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kingston , the Lord Dunsmore , Lord Capel , Lord Seymour , Sir Christopher Hatton , Sir John Culpeper , Sir Edward Nicholas , Sir Edward Hyde , Sir Richard Lane , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Sir Thomas Gardiner , Master John Ashburnham , and Master Jeffrey Palmer , or any Ten of them , upon the Propositions formerly sent to His Majesty ( for a safe and well-grounded Peace , ) from His Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , together with Doctor Steward upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , and upon His Majesty's Propositions , according to such Instructions as have been given to them , or as they from time to time shall receive from both Houses of Parliament . Jo. Browne Cler. Parliam . Their Commission to the Scots Commissioners . AT Edenburgh the saxteínt day of Julii , the ȝeir of God M. Vj c fourty four ȝeires . The Estaites of Parliament presentlie conveined be vertew of the last act of the last Parliament , haldin by His Majesty and thrie Estaites in Anno 1641. considdering that this Kingdome , efter all uther meanes of supplicationnes , Remonstrances , and sending of Commissionaris to His Majesty , have bein used without successe , did enter into a solemne League and Covenant with the Kingdom and Parliament of England , for Reformationne and defence of Religionne , the Honor and Happines of the King , the Peace and Safety of the thrie Kingdoms , of Scotland , England and Ireland , and ane Treattie aggried upon , and ane Armie and Forces raised and sent out of yis Kingdom for these endis : Quhairupone the Conventionne of Estaites of this Kingdome , the nynt of Jannuary last , being desirous to use all good and lawful meanes , that Treuth and Peace might be established in all His Majesty's Dominions , with such a blessed Pacificationne betwixt His Majesty and His Subjectis as might serve most for His Majesty's trew Honor , and the Safety and Happines of His People , granted Commissione to Johne Erle of Lowdonne Heigh Chancellor of Scotland , Johne Lord Maitland , than and ȝit in England . Sir Archibald Johnestounne of Wariestounne , ane of the Lordis of Sessionne , and Maister Robert Barclay now in England , to repaire to England , with powar to thame , or any twa of yame , to endeavoure the effectuating of ye foirsaides endis , conforme to the Commissione and Instructiones than givin to thame , as the Commissione of the dait foirsaid proportis . Lyke as the saides Johne Lord of Maitland , Sir Archibald Johnestounne , and Maister Robert Barclay have evir sinceattendit in England , in the discharge of the foirsaid Commissione ; qunhil lately that Sir Archibald Johnestounne returned with some Propositiones , prepaired by the Committie of both Kingdomes , to be presented to the Estaites of Scotland , and to both Howss of the Parliament of England , and by thame to be revised , and considderit , and than by mutual advyse of both Kingdomes to be presented for ane safe and weill-grounded Peace . Qwhilkies Propositiones ar revised , and considderit , and advysed be the Estaites of Parliament now conveined , and their sense and resultis drawin up yrupone . Whiche Commissione is to endure while the comming of the Commissionaris underwrittin . And heirewith also considderin , that the endis for the whilk the samen was granted ar not ȝit effectuate , and that the Propositiones with ye Estaites thair resultis yrupone ar to be returned toye Parliament of England ; thairfore the Estaites of Parliament be thir presentis gives full powar and Commissione to the said Johne Erle of Lowdonne , Lord heigh Chancellor of yis Kingdome , Archibald Marqueis of Arg yle , and Johne Lord Balmerino , for the Nobility , Sir Archibald Johnestounne of Wariestounne , Sir Charles Erskyne of Cambuskenneth , and Maister George Dundas of Maner , for the Barrones , Sir Johne Smyth of Grottel Proveist of Edenburgh , Hew Kennedy Burges of Air , and Master Robert Barclay , for the Burrowes , ( the thrie Estaites of yis Kingdom ) and to Johne Lord Maitland supernumerarie in this Commissione , or to any thrie or mae of the haill number , thair being ane of ilk Estaite , as Commissionaris from the Estaites of Parliament of this Kingdome , to repaire to the Kingdome of England ( sick of them as ar not thair already ) and with powar to thameor any thrie or mae of the whole number , thair being ane of ilk Estaite , to endeavour the effectuating of ye foirsaides endis , the concluding of the Propositions , with the Estaites th aire results thairupon , and all such uyr materis , concerning the good of bothe Kingdomes as ar or sall be from time to time committed unto thame be the Estaites of yis Kingdome or Committies thairof , according to the Instructiones givin , or to be givin , to the Commissionaris abovenameit , or thair quorums . And for this effect , the Estaites Ordeanes , Johne Erle of Lowdonne Chancellor , Johne Lord Balmerino , Sir Archibald Johnestounne of Wariestounne , Sir Charles Erskyne of Cambuskenneth , and Hew Kennedy , repaire with all diligence to the Kingdome of England , to the essect before rehearsit , conforme to this Commissione and Instructiones . As also the Estaites Ordeanes ye saides Archibald Marqueis of Argyle , Maister George Dundas of Maner , and Sir Johne Smyth Proveist of Edenburgh , to repaire to ye Kingdome of England , with all sick conveniencie as the occasione of ye businesse shall require , or as they sall be commandit , ather be the Committie from the Parliament heir , they being in Scotland , or be the Committie with the Army , they being in England . And Ordeanes thame to joyne with the remanent Commissionaris to the effect above-mentionat , conforme to the Commissione and Instructiones givin , or to be givin , to the Commissionaris or thair quorums thairanent , be the Estaites of this Kingdom or Committies yrof . And the Estaites of Parliament be thir presentis haldis and sall halde firme and stable all and what summe ever thinges the Commissionaris abovenamit , or any thrie or mae of thame , sall do conforme to this Commissionne , and to the Instructionnes givin , or to be givin to thame . Estractit furthe of the buikes of Parliament , be me Sir Alexander Gibsonne of Dunrie , Kynt , Clerk of His Majesty's Registers and Rollis , under my signe and subscriptione Manuel . Alexander Gibsonne Cler. Regist . After the Commissions read , their Commissioners delivered to His Majesty's Commissioners this Paper . January the 30. VVE are directed by our Instructions , to Treat with your Lordships upon the Propositions concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , three days apiece , ( alternis vicibus ) during the space of twenty days , from the 30 of January , beginning first with the Propositions of Religion ; and accordingly we shall deliver unto your Lordships a Paper to morrow morning upon those Propositions . Accordingly the Treaty did proceed upon those Subjects three days apiece ( alternis vicibus , ) beginning with that of Religion upon Friday the last of January , and so continuing Saturday the first , and Monday the third of February ; which was after resumed , Tuesday the 11. Wednesday the 12 , and Thursday the 13. of February , and again the two last days of the 20. And the like course was held touching the Militia and Ireland . But because the Passages concerning each Subject severally will be more clearly understood , being collected and disposed together under their several heads , therefore all those which concern Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , are put together . And in like manner the Passages preparatory to the Treaty , concerning the Commissions , the Manner of the Treaty , and a Seditious Sermon made the first day appointed for the Treaty , and such as hapned in the Treaty touching His Majesty's Propositions , the demands of farther time to Treat , and other emergent Passages which have no relation to those of Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , are in like manner digested under their several heads , with their particular dates . And first those which concern the Commissions . Friday the last of January His Majesty's Commissioners delivered unto their Commissioners this Paper . Ult. January . VVE having perused the Power granted to your Lordships , in the Paper delivered by the Earl of Northumberland , and finding the same to relate to Instructions , we desire to see those Instructions , that thereby we may know what Power is granted to you : and we ask this the rather , because by the Powers we have seen , we do not find that your Lordships , in the absence of any one of your number , have power to Treat . Their Answer 31. January . BY our Instructions we or any Ten of us , whereof some of either House of the Parliament of England , and some of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to be present , have power to Treat with your Lordships . Their farther Answer , ult . Jan. VVHereas your Lordships have expressed unto us a desire of seeing our Instructions , to know what Power is granted us ; and this the rather , because you say you find not by what you have seen , that in the absence of any one of our number we have power to Treat : to this we return in Answer , That since the Paper already delivered in by us , declaring that by our Instructions any Ten of us , whereof some of either House of Parliament of England , and some of the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , to be present , had power to Treat with your Lordships , hath not given you satisfaction in the particular of the Quorum , we shall send unto the two Houses of Parliament , to have the Quorum inserted in the Commission , and do expect the return of it so amended within two or three days , when we shall present it unto your Lordships . But as for your desire in general to see our Instructions , it is that for which we have no Warrant , nor is it , as we conceive , at all necessary , or proper for us so to do , for that the Propositions upon which we now Treat have been already presented from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms unto His Majesty , and whatsoever is propounded by us in order unto them , is sufficiently warranted by what both Parliaments have done in the passing and sended of those Propositions , and by the Commissions authorizing us to Treat upon them already shewn unto your Lordships ; so as there can be no need to shew any other Power . Accordingly on Saturday the first of February they did deliver their Commission for the English Commissioners renewed as followeth . Die Sabbati primo Febr. BE it Ordained by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Basil Earl of Denbigh , Thomas Lord Viscount Wenman , Denzil Hollis , William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Oliver St. John , Bulstrode Whitelock , John Crew , and Edmund Prideaux , shall have power and authority , and are hereby authorized , to joyn with the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , together with Alexander Henderson upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , or any Ten of them , whereof some of either House of the Parliament of England , and some of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , are to be present , to Treat with the Lord Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Earl of Southampton , the Earl of Kingston , the Lord Dunsmore , Lord Capel , Lord Seymour , Sir Christopher Hatton , Sir John Culpeper , Sir Edward Nicholas , Sir Edward Hyde . Sir Richard Lane , Sir Orlando Bridgeman , Sir Thomas Gardner , Master John Ashburnham , and Master Jeffrey Palmer , or any Ten of them , upon the Propositions formerly sent to His Majesty ( for a safe and well-grounded Peace , ) from His Majesty's humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , together with Doctor Steward upon the Propositions concerning Religion only , and upon His Majesty's Propositions , according to such Instructions as have been given to them , or as they from time to time shall receive from both Houses of Parliament . Jo. Browne Cler. Parliam . The same last of January their Commissioners delivered to His Majesty's Commissioners this Paper . January 31. HAving considered your Commission and Power from His Majesty given in last night by your Lordships , we find that you are authorized to Treat only upon certain Propositions sent to His Majesty from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , and upon His Majesty's Answers , Messages and Propositions to them , and their Returns to His Majesty : wherein we observe , that the Propositions sent to His Majesty from His Majesty's Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both His Kingdoms , are mentioned to be sent to His Majesty from the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster ; and upon His Majesty's Answers , Messages and Propositions to them , and their Returns to His Majesty , that a Treaty is to begin : and wherein we also observe , you have no Power thereby to Treat upon the Propositions sent to His Majesty from His humble and Loyal Subjects assembled in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , and the Answers , Messages , and Propositions sent from His Majesty to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland then at London , and their Returns to His Majesty . We desire those defects may be cleared and speedily amended . The King's Commissioners Answer . 31. January . VVE conceive our Power being to Treat upon the Propositions brought by the Earl of Denbigh and others , and those Propositions being sent from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , there need no mention of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms in that place , but that our Power is ample to Treat with your Lordships upon the whole , both by express words , and by other general words in the Commission , which give power to Treat upon those Propositions or any other ; which general words are not observed by your Lordships in your Paper ; and our Power is to Treat with the Lords and others authorized for the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland by name : yet since you insist upon it , it shall be altered by Tuesday next . And in the mean time ( if your Lordships please ) we desire * the Papers promised yesterday , in the Paper delivered by the Earl of Northumberland , may be delivered unto us , that there may be as little loss of time as may be . Their Reply . 31. January . IN Answer to your Lordships Paper concerning your power to Treat , we are content to proceed in the Treaty with your Lordships , in expectation that the Defects mentioned by us in our Paper shall be supplied by Tuesday next . On Munday the third of February , the King's Commissioners did deliver their Commission renewed as followeth . CHARLES . R. VVHereas certain Propositions were sent unto Us from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and from the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , which were brought unto Us at Oxford in November last by the Earl of Denbigh and others , and upon Our Answers , &c. [ as followeth verbatim in His Majesty's former Commission . ] Touching the Manner of the Treaty . The King's Commissioners Paper . 31. January . WE desire , to the end there may be a greater freedom in debate ( which we conceive will much conduce to the happy conclusion of this Treaty ) that nothing may be understood to be concluded on either side but what is delivered in writing , according as your Lordships have begun . And we declare , That what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition or upon any part of a Proposition , is not to be binding or prejudicial to either Party , if the Treaty break off upon any other Proposition , or part of any other Proposition . Their Answer . 31. Jan. WE shall deliver our demands and Answers in writing , and desire your Lordships to do the like . The King's Commissioners Reply . 1. February . WE desire a full Answer of our Paper , that nothing shall be taken as agreed upon but what is put in writing , and your Concurrence in declaring , That what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition , or upon any part of a Proposition , shall not be binding or prejudicial to either Party if the Treaty break off . Their further Answer . 1. February . ACcording to our former Paper , we shall deliver our Demands and Answers in writing , and we desire your Lordships to do the like , and nothing shall be taken as agreed upon but what is put in writing . And we shall acquaint the Houses of Parliament , that you have declared , what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition or upon any part of a Proposition , is not to be binding or prejudicial to either Party if the Treaty break off . 3. February . IN Answer to Your Lordships Paper formerly delivered , we do declare , that what shall be delivered in writing upon any Proposition or upon any part of a Proposition , is not to be binding or prejudicial to either Party , if the Treaty break off upon any other Propositions or part of any Proposition . Touching the Seditious Sermon . The King's Commissioners Paper . 31. January . WE have certain Information from divers Persons present in Vxbridge Church yesterday , that there was then a Sermon preached by one Mr. Love , in which were many passages very Scandalous to His Majesty's Person and derogatory to His Honour , stirring up the People against this Treaty , and incensing them against us , telling them , That we come with hearts full of Blood , and that there is as great distance between this Treaty and Peace as between Heaven and Hell , or words to that effect ; with divers other Seditious passages both against His Majesty and this Treaty . We know His Majesty's hearty desire of a happy and well-grounded Peace , such as may be for Gods Honour , and the good of all His Subjects , as well as Himself ; and we that are entrusted by His Commission come with clear Intentions to serve Him in it , according to our Consciences and the best of our Judgments . And this being preached in your Quarters , where we are now under safe Conduct , we desire your Lordships to consider how much this may reflect upon our Safety , how much it may prejudice and blast the blessed hopes of this Treaty , and how just offence and distrust it may beget in His Majesty : And therefore we desire Justice against the Man , that he may have exemplary Punishment . Their Answer . 31. Jan. TO the Paper delivered in by your Lordships this day , concerning the Information received of several Scandalous passages preached in a Sermon in Vxbridge Church by one Master Love , we do return this Answer , That the said Master Love is none of our Retinue , nor came hither by any privity of ours ; That we conceive it most reasonable and agreeable to the business we are now upon , that all just occasions of Offence on either part be avoided ; and as it hath been our desire , so it shall be our endeavour , to take the best care we can , to prevent all prejudices upon the present Treaty which may blast the blessed hopes thereof , or may beget any just offence and distrust in His Majesty , and shall be as tender of the Safety of your Lordships Persons , according to the safe Conduct , as of our own . We shall represent your Lordships Paper concerning this business ( if your Lordships so desire ) unto the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , who will proceed therein according to Justice . The King's Commissioners Reply . 1. February . VVE insist upon our former desire concerning the Sermon preached by Mr. Love , and must refer the way of doing Justice to your Lordships , and if your Lordships are not satisfied that such Words as we have charged him with were spoken by him , we are ready to produce the proof thereof to your Lordships . Their further Answer . 1. February . WE will represent both your Lordships Papers concerning Master Love unto the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , who will proceed therein according to Justice . In the next place , according to the order before mentioned , do follow the Passages and Papers concerning Religion . Their Paper . 31. January : ACcording to the * Paper delivered by us to your Lordships yesternight , we do now offer these Propositions following , which concern Religion . That the Bill be passed for abolishing and taking away of all Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. according to the Third Proposition . That the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament . That the Directory for Publick Worship , already passed both Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Propositions concerning Church-Government , hereunto annexed and passed both Houses , be enacted as a part of Reformation of Religion , and Uniformity , according to the Fifth Proposition . That His Majesty take the Solemn League and Covenant , and that the Covenant be enjoyned to be taken , according to the Second Proposition . To this was annexed the following Paper of the 31. January . That the ordinary way of dividing Christians into distinct Congregations , and most expedient for Edification , is by the respective bounds of their Dwellings . That the Minister and other Church-Officers in each particular Congregation shall joyn in the Government of the Church , in such manner as shall be established by Parliament . That many particular Congregations shall be under one Presbyterial Government . That the Church be governed by Congregational , Classical and Synodical Assemblies , in such manner as shall be established by Parliament . That Synodical Assemblies shall consist both of Provincial and National Assemblies . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. February . HAving considered your Lordships Paper , containing the Propositions concerning Religion , with the Paper annexed , and finding the same to contain absolute Alterations in the Government both of the Ecclesiastical and Civil State ; we desire to know whether your Lordships have power to Treat and debate upon the said Propositions , and upon debate to recede from or consent to any Alterations in the said Propositions , if we shall make it appear to be reasonable so to do , or whether your Lordships are bound up by your Instructions to insist upon the Propositions without any Alteration . Their Answer . 1. February . OUR Paper given in to your Lordships concerning Religion , doth contain no Alterations but such as are usual in a time of Reformation , and by the wisdom of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms are judged necessary at this time for settling Religion and Peace . And as by our Commissions and Papers formerly shewed your Lordships we have made known our Power to Treat upon them ; so are we ready by Debate to shew how reasonable they are , and that there will be no reason to expect that we should alter or recede from them . But as for your demand of our shewing what farther Power we have by our Instructions , it is that we have no warrant to do , as we have already signified to your Lordships by a former Paper . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. February . YOUR Lordships first Proposition in the Paper concerning Religion , referring to the Third Proposition sent to His Majesty , we find that refers to the Articles of the late Treaty of the date at Edenburgh , 29. Nov. 1643. and to the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms : We desire your Lordships we may see those Articles and Declarations , and your Lordships second Proposition in that Paper , referring to the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines ; we desire to see those Ordinances . Their Answer , 1. Feb. ACcording to your Lordships desire in the * third Paper , we now deliver in the Articles of the late Treaty of the date at Edenburgh 29. of November 1643. and the * joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms ; and we shall speedily deliver to your Lordships the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. Feb. VVE desire to know whether the Propositions which we have received from your Lordships touching Religion , be all we are to expect from you upon that Subject . Their Answer , 1. Feb. THere are other things touching Religion to be propounded by us unto your Lordships , upon the Propositions formerly sent unto His Majesty from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which we shall in due time give in unto your Lordships : But we do first desire your Answer to the Paper touching Religion given in yesterday , that some good progress may be made therein before the three days assigned to Treat upon Religion in the first place do expire . The King's Commissioners Paper . 1. Feb. VVE desired to know whether the Propositions we formerly received from your Lordships concerning Religion , were all that would be offered concerning that Subject , because we thought it very necessary ( since so great Alterations are proposed by you ) to have a full view of the whole Alterations that are desired , since in an Argument of the greatest weight and highest importance , we cannot possible give a present Judgment of any part till we have a prospect of the Whole : But since your Lordships do not yet think it time to let us have a sight of the rest , but first desire our Answer to the * Paper delivered yesterday , which contains many particulars of which we never heard before , we shall apply our selves to understand the things proposed by you , in such manner as we may return your Lordships a speedy Answer ; and to that purpose must desire your Lordships information in some particulars which are comprized in your Lordships paper . And when your Lordships consider that the * Directory for Worship ( being so long ) was delivered to us but yesterday , that the Covenant , the Articles of the Treaty of Edenburgh , the Declaration of both Kingdoms ( which are comprehended within the First Proposition ) were delivered to us but this day , and therefore we could return no Answer concerning the Bill for abolishing Arch-bishops and Bishops , ( which is proposed to be passed ) according to the Third Proposition , in which the said Articles and Declarations are comprehended , and that the Ordinances for the Sitting of the Assembly are not yet delivered unto us ; we are confident your Lordships will not think us negligent in making as good a progress in the Treaty upon Religion as is in our power , which we shall endeavour to advance with all diligence and the best of our understanding . Afterwards , the same first of February , the * Ordinances for the Assembly of Divines were delivered in . After some debate touching the nature of the Church Government intended by the Paper annexed to the first Paper upon the Subject of Religion , which are here before set down , the Kings Commissioners delivered in this following Paper . 1. Feb. THE Information we desire from your Lordships for the present is , Whether by the Words in the first of those Propositions in your Lordships Paper annexed [ the respective bounds of their Dwellings ] you intend the several bounds of their dwelling Houses , or the bounds of Parishes ; or whether you intend an alteration of the bounds of Parishes . In the second Proposition , What other Church-Officers your Lordships intend shall joyn with the Ministers in the Government of the Church , and what Jurisdiction they shall exercise in order to that Government , and from whom they shall derive it , and in what degree be subordinate to the power from whom they derive it ; and what you intend by Presbyterial Government , in your third Proposition . In the fourth Proposition , What your Lordships intend by Congregational , Classical and Synodical Assemblies . How Synodical Assemblies , Provincial and National shall be constituted as to Persons and Causes , and what shall be the bounds and limits of their Jurisdiction ; and from whom the several Jurisdictions above mentioned shall be derived . To these particulars we would be glad ( if your Lordships think it fit ) to receive satisfaction by Debate , where Questions may be asked and Replies made before any Answer be returned in writing , which may ask much time , and be less satisfactory : but we refer the way to your Lordships . Their Answer . 1. Feb. VVE cannot but be sensible of the great loss of time occasioned by your Lordships Questions for Information in your last Paper , and shall have small hopes of good success in this Treaty , having these two days made so little progress , unless your Lordships be pleased to give us full Answers to our Demands concerning Religion : Yet to give all satisfaction with as little expence of time as may be , we are ready by present Conference to clear the Questions in your Paper . The King's Commissioners Reply in two several Papers next following . 2. Feb. VVE conceive there was no cause your Lordships should apprehend any loss of time occasioned by our Questions , for that your Propositions concerning Religion were not delivered to us till Friday last , and the Directory then delivered with them , so long , that the reading of it spent the residue of that day , and divers other Papers to which the Propositions referred , and without which we could not consider them , were not delivered us before yesterday , and some of them not till after the Paper which imputes a delay to us ; and your Lordships having propounded only general heads of a Presbyterial Government , without any particular Model of it , which in several Reformed Churches ( as we are informed ) is various both in Names and Powers , it was necessary to understand the particular expressions in your Paper , the Alteration desired being so great , and being proposed to be enacted , which will require His Majesty's Consent , whom we ought to satisfie , having so great a Trust reposed in us . And we desire your Lordships to consider how impossible it hath been for us to give your Lordships , in less than two days , a full Answer ( which in your last Paper you require ) to what you propose , which is in effect to consent to the utter abolishing of that Government , Discipline and publick Form of the Worship of God , which hath been practised and established by Law here ever since the Reformation ; and which we well understand , and the Alteration of which in the manner proposed , takes away many things in the Civil Government , and provides no remedy for the Inconveniences which may happen thereby : And to consent to the Alienation of the Lands of the Church , by which ( for ought appears ) besides infinite other Considerations , so many Persons may be put to beg their Bread , to oblige His Majesty and all His Subjects to the taking a new Oath or Covenant , and to receive and consent to a new Government , we do not , nor without information cannot , understand ; and which ( in truth ) appears to us , by your Lordships Propositions , not to be yet agreed upon in the particulars , and your Lordships having declared to us , that you have other things to propose to us concerning Religion , which you do not yet think it fit time to acquaint us withal . Notwithstanding all which difficulties , we shall proceed with all possible expedition , and desire your Lordships will not object Delays to us , till we give you just occasion . February 2. THAT we may make a right use of the Information your Lordships were pleased yesterday to afford us in debate upon the questions proposed by us concerning the Propositions in your Lordships Paper annexed , for the future Government of the Church , and so have some understanding of that Government intended by your Lordships in place of that you propose to be abolished , we desire to receive your Lordships Answer in writing , whether these short Collections upon the Debate yesterday be the Sum of your Lordships Resolutions , or Informations upon the Questions formerly proposed by us . We conceive that the information given to us in debate by your Lordship 's to the Questions we proposed to you in writing was , 1. That the Congregational Assemblies consist of the Ministers and Ruling Elders . 2. That the Classical Assemblies consist of many Congregational Assemblies . 3. That the Provincial Assemblies are constituted to the several Classical Assemblies . 4. That all these Congregational , Classical and Provincial Assemblies together , constitute a National Assembly . 5. That the Authority and Jurisdiction of the several Assemblies shall be setled by Parliament . And if your Lordships have any thing else to inform us concerning this Government , we desire to receive the same from your Lordships . The Kings Commissioners Paper . 3. February . VVE are readyby present Conference to enter upon consideration of your Lordships First Proposition , concerning Religion , and shall desire to receive or give satisfaction , whereby we may be of one mind in that Argument . And for the better entering into this Debate , we desire to know whether in respect of Alteration mentioned in the Third Proposition to be made in the Bill for abolishing Episcopacy , you would have this individual Bill pass or not . Their Answer . 3. Feb. VVE desire the Bill for the utter abolishing of Episcopacy , which now remains with His Majesty , may be passed without prejudice to us to insist upon the * Alterations mentioned in the Third Proposition ; and we are ready to give your Lordships a present Conference upon the First proposition , concerning Religion , according to your desire . After a Conference , wherein much time was spent in debate concerning that individual Bill which was presented for abolishing Episcopacy , their Commissioners delivered this Paper . 3. February . VVE desire your Lordships Answer to our Demands upon the Propositions for Religion , and in the first place to the Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy , which hath been so much debated , that upon the expiring of the first three days appointed to Treat concerning Religion , we may be able to return such an account to the Parliaments of both Kingdoms as may give them hopes of a happy progress in this Treaty . The King's Commissioners Answer . 3. Feb. VVE conceive we have offered so weighty Doubts and Considerations to your Lordships in this days Debate concerning several parts in the Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy , ( your Lordships having confined and limited our Debate to that individual Bill as it is now penn'd , not the consideration of abolishing Episcopacy in general ) that your Lordships cannot expect a positive Answer from us now ( being after eleven a clock at night ) touching that Bill : But we shall be ready by the next day assigned for the Treaty upon this Argument , to deliver our Opinions to your Lordships ; the which we shall be then the better able to do , when we have found by the progress in our other Debates how far a blessed and a happy Peace is like to be advanced by our endeavouring to give your Lordships satisfaction in this particular . This being the last of the three first days assigned for the Treaty upon Religion , that Subject was again taken up the 11 th . of February , being the first of the second three days appointed for Religion : And their Commissioners delivered this Paper . 11. Feb. HAving received no satisfaction in the first three days appointed to Treat upon the Propositions for Religion , we do now desire your Lordships clear and full Answer to our former Demand on this Subject , that no farther time may be lost in a matter which doth so much concern the Glory of God , the Honour of the King , and the Peace and Happiness of His Kingdoms . The King's Commissioners Answer . 11. Feb. VVE gave your Lordships as much satisfaction in the first three days appointed to Treat upon the Propositions for Religion as in so short a time , and upon so little information from your Lordships , could reasonably be expected in a matter of so great and high importance : And as we have given your Lordships already * many Reasons concerning the Injustice and Inconveniency which would follow upon passing the Bill for abolishing Episcopacy , according to your first Proposition ; so we are now ready by Conference to satisfie your Lordships , why we conceive that the said Bill is not for the Glory of God , or the Honour of the King , and consequently cannot be for the Peace and Happiness of His Kingdoms : And if your Lordships Reasons shall convince us in those particulars , we shall willingly consent to what you desire ; if otherwise , we shall offer to your Lordships our Consent to such other Alterations as we conceive may better contribute to the Reformation intended , and such as may stand with the Glory of God , and , in truth , be for the Honour of the King , and the Peace and Happiness of His Kingdoms . Their Reply . 11. Feb. VVE have received no satisfaction from your Lordships concerning the Propositions delivered in by us for Religion in the name of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , not have you made appear unto us any Injustice or Inconveniency in the passing of the Bill for abolishing of Episcopacy . And as it cannot be denied but the settling of Religion is a matter which doth highly concern the Glory of God , the Honour of the King , and the Peace and Happiness of his Kingdoms ; so do we desire your Lordships will grant those Demands which have been made unto you by us to that end ; and we are ready by present Conference to receive what your Lordships will offer upon any of those Propositions , and to return that which may give your Lordships just satisfaction . The King's Commissioners Answer . 11. Feb. YOUR Lordships having expressed in your Paper of the first of February , that there are other things touching Religion to be propounded by your Lordships to us , we presume that by this time you may be enabled by your Instructions to propose the same ; and therefore we desire to receive them from your Lordships : Which we hope your Lordships will think very reasonable , when you consider how incongruous a thing it will appear to most Men , to consent to real and substantial Alterations in the matter of Religion , without having a view of the whole Alterations intended , when at the same time there is mention of other Alterations . Their Answer thereunto . 11. Feb. WE shall deliver in very speedily that which remains with us touching Religion to be propounded unto your Lordships : But we do desire ( as before ) your Lordships Answers unto our Demands in the same order that we have proposed them , not conceiving it reasonable there should be any time spent in Debates or Answers upon what we shall hereafter offer , till we have received satisfaction in our former Propositions ; which we desire may be speedily done , lest otherwise the Treaty be retarded , and the Expectation of both Kingdoms altogether frustrated . Notwithstanding this , they delivered in this further Answer . 11. Feb. IN Answer to your Lordships Paper this day delivered to us , we desire that His Majesty do give His Royal Assent to an Act of Parliament for the due Observation of the Lords Day , and to the Bill for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chapels in and about the Worship of God , &c. and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom , and to the Bill against enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual persons , and non-Residency . And we shall in due time give in to your Lordships our Demands concerning Papists , contained in the sixth , seventh , eighth , ninth and tenth Propositions ; and for His Majesty's Assenting to an Act to be framed and agreed upon in both Houses of Parliament , for the regulating and reforming of both . Universities , of the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester , and Eaton , and for the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children , and the Children of His Heirs and Successors , in the true Protestant Religion , as in the 21 Proposition . Some part of the 11th . and most part of the 12th . of February , was spent in Argument by Divines touching Episcopacy and the Presbyterial Government . Afterwards their Commissioners gave in this Paper , 12. Feb. THere having now been several days spent in debate upon the Propositions for Religion , and all Objections alledged to the contrary either from Conscience , Law or Reason , being fully answered , and the time allotted for that so important a part of the Treaty almost elapsed , we should be wanting to the Trust reposed in us , if we should not press and Expect ( as we now do ) a clear and positive Answer to those Demands concerning Religion which we have offered unto your Lordships from the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , as most necessary for the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace in all His Majesty's Dominions . The King's Commissioners Answer . 12. Feb. WE deny that the Objections alledged by us against the passing the for abolishing Episcopacy from Conscience , Law or Reason , have been fully answered by your Lordships ; or that indeed we have received any satisfaction from your Lordships in these particulars . We have received no Information from your Lordships to satisfie us that Episcopacy is , or hath been , an impediment to a perfect Reformation , to the * growth of Religion , or that it is prejudicial to the Civil State ; which we have often desired from you Lordships , without effect , and which are the Grounds upon which your Lordships propose the abolishing Episcopacy ; And we shall be very willing , and are desirous to receive your Lordships Reasons in these particulars . And how short soever the time allotted is for the Treaty ( for which we cannot be answerable , being not bound up in point of time by His Majesty as your Lordships say you are by your Instructions ; and we should be glad that the same might be enlarged proportionably to the importance of the things to be Treated on ) we should be wanting to the great Trust reposed in us , if we should consent to those Demands as they are proposed to us by your Lordships , otherwise than as they are agreeable to our Consciences and Understandings . And such an Answer your Lordships shall receive from us to your Demands concerning Religion , upon which we hope a safe and well-grounded Peace , by the blessing of God , may be established . Their Paper . 13. Feb. WE did assure our selves , that after so many days debate concerning Religion , and our removal of whatever Objections have been offered by your Lordships , and our making it appear how great a hinderance Episcopal Government is and hath been to a perfect Reformation , to the growth of Religion , and prejudicial to the Civil State ; that your Lordships would have been ready to have answered our expectation with the Grant of our Demands : But if still your Lordships remain unsatisfied , we conceive it cannot with any Justice be imputed unto us , and therefore we again desire your Lordships full and clear Answer to what we have delivered unto you concerning Religion . Upon this last Paper , and after the several Debates between the Commissioners , and Arguments by the Divines , and consideration had of all that had been delivered concerning Religion . His Majesty's Commissioners gave in these Four Papers following . 13. February . WE are not yet satisfied that the Bill insisted on by your Lordships , which remains in His Majesty's hands , for the utter abolishing of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , Deans and Chapters , &c. ought to be enacted , believing it not to be agreeable to Conscience and Justice , to alienate the Lands therein mentioned to Lay-uses ; and not understanding that the alienation thereof is necessary at all to the Reformation of Religion : Besides that there is no certain provision made for any of those who are now legally vested in those possessions , whereby they and their Families shall be in evident danger of want of bread : And it appearing by your Lordships Propositions , which relate to the Articles of the late Treaty of the date at Edenburgh 29. of Novemb. 1643. and the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , to which you require our Assent as well as to the Bill , that part of the Church-land may be after the passing this Bill , assign'd to other uses than is exprest in the said Bill . Upon these considerations , and upon your Debate which hath passed between us upon this Bill , whereby it hath appeared that there would be so great an Alteration in the Civil State by this Bill being enacted , in the failure of Justice at the Common Law , and otherwise in many several particulars of great importance to the Subjects of this Kingdom , which for ought appears to us , is not yet provided for , and that by a particular * Clause in the Bill His Majesty's ancient and undoubted power of the Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction is wholly taken away ; besides , it may be very considerable what inconveniencies would ensue by the passing this Bill now , which looks back and is to begin from November was twelve-month , whereby all those Acts of Jurisdiction exercised by Bishops since that time are already void , which would produce great inconveniences and mischiefs touching the probates of Wills and Administrations throughout the Kingdom ; not to speak of the doubts which may arise in many consciencious Men who have been ordained by Bishops since that time , which may seem to be likewise declared void by this Bill , and so at least to discountenance all Acts which have insued by virtue of that Ordination , and thereby many Questions may arise in Law concerning Marriages , Legitimations and Descents of Inheritance ; and for many other reasons exprest in our Conference and Debate , we conceive that your Lordships may be satisfied , that this individual Bill ought not to pass . For the matter then of the said Bill , the Extirpation of Episcopacy , we desire your Lordships to consider , That it is evident , and we conceive consented to on all parts , that it hath continued even from the Apostles times by continual Succession in the Church of Christ , till within these few years , without intermission or interruption ; and then how perilous a thing it must be , and prejudicial to the publick Peace , to remove and destroy a Form of Government so long exercised in this Kingdom , and under which we have enjoyed as great a measure of Happiness ( to say no more ) as any Nation in Christendom , and which your Lordships have not pretended to be unlawful , before we particularly see the Model of that Government and Jurisdiction which is to be established in the place thereof , that thereby we may be assured that it be such , to which as well those who like , as all those who dislike the present Government , will submit ; otherwise Peace , which is the main end and pretence for Alterations , cannot be established : And therefore we very earnestly beseech your Lordships to consider and weigh , whether , without shaking Foundations , it be not much better , and more agreeable to Christian Prudence and Charity , to remove those particulars from the present Government , and make such Alterations therein as may most probably give satisfaction to all persons seriously disturbed or afflicted in their Consciences , than by destroying the whole , to give just Offence and Scandal to very many Pious and Religious Persons . Under these Considerations , and for the uniting and reconciling all Differences between us in the matter of Religion , and procuring a blessed Peace , we are willing , That Freedom be left to all Persons , of what Opinion soever , in matters of Ceremony , and that all the Penalties of the Laws and Customs which enjoyn those Ceremonies be suspended . That the Bishop shall exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent and counsel of the Presbyters , who shall be chosen by the Clergy of each Diocess out of the learned stand gravest Ministers of that Diocess . That the Bishop keep his constant residence in his Diocess , except when he shall be required by His Majesty to attend him on any occasion , and that ( if he be not hindred by the infirmities of old Age or Sickness ) he Preach every Sunday in some Church within his Diocess . That the Ordination of Ministers shall be always in a publick and solemn manner , and very strict Rules observed concerning the Sufficiency and other Qualifications of those Men who shall be received into Holy Orders ; and the Bishop shall not receive any into Holy Orders without the approbation and consent of the Presbyters , or the major part of them . That competent maintenance and provision be established by Act of Parliament to such Vicarages as belong to Bishops , Deans and Chapters , out of the Impropriations , and according to the value of those Impropriations , of the several Parishes . That for the time to come , no Man shall be capable of two Parsonages or Vicarages with Cure of Souls . That towards the settling of the publick Peace , one hundred thousand pounds shall be raised by Act of Parliament out of the Estates of Bishops , Deans and Chapters , in such manner as shall be thought fit by the King and two Houses of Parliament , without the Alienation of any of the said Lands . That the Jurisdiction in Causes Testamentary , Decimal , Matrimonial , be settled in such manner as shall seem most convenient by the King and two Houses of Parliament . And likewise that one or more Acts of Parliament be passed for regulating of Visitations , and against immoderate Fees in Ecclesiastical Courts , and the abuses by frivolous Excommunications , and all other abuses in the exercise of Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , in such manner as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament . And if your Lordships shall insist upon any other thing which your Lordships shall think necessary for Reformation , we shall very willingly apply our selves to the consideration thereof . 13. February . FOR the confirmation of the Ordinances concerning the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines and the taking the Covenant , we conceive neither of them need be insisted on , if the alterations of Church-Government be agreed upon between us : and if they be not , it will not be reasonable that we consent to those Ordinances . And for the Covenant , we cannot advise His Majesty to swear and sign the same , nor consent that an Act of Parliament should pass for enjoyning the taking thereof by His Majesty's Subjects . 13. February . VVE do not yet conceive that the Directory for publick Worship , delivered to us by your Lordships , ought to be enacted , or that it is so likely to procure and preserve the Peace of this Kingdom , as the Liturgy or Common-Prayer-Book already established by Law , against which we have not yet received from your Lordships any Objections ; which Liturgy ( as the same was compiled by many Learned and Reverend Divines , of whom some dyed Martyrs for the Protestant Religion ) we conceive to be an Excellent Form for the Worship of God , and hath been generally so held throughout this Kingdom till within these two or three years at the most . And therefore since there are no Inconveniences pretended to arise from the Book of Common-Prayer to which we conceive the Directory is not more liable , and since there is nothing commendable in the Directory which is not already in the Book of Common-Prayer , we conceive it much better and more conducing to the Peace of this Kingdom , still to observe the said Form , with such Dispensations as we have expressed in our first Paper now presented to your Lordships : and if there shall be any Alterations proposed by your Lordships of such particulars in the Book of Common-Prayer as good men are scrupled at , we shall willingly endeavour to give your Lordships satisfaction in those particulars ; but as yet can make no further or other Answer than we have already done ; but shall be ready to receive such Objections as your Lordships shall think fit to make against the Book of Common-Prayer , and your Reasons for introducing the Directory . And for the Proposition concerning Church-Government , annexed to your first Paper , we have no Information how that Government shall be constituted in particular , or what Jurisdiction shall be established , or by whom it shall be granted , or upon whom it shall depend . And therein also we desire further Information from your Lordships . 13. February . VVE desire to see the Bills for the Observation of the Lord's day , for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chapels , and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word , which are mentioned in your Lordships * Paper of the 11. of Febr. we being very ready to consent to the subject Matter of those Bills . We have expressed in our Paper delivered to your Lordships what we conceive fit to be done in the business of Pluralities , which will prevent any inconveniences that way : And when your Lordships shall give us your Demands concerning Papists , and when we shall see the Acts for the regulating and reforming of both Universities , of the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton , and for the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children , and the Children of His Heirs and Successors , in the true Protestant Religion , we shall give your Lordships such Answers as shall be fit , being very willing to concur with your Lordships in any good means for the suppressing of Popery , and advancement of the Protestant Religion . And we are well assured that His Majesty hath taken a pious care for the Education of all His Children in the true Protestant Religion ; and having already married one of His Children to the satisfaction ( we conceive ) of all His good Subjects , we are confident , in due time , His Majesty will so dispose of the rest in Marriage as shall be most for the advancement of Religion , and the good and welfare of all His Dominions . Their Answer to the First . 13. February . VVHereas we expected your Lordships resolution for His Majesty's assent unto the Bill for the utter Abolishing of Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. we find by your Paper given in this Evening , that your Lordships are not yet satisfied that the Bill should pass , and you are pleased to express several Reasons and Objections against it , which were at large answered and cleared at the publick Debate . But what was then said by us is now by your Lordships wholly omitted ; nor may we in writing represent it again unto your Lordships , it not being agreeable to the usage of Parliament to deliver Reasons for or against a Bill , though we were willing by Conference in the Treaty to satisfy all doubts , and remove all scruples which remained with you . And so far were we from consenting that Episcopacy hath continued from the Apostles times by continual Succession , that the contrary was made evident unto your Lordships , and the Unlawfulness of it fully proved . And as for that which your Lordships have propounded for uniting and reconciling all differences in the matter of Religion , it is a new Proposition , which wholly differs from ours , is no way satisfactory to our desires , nor consisting with that Reformation to which both Kingdoms are obliged by their solemn Covenant ; therefore we can give no other Answer to it , but must insist , to desire your Lordships that the Bill may be past , and our other Demands concerning Religion granted . The King's Commissioners Reply thereunto . 13. February . VVE conceive that our Answer to your Lordships concerning the Bill for the utter Abolishing of Arch-bishops , Bishops , &c. was so reasonable , that it clearly appears thereby , that the passing that individual Bill is not agreeable to Conscience and Justice , and that it would be very prejudicial to the Civil State and to the Peace of the Kingdom ; neither have the Reasons and Objections given by us against it , first in Debate , and since in Writing , been answered in Debate by your Lordships . And therefore we know no reason why your Lordships may not give an Answer to those Objections in Writing . For as it is not agreeable to the usage of Parliaments , for the two Houses to give His Majesty Reasons why he should pass any Bill presented by them ; so it is no more agreeable to the same usage , for His Majesty to give Reasons why He doth not pass Bills so presented But we desire your Lordships to consider that we are now in a Treaty , and we conceive the proper business thereof to be , for your Lordships to give us Reasons why His Majesty should consent to the Propositions made by you , or for us to give Reasons to your Lordships why we cannot consent to those Propositions ; otherwise it would be only a Demand on your Lordships part , and no Argument of Treaty between us . And we must profess to your Lordships , that as we conceived in our former Paper the Succession of Episcopacy , by Succession from the Apostles time , was consented to on all parts ; so we cannot remember that the contrary thereof was so much as alledged , much less that the Unlawfulness thereof was proved , the Question of the Lawfulness thereof having never yet come in debate . And we shall be very ready to receive any assertion from your Lordships to that purpose , not doubting but we shall give your Lordships full satisfaction in that point . And we conceive the Alterations proposed by us to your Lordships to be a very proper Answer to your Lordships Propositions , and most agreeable to the end for which those Propositions seem to be made . And that since it appears , that the utter abolishing of Episcopacy in the manner proposed is visibly inconvenient , and may be mischievous , the Regulating of Episcopacy , being most consonant to the Primitive Institution , will produce all these good effects towards Peace and Unity , which Regulated Episcopacy is the sum of our former Paper ; we desire your Lordships to consent to the same . And we again offer to your Lordships , that if you shall insist upon any other things necessary for Reformation , we will apply our selves to the consideration thereof . Their Answer to the Second . 13. Feb. VVE conceive your Lordships second Paper , this day delivered to us , is a Denial of our Demands , that the Ordinance for the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament , and that His Majesty take the solemn League and Covenant , and the Covenant be enjoyned to be taken , according to the Second Proposition . Wherein if we mis-conceive your Lordships intention , we desire you would explain the meanings , and accordingly shall make our reports to the Parliaments of both Kingdom . The King's Commissioners Reply . 13. Feb. COncerning the Ordinances for the Calling and Sitting of the Assembly of Divines , and the taking the Covenant , we can give no farther Answer than we have done in our second Paper delivered to your Lordships this day . Their Answer to the Third . 13. Feb. VVE do conceive your Lordships third Paper is a Denial of our Demands , concerning the Directory for publick Worship and the Proposition for Church-Government , against which your Lordships have made no Objection , and your Queries are already satisfied by Conference . And we shall accordingly make our reports to the Parliaments of both Kingdoms . The King's Commissioners Reply . 13. Feb. OUR expressions in our Answer to your Lordships Demands concerning the Directory for publick Worship , import only what we as yet conceive concerning that matter ; there having hitherto been no debate touching the same , or concerning the Common-Prayer-Book now established by Law , and thereby intended to be abolished . And therefore we did in that Paper , and do still desire to receive your Lordships * Objections against the Book of Common-Prayer , and your Reasons for introducing the Directory . Neither can our Answer to the Propositions for Church-Government , annexed to your first Paper , be otherwise taken , than as our desire to receive information how that Government should be constituted in particular , and what Jurisdiction should be established , by whom granted , and upon whom it should depend ; which Queries were not satisfied by any Conference , your Lordships ( as we conceive ) having declared your selves , that the particular form or model of that Government , mentioned in those Propositions only in General , were not then particularly agreed on ; and we have since desired and expect to receive it : and therefore your Lordships cannot conceive we have denied that which we have not yet seen , nor been informed of . Their Answer to the Fourth . 13. Feb. TO your Lordships Fourth Paper we Answer ; The Bill for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chapels in and about the Worship of God , &c. and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom , and against the enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and Non-residency , were heretofore presented to His Majesty , and remain with him ; and we herewith deliver to your Lordships the Ordinance for the due observation of the Lord's day , and we insist on our former Demands concerning them . And when your Lordships have given us your full Answers to our desires already with you concerning Religion , we then shall deliver unto your Lordships our Demands concerning Papists , the regulating the Universities , the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children in the true Protestant Religion , contained in our Paper of the 11. of this instant February . The King's Commissioners Reply . 13. Feb. VVE have not the Bills here which we desired of your Lordships , in our Fourth Paper , to see , and which you now say were heretofore presented to His Majesty . But we shall take speedy care to have those Bills , if they remain with His Majesty ; and in the mean time desire your Lordships to give us Copies of them , and we shall give your Lordships a speedy Answer , as we shall to the Ordinance for the due observation of the Lord's Day , which we received from your Lordships this night , and had never before seen : and we shall be ready to receive your Lordships * Demands concerning Papists , the regulating the Universities , the Education and Marriage of His Majesty's Children , and shall return our Answers accordingly . This last Paper concluded the six days appointed for the Treaty upon Religion , according to the Order prescribed for disposing the first 18. days of the 20. for the Treaty . In the end of which 18. days , after some * Papers mutually delivered concerning the manner how the two last days should be disposed , this Subject of Religion , with the two others , were again resumed , and their Papers following were then delivered in concerning Religion . Their Paper . 21. Feb. VVHereas your Lordships in your * last Paper of Feb. 13. were pleased to say , that ( as you conceived ) the continual succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times was consented to on all parts , and that you cannot remember that the contrary thereof was so much as alledged , much less that the Unlawfulness thereof was proved , the Question of the Unlawfulness thereof having never yet come into debate ; we desire your Lordships to remember , that when a Divine in Commission with you undertook to prove the Jus Divinum of Episcopacy , his Arguments were not only answered by another Divine in Commission with us , but that 4 or 5 several Arguments were then brought by him out of the Scriptures to prove the Unlawfulness of it ; and afterwards in an extrajudicial Debate between several Divines on both sides , by consent of the Commissioners , those Arguments were further made good by the Divines on our side , and the pretended continual succession of Episcopal Government from the Apostles times was ( as we conceive ) at the same time sufficiently disproved : so that we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should forget that the Unlawfulness of it was debated . And whereas in your Lordships * last Paper of Feb. 20. you were pleased to say , That if it might be made appear that the Government by Bishops is unlawful , or that the Government which we desire to introduce in the room thereof is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God , your Lordships would immediately give us full satisfaction in our Proposition ; we desire your Lordships to remember besides what hath been proved in debate concerning the unlawfulness of Episcopal Government , and notwithstanding the general experience that the Government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , &c. hath been a hindrance to Reformation and growth of Religion , and prejudicial to the Civil State , and the manifest evidence of the thing it self , that so much of the Government desired by us as hath been presented to your Lordships is agreeable to the Word of God , how we have several times offered our selves to give your Lordships satisfaction by Conference , if any Objections remained with your Lordships to the contrary , which we are still ready to do , and desire your Lordships full Answer to that , and the rest of our Propositions concerning Religion . The King's Commissioners Answer . 21. Feb. VVE did conceive that the continual Succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times had been so clearly manifested to your Lordships by our Conference on the 12. of this instant , that your Lordships had been fully satisfied therein ; the which since you are not , we would gladly be informed when and where any National Church since the Apostles times was without that Government : and since your Lordships are of opinion that the Unlawfulness of Episcopacy was made good by those Arguments which were given by the Divines on your part , which in truth we did not understand to be made to that purpose when they were first urged , and being now again remembred , in our Judgments do not in any degree prove the same , we being very ready to consent to the abolishing thereof if the same can be proved , and your Lordships assuming that you have proved it , and so that you can again prove it , we desire your Lordships by Conference or in writing to satisfie us in that point ; which we hope being in your Power ( as you say ) to do , and being a sure way to put an end to this debate by our yielding , your Lordships will not refuse to do it . But if neither that , nor the other Proposition , that the Government intended to be introduced by your Lordships is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God , can be evinced , we hope your Lordships will rest satisfied with the Reasons we have given your Lordships in writing , why we cannot consent to your Propositions concerning Religion as they are made and insisted on by your Lordships , and that we have offered your Lordships a remedy against all the inconveniences that have been ever pretended in the Government as it is now established by Law , and which ought not upon less Reasons than we have mentioned to be taken away . Their Reply . 21. Feb. WE do not conceive that the continual Succession of Episcopacy from the Apostles times hath been at all manifested to us in Conference by your Lordships ; and for what your Lordships mention concerning a National Church , it is a new Question , which hath not as yet been any part of the Subject of our Debate . But we desire to bring that to a Conclusion which is in issue between us ; and not doubting but that your Lordships are fully satisfied that Episcopacy is not Jure Divino , we are ready by Conference to shew the Unlawfulness of that Episcopacy which we desire to take away by our Bill , and that the Government which we propose is agreeable to the Word of God. In pursuance of this Paper , the most part of the next day , being the last of the Treaty , was spent in Dispute between the Divines ; and after , their Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 22. Feb. HAving the last night given in a Paper unto your Lordships , wherein we signified that we doubted not but that you were fully satisfied that Episcopacy was not Jure Divino , we are the more confirmed in it , because your Lordships have since that time given us nothing in to the contrary : And we hope we have by clear Arguments from Scripture and Reason this day likewise satisfied you , that the Government by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. which we desire to be taken away by this Bill , is unlawful ; and that the Government which we desire to be established is agreeable to the Word of God. And therefore we desire your Lordships to agree to the passing of this Bill , and to give us your full and clear Answer to this and the rest of the Propositions concerning Religion . The King's Commissioners Answer . 22. February . ACcording to your Lordships Paper of the last night , we attended your Debate this day concerning the Unlawfulness of Episcopacy ; but did neither then nor do now acknowledge our selves convinced by any Arguments offered by you , that Episcopacy is not Jure Divino , the same having been the opinion of very many Learned Men in all Ages , ( which we do not censure or determine ) but not insisted on by us as the ground of any Answer we have delivered to your Lordships : And we are so far from being satisfied with the Arguments from Scripture and Reason this day urged to prove that the Government by Arch-Bishops , Bishops , &c. which you desire to be taken away by this Bill , is unlawful , that the weightiest Arguments which were urged ( in our Judgments ) concluded at most against those Inconveniencies which are remedied by the Alteration offered by us to your Lordships , in our * Paper of the 13 of this Month ; and it seems strange to us that your Lordships should think that Government ( without which no National Church hath been since the Apostles times , till within these few years ) to be unlawful : And for the Government desired by you to be established , your Lordships have not offered any such particular Form of Government to us that may inable us to judge thereof ; and we cannot but observe that the Arguments produced to that purpose , were only to prove the same not unlawful , without offering to prove it absolutely necessary . And therefore we conceive our Answer formerly given to your Lordships concerning that Bill , and your Propositions concerning Religion , is a just and reasonable Answer . After the first three days of the Treaty , spent upon the business of Religion , according to the Order formerly prescribed , the Propositions concerning the Militia were next Treated upon the three days following , beginning the fourth of February , and the same was after resumed the 14 th . of February for other three days . Their Propositions touching the Militia . 4. February . WE desire that by Act of Parliament the Subjects of the Kingdom of England may be appointed to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined , in such manner as both Houses shall think fit . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . We desire that an Act of Parliament be passed for the settling of the Admiralty and Forces at Sea , and for the raising of such moneys for maintenance of the said Forces and of the Navy , as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fit . An Act for the settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in Commissioners to be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , of Persons of known Integrity , and such as both Kingdoms may confide in , for their faithfulness to the Religion and Peace of the Kingdom , of the House of Peers , and of the House of Commons , who shall be removed or altered from time to time as both Houses shall think fit ; and when any shall dye , others to be nominated in their places by the said Houses . Which Commissioners shall have power , 1. To suppress any Forces raised without Authority of both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliaments without consent of the said Commissioners , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of these Kingdoms , and to suppress any Foreign Forces that shall invade this Kingdom : And that it shall be high Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without such Authority or consent , to the disturbance of the Publick peace of the Kingdom , any Commission under the great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding ; and they to be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed of as both Houses of Parliament shall think fit . 2. To preserve the Peace now to be setled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace , that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles . So for the Kingdom of Scotland . 3. To have power to send part of themselves , so as they exceed not a third part , or be not under the number of to reside in the Kingdom of Scotland , to assist and vote as single persons with the Commissioners of Scotland , in those matters wherein the Kingdom of Scotland is only concerned . So for the Kingdom of Scotland . 4. That the Commissioners of both Kingdoms may meet as a joynt Committee , as they shall see cause , or send part of themselves , as aforesaid , to do as followeth . 1. To preserve the Peace betwixt the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them . 2. To prevent the violation of the Articles of Peace , as aforesaid , or any Troubles arising in the Kingdoms by breach of the said Articles , and to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the same , according to the Treaty ; and to do further , according as they shall respectively receive Instructions from both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of Parliament in Scotland , and in the Intervals of Parliaments from the Commissioners for the preservation of the publick Peace . 3. To raise and joyn the Forces of both Kingdoms , to resist all Foreign Invasion , and to suppress any Forces raised within any of the Kingdoms to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms , by any Authority under the great Seal or other Warrant whatsoever , without consent of both Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , or the said Commissioners of that Kingdom whereof they are Subjects . And that in those Cases of joynt Concernment to both Kingdoms , the Commissioners to be directed to be there all , or such part as aforesaid , to act and direct as joynt Commissioners of both Kingdoms . We desire that the Militia of the City of London may be in the ordering and government of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Councel assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three . And that the Militia of the Parishes without London and the Liberties within the Weekly Bills of Mortality ; may be under the command of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Councel of the said City , to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . We desire that the Tower of London may be in the government of the City of London , and the chief Officer and Governour thereof from time to time be nominated and removeable by the Common-Councel . And that the Citizens or Forces of London shall not be drawn out of the City into any other parts of the Kingdom without their own consent ; and that the drawing of their Forces into other parts of the Kingdom in these distracted times may not be drawn into example for the future . After these Propositions made , the King's Commissioners , for their Information concerning these Propositions , gave in several Papers . The King's Commissioners Paper . 4. February . VVE conceive the Propositions delivered by your Lordships concerning the Militia import very great Alterations in the main foundation of the Frame of Government of this Kingdom , taking by express words , or by necessary consequence , the whole Military and Civil power out of the Crown , without any limitation in Time , or reparation proposed . Therefore we desire to know for what term you intend the Militia shall be settled in such manner as may be a reasonable and full Security , which we are ready and desirous to give , to preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles : For the better doing whereof , we are ready by Conference to satisfie your Lordships in any particulars . Their Answer . 4. February . OUR Paper given in to your Lordships concerning the Militia doth not contain the Alterations mentioned in your Lordships Answer , but desires that which by the Wisdom of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms is judged necessary at this time for the security of His Majesty's Kingdoms , and preservation of the Peace now to be settled ; and until your Lordships shall declare an Assent unto the matter therein expressed , we conceive it will not be seasonable to give any Answer concerning the Time : And we are ready to confer with your Lordships upon what shall be offered by you to our Paper concerning the Militia formerly delivered . The King's Commissioners Reply . 4. February . VVE are of opinion , that the Propositions in your Lordships Paper contain the Alterations mentioned in the Paper we lately delivered to your Lordships , and take by express words , or necessary consequence , the whole Military and Civil Power out of the Crown ; which Alterations we are ready to make appear in Debate . And the Alterations being so great , we have reason to desire to know the limitation of Time , the consideration of which makes the Propositions more or less reasonable . The King's Commissioners second Paper . 4. Feb. VVE desire to know who the Commissioners shall be in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land shall be entrusted ; and whether you intend His Majesty shall be obliged to consent to such Persons ; or whether He may except against them , and name others in their places of known affection to Religion and Peace . Their Answer . 4. February : THE Commissioners in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land shall be entrusted , are to be nominated for England , by both the Houses of the Parliament of England ; and for Scotland , by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland ; as is expressed in our Paper formerly delivered to your Lordships concerning the Militia . The King's Commissioners Reply . 4. Feb. VVE desire a full Answer to our Paper concerning the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia , it being very necessary to know the Persons before consent can be given to the matter ; and whether His Majesty may except against any such persons , and nominate others in their rooms , against whom there can be no just exception . The King's Commissioners third Paper . 4. Feb. VVE desire to know whether your Lordships intend that the Militia of the City of London shall be independent , and not subordinate to those Commissioners in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land shall be entrusted . Their Answer . 4. Feb. IT appears by the Propositions concerning the Militia of the City of London , that the same is to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . The King's Commissioners Reply . 4. February . WE desire an Answer to our Paper concerning the Militia of the City of London , whether the same shall be subordinate to the Commissioners in whose hands the Forces by Sea and Land are to be intrusted ; your Lordships Answer , that the same is to be ordered in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament ( which yet doth not appear by the Propositions ) being no Answer to the Question . The King's Commissioners Paper . 5. Feb. HAving with great diligence perused your Lordships Paper concerning the Militia , and being very desirous to come to as speedy a conclusion in that Argument as we can ; we will be ready to morrow to give your Lordships our full Answer , which we are confident will give your Lordships satisfaction concerning the matter of the Militia of this Kingdom . The King's Commissioners Paper in Answer to the Propositions concerning the Militia . 6. February . TO suppress any Forces that may be raised to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdom , or that shall invade this Kingdom , and to preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles , and that His Majesty and all His People may be secured from the Jealousies and Apprehensions they may have of Danger , we do consent , that all the Forces of the Kingdom , both by Sea and Land , shall be put into the hands of Persons of known faithfulness to the Religion and Peace of the Kingdom , in such manner and for such time as hereafter mentioned . That the number of those Persons be Twenty ; or if that be not accepted by your Lordships , such greater or lesser number as shall be agreed upon between us ; and that His Majesty may name half the persons to be so entrusted , and the two Houses the other half . That such Forts and Towns in which Garrisons have been before these Troubles , and such other as shall be agreed upon between us to be necessary for a time to be kept as Garrisons , shall be entrusted likewise to persons to be chosen by the Commissioners , or the major part of them , to be subordinate to the said Commissioners , and to receive orders from them and no others : And all other places which have been fortified since the beginning of these Troubles shall be left as they were before , and the Fortifications and Works slighted and demolished ; and all Forces with all possible expedition to be disbanded , that the Kingdom may be eased of that intolerable burthen . That an Act of Parliament shall be passed for the raising of such Moneys for the maintenance of the Navy and Sea-Forces , as His Majesty and both Houses shall think fit . That when any of the said Commissioners shall dye who was nominated by His Majesty , His Majesty shall name another , and when any shall dye of those named by the two Houses , another shall be chosen by them , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the major part of the said Commissioners named by the two Houses ; and neither the one nor the other to be removed , but by the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses ; except it shall be desired by your Lordships , that His Majesty and the two Houses respectively may remove the respective persons named by them as often as they shall see occasion , to which ( if it shall be insisted on ) we shall consent . These Commissioners , or the major part of them , or such other number of them as shall be aggreed upon , shall have Power by Act of Parliament to suppress any Forces raised sitting a Parliament , without the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament , or in the Intervals of Parliament , without consent of the said Commissioners , or the major part of them , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdom , and to suppress any Forces that shall invade the Kingdom . And it shall be high Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without such Authority or consent , to the disturbance of the publick Peace . That they shall have like Power to preserve the Peace now to be settled , and to prevent all disturbances of the publick Peace that may arise by occasion of the late Troubles : And if any Forces shall be brought into the Kingdom without the joynt Consent of the King and the two Houses of Parliament , it shall be lawful for any four of the said Commissioners to levy Forces for the supppressing , resisting and destroying of the said Forces so brought in . We are content that this Power to such Persons shall continue for the space of three years , which we doubt not but , by the blessing of God , will be abundantly sufficient to secure all Persons from their Doubts and Fears , and in which time such a mutual Confidence may be begot betwixt His Majesty and all His People , that the Peace will be firm and lasting . That the Commissioners , before their entrance upon the said Trust , shall take an Oath for the due execution of the said Commission ; and that after the expiration of the said term of three years from the time of the issuing the said Commission , they shall not presume to continue any execution of the said Authority , and it shall be high Treason in any of them to execute the said Authority after the expiration of the said three years . And all the Commanders in chief of the Garrisons , Forts , and His Majesty's Ships , shall likewise take an Oath for the due execution of their Trust . That the Commissioners shall have Power to prevent the violation of the Articles of Peace , or any Troubles arising in the Kingdom by breach of the said Articles , and to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the same . We shall be willing that any just Privileges and Immunities be granted by His Majesty to the City of London , as being the chief City of this Kingdom , and the place His Majesty desires to honour with His most usual and most constant Residence : But we conceive it too envious a thing , and may prove very prejudicial to the Happiness of that great City , to distinguish it in a matter of so high importance as the business of the Militia , from the Authority that the whole Kingdom is to submit to . If your Lordships shall not consent to the election of persons in that manner as we have proposed , half by His Majesty and the other half by the two Houses , we do then propose to your Lordships , that the said persons who shall have the said Powers in manner and form above mentioned , may be named by mutual consent upon Debate between us ; in which consideration may be taken of the fitness or unfitness of those who shall be named : And in case that any of them who shall be thus agreed upon shall die within the said term of three years , the survivers , or the major part of them , shall nominate and chuse another in his place who shall be deceased . This way we should most have desired , but in regard the consideration of persons may take up a long time in debate , which neither the time allotted for the Treaty nor the present Distractions will permit , we do propose the former as the most expedite and certain way , but leave the election to your Lordships . And whatsoever shall be found deficient in the settling this according to the present Agreement , or shall be thought fit to be added to it upon any inconveniencies or defects that shall be hereafter discovered , the same shall be mended or supplyed in such manner as shall be thought reasonable by the joynt Consent of His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament . After which the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 6. Feb. WE shall be ready against the time that the Militia is again in order to be Treated upon , to give your Lordships an Answer to your Demands concerning the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland ; the which for the present we have not had time to do , having wholly spent these three days in the perfecting the Paper delivered to your Lordships this day , and the Debates in preparation thereof . And at the same time their Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 6. Feb. YOUR Lordships Paper which we have received so late at the end of the third day appointed to Treat upon the Militia , on which we expected a satisfactory Answer to our Demands concerning it , is very far differing from what we have proposed , and unsatisfactory to our just and necessary desires for securing the Peace of the Kingdoms , and wherein we cannot but observe that the Kingdom of Scotland is wholly omitted . We do therefore insist upon our Paper formerly delivered concerning the Militia , and desire your Lordships full and clear Answer , being ready by Conference to remove all Objections which may be made to the contrary . The King's Commissioners Answer thereupon . 6. Feb. VVE conceive the Paper delivered by us to your Lordships , may justly satisfie your Lordships for the securing the Peace of this Kingdom against all Forces that may any ways endanger it at home or from abroad , and for securing the performance of all things that shall be agreed in this Treaty ; and we are ready by Conference to make the Reasonableness thereof appear , and to receive any Reasons from your Lordships to the contrary . And as touching Scotland , we hope your Lordships will be satisfied by the last Paper we delivered to you . Their Paper . 6. Feb. IN our last Paper we insisted upon our former demands for the Militia , and offered by Conference to satisfie your Lordships of the Reasonableness of them , if any Doubts remained with you to the contrary , which we are still ready to do , they being the proper Subject of this part of the Treaty . And whereas your Lordships have in your Paper referred what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland unto another time , and seem to intend it a several Answer ; both Kingdoms being united in the same Cause , and under the same Danger , and mutually providing for the joynt Safety and Security of both and each other , our Propositions are joyntly made by both , and are inconsistent with a divided Answer . The King's Commissioners Answer . 6. Feb. WHereas your Lordships have offered in your last Paper to satisfie us by Conference of the Reasonableness of your Demands , if any Doubts remain with us to the contrary : We desire to receive satisfaction by Conference , that it is reasonable for us to grant the nomination of the Persons by the two Houses only , and that the Time ought not to be limited . Their Paper . 6. Feb. AS we have given to your Lordships our Propositions for the Militia of both Kingdoms in writing , so do we again desire your Lordships full and clear Answer to them both in writing , and we are ready to answer any Doubts you shall make upon them in order as we delivered them , and as they do relate to both Kingdoms ; but we cannot Treat upon your Lordships Answer which divides them . The three first day allotted for the Treaty upon the Militia being spent , and that Subject resumed upon Friday the 14 th . Saturday the 15 th . and Monday the 17 th . of February , in those days divers Papers were delivered , and some Debates had touching the nomination of the Persons who were to be intrusted with the Militia , whether they should all be nominated by the two Houses only ; and touching the Time , how long they should have it , and whether the same should be unlimited , as it was in the Propositions , or be limited to a certain time ; as likewise concerning the Powers of the English and Scotish Commissioners for the Militia , which are so intermingled in the Propositions , that it was not well understood upon the Propositions how far the Commissioners of one Kingdom and their Power might extend unto and have influence upon the other , and the one upon the Government of the other ; and concerning some other Passages having relation to the Militia : Which would be intricate , if they should be set down in the order of time as they were delivered . And because sometimes divers Papers were delivered together , therefore they are here placed according to their distinct matters . And first touching the Nomination of Persons , and Limitation of the Time. The King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper . 14. Feb. IF your Lordships are not satisfied with the Papers delivered to your Lordships by us on the 6 th . of February , concerning the Militia as far as the same concerns this Kingdom , we desire , according to your Lordships offer in your * first and * second Paper delivered to us the sixth of February , that your Lordships will satisfie us of the Reasonableness of your Demands , and that the nominating of the Persons ought to be by the two Houses only , and that the time ought not to be limited . Their Answer . 14. Feb. BY your Lordships Paper received this day , we apprehend your desire to proceed in the Treaty upon the Propositions for the Militia as far as the same concerns this Kingdom , without any mention of the Kingdom of Scotland . In Answer whereunto , we refer your Lordships to a former Paper of the 6 th . of February instant , whereby we desired your full and clear Answer to our Propositions for the Militia of both Kingdoms , in order as we have delivered them , and as they do relate to both Kingdoms , and that we could not Treat upon your Lordships Answer which divides them . We still insist on that Paper , and when your Lordships shall be pleased to give an Answer thereunto , we shall be ready to clear any Doubts which may remain with your Lordships . The Kings Commissioners Reply . 14. February . WE do desire to proceed in the Treaty upon the Propositions for the Militia as the same concerns both Kingdoms joyntly , as well as either of them severally , neither is the contrary expressed ( as we conceive ) in the Paper delivered by us to your Lordships this day : But we cannot reasonably answer to them as they concern one or both Kingdoms , before we receive satisfaction from your Lordships of the Reasonableness of your Demands , which your Lordships were pleased to promise us by two of your Papers of the sixth of February , and which we again desire of your Lordships , concerning the Persons and the Time ; conceiving it unreasonable that all the Persons shall be nominated only by the Houses , and that the Time should be unlimited . Their Answer . 15. Feb. VVE have formerly desired your Lordships Answer to the Propositions for the Militia in order as we delivered them , and as they do relate to both Kingdoms , and not to give any Answer which shall divide them . Yet we observe in the matter of your Lordships * third Paper yesterday received , that you desire satisfaction in the particulars there mentioned as the same concern the Kingdom of England only , in pursuance of a former Paper given in by your Lordships the 6 th . of February . We therefore again desire as formerly , that such Answer as your Lordships shall think fit to make to our Propositions concerning the Militia , may be applyed to both Kingdoms joyntly ; and then we shall be ready by Conference to clear any Objections which your Lordships shall make against the Reasonableness of our Demands . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15 February . WE desire that your Lordships will satisfie us of the Reasonableness of your Demands concerning the settling the Militia of both Kingdoms , and that the nominating of the Persons ought to be by the two Houses of Parliament , and the like for the Kingdom of Scotland , and that the Time ought not to be limited . Their Paper . 15. February . YOUR Lordships Demand in your * 4. Paper being made concerning the Militia of both Kingdoms , we are ready upon Conference to give satisfaction to what your Lordships shall object against the nominating of the Commissioners by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , or against the Time for which the Militia is demanded in the Propositions . After some time spent in Conference for Limiting the Time , wherein the Debate was touching the unreasonableness of the Demand , for taking from the King the Power of the Militia , and settling it in Commissioners to be nominated by the two Houses , not limited to any Time , the Kings Commissioners gave in this Paper . 15. Feb. WE desire to know whether your Lordships can by your Instructions consent to a limitation of Time in the settling the Militia , or whether you must insist that the Time be unlimited . Their Answer . 17. Feb. IN Answer to your * sixth Paper of the 15 th . of this instant concerning the limitation of time in the settling of the Militia , we do insist , That the Time be unlimited , according to our former Demands . The King's Commissioners Reply . 17. February . AFter so long Debate between us concerning the limitation of Time in the settling of the Militia , ( in which we conceived your Lordships had been satisfied , that as it is no way necessary for the security of the observation and performance of the present Agreement that the Time should be unlimited , so in respect of other considerations it may be very mischievous that it should be unlimited ) we had great reason to desire to know whether your Lordships had any power by your Instructions to consent to a limitation of Time , and are sorry that your Lordships will not give us an Answer to that Question , that thereupon we might have endeavoured to have given your Lordships other satisfaction than by not knowing your power therein we are enabled to do . Their Paper . 17. Feb. WE conceived that after so long a Debate between us , your Lordships would have been satisfied , that it was most fit concerning the settling the Militia , for the Time to be unlimited , as we have formerly desired , and which by our Instructions we are to insist upon . They also delivered in this Paper : 17. Feb. WE desire a full and clear Answer to what we have delivered to your Lordships concerning the Militia , and to know whether your Lordships be limited by any Instructions or Directions what to grant or deny in the same , and that we may have a sight of such Instructions or Directions . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE do * herewith deliver to your Lordships such a full and clear Answer to your Propositions concerning the Militia , as we hope will give your Lordships satisfaction , being such as , upon the Conference and Information we have received from your Lordships , seems to us to be most reasonable . It appeareth by our Commission , whereof your Lordships have a Copy , that it hath not any reference to any Instructions . It is true , that as we have ( according to our Duty ) from time to time acquainted His Majesty with our proceedings , so in some particular cases we have desired to be assisted with His Majesty's Opinion ; but what Answers we have therein received from His Majesty , we conceive it not proper for us to communicate to your Lordships , nor have we any warrant so to do . Their Reply . 17. Feb. VVE again desire of your Lordships , to know whether you be limited by any Instructions or Directions what to grant or deny unto us concerning the Militia , and that we may have a sight of such Instructions or Directions , and which we conceive your Lordships in Justice and Reason cannot deny , seeing by your Papers and Debates your insisted , that it was just and reasonable for us to let you know whether we had any power by our Instructions to consent to a limitation of Time , which we did accordingly . And your Lordships seventh Paper this day delivered gives no Answer or satisfaction to our former Demand herein . The King's Commissioners Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive it was just and reasonable for us to demand of your Lordships , whether you had power by your Instructions to consent to a limitation of Time concerning the Militia , because the Time is left indefinite , and not expressed in the Propositions And your Lordships Commission , which gives you power to Treat , relating to Instructions , they are thereby part of your Power : and yet your Lordships to that our Demand have given no other Answer than , That by your Instructions you were to insist to have the Time unlimited ; but have not answered whether you had power to consent to a limitation of Time. And we desire your Lordships to remember , that formerly upon our desire to see your Instructions , that thereby we might see what Power was granted to you , by your * Paper of the last of January , your Lordships did answer , it was that for which you had no warrant ; and it appearing to your Lordships that our Commission hath no reference to Instructions , we conceive that your Lordships cannot expect any other Answer than we have already given to your Lordships Demand touching any Instructions or Directions to us , what to deny or consent to grant in the Militia , assuring your Lordships , that we shall not deny , but willingly consent , to grant whatsoever shall be therein requisite for a full security for observing the Articles of the Treaty , or otherwise agreeable to Justice or Reason . Touching the Power which should be given to the Commissioners for the Militia , The King's Commissioners Paper . 14. Feb. VVE desire to know what Authority the Commissioners nominated by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland are to have in the Militia of this Kingdom , and what influence the Orders and Advice from the Estates of the Parliament there shall have upon this Kingdom , and how far the same is to be consented or submitted to here . Their Answer . 14. Feb. YOur Lordships Desire expressed in your second Paper this day , may be fully satisfied by the Propositions concerning the Militia , where the Authority of the Commissioners to be nominated is clearly expressed , both in cases of several and of joynt concernment of the Kingdoms ; and if upon perusal thereof any Doubts shall occur to your Lordships , we are ready by Conference to clear the same . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. Feb. VVE do not conceive that the Authority of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and in both Kingdoms , is clearly expressed in your Lordships Propositions , and therefore we desire to be informed , whether your Lordships intend that the Commissioners of Scotland shall have any Power in the setling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what Authority they shall have . Their Paper . 15. Feb. WE do conceive that the Authority of the Commissions of both Kingdoms , and in both Kingdoms , is clearly expressed in our Propositions ; by which it doth appear how they are to act as several , or as joynt Commissioners . And if your Lordships shall propound any Objections against our Propositions concerning the Militia of both Kingdoms , we are ready upon Conference to give your Lordships satisfaction . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. Feb. WE desire to know , whether in that part of the Proposition wherein the Commissioners of both Kingdoms are appointed to meet as a joynt Committee , and to receive Instructions in the Intervals of Parliament from the Commissioners for the preservation of the publick Peace , your Lordships mean the Commissioners to be nominated according to these Propositions , or the * Commissioners intended by the Act of Pacification , or what other Commissioners : and what Jurisdiction you intend the said Commissioners of both Kingdoms shall have , by the power given them to hear and determine all differences that may occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace , according to the Treaty , and by what Law they shall proceed to hear and determine the same . Their Answer . 15. Feb. WE intend that the Commissioners are to be nominated according to the Propositions , and are to proceed in such manner as is therein expressed : and if your Lordships shall make any Objections hereupon , we are ready by Conference to give you satisfaction . Their further Answer . 15. Feb. FOR further answer to your Lorships second Paper , we conceive that the matter of the Jurisdiction to be exercised by the Commissioners is expressed in the Proposition ; and for the manner of exercising that Jurisdiction , and by what Law they shall proceed to hear and determine , the same are to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. Feb. VVE desire to receive a perfect and full Answer from your Lordships to our * first and * second Papers , delivered by us this morning to your Lordships , and whether your Lordships intend , that the Commissioners of Scotland shall have any Power and Authority in the settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what Authority they shall have ; and whether the Advice or Orders of the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland shall have any influence upon the affairs of this Kingdom , or the Commissioners to be named according to these Propositions , otherwise than as the said Advice or Orders shall be approved and confirmed by the two Houses of Parliament of England ; and what Jurisdiction you intend the Commissioners shall have who are to determine all differences that may occasion the breach of the Articles of Peace ; and by what Law or Rule they shall proceed , try and judge , in the hearing and determining the same . And it is most necessary for us to desire satisfaction from your Lordships to these particulars in writing , since the Answer we shall give to your Lordships upon so much of your Propositions , will very much depend upon our clear understanding your Lordships in these particulars , it being agreed between us , that nothing shall be binding or taken as agreed upon , but what shall be in writing on either part . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive there is a full Answer already given by us in * several Papers of the 14. of this instant to the former parts of your Paper delivered in on the 15. day ; and to the latter part , what Jurisdiction the Commissioners shall have who may determine all differences that shall be by breach of the Articles of Peace , and by what Law and Rule they shall proceed to hear and determine , the same is clearly set down in our * further Answer , of the 15. of this instant , to your second Paper delivered in to us the day before . The King's Commissioners Answer thereunto . 17. Feb. VVE had great reason to desire a perfect and full Answer from your Lordships to our first and second Papers , delivered by us to your Lordships on the 15. of Feb. and we desire your Lordships to consider how difficult a thing it is for us , to give your Lordships a satisfactory Answer to your Propositions as they relate to either or both Kingdoms , or to the Power of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , as they are to be a joynt Committee to hear and determine all differences , according to Instructions from both Houses of Parliament of England , or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , before your Lordships are pleased to inform us , whether you intend the Commissioners of Scotland shall have any Power or Authority in the settling all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what Authority they shall have ; and whether the Advice , Instructions , or Orders of the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , shall have any influence upon the affairs of this Kingdom , or the Commissioners to be named according to those Propositions , otherwise than as the said Advice , Instructions , or Orders shall be approved and confirmed by the two Houses of Parliament of England ; and what Jurisdiction you intend the Commissioners shall have who are to determine all differences that may occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace ; and by what Law or Rule they shall proceed , try and judge , in the hearing and determining the same . In all which particulars we are very sorry that we can receive no Answers from your Lordships , for want whereof we may fail in giving your Lordships so satisfactory Answers to your Propositions , as otherwise we might be enabled to do . Their Reply . 17. Feb. IT is clearly expressed in our Propositions delivered to your Lordships , that all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom are to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and in the Kingdom of Scotland by the Estates of the Parliament there ; and we conceive that the Advice , Instructions or Orders of either Kingdom are to have no influence upon the affairs of the other , but such as is and shall be mutually agreed upon by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland ; and for the Jurisdiction of the Commissioners , and by what Law or Rule they shall proceed , we have given your Lordships a full and clear Answer thereunto , in our 5. * Paper of the 15. of February . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. IN the twelfth Proposition your Lordships desire an Act to be passed for confirmation of the late Treaty , for the settling of the Garrison of Berwick , of the 29 of Novem. 1643. which relating to the business of the Militia , we hold it necessary to see , before we can make our full Answer upon the whole , and desire it accordingly of your Lordships . Their Answer . 17. Feb. AS for what concerns the Act for Confirmation of the late Treaty , and for setling the Garrison of Berwick , it is not now to be Treated upon , but is reserved to its proper time . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether by the joynt Power mentioned in your Lordships Propositions to be given to the Commissioners for both Kingdoms , to preserve the Peace between the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them , your Lordships do intend any other than Military power for suppressing Forces only , which is expressed after in a distinct Clause by it self ; and if your Lordships do intend any further Power , that your Lordships would declare the same in certainty and particular . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive the Power of the Commissioners mentioned in the 17. Proposition is there fully expressed , to preserve the Peace betwixt the Kingdoms , to prevent the violation of it , or any Troubles arising in the Kingdoms , by breach of the Articles , and to hear and determine all differences which may occasion the same , according to the Treaty , and to raise Forces to resist Foreign Invasion , and suppress intestine Insurrections ; as is more at large set down in the Proposition , to which we refer your Lordships . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether the Commissioners of both Kingdoms meeting as a joynt Committee , the Commissioners of each Kingdom shall have a Negative Voice , so as nothing can be done without their joynt consent in matters of joynt concernment ; and how and by whom it shall be decided , what are cases of joynt concernment to both Kingdoms . Their Answer . 17. Feb. IN all matters of joynt concernment , the Commissioners of both Kingdoms are to act joyntly ; and when they shall meet as a joynt Committee upon such matters of joynt concernment , the Commissioners of each Kingdom are to have a Negative Voice : and in doubtful cases , not expressed in the 17. Proposition to be of joynt concernment , where the Commissioners cannot agree whether or no they be of joynt concernment , they are to represent them to the two Houses of Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , to be by them determined , if they be sitting ; and in the Intervals of Parliament , if the cases be such as cannot without prejudice to both or either Kingdom admit of delay , we conceive the Commissioners of each Kingdom are to act severally , and to be accomptable for it to the two Houses of Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , at their next sitting . The King's Commissioners Paper . 17. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether by the Propositions for settling the Forces in Commissioners to be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , such as both Kingdoms may confide in , your Lordships do intend , that the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland shall approve or except against the Commissioners to be nominated for the Kingdom of England , both at present , and from time to time , as the Commissioners shall dye , or be removed , or altered . Their Answer . 17. Feb. VVE conceive it to be plain by the Proposition it self , that the Commissioners of both Kingdoms are respectively to be nominated by the Parliaments of either Kingdom , and neither Parliament hath power to except against or approve the persons chosen by the other ; and we are confident there will be no cause of exception , but who are chosen by either will be such as both may confide in . The King's Commissioners Paper . 14. Feb. VVE desire to know , whether your Lordships intend by your Proposition concerning the settling of the Admiralty of Scotland by Act of Parliament , to alter the inheritance of any person which is already settled by the Laws of that Kingdom . Their Answer thereunto . 15. February . TO your Lordships fourth Paper of the 14. of Feb. it is answered , that by our Propositions for settling the Admiralty of Scotland by Act of Parliament , it is intended that the Admiralty and Forces at Sea , &c. shall be settled in such manner as the Estates of Parliament there shall think fittest for the safety and security of that Kingdom . And as touching the inheritance of any person which is already settled by the Laws of that Kingdom , the Estates of Parliament will do that which is agreeable to Justice . The King's Commissioners Paper . 15. February . VVE desire to know whether the Papers delivered to us touching the Militia contain all your Lordships Propositions touching the Militia of England and Scotland : and if they do not , that your Lordships will deliver the rest , that we may make our Answers upon the whole . Their Answer . 15. Feb. VVHatsoever is contained in the Propositions concerning the Militia of England and Scotland , is delivered in to your Lordships , except the 23. Proposition and the last Article in the 26. Proposition , which are reserved for their proper place . After all these passages , the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper , in further Answer to their Propositions concerning the Militia . 17. Feb. VVE had no purpose in our * Answer delivered by us to your Lordships on the sixth day of February , to divide our Answers concerning the Militia of the two Kingdoms otherwise than in point of time , and till we might receive satisfaction from your Lordships concerning the Powers to be given to the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and the other particulars mentioned in our Papers since delivered to your Lordships , wherein we are not as yet satisfied by any Papers delivered by your Lordships to us . Our further Answer to those Propositions concerning the Militia is , That we are willing and do agree , that the like course shall be taken and observed touching the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland as is offered in our said Paper of the sixth of February , and as shall be hereafter agreed on for the Kingdom of England , which we conceive to be a full security for the performance and observation of all Articles which shall be agreed upon between us in order to a blessed Peace ; which we are so desirous may be punctually and exactly observed , that we are willing that His Majesty be desired to take a most solemn strict Oath for the full observation thereof ; and likewise that all persons of any immediate trust by office or attendance on His Majesty , and any other whom you shall think fit , shall take such Oath for the due observance of the same , with such reasonable Penalties , as shall be proposed by your Lordships , and agreed to by us : in which we believe we shall not differ with your Lordships , being willing that whosoever shall in the least degree infringe the Agreement which shall be made between us , may be looked upon and accounted as most pernicious Enemies to King and Kingdoms . And if it shall be thought necessary to make any additional settlement of the Militia , with a general reference to the good of the Kingdoms respectively , we desire the same may be done , after the Peace established , by the joynt consent of His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament in England , and His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively . And as we shall desire and endeavour to remove all occasions that may interrupt the Peace and Tranquillity of that Kingdom , and a perfect Amity with them , and shall not desire any change of , or to intermeddle in their Laws or Government , or give them cause to apprehend any disturbance or violation of them from this Kingdom ; so are we obliged with all tenderness to preserve the Honour , Dignity and Constitution of this Realm . And therefore as we are yet satisfied , we cannot consent that any Persons authorized by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , or any advice from thence , shall have any influence upon the Militia of this Kingdom , or further interpose in the affairs of this Kingdom than is already provided by the Act of Pacification . And we offer to your Lordships considerations , whether unless there could be an union of the Laws of both Kingdoms , such a mixture of Power as is now proposed , and the influence thereof both upon Martial and Civil affairs , may not prove very inconvenient and prejudicial to both Kingdoms , and give cause of Jealousies to each other , to the disturbance of that mutual Amity so much desired . But if this intermingling of Power in both Kingdoms shall be further insisted on by your Lordships , we propound that the same may be settled as ( after a Peace established ) shall be agreed by the joynt consent of His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament of England , and of His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland : and if your Lordships shall insist on any thing further for necessary Security , we shall apply our selves to the consideration thereof , if we shall have further time so to do , according to our desires grounded upon His Majesty's Letter . Their Paper . 17. Feb. WE do conceive that we have in our former Papers punctually satisfied your Lordships in all you desired to know concerning the Powers of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and the other particulars mentioned by your Lordships : And what your Lordships now offer concerning the Militia of the Kingdom of Scotland , that the like course shall be taken in it as is expressed in your Lordships Paper of the 6 th . of Feb. to be observed for the Militia of this Kingdom , your Lordships may remember , that in our Answer to that Paper we told your Lordships it was differing from what we had proposed , and unsatisfactory to our just and necessary desires for securing the Peace of the Kingdoms ; and it cannot be expected that what was so then for the Kingdom of England , should now be thought other for the Kingdom of Scotland . And though both Kingdoms be now united in the same Cause , and labouring under the same Dangers , and therefore necessitated to a mutual and reciprocal Assistance of each other , had proposed a joynt remedy and security by that Commission desired in our 17 th . Proposition ; we find your Lordships say , that ( as yet you are satisfied ) you cannot consent unto it . To which we answer , That we believed we had given your Lordships such convincing Reasons as might have satisfied you , and we doubt not but they may , if you will recollect your memories concerning them , and rightly weight them . This being the last day we are to Treat upon this Subject , it cannot be expected , and , as we conceive , it is altogether needless to use any more Arguments ; we do therefore desire your Lordships will be pleased now at the last to give us your full and positive Answer to our Demands , as we have often already pressed your Lordships . And whereas your Lordships do propound , that if we shall further insist upon the uniting of the Powers of both Kingdoms , it may be done after the Peace establisht ; we desire your Lordships to consider , that it is demanded by us in order to a Peace , and a chief and most necessary means for the attaining and establishing of it . And we further observe , that your Lordships have given us no Answer at all to our 15 th . Proposition ; which we do likewise insist upon , and desire your Answer . The King's Commissioners Answer . 17. February . IF your Lordships had punctually , or in any degree , satisfied us in what we desired to know concerning the Powers of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , and the other particulars mentioned by us , we had not troubled your Lordships with so many Questions , to most of which we could receive no other Answers , than the referring us to the Propositions themselves upon which we grounded our Questions . And we conceive that your Lordships Propositions upon the Militia , upon which you still insist , have in truth appeared upon Debate to be most unreasonable in many particulars : As that the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia should be nominated only by the two Houses , and that His Majesty , who is equally to be secured that the Peace should not be broken , should name none ; that the Power given to the Commissioners shall be framed and altered as occasion serves by the two Houses only , and that His Majesty , who is so much concerned therein , shall have no Negative Voice as to such Powers , but is absolutely excluded ; and that the Time should be unlimited , so that His Majesty for Himself and His Posterity should for ever part with their peculiar Regal Power of being able to resist their Enemies , or protect their good Subjects , and with that undoubted and never-denied Right of the Crown , to make War and Peace , and in no time to come , His Majesty or His Posterity should have power to assist their Allies with any supplies of Men , though Voluntiers , or ever more to have any Jurisdiction over Their own Navy or Fleet at Sea , and so consequently must lose all estimation and confidence with Foreign Princes . And many other expressions in the said Propositions do either signifie what we find your Lordships do not expect or intend , or at least are so doubtful , that the clear sense thereof is not evident to all understandings : As by the literal sense of your Propositions , neither the Sheriffs of Counties nor Justices of Peace and other Legal Ministers may raise Forces by the Posse Comitatus or otherwise to suppress Riots , and remove forcible Entries , or to perform the other necessary Duties of their places , without out being liable to the interpretation of the Commissioners for the Militia , that such Forces are raised or Actions done for the disturbance of the publick Peace ; as likewise all Civil Actions and Differences may be comprehended within those Propositions to be tryed before the said Commissioners : neither of which we believe your Lordships intend should be . And therefore we have in our Answers proposed what we thought would be agreeable to the matter and end of those Propositions , that is , a reasonable and full Security for the observation of the Articles of the Treaty , which , according to what we have offered , cannot be broken on either part , without evident prejudice and danger to that part which shall endeavour the breaking thereof ; and that the memory of these unhappy Distractions may be forgotten as soon as may be , that the time of this settlement may be limited to three years , which , by the blessing of God , will be sufficient to beget a good understanding between His Majesty and all His People ; and that the Fifteenth Proposition , and all the other parts of your Lordships Propositions , being not at all necessary to the present Union and Reconciliation , may be deferred till after the Peace established , to be settled by His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament in England , and His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , respectively . But if your Lordships shall not think this way of nomination of Persons to be Commissioners , or the other proposed likewise by us in our Paper of the sixth of February , for the agreement of the Commissioners between your Lordships and us , to be equal ; we shall gladly receive any more equal way from your Lordships , since it is apparent that that already proposed by your Lordships , and which you insist upon in terminis , is not fit to be consented to for the Quiet and Peace of the Kingdom , presuming that you will think the Security ought to be mutual , as the Fears and Jealousies are mutual . And we are most confident that His Majesty so much desires to give all reasonable and fit security on His part , that the Agreement and Peace to be now made shall be inviolably observed : That as He will name no Man for this great Trust against whom there can be just Exception , ( if the Persons are named equally between Him and you ; ) so if the whole nomination were left to Him , He would pitch only upon such as both Kingdoms might have great cause to confide in , and we believe might give full satisfaction to your Lordships . And therefore we hope your Lordships will believe that the Reason we consent not to your Propositions , is , because we conceive them destructive to the End for which they are proposed , Justice , Peace and Unity ; and not that we deny to consent to any reasonable Security for observance of the Agreement to be made , of which we will always be most tender , with regard to all persons concerned . This was the last Paper delivered in the last of the six Days touching the Militia ; but that being taken up again in some part of the two last days of the Treaty , as those of Religion and Ireland also were , their Commissioners upon the breaking up of the Treaty , about two of the clock in the Morning after the 22. of February , gave in a Paper intended for an Answer to this Paper , which nevertheless relates to the Paper here next following , delivered by them the 21 st . of February , mentioning a limitation of time for seven years , and for that cause is herein set down after that Paper , and as their last of that Subject : And the Papers upon that Subject delivered in the mean time , in the two last days , are these following . Their Paper . 21. Feb. VVHereas your Lordships have in several Papers much insisted , That the Commissioners mentioned in the 17 th . Proposition should be for a limited Time , that your Lordships might better give a full Answer to our desires concerning the Militia ; though we conceive the Reasons we have given might have satisfied your Lordships for the Time to be unlimited , yet to manifest our earnest desires of Peace , we propose to your Lordships , the Time for the said Commissioners to be for seven years from the time of the passing the Act for the Militia ; and that after the expiration of such term , the Militia of the Kingdom to be setled and exercised in such manner as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and by His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , and not otherwise . At the same time the Scotch Commissioners , from themselves apart , delivered in this Paper , signed by their own Secretary only , all the other Papers being signed by two Secretaries , for the English and Scotch Commissioners . 21. Feb. VVE the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland do declare , that our Consent to the Paper given in this day , concerning the limitation of the Power of the Militia in Commissioners , according to the 17 th . Proposition , to continue for seven years from the time of the passing of the Act for the Militia , and after the expiration of that term , to be settled in such manner as shall be agreed upon by His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and by His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , and not otherwise , is to be understood as followeth ; That we will represent the same to the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland or their Committees , to which we are confident they will assent , as that which is conceived to conduce to a happy Agreement , and settling of a firm and blessed Peace . The King's Commissioners Answer . 22. Feb. VVE have hitherto conceived , that this Treaty hath been betwixt us that are appointed Commissioners by His Majesty , and your Lordships the Commissioners from the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , joyntly , and not severally : But finding that your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland have delivered to us a distinct Paper , signed only by your Secretary , of the twentieth of Feb. concerning the Militia , and that not concurring with the other joynt Paper delivered and subscribed by both your Secretaries upon that Subject that day ; we desire to know whether the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland have a negative voice , or have not power to conclude , without farther power to be granted from the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , and expect in this Treaty to be severally Treated with . And after your Lordships Answer to this Paper we shall be able to give your Lordships a farther Answer to your joynt Paper of the 20 th . of February . Their paper . 122. Feb. THE Treaty is betwixt us that are the Commissioners of the Parliaments of both Kingdoms joyntly , and not severally ; and your Lordships the Commissioners from His Majesty , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , did joyn with the Committees of the two Houses of the Parliament of England , in giving in the other joynt Paper concerning the Militia delivered yesterday , subscribed by both Secretaries : But seeing it contains an alteration , limiting the time to seven years , which in the former Propositions agreed to by both Parliaments is indefinite , they did declare , that they are confident the Parliament of Scotland will assent thereto and they have shewed your Lordships sufficient Power to conclude any thing by them agreed unto . The King's Commissioners Paper . 22. Feb. WE cannot rest satisfied with your Lordships Answer to our Paper delivered to you this day , concerning your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , it being indeed but a repetition of your Lordships Paper , and no Answer to ours thereupon ; and it being very necessary for us to know , whether the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland have a negative voice , and whether they have not power to conclude without farther powers to be granted from the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland : Upon the Answer to which we must the rather insist , because your Lordships last Paper gives the reason of the distinct Paper delivered to us from the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland to be , because the limitation of Time now offered differs from the Propositions agreed on by both Parliaments , in which the Time is indefinite ; which seems to us to intimate , that your Lordships who are the Commissioners from the Parliament of Scotland , have not power to consent to any alteration from the said Proposition without first acquainting the Parliament of Scotland , although the other joynt Paper delivered upon that Subject be signed by both your Secretaries ; and thereby it is evident , that it much concerns us to know whether the said Commissioners have a negative voice in this Treaty . For the matter of your Lordships Paper concerning the limitation of time for the Militia to seven years , it is not possible , by reason of this shortness of time for the Treaty ( it being ten of the clock this night when your Paper was delivered ) to give your Lordships a full Answer , it being necessary for us to receive satisfaction from your Lordships in writing , or by Conference , whether by the words , [ and not otherwise ] your Lordships intend that after the expiration of the time limited , His Majesty shall not exercise the Legal Power which He now hath over the Militia , before the same be agreed upon by His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and by His Majesty and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively : For which resolution and debate we heartily wish the time were sufficient , being very willing to give your Lordships all reasonable satisfaction . And therefore we do propose to your Lordships , that if the Treaty may not now continue , it may be adjourned for such time as you shall think fit , and not totally dissolved , but again resumed ; which we propose as the best Expedient now left us for the procuring of a blessed Peace , and by it the preservation of this now miserable Kingdom from utter Ruine and Desolation . After this , about two of the clock the next morning , they gave this Paper following , which is here mentioned , to be delivered upon their breaking up the Treaty , and intended for an Answer to the Paper of the 17. of February , n o 129. Their Paper . 22. Feb. VVE conceive , if your Lordships would weigh our Demands concerning the Power of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , you will be satisfied with our Answers to your several Questions : Where any Doubts were of the expressions , we did explain them ; and where the Propositions were so clear as they could bear no doubtful sense , we did refer your Lordships to the Propositions themselves . And we conceive our Demands concerning the Militia to be most reasonable , and all Objections made against them to be by us removed . And why your Lordships should insist that the Commissioners should not be nominated by the two Houses only , and His Majesty , who is to be equally secured , should name none , we much marvel at , when you may well consider this Power was not to be exercised by the Commissioners until a Peace had been concluded upon this Treaty , and then His Majesty had been fully secured by the Laws of the Kingdom , and by the Duties and Affections of His Subjects ; neither could the Commissioners do any thing in violation of the Peace to the prejudice of His Majesty , contrary to the Trust reposed in them , they having a Rule prescribed which they were not to transgress and being removable by both Houses of the Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively , and being lyable for any miscarriage to severe punishment . And as for their security who have been with His Majesty in this War , an Act of Oblivion is desired to be passed , whereby all His Majesty's Subjects in both Kingdoms would have been put in one and the same condition and under the same protection , with some exceptions mentioned in those Propositions . And if the Commissioners had been severally chosen , the memory of these unnatural Divisions must needs have been continued , and probably being severally named , would have acted dividedly according to several Interests , and the War thereby might be more easily revived : Whereas the scope of the Propositions we have tendred was to take away occasions of future Differences , to prevent the raising of Arms , and to settle a firm and durable Peace . And to your Lordships Objections , that the Commissioners were to continue without any limitation of Time , although the reasonableness thereof hath been sufficiently manifested to your Lordships , yet out of most earnest desires of Peace we have proposed to your Lordships a time of seven years , as is expressed in our Paper delivered to your Lordships the 21 st . of this instant . And for the peculiar Royal Power which your Lordships mention to reside in His Majesty concerning the Militia , and to make Peace and War , we cannot admit thereof , or that it is otherwise exercised than by Authority from His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively ; neither are the Commissioners to have power to make Peace or War , but that is referred to the 23 d. Proposition to be Treated upon in due time . And for the Navy and Fleet at Sea , the principal means to maintain them is to be raised by the free gift of the Subjects out of Tonnage and Poundage , and other payments upon Merchandice ; and the Navy and Fleet being a principal means of our security , the reasons are the same for them as for the Militia by Land. And for what your Lordships alledge concerning Sheriffs and Justices of Peace and other legal Ministers , not to raise the Posse Comitatus , or Forces to suppress Riots , without being lyable to the interpretation of the Commissioners ; we say this is no part of the Militia to be exercised by the Commissioners , but in executing of Justice and legal Process , nor can be intended to be any disturbance , but for the preservation of the Peace ; nor can their power of hearing and determining Civil Actions and differences be extended further than preservation of the Articles of the Peace to be made , and as is clearly and plainly exprest in the 27 th . Proposition . And whereas we seek the Militia to be setled in the 15 th . Proposition , and the other parts of our Propositions , in order to and for procuring of a Peace , and which are necessary to a present Union , your Lordships defer them until the Peace shall be established : Which delay , we hope , upon second thoughts your Lordships will not judge to be reasonable . And when your Lordships do take into serious consideration the great Calamities , and how occasioned , ( to say no more ) you cannot think but that we ought to be most careful of preventing the like for the future . And seeing all we desire for these so important ends is limited to a few years , we ought to insist upon such a remedy as may be a fitting cure , and in so doing we hope we shall be justified before God and Man. Wherefore we again most earnestly desire your Lordships , as you tender the deplorable Estates of these bleeding Kingdoms , the setling of Religion , the Honour of His Majesty , and the composing these miserable Distractions , that your Lordships will give your full and clear Answer to our Demands concerning the Militia . This last Paper was delivered about two of the clock , when the Treaty was at that instant breaking up , and at the same time the King's Commissioners had ( upon the like occasion of two Papers of theirs given in a little before , concerning Ireland , hereafter mentioned ) delivered in a Paper , No. 179. that they might give Answer thereto the next day , dated as of that day , as had been formerly used , which was not granted ; so that in Answer to this Paper so earnestly requiring an Answer in the Close thereof , it was impossible to give in any Paper at the present , neither would any be received but at present . The Papers touching Ireland . After the first six days of the Treaty spent upon Religion and the Militia , according to the same order formerly proposed , the Propositions concerning Ireland were next Treated upon , the three days following , beginning the 7th . of February ; and the same was also taken up again the 18th . of February , for other three days . Their Propositions touching Ireland . 7. Feb. WE desire that an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties with the Rebels without consent of both Houses of Parliament , and to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , and His Majesty to assist , and to do no act to discountenance or molest them therein . The King's Commissioners Paper . 7. February . VVE desire to know , whether the Paper we have received from your Lordships contain in it all the Demands your Lordships are required by your Instructions to insist upon concerning Ireland , which if it doth , we are ready to enter upon that Debate ; but if it do not , we then desire to receive all the Propositions your Lordships intend to make concerning Ireland together , being confident that upon a whole view of the business we shall give you full satisfaction in that Argument . Their Paper . 7. February . WE are to insist upon other things concerning Ireland , which being part of other Propositions , we conceive not so proper to give your Lordships , till we have received your Answer to our Paper formerly delivered , and are ready by present Conference to satisfie any Doubts that remain with your Lordships concerning that Paper . Notwithstand they delivered in these further Papers and Propositions following . Their Paper . 7. Feb. WE desire that an Act be passed in the Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively , to confirm the Treaty concerning Ireland of the 6 th . of August 1642. ( which Treaty we herewith deliver ) and that all Persons who have had any hand in plotting , designing or assisting the Rebellion of Ireland , may expect no Pardon , and their Estates to pay publick Debts and Damages ; and that the Commissioners to be nominated as is appointed in the 17 th . Proposition , may order the War of Ireland , according to the Ordinance of the 11 th . of April 1644. ( which we herewith deliver ) and to order the Militia , and to conserve the Peace of the Kingdom of Ireland . And that by Act of Parliament the Deputy or chief Governour , or other Governours of Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , or in the Intervals of Parliament by the said Commissioners , to continue during the pleasure of the said Houses , or in the Intervals of Parliament during the pleasure of the said Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting ; and that the Judges of both Benches and of the Exchequer in Ireland be nominated by both Houses of Parliament , to continue quamdiu bene se gesserint , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the aforesaid Commissioners , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting . Together with these last Propositions they delivered the Treaty of the sixth of August , 1642. and the Ordinance of the 11 th . of April therein mentioned , together with another of the 9 th . of March ; which see in the Appendix , N o 7 , and 8. The Kings Commissioners Paper . 9. February . WE desire to know what your Lordships intend or expect by those Words in your * first Paper concerning Ireland , [ and His Majesty to assist ] since you propose to have the prosecution of the War of Ireland to be setled in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms . Their Answer , 9. Feb. BY the words in our Paper concerning Ireland [ and His Majesty to assist ] we conceive is to be understood , the giving of His Royal Assent to such Acts of Parliament as shall be presented unto him by both Houses , for raising of Moneys from the Subject , and for other things necessary to the prosecution of the War in Ireland , and to be further aiding by his Power and Countenance in whatsoever shall be requisite for the better carrying on of that War. The King's Commissioners Paper . 10. Feb. WE conceive that His Majesty had , and hath Power to make a Cessation in Ireland ; and having upon just grounds , and for the good and safety of His Protestant Subjects there , and for the preservation of that whole Kingdom , consented to such a Cessation , we desire to be informed by your Lordships , how that Cessation can be declared void , without a breach of Faith and Honour in His Majesty : and we are ready by Conference particularly to inform your Lordships of the Motives which induced His Majesty to consent to that Cessation . Their Answer , 10. Feb. WE conceive that His Majesty had not Power to make the Cessation in Ireland , nor had any just grounds to do the same ; and therefore we insist , as in our former Paper , That an Act of Parliament be passed to make void the Cessation of Ireland , and conceive that His Majesty is bound in Honour and Justice to consent unto the same : and we are ready to confer with your Lordships as is desired , and to receive your Lordships full Answer to this and the other particulars expressed in our Paper concerning Ireland . After long Debates in Conference , which spent the greatest part of the day , touching the Motives of that Cessation , and the King's Power to make it , His Majesties Commissioners delivered in this Paper , 10. Feb. WE have received no satisfaction or information in your Lordships Debate , to alter our opinion of his Majesties Power to make the Cessation in Ireland ; and having carefully perused and considered the Statute alledged by your Lordships , we cannot find any particular clause in that Statute , neither have your Lordships mentioned any , ( though often desired by us so to do ) whereby His Majesties Power to make a Cessation there is taken away : and therefore we are still of opinion , that His Majesty had full Power to make and consent to that Cessation . And we conceive that we have given your Lordships an account of very just grounds to induce His Majesty to do the same , it appearing to His Majesty by the Letters and Advice from the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom , and of the Officers of His Majesties Army there ( which we have read to your Lordships , and of which Letters and Advices we now give * Copies to your Lordships ) That his Majesties good Protestant Subjects of that Kingdom were in imminent danger to be over-run by the Rebels , and His Army to be disbanded for want of necessary Supplies ; and that there was no such probable way for their Preservation , as by making a Cessation . Neither have your Lordships given us any satisfying Reasons against the making the said Cessation , or made it appear to us , that that Kingdom could have been preserved without a Cessation ; and therefore we cannot apprehend how His Majesty can with Justice and honour declare the same to be void . We shall be ready against the next time assigned for the Treaty touching Ireland , to give your Lordships a further Answer to your Propositions concerning that Argument ; the Treaty concerning Ireland of the sixth of August , 1642. and the Ordinance of the 11. of April , 1644. ( which we did never see till your Lordships delivered us Copies of them ) making so great an Alteration in the Government there , that we cannot be prepared for the present to make a full Answer to those Propositions . Their Answer , 10. Feb. IT is very contrary to our expectation to find your Lordships unsatisfied , after those Arguments and Reasons alledged by us , that His Majesty had not Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , and that upon the perusal of the Statute , it appears not to you , that His Majesty had no Power to make that Cessation : it is strange to us your Lordships should forget all the other Arguments used by us from the Common-Law , from other Proceedings in Parliament , and Circumstances as this case stands , on which we still insist , and do affirm , that His Majesty had no Power to make or consent to that Cessation : we do not see any just grounds in the Copies of the Letters given us by your Lordships for His Majesties assenting to the Cessation , nor do we know by whom those Letters were written . We are therefore still clearly of opinion , notwithstanding all your Lordships have alledged , that it was unfit for His Majesty to agree unto that Cessation , being destructive to His good Subjects , and to the Protestant Religion there , and only for the advantage of the Popish Rebels , to the high Dishonour of God , the Disservice of His Majesty , and evident prejudice of His three Kingdoms . We therefore again desire your Lordships full Answer to what we have delivered to you concerning Ireland . The King's Commissioners Paper , 10. Feb. WE have given your Lordships our Reasons why we are not satisfied with your Arguments , that His Majesty had not Power to make the Cessation ; and as upon the perusal of the Statute we can find no ground for that Opinion , so your Lordships in your whole Debate have not insisted or mentioned one clause in that Statute ( though often desired ) which makes it good , neither have your Lordships given us any Argument from the Common-Law , other than by telling us , That it is against the Common-Law , because the private Interest of the Subscribers for Money , was concerned in it . To which we give this Answer , That their Interest was conditional upon Payment of their Moneys for the maintenance of the War , which was not performed ; and that if they had paid their Moneys , yet this Cessation was rather for the advance of that Interest , there being ( as it appears by the * Papers ) no other visible means of preservation of the Army in Ireland ; and that the Statute which gave that private Interest , doth not take away the Kings Power of making a Cessation ; and we conceive that Argument of Interest was waved . But if your Lordships shall insist upon it , we again desire , as we did formerly , that a Case may be made of it , and that the Debate may be again resumed . Neither do we know that any Argument was used by your Lordships from the Proceedings in Parliament ; and if you shall give any , we shall be ready to answer it . And we conceive that the Advice given to his Majesty from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , and the Testimony of the Officers of the Army , expressing the miserable condition of that Kingdom , and inability to bear the War , should appear to your Lordships to be just grounds for His Majesties assenting to the Cessation . One of the Letters delivered by us to your Lordships , bearing date the fourth of April , 1643. was sent by the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , to Mr. Secretary Nicholas , in which was inclosed their Letter to the Speaker of the House of Commons , of which your Lordships have likewise an Extract , and a Remonstrance of the Officers of the Army to the Lords Justices and Council there ; and the other Letter of the fifth of May 1643. to His Majesty , was from the Lords Justices and Council of that Kingdom : All which ( if your Lordships please ) shall be examined by you , with the Originals . And we are therefore of opinion , that our Answer formerly delivered , is a good Answer to the point of Cessation in question , and that it was not unfit for His Majesty to agree to that Cessation , nor destructive to the Protestant Religion , nor for the advantage of the Popish Rebels ; but much for the advantage of the Protestant Subjects there , who were in apparent hazard of Destruction by Force and Famine , occasioned by the want of Supplies which had been promised to them , as we have formerly said . And we shall give your Lordships a further Answer to your other Propositions concerning Ireland , when the time comes again for that Debate . Here ended the first three days of the Treaty concerning Ireland ; and the night before the return of the next three days , their Commissioners delivered this Paper , 17. February . WE conceived that the Arguments used by us , that His Majesty neither had , nor hath Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels of Ireland , might have fully satisfied your Lordships ; and if any Doubts yet remain , we are ready by Conference to clear them . Your Lordships may well call to mind the several Clauses we insisted upon in the Statute , and the Arguments we have given from the Common-Law , and other Proceedings in Parliament : And we do affirm that several great Sums of Money were paid by particular Persons and by Corporations , who , according to the true intent of the Statute , ought to have the benefit of the same , according to divers other Acts of Parliament in pursuance thereof ; and upon failer of Payment by any particular Persons , the Forfeiture was to accrue to the common benefit of the rest , not failing ; and we do deny that the Argument of Interest was at all waved by us . And we conceive those Wants alledged by your Lordships ( if any such were ) in justifying the Cessation were supplied from time to time by the Houses of Parliament , until His Majesties Forces were so quartered in and about the common Roads to Ireland , that Provisions going thither , were intercepted , and neither Money , Cloaths , Victuals , or other things could pass by Land with safety to be transported . And when that both Houses of Parliament were desirous further to supply those Wants , and for that purpose did tender a Bill to His Majesty , it was refused . And we will still alledge , that we have no reason to be satisfied concerning the Cessation by any Arguments used by your Lordships , or by any thing contained in the Extracts of the Letters and Papers delivered to us by your Lordships , as from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , and the Officers of the Army ; nor ( though desired by us ) have your Lordships afforded us liberty to compare those Extracts with the Originals , whereby we might have the Names of the Persons by whom they were written , which we now again desire . We are therefore still clearly of opinion as is expressed in our former Paper of the 10. of February , concerning the Cessation , and do desire your Lordships full Answer to our Demands concerning Ireland . The King's Commissioners Answer , 18. Feb. WE did not conceive that your Lordships had believed that any Arguments used by you could satisfie us against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , which appears to have been made by him by the Advice of His Council there , and for the Preservation of His Majesties Protestant Subjects of that Kingdom , who in all probability would have perished by Famine and the Sword , if that Cessation had not been made ; and we shall be very ready to receive farther Information from your Lordships by Conference , or otherwise in that particular , either concerning any Clauses in the Statute , or Arguments at Common-Law , or Proceedings of Parliament ( your Lordships having never mentioned the one , or made any Case upon the other ) upon which you intend to insist . And for the several great Sums of Money that were paid by particular Persons and Corporations upon that Statute mentioned by your Lordships , we are sorry that we are compelled , by your Lordships insisting thereon , to inform your Lordships , that His Majesty had clear Information , that not only much of the money raised by the Act for the four hundred thousand Pound , which was passed for the better suppressing that most wicked and execrable Rebellion in Ireland , and for the payment of the Debts of this Kingdom , but also of the Money raised by the Statute ( on which your Lordships insist ) for the speedy and effectual reducing of the Rebels of Ireland , &c. and other Moneys raised by Contribution and Loan for the relief of His Majesties distressed Subjects of that Kingdom , were expended contrary to the intent of the Acts by which the same were levied , and of the Persons who lent and contributed the same , towards the maintenance of the Forces in this Kingdom under the Command of the Earl of Essex ; and that many Regiments of Horse and Foot , levied for the War of Ireland , under the Command of the Lord Wharton , the Lord Kerry , Sir Faithful Fortescue , and others , were likewise imployed in that Army under the Earl of Essex at Edge-hill ; and therefore His Majesty refused to consent to the Bill presented to His Majesty after this , for the levying more Money for Ireland , justly fearing that the same might be used as the former had been . And for the few Cloaths ( for there were no Moneys ) intercepted by his Majesties Souldiers in His Majesties Quarters , which are said to be intended for Ireland , the same were intercepted near Coventry , and going thither , after that City had refused to receive His Majesty , though at the Gates . But His Majesty never refused to give any safe Pass through His Quarters for any Goods or Provisions which were intended or prepared for Ireland , neither was the same ever desired . For the Extracts and Copies of the Letters delivered by us to your Lordships from the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , and the Officers of the Army , we have been , and are willing that your Lordships should compare them with the Originals : but for your having the Names of the Persons who writ the same ( since there can be no doubt of the truth of our Assertions ) we conceive it not reasonable to desire the same , not knowing what inconvenience any of them ( since you seem not to like that Advice ) might incur , if at any time they should be found within your Quarters . And having now satisfied your Lordships in the matter of the Cessation , we shall gladly proceed in the Treaty with your Lordships upon any thing that may be apparently good for His Majesties Protestant Subjects there , and the re-setling of that Kingdom in His Majesties Obedience . Their Reply , 18. Feb. WE do conceive that the Arguments used by us , might have fully satisfied your Lordships against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , having answered whatsoever your Lordships have hitherto alledged to the contrary , and offered , if any other Doubts yet remain , by Conference to clear them , which still we are ready to do ; and we have heard nothing just or reasonable for that Cessation . It will be made evident , that the Necessities which by your Lordships were made Excuses for the Cessation , were created on purpose to colour the same ; and we are compelled by your Lordships Paper to let you know , that the Committees of Parliament sent into Ireland to endeavour to supply their Necessities , were discountenanced by the principal Instruments for that Cessation , and when they had taken up 2000 l. upon their personal security for the Army there , they were presently after commanded from the Council by a Letter brought thither from His Majesty by the Lord Ormond's Secretary : and when the Officers of the Army were contented to subscribe for Land in satisfaction of their Arrears , it was declared from His Majesty , that He disapproved of such Subscriptions , whereby that course was diverted . And we do affirm , that whatever Sums of money raised for Ireland were made use of by both Houses of Parliament , were fully satisfied with advantage , and , as we are informed , before the Bill mentioned in our former Paper was refused by His Majesty . And for the Regiments of Horse and Foot mentioned by your Lordships to be raised for Ireland , and imployed otherwise by the Houses of Parliament ; it is true that Forces were so designed , and when the Money , Arms , and other Provisions were all ready , and nothing wanting but a Commission from His Majesty for the Lord Wharton who was to command them , the same could not be obtained , which was the cause those Forces did not go thither : and when twelve Ships and six Pinnaces were prepared with a thousand or more Land-Forces for the Service of Ireland , and nothing desired but a Commission from His Majesty , the Ships lying ready and staying for the same , were three Weeks together at three hundred Pound a day charge ; yet the same was denyed , though often desired . And where your Lordships seem to imply , that the Provision seized by His Majesties Forces , were going for Coventry , it was made known to His Majesty , that the same were for Ireland . And your Lordships must needs conceive , that the Papers you delivered to us being but Extracts , and for that you deny us so to compare them with the Originals , as to have the Names of the Persons by whom they were written , it is altogether unreasonable for us to give any credit to them , it being manifest by this and our former Papers and Debates , that the Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , is both unjust and unlawful . We therefore insist on our Demands concerning Ireland , as apparently good for His Majesties Subjects there , and for reducing that Kingdom to His Majesties Obedience . Before His Majesties Commissioners gave Answer to this last Paper , they being also to answer the rest of the Demands concerning Ireland , for their necessary Information touching some Doubts that did arise upon those Demands , and the Articles of the Treaty of the 6 th of August concerning Ireland , and Ordinances delivered with them , the King's Commissioners gave in these several Papers . The King's Commissioners First Paper . 19. Feb. IN the eighth Article of the Treaty for the coming of the Scots Army into England , dated 29. Novemb. 1643. at Edenburgh , delivered to us by your Lordships among the Papers for Ireland , and desired by the twelfth Proposition to be confirmed by Act of Parliament , It is agreed , that no Cessation , nor any Pacification or Agreement for Peace whatsoever , shall be made by either Kingdom , without the mutual advice and consent of both Kingdoms , or the Committees in that behalf appointed , who are to have full power for the same , in case the Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Parliament or Convention of Estates in Scotland , shall not sit . We desire to know whether that Article extend to any Cessation , Pacification , or Agreement in Ireland . Their Answer . 19. Feb. WE did , in Answer to your Lordships Paper of the first of February , upon the Propositions concerning Religion , deliver the Treaty of the 29. of November 1643. mentioned by your Lordships , and not among the Papers for Ireland , to which it hath no relation . The King's Commissioners Reply . 20. Feb. YOur Lordships did deliver the Treaty of the 29. of November , 1643. to us with the Papers concerning Ireland , and on the 7. day of this instant February , and not upon the first of February , upon the Propositions concerning Religion . Their Answer . 20. Feb. WHen your Lordships peruse your Papers , you will rest satisfied with our Answer of the 19. of this instant to your first Paper that day given to us ; for it will appear appear by your Lordships third Paper of the first of February , and our Paper given to your Lordships in answer of it , that the Treaty of the date at Edenburgh 29. Novemb. 1643. was delivered to your Lordships on the first of February , upon the Proposition of Religion , and not upon the third of February , with the Papers concerning Ireland . The Article of the Treaty of the 29. of November , 1643. which occasioned these Papers , being by their Papers thus acknowledged not to concern Ireland , and so not pertinent to that Subject , the Kings Commissioners insisted no farther . The Kings Commissioners Second Paper . 19. Feb. BY the thirteenth Proposition it is demanded , that an Act be passed to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advices of both Kingdoms . We desire to know , whether , if the two Kingdoms shall not agree in their advice touching that War , each have a negative Voice , or whether the Scots Commander in chief of the Forces in Ireland , may manage that War in such case according to his own discretion . Their Answer . 19. Feb. IN Answer to your Lordships second Paper , the Prosecution of the War of Ireland is to be setled in the two Houses of the Parliament of England , but is to be managed by a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , wherein the Committee of each Kingdom hath a negative Voice ; but in case of disagreement , the Houses of Parliament of England may prosecute the War as they shall think fit , observing the Treaty of the sixth of August , 1642. between the two Houses and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , and the Ordinance of the 11. of April , 1644. delivered to your Lordships formerly . The Kings Commissioners Third Paper . 19. Feb. BY the twentieth Proposition , in the Intervals of Parliament , the Commissioners for the Militia have power to nominate the Lord Deputy of Ireland , and other Officers and Judges there . We desire to know whether that Power be limited to the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , or only to the Commissioners for England ; and whether in such cases the Commissioners of Scotland shall vote as single Persons . Their Answer . 19. Feb. THe power of the Commissioners in the Intervals of Parliament to nominate the Lord Deputy of Ireland , and other Officers and Judges there , mentioned in the twentieth Proposition , being no matters of joynt concernment , is to be limited to the Commissioners of the Parliament of England , wherein the Commissioners of Scotland are to vote as single Persons . The Kings Commissioners Fourth Paper . 19. Feb. THe Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August , giving Power to the Lieutenant of Ireland ( when the Scotish Army shall be joyned with his Army ) to give Instructions to the Scotish Commander in chief , and the Orders of the two Houses of the 9. of March , 1644. and the 11. of April , 1644. appointing the General of the Scotish Forces in Ireland to command in chief over all the Forces , as well British as Scots ; and both being desired to be Enacted , we desire to know , whether the Lieutenant of Ireland shall command the Scots Forces , or whether the Scotish General shall command all Forces , both British and Scots . Their Answer . 19. Feb. IN Answer to your Lordships fourth Paper , we say , that the Ordinances of the 9. of March and 11. of April , 1644. were made when there was no Lieutenant of Ireland : and when a Lieutenant shall be made with the Approbation of both Houses , according to our former Demands in the seventeenth and twentieth Propositions , it will be a fitting time to give further Answer to your Lordships . The Kings Commissioners Reply . 20. Feb. VVE desire a full Answer from your Lordships to our fourth Paper delivered to your Lordships yesterday , concerning the Power of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , and the General of the Scots Forces , your Lordships having proposed to us , that the Articles of the Treaty and the Ordinance of the 11. of April be enacted by His Majesty ; by one of which the General of the Scots Forces is to receive Instructions for the managing the War there from the Lieutenant of Ireland , and by the other ( which is the later ) the General of the Scots Forces is to command in chief both the British and Scots Forces , by which it seems the Lievtenant of that Kingdom is to have no Power in the prosecution of that War. Their Answer , 20. Feb. WE do insist upon our former Papers , that the prosecution of the War in Ireland is to be settled in both Houses of Parliament , and is to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , as in those Papers is set down ; and when a Lievtenant of Ireland shall be appointed , as is expressed in the Propositions , and it shall be necessary for the good of the service that he and the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army joyn , the Commander of the Scotish Army shall receive Instructions from the Lord Lievtenant or Deputy , or other who shall have the chief Government of the Kingdom for the time , according to the Orders which shall be given by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms . The King's Commissioners fifth Paper , 19. February . THe last part of the seventeenth Proposition gives power to the Commissioners for the Militia of both Kingdoms , as a joynt Committee to order the War of Ireland , according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April , and to order the Militia , and conserve the Peace of the Kingdom of Ireland ; and by that of the 11. of April , the Earl of Leven being appointed Commander in chief over all the Forces , as well British as Scots , we desire to know , whether he shall be subordinate to those Commissioners for the Militia , and be obliged to observe such Orders as he shall receive from them . Their Answer , 19. Feb. THe Commissioners of the Militia desired by the seventeenth Proposition are to order the War of Ireland , according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April ; and the Earl of Leven being by that Ordinance Commander in chief of the Forces , there , is obliged to observe such Orders as he shall receive from those Commissioners . Their Commissioners likewise the same 19. of Feb. delivered in some Papers of Demands on their part . Their * Answer . 19. Feb. WE desire that no Cessation of Arms or Peace in Ireland may be Treated upon , or concluded , without consent of both Houses of Parliament of England . Another , 19. Feb. WE desire to know , whether any Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland be consented unto by His Majesty , and for what time , and whether any Commission be now on foot , or other Authority given by His Majesty for that purpose . The King's Commissioners Answer to both , 20. February TO your Lordships * sixth and seventh Papers delivered to us yesterday concerning any Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland , your Lordships well know , that long after the War begun in this Kingdom , and the want of a Supply from hence , that a Cessation hath been made with His Majesties consent , and we conceive that the same expires in March next , and we are confident there is no Peace made there : But for the making a Peace or a farther Cessation , we can give no farther Answer till we may know whether there may be a blessed Peace made in England ; since if the miserable Civil Wars shall continue in this Kingdom , we cannot conceive it possible for His Majesty by Force to reduce the Kingdom of Ireland , or to preserve His Protestant Subjects there without a Peace or Cessation . Their Reply , 20. Febr. WE conceive your Lordships have given no Answer to us , whether any Commission be now on foot , or other Authority given by his Majesty for any Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland , other then that which determines in March next ; nor to our desire that no Cessation of Arms or Peace in Ireland may be Treated upon , or concluded , without consent of both Houses of the Parliament of England : nor do we understand why your Lordships should delay your Answer herein till the Peace in England be concluded , since it hath been so clearly manifested to your Lordships by the true meaning of the Act passed by His Majesty this Parliament , that His Majesty can make no Peace nor Cessation without the Consent of the two Houses ; and that your Lordships satisfactory Answer to this and our other Demands concerning Ireland will much conduce to the settling the Peace of this Kingdom . We therefore again desire your Lordships full and clear Answer to the particulars expressed in our sixth and seventh Papers , yesterday delivered to your Lordships . The King's Commissioners Answer , 20. Febr. VVE do not hold our selves any ways obliged to answer your Lordships Demand , whether any Commission be on foot , or other Authority from His Majesty , for a Peace or Cessation of Arms in Ireland ( that Question not arising upon any Propositions on His Majesties part : ) yet for your Lordships satisfaction , we do again assure you , we do not know there is any Peace or Cessation made there , other than that which determines in March next . But what Commission the Marquess of Ormond , as Lievtenant of Ireland , or General of the Forces there , hath to that purpose , we do not know , and therefore cannot inform your Lordships . And as to the other particulars in that Paper , we do * refer our selves to the Answers formerly given in to your Lordships Demands touching that Subject , with this , that we do conceive it to be most clear , that His Majesty is in no wise restrained by express words , or by the meaning of any Act made this Parliament , from making a Peace or Cessation in Ireland without the consent of the two Houses . Their Paper , 19. Feb. THere being but three days left to Treat upon the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and for Ireland , and for that your Lordships have given no satisfactory Answers to our Demands concerning them , we therefore now desire to confer with your Lordships how to dispose of the three days yet remaining , that we may receive your Lordships full and clear Answers thereunto . The King's Commissioners Answer , 19. February . VVE see no cause why your Lordships should think our Answers upon the Propositions for Religion and the Militia were not satisfactory . And for that of Ireland , we have received many Papers from your Lordships concerning that business besides the Propositions themselves , to all which we doubt not to give a full and clear Answer to your Lordships to morrow , being the time assigned , and the last day of the Treaty upon that Subject . * After , we shall be ready to confer with your Lordships of disposing the remainder of the time . Accordingly , after the before-mentioned Demands and Answer thereunto of the 19. of February , the King's Commissioners in Answer to theirs of the 18. of February , n. 149. delivered in this Paper . 20. February . VVE have already told your Lordships how far we are from being satisfied by what you have alledged against His Majesties Power to make a Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland , neither have your Lordships in any degree answered the important Reasons which induced his Majesty so to do , it being very evident , that by the Cessation , there His Majesties Protestant Subjects have been preserved and subsisted , which without it they could not have done , the two Houses forbearing to send any relief or supply to them , and His Majesty not being able . And we desire your Lordships to consider how impossible it was , whilst the War continued in England with such fierceness and animosity , by Arms to reduce the Kingdom of Ireland to His Majesties Obedience ; and therefore His Majesty had great reason to preserve that by a Cessation which he could not reduce by a War : And we are most confident that the Necessities ( which are not offered as excuses for , but were the real grounds of the Cessation ) were very visible to all those in that Kingdom , whose Advices His Majesty ought in reason to follow , and whose Interests were most concerned , and would not have given such Advice , if any other way could have been found out to preserve them . And we have been credibly informed , that the Committee sent into Ireland ( which His Majesty never understood to be sent thither to supply the Necessities , but to observe the Actions of His Majesties Ministers there , having in their Journey thither signed Warrants in their own names to apprehend the Persons of Peers of this Realm , and Persons of His Majesties Privy Council ) were never discountenanced there ; for His Majesties directions , that Persons who were not of His Privy Council there should not be present at those Councils , cannot be interpreted a discountenance to them in any thing they ought to do . And we are most assured , that His Majesty sent no Message or Letter to divert the course of the Officers subscribing for Land in satisfaction of their Arrears , but the Soldiers were meerly discouraged from the same , by discerning that for want of Supplies they should not be able to go on with that War. And we do assure your Lordships , that His Majesty doth not believe that the Sums of Money raised for Ireland ( which your Lordships do admit to have been made use of by both Houses of Parliament otherwise then was appointed ) are yet satisfied in any proportion , the greatestpart of the Money raised upon the Bill for 400000 l. and of the Moneys raised upon the charitable Collections , as well as the Adventurers Moneys , being imployed upon the War here ; and if the same were since satisfied , it doth no ways excuse the diverting of them , when in the mean time that Kingdom suffered by that diversion : and that the fear that other Moneys so raised might likewise be misimployed , was a great reason ( amongst others ) that made His Majesty not consent to that Bill mentioned by your Lordships . And for the Regiments of Horse and Foot , which your Lordships in your Paper of the 18. of this Month say were designed for Ireland , ( though they were imployed otherwise , because a Commission could not be obtained for the Lord Wharton , who was to command those Forces ; it is well known that those Forces were raised before His Majesties Commission was so much as desired , and then the Commission that was desired should have been independent upon His Majesties Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and therefore His Majesty had great reason not to consent to such a Commission , and so the damages of keeping those six Pinnaces and the 1000 Land-Forces ( if any such were ) proceeded not from any default of His Majesty . And for the Provisions seized by His Majesties Forces , it is notorious that they were seized in the way to and near Coventry , and that it was not made known to His Majesty that the same were for Ireland till after the seizure thereof , when it was impossible to recover the same from the Soldiers who had taken them ; whereas if a safe Conduct had been desired * by His Majesty , as it ought to have been , the same being to pass through his Quarters , there would have been no Violence or Interruption offered . For the giving the Names of the Persons who subscribed the Letters delivered to your Lordships ( the Originals of which have been shewed to you by us ) we have given your Lordships a full and reasonable Answer : and if your Lordships will assure us , that the giving their Names to you shall be no prejudice to the Persons who did subscribe , if at any time any of them shall be found within your Quarters , we will forthwith deliver their Names to you ; otherwise we conceive your Lordships cannot but give credit to that we have said and shewed to you . All which , we hope , hath clearly satisfied your Lordships , that the Cessation with the Rebels was neither unjust nor unlawful , and that you will proceed to satisfie us by what means the War may be managed in Ireland , with probable hope of the preservarion of His Majesties Protestant Subjects there ; we being very willing to concur with your Lordships in any just and honourable way for the good and settlement of that miserable Kingdom . And together with this last the King's Commissioners delivered in this other Paper , 20. February . HAving given your Lordships clear Reasons , why the Cessation which hath been made in Ireland is not in Reason or Justice to be made void , and that the making void thereof ( if the same might be done ) is not or cannot be for the benefit or advantage of His Majesties Protestant Subjects in that Kingdom , so long as the unhappy Wars in this Kingdom continue ; to the other part of your Lordships first Paper concerning Ireland , for the prosecution of the War there to be settled in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , and His Majesty to assist , we say , That it appears by the other Papers delivered to us by your Lordships , as the Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August , and the Ordinances of the eleventh of April and ninth of March , and otherwise , That the intent is , that that War shall be managed by a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , and that the Committee of each Kingdom shall have a Negative voice , and consequently it is very probable that upon difference of Opinion between them that War may stand still , or , to the utter Ruin of His Majesties good Subjects there , be absolutely dissolv'd . For whereas your Lordships say , That in case of such Disagreement , the Houses of the Parliament of England may prosecute the War as they shall think fit , observing the Treaty of the sixth of August 1642. and the Ordinance of the 11. of April , your Lordships well know , that by that Treaty and that Ordinance the two Houses of the Parliament of England alone cannot prosecute that War , that Ordinance of the 11. of April expresly making the Earl of Leven , the Scots General , Commander in chief of all Forces in that Kingdom , both British and Scotish , without any reference unto His Majesty or His Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and directing that the War shall be managed by the Committee of both Kingdoms , without any other reference to the two Houses of the Parliament of England . And therefore we cannot consent that such an Act of Parliament be passed for the confirmation of that Treaty , or the Ordinance of the 11 of April , as your Lordships propose , by reason that thereby all His Majesties Authority would be wholly taken away in that Kingdom , and in truth that whole Kingdom be thereby delivered into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of Scotland ; which we conceive is neither just , prudent , nor honourable to be done . And we are of Opinion , that it is not agreeable to His Majesties Honour , or the Justice and Protection which He ows to His Subjects of His Kingdom of Ireland , to put the nomination of His Lieutenant and Judges of that Kingdom out of Himself , and to commit the whole Power of that Kingdom to others , and to bind Himself to pass all such Acts of Parliament as any time hereafter shall be presented to Him for raising of Moneys , and other things necessary for the prosecution of the War in that Kingdom , which your Lordships say , in your Paper the 9. of this Instant , you intend by those words [ His Majesty to assist , ] in your first Paper . And we conceive it cannot be expected that His Majesty should consent to an Act of Parliament for prosecution of the War in Ireland to be managed by the Advice of the Houses of Parliament here and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , so long as the War in this Kingdom shall continue . For these and many other Reasons , we conceive it doth appear to your Lordships that the Propositions , as they are delivered to us by your Lordships , are by no means fit to be consented to ; and therefore we desire your Lordships to make other Propositions to us , which may be for the preservation and relief of His Majesties Protestant Subjects there , and for the settlement of that Kingdom , in which we shall very readily concur , and we shall be very willing that the business of that Kingdom , shall , after a Peace settled in this , be taken into consideration , and ordered as His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament here shall think fit . Their Answers to these two Papers . Their Paper , 20. Feb. VVE expected that your Lordships would have been fully satisfied by what we have alledged against His Majesties Power to make the Cessation with the Rebels in Ireland ; and we cannot find those important Reasons which your Lordships mentioned to have induced His Majesty so to do , or that thereby His Majesties Protestant Subjects there have been preserved or subsisted : but we have made it evident that this Cessation tended to the utter Destruction of the Protestants in that Kingdom , as we conceived was designed by those who advised His Majesty thereunto . And we observe , your Lordships urge that this Cessation was the only means for the subsistence of the Protestants there ; when it cannot be denied but that very many of the Protestants in Vlster , Munster and Connaught have yet subsisted , although they have refused to submit to the Cessation , and opposed the same as the means intended for their Ruin. And we do affirm unto your Lordships , that the two Houses of Parliament have been so far from failing to supply His Majesties good Subjects in that Kingdom , that although His Majesties Forces have , as much as lay in their power , endeavoured to prevent the same , and have taken to themselves that which was provided for those whom your Lordships mention to have been in so great Want and Extremity , yet the two Houses not discouraged thereby , have constantly sent great proportions of all necessary Supplies unto the Protestants there , whereby they have subsisted , and have very lately sent thither , and have already provided to be speedily sent after , in Money , Victuals , Cloaths , Ammunition , and other Necessaries to the value of sevenscore thousand Pounds : and they have not desired any other Provision from His Majesty but what He was well able to afford herein , only His assistance and Consent in joyning with His two Houses of Parliament , for the better enabling them in the prosecution of that War. And we are so far from apprehending any impossibility of reducing that Kingdom during the unhappy distractions here , that although many of the Forces provided by the two Houses for that end were diverted and imployed against the Parliament , to the increasing of our Distractions , yet the Protestants in Ireland have subsisted , and do still subsist , and we have just cause to believe , that if this Cessation had not been obtained by the Rebels ( and that in the time of their greatest Wants ) and that these Forces had not been withdrawn , they might in probability have subdued those bloody Rebels , and finished the War in that Kingdom . For the pretended Necessities offered as grounds of this Cessation , we have already given your Lordships ( we hope ) clear information . For the Persons whose Advice His Majesty followed therein , your Lordships have not thought fit to make them known unto us , and we cannot conceive their Interest in that Kingdom to be of such consideration as is by your Lordships supposed : But we know very well , that many Persons of all sorts have forsaken that Kingdom rather then they would submit unto this Cessation , and great numbers of considerable Persons and other Protestants yet remaining there have opposed , and still do oppose , that Cessation , as the visible means of their Destruction . The two Houses sent their Committees into Ireland for the better supplying and encouraging of the Armies there , and to take an account of the state of the War to be represented hither , that what should be found defective might be supplied . What Warrants they issued we are ignorant of ; but are well assured that what they did was in pursuance of their Duty , and for advancement of the publick Service , and suppressing of that horrid Rebellion : and we cannot but still affirm they were discountenanced and commanded from the Council there where the prosecution of that War was to be managed , and that it was declared from His Majesty , that he disapproved of the Subscriptions of the Officers of the Army , by means whereof that course was diverted . Concerning the Moneys raised for Ireland , we have in our former Papers given your Lordships a full and just Answer , and we are sorry the same cannot receive credit . Those Moneys raised upon charitable Collections , we do positively affirm were only imployed to those ends for which they were given ; and we cannot but wonder the contrary should be suggested . We are confident the Commission desired by the two Houses for the Lord Wharton ( and which your Lordships acknowledged was denied ) was only such as they conceived most necessary for advancement of that Service , and the denial thereof proved very prejudicial thereunto . And we must again inform your Lordships , that it was well known , at the time when the Goods were seized by His Majesties Forces ( as your Lordships allege , near Coventry ) that the same were then carrying for the supply of the Protestants in Ireland ; and some other Provisions made and sent for the same purpose were likewise seized and taken away by some of His Majesties Forces , as we have been credibly informed , not without His Majesties own knowledge and direction . Your Lordships may believe that those who signed the Letters mentioned in your Papers have done nothing but what they may well justifie ; and if the same be well done , they need not fear to give an Account thereof , nor your Lordships to suppose that if they come within our Quarters they shall be otherwise dealt withal then shall be agreeable to Justice . Upon the whole matter , notwithstanding the Allegations , Pretences , and Excuses offered by your Lordships for the Cessation made with the Rebels in Ireland , we are clearly satisfied that the same was altogether unjust , unlawful , and destructive to His Majesties good Subjects , and of advantage to none but the Popish bloody Rebels in that Kingdom . And therefore we still earnestly insist , as we conceive our selves in Conscience and Duty obliged , upon our former Demands concerning Ireland , which we conceive most Just and Honourable for his Majesty to consent unto . We know no other ways to propound more probable for the reducing of the Rebels there : but these being granted , we shall chearfully proceed in the managing of that War , and doubt not , by God's blessing , we shall speedily settle that Kingdom in their due Obedience to His Majesty . Their other Paper , 20. Feb. VVE cannot understand how out of any of the Papers , Articles and Ordinances delivered by us unto your Lordships , there should be a ground for your Opinion , that upon any Differences between the Committees or Commanders imployed about the War of Ireland , the War should stand still or be dissolved : nor do we find that the Ordinance of the 11. of April can produce any such inconvenience as your Lordships do imagine : nor doth the making of the Earl of Leven Commander in chief of the Scotish and British Forces , and the settling of the prosecution of the War of Ireland in the two Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , take away the relation to His Majesties Authority , or of the two Houses of Parliament , or of the Lord Lieutenant of Ireland . For , in the first place , His Majesties Consent is humbly desired , and the whole Power is derived from him ; only the Execution of it is put into such a way , and the General is to carry on the War according to the Orders he shall receive from the Committee of both Kingdoms ; and in case of Disagreement in the Committee , the two Houses of Parliament are to prosecute that War , as is expressed in our Answer to your Lordships second Paper of the 19. of February . And when there shall be a Lieutenant of Ireland , and that he shall joyn with the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army , the said Commander is to receive Instructions from him , according to the Orders of the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , as we have said in our Answer to your Lordships second Paper of this day . Nor doth the naming of the Earl of Leven to be General any more take away the Power of the two Houses , then if he were a Native of this Kingdom ; or is there any part of the Kingdom of Ireland delivered over into the hands of his Majesties Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland , who do only joyn with their Councils and Forces for carrying on the War , and reducing that Kingdom to his Majesties Obedience . And we conceive it most conducing for the good of his Majesties Service and of that Kingdom , that the Lieutenant and Judges there should be nominated by the two Houses of Parliament , as is expressed in the twentieth Proposition , who will recommend none to be imployed by his Majesty in places of so great trust , but such whose known Ability and Integrity shall make them worthy of them , which must needs be best known to a Parliament ; nor are they to have any greater Power conferred upon them by the granting this Proposition , then they have had who did formerly execute those places . And we know no reason why your Lordships should make difficulty of his Majesties consenting to such Acts as shall be presented unto him for raising Moneys and other necessaries from the Subject , which is without any charge to himself , for no other end but the settling of the true Protestant Religion in that Kingdom , and reducing it to his Majesties Obedience , for which we hold nothing too dear that can be imployed by us . And we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should make the prosecution of the War of Ireland , which is but to execute Justice upon those bloody Rebels , who have broken all Laws of God and Man , their Faith , their Allegiance , all bonds of Charity , all rules of Humanity and humane Society , who have Butchered so many thousands of Innocent Christians , Men , Women and Children , whose Blood cries up to Heaven for Vengeance , so many of his Majesties Subjects , whose Lives he is bound to require at their hands that spilt them , and to do Justice upon them to put away innocent Blood from himself , his Posterity , the whole Land ; these execrable Antichristian Rebels , who have made a covenant with Hell to destroy the Gospel of Christ , and have taken up Arms to destroy the Protestant Religion , to set up Popery , to rend away one of his Majesties Kingdoms , and deliver it up into the hands of Strangers , for which they have negotiations with Spain and other States ; a War which must prevent so much mischief , do so much good , offer up such an acceptable Sacrifice to the Great and Just God of Heaven , who groans under so much Wickedness to lie so long unpunished ; a War which must reduce that Kingdom unto his Majesties Obedience , the most glorious work that this Kingdom can undertake ; that the prosecution of such a War your Lordships should make to depend upon any other condition , that the Distractions of these Kingdoms should be laid as an impediment unto it , and that there should be any thought , any thing which should give those Rebels hope of impunity , if our Miseries continue , whereas , according to Christian reason and the ordinary course of God's Providence , nothing can be more probable to continue our Miseries then the least connivence in this kind . What can be said or imagined should be any inducement to it ? We hope , not to make use of their help and assistance to strengthen any party here , to bring over such Actors of barbarous Cruelties to exercise the same in these Kingdoms . We desire your Lordships to consider these things , and that nothing may remain with you which may hinder his Majesty from giving his Consent to all good means for the reducing of Ireland , according to what is desired by us in our Propositions . The King's Commissioners Reply to the two last Papers . The King's Commissioners Paper , 20. February . WE are very sorry that our Answers formerly given to your Lordships in the business of the Cessation , which was so necessary to be made , and being made to be kept , have not given your Lordships satisfaction ; and that your Lordships have not rather thought fit to make the reasonableness of your Propositions concerning Ireland appear to us , or to make such as might be reasonable in the stead , then by charging his Majesty with many particulars which highly reflect upon his Honour , to compel us to mention many things in Answer to your Lordships Allegations , which otherwise in a time of Treaty , when we would rather endeavour to prevent future Inconveniences then to insist on past mistakes , we desired to have omitted . And we can no ways admit , that when the Cessation was made in Ireland , his Majesties Protestant Subjects there could have subsisted without that Cessation , nor that the War can be maintained and prosecuted to the subduing the Rebels there so long as the War continues in this Kingdom ; which are the chief grounds laid for the Assertions in your Lordships first Paper delivered this day , concerning the business of Ireland . Neither can we conceive that your Lordships have alleged any thing that could in the least degree satisfie us , that his Majesty had no Power to make that Cessation , or had no Reason so to do , considering ( as we have formerly said , and do again insist upon it ) that by that Cessation ( which was not made till long after this Kingdom was embroiled in a miserable War ) the poor Protestants there ( who for want of Supplies from hence were ready to famish and be destroyed ) were preserved , and that Kingdom kept from utter Ruin , ( so far was it from being a design for their Destruction , or for the advantage of the Popish bloody Rebels , as is insinuated : ) for it appears by the Letters of the Lords Justices of Ireland , Sir William Parsons and Sir John Borlase , and of the Council there , of the fourth of April 1643. before that Cessation made , directed to the Speaker of the House of Commons , a Copy whereof we delivered to your Lordships , though we presume you may have the Original , That His Majesties Army and good Subjects there were in danger to be devoured for want of needful Supplies forth of England ; and that His Majesties Forces were of Necessity sent abroad , to try what might be done for sustaining them in the Country , to keep them alive until Supplies should get to them : but that design failing , those their hopes were converted into astonishment , to behold the Miseries of the Officers and Souldiers for want of all things , and all those Wants made unsupportable in the want of Food ; and divers Commanders and Officers declaring they had little hope to be supplied by the Parliament , pressed with so great importunity to be permitted to depart the Kingdom , as that it would be extreme difficult to keep them there . And in another part of that Letter ( for we shall not grieve you with mention of all their Complaints ) they expressed , That they were expelling thence all Strangers , and must instantly send away for England thousands of poor despoiled English , whose very eating was then unsupportable to that place ; that their Confusions would not admit the writing of many more Letters , if any , ( for they had written divers others , expressing their great Necessities . ) And to the end His Majesty and the English Nation might not irrecoverably and unavoidably suffer , they did desire that then ( though it were almost at the point to be too late ) supplies of Victuals and Ammunition in present might be hastned thither to keep life until the rest might follow , there being no Victual in the store , nor a hundred Barrells of Powder ( a small proportion to defend a Kingdom ) left in the store , when the out-Garrisons ( as they were to be instantly ) were supplied and that remainder , according to the usual necessary expence , besides extraordinary accidents , would not last above a Month. And in that Letter they sent a Paper signed by sundry Officers of the Army , delivered to them as they were ready to sign that Dispatch , and by them apprehended to threaten imminent Danger , which mentioned , That they were brought to that great exigence , that they were ready to rob and spoil one another ; that their Wants began to make them desperate that if the Lords Justices and Council there did not find a speedy way for their preservation , they did desire that they might have leave to go away ; that if that were not granted , they must have recourse to the Law of Nature , which teacheth all men to preserve themselves . And by a Letter of the 11. of May following ( a Copy whereof we have also delivered to your Lordships ) the Lords Justices and Council there did advertise his Majesty , That they had no Victual , Cloaths , or other Provisions , no Money to provide them of any thing they want , no Arms , not above 40. Barrels of Powder , no strength of serviceable Horse , no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve that Kingdom ; and that though the Winds had in many days , and often formerly , stood very fair for accessions of Supplies forth of England ( the two Houses having then and ever since the full Command of those Seas ) yet to their unexpressible grief , after full six months waiting , and much longer patience and long suffering , they found their expectations answered in an inconsiderable quantity of Provisions , viz. 75 Barrels of Butter and 14 Tun of Cheese , being but the fourth part of a small Vessels-loading , which was sent from London , and arrived there on the fifth of May , which was not above 7 or 8 days Provisions for that part of the Army , in and about Dublin ; no Money or Victuals ( other then that inconsiderable proportion of Victuals ) having arrived there as sent from the Parliament of England , or from any other forth of England , for the use of the Army since the beginning of November before . And besides these , whereof we have * Copies to your Lordships , it was represented to His Majesty by Petition from that Kingdom , That all means by which comfort and life should be conveyed to that gasping Kingdom seemed to be totally obstructed , and that unless timely relief were afforded , His Loyal Subjects there must yield their Fortunes for a Prey , their Lives for a Sacrifice , and their Religion for a Scorn to the merciless Rebels . Upon all which deplorable passages , represented by Persons principally interessed in the managing of the affairs of that Kingdom and the War there , in which number were Sir William Parsons , Sir John Temple , Sir Adam Loftus , and Sir Robert Meredith , Persons of great estimation with your Lordships ( to which we could add many other Advices and Letters from several men of Repute and Quality , but that we will not trouble your Lordships with Repetition of private Advices ) we cannot think but your Lordships are now satisfied , that the Necessities of that Kingdom , which were the ground of the Cessation there , were real , and not pretended : and therefore for Excuses , we leave them to them who stand in need of them ; and we desire your Lordships to consider , as the distracted condition of this Kingdom was , what other way could be imagined for the Preservation of that Kingdom , than by giving way to that Cessation . And though it is insisted on in your Lordships Paper , that some Protestants in Vlster , Munster and Connaught , ( who have refused to submit to that Cessation ) have yet subsisted ; yet your Lordships well know these were generally of the Scotish Nation , who had strong Garrisons provided and appointed to them , and were in those parts of Ireland near the Kingdom of Scotland , whence more ready supplies of Victuals might be had , than the English could have from England , and for whose Supply ( as His Majesty hath been credibly informed , and we believe that your Lordships know it to be true ) special care was taken , when the English Forces and other English Protestant Subjects there were neglected , whereby they were exposed to apparent Destruction by Sword and Famine . And we cannot but wonder at the Assertion , That His Majesties Forces have , as much as lay in them , endeavoured to prevent those Supplies for Ireland , and at the mention of the intercepting those Provisions near Coventry , with His Majesties own knowledge and direction ; whereas , as we have formerly acquainted your Lordships , it was not known to His Majesty , that those Provisions which were taken near Coventry going thither , when His Majesties Forces were before it , were intended for Ireland , till after the seisure thereof , when it was impossible to recover them from the Souldiers ; which might have been prevented , if a safe Conduct had been desired through His Majesties Quarters , which we are assured he would have readily granted for those or any other Supplies for that Kingdom , but was never asked of him . And as there is no particular Instance of any other Provisions for Ireland intercepted by His Majesties Forces , but those near Coventry , which were considerable ; so we can assure your Lordships , that when His Majesty was in the greatest wants of all Provisions , and might have readily made use of some provided for Ireland , lying in Magazines within His Quarters , yet he gave express Order for the sending them away , which was done accordingly , and would have supplyed them further out of His own Store , if He had been able . And no man can be unsatisfied of His Majesties tender sense of the Miseries of His Protestant Subjects in Ireland , when they shall remember how readily He gave His Royal Assent to any Proposition or Acts for raising of Men , Moneys , and Arms for them ; that He offered to pass over in Person for their Relief , ( which His Majesties Subjects of Scotland approved , and declared it to be an Argument of Care in His Majesty ) and if that had proceeded , it might in possibility have quenched the flames of that unhappy Rebellion , as long before it might probably have been prevented , if the Army of Irish Natives there had been suffered to have been transported out of that Kingdom , as was directed by His Majesty . What Provisions are lately sent , or are now sending to Ireland from the two Houses , we know not : but His Majesty hath been informed , that even those Provisions are designed in pursuance of the late Treaty concerning Ireland made with His Subjects of Scotland without His Majesties consent , and only for such who have declared themselves against His Majesties Ministers , and in opposition to that Cessation to which many of them had formerly consented , though they have since , upon private Interest , and the Incouragement and Solicitations of others , opposed the same : and therefore His Majesty cannot look upon those Supplies as a Support for the War against the Irish Rebels , or as a Repayment of those Moneys , which being raised by Acts of Parliament for that War , have been formerly diverted to other uses , of which Money 100000 l. at one time was issued out for the payment of the Forces under the Earl of Essex . And as to diverting the Forces provided for the reducing of Ireland , though we conceived it ought not to be objected to His Majesty , considering the Forces under the Command of the Lord Wharton , raised for Ireland , had been formerly diverted and imployd against Him in the War here in England ; yet it is evident they were not brought over till after the Cessation , when they could no longer subsist there , and that there was no present use for them ; and before those Forces brought over , there was an attempt to bring the Scotish Forces in Ireland , as likewise divers of the English Officers there , into this Kingdom ; and since the Earl of Leven their General , and divers Scotch Forces were actually brought over . To the Allegations that many Persons of all sorts have forsaken the Kingdom , rather than they would submit to that Cessation , we know of none : but it is manifest , that divers who had left that Kingdom , because they would have been famished , if they had continued there , since that Cessation , have returned . Touching the Committee sent into Ireland , we have already answered , they were not discountenanced by His Majesty in what they lawfully might do , although they went without His Privity , but conceive your Lordships will not insist that they should sit with the Privy-Council there , and assume to themselves to advise and interpose as Privy-Councellors . And we again deny the Subscriptions of the Officers of the Army was diverted by His Majesty ; and it is well known , that some Officers apprehending upon some speeches , that the drift in requiring Subscriptions , was to engage the Army against His Majesty , in detestation thereof upon those speeches rent the Book of Subscription in pieces . For the diversion of the Moneys raised for that War , if they had been since repaid , ( the contrary whereof is credibly informed to His Majesty ) yet that present Diversion might be , and we believe was , a great means of the future Wants of that Kingdom which induced the Cessation . As to the Lord Wharton's Commission , we conceive we have already fully satisfied your Lordships the just Reasons thereof . For the Letters whereof your Lordships had Copies , we conceive that you being thereby satisfied of the Contents , and that they came from the Lords Justices and Council there , your Lordships need not doubt of the truth of the matter : and for the Names of the single Persons subscribing , we cannot conceive it is desired for any other purpose , than to be made use of against such of them as should come into your Quarters , you having not granted , though desired , that it shall not turn to their Prejudice , if we should give in their Names . Upon what hath been said it appears , that His Majesties English Protestant Subjects in Ireland could not subsist without a Cessation ; and that the War there cannot be maintained or prosecuted to the subduing of the Rebels there , during the continuance of this unnatural War here , is evident to any man that shall consider , that this Kingdom labouring in a War which imploys all the Force and Wealth at home , cannot , nor will spare considerable Supplies to send abroad ; or if it could , yet whiles there are mutual Jealousies that there cannot be that concurrence in joynt Advices betwixt the King , and the two Houses , as will be necessary , if that War be prosecuted ; and that His Majesty cannot condescend , or your Lordships in reason expect His Majesty should by His Consent to Acts of Parliament for the managing of that War , and raising moneys to that purpose , put so great a Power into their hands , who , during these Troubles , may , if they will , turn that Power against Him ; and it is apparent , that the continuance of the War here , must inevitably cause the continuance of the Miseries there , and endanger the rending of that Kingdom from this Crown . The Kings Commissioners other Paper , 20. Feb. VVE do very much wonder , that it doth not clearly appear to your Lordships , that upon any difference between the Committees of both Kingdoms in the managing the War of Ireland , ( in the manner proposed by your Lordships ) the War there must stand still , or be dissolved : for if the Ordinance of the 11th of April be by His Majesties Royal Assent made an Act of Parliament , ( as your Lordships desire ) all the Forces of that Kingdom , both British and Scotish , are put under the absolute Command of the Earl of Leven the Scotish General , and the managing the War committed wholly to the Committee of both Kingdoms , without any reference to the two Houses of the Parliament of England by themselves : so that whatsoever your Lordships say of your intentions , that the the two Houses of Parliament here shall upon such difference manage the War ( which yet you say must be observing the Treaty of the 6th of August , and the said Ordinance of the 11th of April ) it is very evident , if that Ordinance should be made a Law , the War must stand still or be dissolved , upon difference of opinion between the Committee of both Kingdoms , or else the Earl of Leven must carry on the War according to his discretion ; for he is in no degree bound to observe the Orders or Directions of the Houses of Parliament in England by themselves . Neither doth the asking His Majesties Consent at all alter the Case from what we stated it to your Lordships in our Paper of the 20. of this Instant ; for we said then , and we say still , that if His Majesty should consent to what you propose , He would devest himself of all his Royal Power in that Kingdom , and reserve no Power or Authority in Himself over that War , which is most necessary for His Kingly Office to do . For your Lordships Expression , when there shall be a Lieutenant of Ireland , we presume your Lordships cannot but be informed that His Majesty hath made , and we doubt not but you acknowledge he hath power to make the Lord Marquess of Ormond His Lieutenant of that Kingdom , and who is very well able to manage and carry on that War , in such manner as shall be thought necessary for the good of that Kingdom ; and there is no question but that the naming the Earl of Leven to be General , to receive Orders only from the joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , doth more take away the Power of the two Houses here , than if he were a Native of this Kingdom , and to obey the Orders of the two Houses . And we conceive it evident , that the giving the absolute Command of all Forces , both British and Scotish , to the Earl of Leven , General of the Scotish Forces , who is to manage the War according to the Directions of the joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , doth not amount to less than to deliver the whole Kingdom of Ireland over into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland : and therefore we must ask your Lordships Pardon , to believe our selves obliged in Prudence , Honour , and Conscience , very much to insist on that consideration , and very earnestly to recommend the same to your Lordships . And we conceive it most conducing to the good of His Majesties Service and of that Kingdom , and the Lieutenant and Judges there be nominated ( as they have always been ) by His Majesty , who will be sure to employ none in places of so great Trust , but such , whose known Ability and Integrity shall make them worthy ; and if at any time He shall finde himself deceived by those He shall chuse , can best make them Examples of His Justice , as they have been of His Grace and Favour . And we beseech your Lordships to consider how impossible it is for His Majesty to receive that measure of Duty , Reverence and Application , which is due to Him , and His Royal Progenitors have always enjoyed , if it be not in His own immediate Power to reward those whom he shall by experience discern worthy of publick Trust and Imployment . We have made no difficulty to your Lordships of His Majesties consenting to Acts for the raising of moneys , and other necessaries for the setling of the true Protestant Religion in that Kingdom ; only we think it unreasonable that His Majesty should engage himself ( as is proposed ) to pass all such Acts as shall be presented to Him , before He know whether such Acts are reasonable or no , and whether those ( other necessaries ) may not comprehend what in truth is not only unnecessary , but very inconvenient . Neither will the Argument , that the moneys are to be raised from His Subjects , without any charge to Himself , seem reasonable to His Majesty , His Majesty considering His own charge much less than the Damage and Pressures which may thereby befall His good Subjects , the preserving them from which , is His Majesties most sollicitous and earnest desire . And we cannot but wonder that your Lordships should conceive any Expressions made by us , concerning the Prosecution of that War of Ireland , to be unagreeable to the Zeal of Persons abundantly sensible of that Blood and Horrour of that Rebellion . We agree with you , they have broken the Laws of God and Man , their Faith , their Allegiance , the Bonds of Charity , Rules of Humanity and human Society ; and we heartily wish that it were in His Majesties Power to do justice upon , and make up those breaches of all those Rules and Bonds ; and to that purpose we have desired to be satisfied by your Lordships what probable course may be taken for the remedying those mischiefs , and preserving the remainder of His Majesties good Protestant Subjects : but without doubt the prosecution of that War so much depends upon the Condition and Distractions of His Majesties other Kingdoms , that the Information your Lordships give us of the Negotiation with Spain and other States , for delivering up that Kingdom from His Majesties Obedience into the hands of Strangers , deserves the most strict Consideration , how His Majesties two other Kingdoms can be applied to the Relief of the third , whilst these Distractions are in their own Bowels , and the continuance of the miseries in the two , must render those in the third remediless , if it be not preserved by some other means than the prosecution of the War. Neither can it be foreseen or determined what help or assistance either Party may make use of , where it finds it self oppressed and over-powered by the other , especially when it calls in any help , and leaves no means unattempted to destroy the other . And we beseech your Lordships , in the Bowels of Christian Charity and Compassion , and in the Name of him who is the Prince of Peace , and who will make an Inquisition for Blood , to consider , whether all our endeavours ought not to be , to stop these Bloody Issues in all His Majesties Dominions ; and whether the just God of Heaven , who for our Sins hath made the several Nations under His Majesties Government , to be Scourges of one another , and of His Majesty Himself , under whose Obedience they should all live , can be delighted with the Sacrifice of Blood , and the Blood of Christians ; and whether it would not be more agreeable to our Christian Profession , to endeavour the binding up of those wounds , which Interests , Passion and Animosity have made . We desire your Lordships to consider these things , and to make such Propositions to us concerning Ireland , ( since it is apparent , that those already made by you , are by no means fit to be consented to ) as may be for the growth and propagation of the true Protestant Religion , the Peace and Happiness of that Kingdom , and the welfare of all His Majesties Dominions . The last of the six days concerning Ireland being now spent , being the last of the eighteen appointed to treat upon Religion , Militia , and Ireland , by three days apiece , alternis vicibus , according to the order formerly proposed , the two remaining days were imployed for the most part concerning Religion : but towards the end of these two days , being the last of the Treaty ( about 12. of the Clock at night ) they delivered in these two following Papers concerning Ireland , in answer to the two last Papers . Their Paper , 22. Feb. WE are very sorry that your Lordships should continue in that Opinion , that it was necessary to make the Cessation in Ireland , when by undeniable Proofs , and consideration of all Circumstances , it is most clear , that the Necessities alledged for grounds of that Cessation , were made by design of the Popish and Prelatical Party in England and Ireland , who so wickedly contrived the same , that the Provisions sent thither by the Parliament for Relief of His Majesties good Subjects in Ireland , were disposed of and afforded to the Rebels there in their greatest wants ; and then when your Lordships affirm the Protestants to be in so great extremity ; and even at that time also when the Officers of our Army and Garrisons , pressing for leave to march into the Enemies Countrey to live upon them , and save their own Stores , some who were driven forth , had great quantities of Provisions out with them , yet were not permitted to march into the Enemies Countrey , but kept near Dublin , until their Provisions were spent , and then commanded back again ; others could not obtain leave to go forth , but were commanded to stay at home , that their own Provisions might be the sooner consumed , and thereby the Necessity made greater . Notwithstanding , by the care of both Houses of Parliament here for their supply , they were able to subsist , and did subsist at the time of that Cessation , although the making thereof reduced them to far greater Necessities than otherwise they could have suffered , besides the notorious advantage thereby to the Rebels , when their Wants and Extremities were most pressing . And we should not again have troubled your Lordships with these Answers , had they not been caused by your own Repetition of the Letters , of part whereof you have given us Copies , though not the knowledge of the Persons from whom they came ; only you were pleased to mention the Lords Justices and Council there ; yet we were assured , even by some who were of the Council at that time when the Letters were written , that the same was done only to press for Supplies from hence , without the least intention in them of inducing a Cessation ; neither do the Copies contain any thing tending to a Cessation , or the least mention thereof . And we have cause to grieve , not only at what your Lordships express concerning the complaints from Ireland and their great extremities , but that the same being procured and increased by the Popish Party , yet we should find such earnest endeavours to lay the blame and neglect therein upon the two Houses of Parliament here , who have been so zealous for their Relief , and whose only care ( under the Blessing of God ) hath been their Preservation , and that in the heat of our own miserable Distractions , have continued their Supplies , and from our own great Wants , have not spared to afford our Brethren there the means of their subsistance . The Protestants in Munster , Connaught and Vlster , who opposed this Cessation , were many of them English , and both they and the Scots suffering under as great Wants and Failer of Supplies as the Protestants in other places , and in no better posture of their own defence , notwithstanding in a true sense of their own Duty and Conscience , they have opposed , and still do oppose the same : neither were the English there neglected , as your Lordships have been misinformed by such who labour to destroy both Nations , and , as a means thereto , to divide them . Besides the Goods seised near Coventry , we have mentioned other particulars asserted to be seised , not without His Majesties own knowledge and direction , as we are informed , and are most unwilling to believe : Neither do we understand it to be an excuse for seising some Goods , to say that His Majesty did forbear to seise others in His Power ; but when His Majesty shall rightly ponder the horridness of that Rebellion , we hope those wicked Instruments who contrived , and do support the same , will have no power to alter His Majesties tender sense of the miseries of His Protestants Subjects in that Kingdom , nor at all to lessen His Piety and gracious Care for quenching the Flames of that unhappy Rebellion . We do again affirm unto your Lordships the truth of what we said before concerning the Supplies of Ireland by the two Houses ; and it seems strange , that what hath been lately sent should not be looked upon as a Support of the War against the Rebels , by which only the Protestants were enabled to defend themselves , and to infest their Enemies : nor can we imagine any other means as a Support of that just War , being most assured that if this had not been done , the Rebels must certainly have prevailed , and the remnant of His Majesties good Subjects of that Kingdom have perished . Your Lordships are pleased to remember some moneys by us imployed , particularly one hundred thousand Pounds , which was raised for Ireland , all which have been re-satisfied with advantage ; and we must , as often as you are pleased to repeat it , refer your Lordships to our former just and clear Answers concerning the same , and the like for the Forces under the Command of the Lord Wharton . And we believe what your Lordships express concerning the Forces brought hither to His Majesty out of Ireland after the Cessation , it being one end for which the Cessation was made , that those Forces might be imployed against the two Houses of Parliament here ; and those Scotish Forces which came over , were not sent for . We know of no Persons who have returned into Ireland since the Cessation , except such as were Agents for the procuring thereof , and divers principal Rebels who presumed to address themselves unto His Majesty at Oxford , and were there countenanced . It is probable that some might endeavour to alienate the hearts of the Officers of the Army there from the two Houses , whereby their Service against the Rebels might be interrupted . To that particular of the Subscriptions of the Officers , and of the Committee sent into Ireland , and of the diversions of moneys alledged , and of the Copies of Letters given us by your Lordships , without the Names of those who subscribed them , we have already given your Lordships a full and clear Answer ; but have not received satisfaction concerning the denial of the Lord Wharton's Commission , whereby the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced . It is so far from being made appear that His Majesties English Protestant Subjects in Ireland could not subsist without a Cessation , that the contrary is undeniable , and that His Majesties Protestant Subjects there , both English and Scotish , who have opposed that Cessation , have subsisted , and do still subsist ; and we are sorry to find any inclination to continue that Cessation , which whensoever made , will be esteemed by all good Protestants a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion . We do insist upon our former Demands concerning Ireland , and doubt not but those being granted , notwithstanding our present miserable Distractions here , we shall ( by the Blessing of God ) bring those bloody Rebels to a speedy and just Punishment , and settle that unhappy Kingdom in their due Obedience to His Majesty and the Crown of England . Their other Paper . 22. Feb. IT is not possible for us to give a more clear Answer than we have done , to shew that there can no such Inconvenience follow upon confirming the Ordinance of the 11. of April by Act of Parliament as your Lordships do imagine ; it being desired that the Treaty of the sixth of August be in like manner confirmed , by which the Commanders of the Scotish Forces in Ireland are to be answerable to His Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament of England for their whole deportment and proceeding there ; and it being desired by the 13. Proposition , that the Prosecutions of the War of Ireland should be settled in both Houses of Parliament : all which taken together , it cannot follow , that upon any Disagreement between the Committees there , the Earl of Leven may carry on the War according to his own discretion . As for our Expression [ when there shall be a Lieutenant in Ireland ] which was used in Answer to your Lordships second Paper of the 20. of February , it was to satisfie your Lordships , that there could be no interfering between the Powers of the Lord Lieutenant and of the Earl of Leven ; and still we say , when there shall be a Lord Lieutenant chosen , as is expressed in our 20. Proposition , ( for we do not admit the Marquiss of Ormond to be so ) the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army is to receive Instructions from him , in such manner as we have laid it down in that Answer of ours to your Lordships Paper above-mentioned : which will , we hope , satisfie your Lordships other Objection , that this is not to deliver over the whole Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of His Majesties Subjects of the Kingdom of Scotland , seeing such of that Nation as are there imployed , are to be subordinate to the Committee of both Kingdoms , and in case of Disagreement , an Appeal lies to the two Houses of the Parliament of England , in whom the power of prosecuting the War , is to be settled . And we must insist to desire that the Lord Lieutenant and the Judges in that Kingdom may be nominated by the two Houses of Parliament , who have by sad experience ( to the great cost of this Kingdom , expence of so much Treasure and Blood , the loss of many thousand Lives there , and almost of all that whole Kingdom from His Majesties Obedience , and an inestimable prejudice to the true Protestant Religion ) found the ill consequence of a bad choice of Persons for those great places of Trust . Therefore for His Majesties Honour , the good of His Service , the great Advantage it will be to the rest of His Majesties Dominions , the great Comfort to all good Christians , and even an acceptable Service to God himself , for the attaining of so much good , and the prevention of so much evil , they desire to have the nomination of those great Officers , that by a prudent and careful Election they may , by providing for the good of that now miserable Kingdom , discharge their Duty to God , the King , and their Countrey . And certainly , if it be necessary to reduce that Kingdom , and that the Parliament of England be a faithful Council to his Majesty , and fit to be trusted with the prosecution of that War , ( which his Majesty was once pleased to put into their hands , and they faithfully discharged their parts in it , notwithstanding many practices to obstruct their proceedings , as is set forth in several Declarations of Parliament ) then , we say , your Lordships need not think it unreasonable that His Majesty should ingage himself to pass such Acts as shall be presented to him for raising Moneys and other necessaries for that War : for if the War be necessary ( as never War was more ) that which is necessary for the maintaining of it must be had , and the Parliament that doth undertake and manage it , must needs know what will be necessary , and the People of England , who have trusted them with their Purse , will never begrudge what they make them lay out upon that occasion . Nor need his Majesty fear the Parliament will press more upon the Subject then is fit in proportion to the occasion . It is true that heretofore Persons about his Majesty have endeavoured and prevailed too much , in possessing him against the Parliament for not giving away the Money of the Subject when his Majesty had desired it ; but never yet did his Majesty restrain them from it , and we hope it will not be thought that this is a fit occasion to begin . We are very glad to find that your Lordships are so sensible in your expressions of the Blood and Horrour of that Rebellion , and it is without all question in His Majesties Power to do Justice upon it , if your Lordships be willing that the Cessation and all Treaties with those bloody and unnatural Rebels be made void , and that the prosecution of the War be settled in the two Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt advice of both Kingdoms , and the King to assist , and to do no Act to discountenance or molest them therein . This we dare affirm to be more than a probable course for the remedying those mischiefs , and preserving the remainder of His Majesties good Subjects there . We cannot believe your Lordships will think it fit there can be any Agreement of Peace , any respite from Hostility , with such Creatures as are not fit to live , no more than with Wolves or Tigers , or any ravenous Beasts , destroyers of mankind . And we beseech you , do not not think it must depend upon the condition of His Majesties other Kingdoms to revenge or not revenge God's Quarrel upon such perfiduous Enemies to the Gospel of Christ , who have imbrued their hands in so much Protestant Blood ; but consider the Cessation that is made with them is for their advantage , and rather a Protection then a Cessation of Acts of Hostility , as if it had been all of their own contriving ; Arms , Ammunition , and all manner of Commodities may be brought unto them ; and they may furnish themselves , during this Cessation , and be assisted and protected in so doing ; that afterwards they may the better destroy the small remainder of his Majesties Protestant Subjects . We beseech your Lordships in the bowels of Christian Charity and Compassion to so many poor Souls who must perish , if the strength of that raging Adversary be not broken , and in the Name of him who is the Prince of Peace , who hates to be at Peace with such shedders of Blood , give not your consents to the continuation of this Cessation of War in Ireland , and less to the making of any Peace there , till Justice have been fully executed upon the Actors of that accursed Rebellion . Let not the Judgment of War within this Kingdom , which God hath laid upon us for our Sins , be encreased by so great a Sin as any Peace or Friendship with them : whatsoever becomes of us , if we must perish , yet let us go to our Graves with that comfort , that we have not made Peace with the Enemies of Christ , yea even Enemies of mankind , declared and unreconciled Enemies to our Religion and Nation : let not our War be a hindrance to that War , for we are sure that Peace will be a hindrance to our Peace . We desire War there as much as we do Peace here : for both we are willing to lay out our Estates , our Lives , and all that is dear unto us in this World ; and we have made Propositions unto your Lordships for both , if you were pleased to agree unto them . We can but look up to God Almighty , beseech him to encline your hearts , and casting our selves on him , wait his good time for the return of our Prayers in settling a safe and happy Peace here , and giving success to our Endeavours in the prosecution of the War of Ireland . It had been used by the Commissioners during the Treaty , that when Papers were delivered in of such length , and so late at night , that present particular Answers could not be given , by agreement between themselves to accept the Answers the next day , dated as of the day before , although they were Treating of another Subject ; and these two last Papers concerning Ireland being of such great length , and delivered about twelve of the clock at night , when the Treaty in time was expiring , so as no Answer could be given without such consent and agreement , therefore the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper , 22. February . YOur Lordships cannot expect a particular Answer from us this night to the two long Papers concerning Ireland , delivered to us by your Lordships about twelve of the clock this night : but since there are many particulars in those Papers to which , if they had been before mentioned , we could have given your Lordships full satisfaction , and for that we presume your Lordships are very willing to be satisfied in those particulars which so highly reflect upon his Majesty , we desire your Lordships to receive the Answers which we shall prepare to those Papers in the Evening to morrow , dated as of this night , and we doubt not to give your Lordships clear satisfaction therein . This desire was not granted , nor any Paper delivered in Answer to it , but soon after the Treaty broke off . During the Twenty days Treaty upon Religion , Militia , and Ireland , the particular passages whereof are before expressed , some other passages did occur concerning His Majesties Propositions , and particularly for a * Cessation , and touching His Majesties return to Westminster after disbanding of Armies , and further time for continuing or renewing the Treaty , which do here follow . And first touching His Majesties Propositions , the King's Commissioners delivered in this Paper the second day of the Treaty , 1. February . WE desire to know whether your Lordships have any Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , for settling a safe and well-grounded Peace ; and if you have any touching the same , we desire to have a sight of them . Their Answer . 1. February . WE have not yet received Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , and shall therefore acquaint the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England with the desires expressed in that Paper , who having taken those Instructions into their consideration before our coming from them , will send them to us in time convenient . After , upon the third of February , His Majesties Commissioners delivered this Paper concerning His Majesties sixth Proposition , for a Cessation of Arms. 3. February . WE desire to know whether your Lordships have received any Instructions concerning that Proposition of His Majesties for a Cessation ; and if your Lordships have not received any , that you will endeavour to procure Authority to Treat thereupon , which we have power to do , and conceive it very necessary , that during the time we are endeavouring to establish a blessed and happy Peace , the issues of . Blood may be stopped in this miserable Kingdom , and His Majesties oppressed and languishing Subjects have some earnest and prospect of the Peace we are endeavouring , by God's blessing , to procure for them . To this no particular Answer was given . The King's Commissioners Paper . 10. Febr. HAving now spent three days severally upon each of your Lordships three Propositions , concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , we desire to know whether your Lordships have received any Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , that we may prepare our selves to Treat upon them when your Lordships shall think fit . Their Answer . 11. Febr. WE have received Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions ; and when the Houses of Parliament shall be satisfied in the good Progress of the Treaty upon their Propositions concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , they will give time for the Treaty upon those Propositions sent by His Majesty . But there was not any time given to Treat upon His Majesties Propositions . Touching further time for continuing or reviving the Treaty , and His Majesties Return to Westminster after disbanding , these Papers were delivered . The King's Commissioners Paper . 14. Feb. WE have this day received Directions from His Majesty to move your Lordships , that you will endeavour to procure an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in His Majesties Letter , which Letter we herewith deliver to your Lordships . The Letter mentioned in the last Paper , from His Majesty to His Commissioners , is this . RIght Trusty , &c. Having received from you a particular accompt of your proceedings in the Treaty , and observing thereby how impossible it is within the days limited to give such full Answers to the three Propositions you are now upon , as you might , if upon Consideration had of the rest of the Propositions , you could clearly see what fruit such Answers will produce in order to a blessed Peace for the present , and the future good and Happiness of this Kingdom ; We have thought it fit to advise you , that you propose and desire of the Commissioners with whom you Treat , that they will procure such farther time to be allowed , after the expiration of the Twenty days , as may be sufficient for you , upon a full understanding one of another upon the whole , to make such a Conclusion , that all our Subjects may reap the Benefit good men pray for , Deliverance from these bloody Distractions , and be united in Peace and Charity : And if you think fit , you may communicate this our Letter to them . And so we bid you heartily farewell . Given at Our Court at Oxford , 13. Feb. 1644. By His Majesties Command George Digby . To Our Right Trusty , &c. the Lords and others Our Commissioners for the Treaty at Uxbridge . Their Answer . 14. Feb. COncerning the Paper delivered by your Lordships for addition of time for the Treaty , we can give no other Answer , than that we will send Copies of His Majesties Letter , and of the Paper , unto the Houses of Parliament ; and after signification of their pleasure we will give further Answer . Afterwards on the 18. of Feb. they delivered this Paper . 18. Febr. YOur Lordships may please to take notice , that in the twenty days appointed to Treat upon the Propositions concerning Religion , Militia , and Ireland , the first Thursday and three Sundays are not to be included . The King's Commissioners Paper . 20. Febr. BY our Paper delivered to your Lordships the 14. of this Month we moved your Lordships to endeavour an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in His Majesties Letter ; which Letter we then delivered to your Lordships : whereunto your Lordships then returned Answer , that you would send Copies of His Majesties Letter and of our Paper to the Houses of Parliament , and after signification of their pleasure , you would give farther Answer . We now desire to know whether there may be an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in His Majesties , said Letter , and what time may be added . Their Answer . 20. Feb. YOur Lordships Paper of the 14. of this Month , for an addition of time for this Treaty , together with His Majesties Letter concerning the same , were sent by us to the Houses of Parliament , who ( * as we have already acquainted your Lordships ) have declared , That if they shall be satisfied in the good progress of the Treaty upon the Propositions concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , they will give time for the Treaty upon the Propositions by His Majesty ; but farther then this have not as yet signified their pleasures unto us . The King's Commissioners Paper . 20. February HAving now spent 18. days with your Lordships in the Treaty upon Religion , the Militia , and Ireland ; and besides the present satisfaction we have given your Lordships in those particulars , we having offered that further consideration and order be taken therein by His Majesty and the Two Houses of Parliament , and your Lordships having proposed many important things in the said several particulars to be framed , settled , and disposed by the Two Houses before a full Agreement can be established ; we propose to your Lordships , whether the two days remaining may not be best spent towards the satisfying your Lordships in those three Propositions , and the procuring a speedy blessed Peace , upon finding out some expedient for His Majesties repair to Westminster , that so all Differences may be composed , and this poor Kingdom be restored to its ancient Happiness and Security : and to that purpose if your Lordships shall think fit , we are willing to Treat with your Lordships concerning the best means whereby ( all Armies being first disbanded ) His Majesty may with Honour , Freedom and Safety , be present with his two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . To which two particulars , that is , first concerning the Disbanding all Armies , and then for His Majesties speedy repair and residing at Westminster with Honour , Freedom and Safety , we shall ( if your Lordships think fit ) apply our selves ; and accordingly to morrow will be ready to deliver to your Lordships some Propositions upon that Subject : And if your Lordships shall concur with us herein , we hope it will be a good inducement to procure an addition of time to this Treaty , according to His Majesties Proposition in his late Letter to us , which we delivered to your Lordships . Their Paper . 20. Feb. VVE shall , according to mutual agreement between His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Commissioners for the Parliament of Scotland , Treat these two remaining days upon the three Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , and shall be glad to receive satisfaction in them from your Lordships , as the best expedient for procuring a speedy and blessed Peace , that the Armies may be disbanded , and the Happiness of His Majesties Presence may again be enjoyed by those who have nothing more in their Prayers and endeavours , then by His Majesties Conjunction with his Parliament to see all these sad Differences composed , and these distracted Kingdoms restored to thein Ancient Happiness and Security : Accordingly we shall be ready to begin again to morrow upon the Propositions for Religion , and receive what your Lordships will propose : and being satisfied upon that and the other two Propositions , we are confident we shall have further time given us to Treat upon such other particulars as shall be necessary for the attaining of those ends we all desire . There was no other Answer given concerning . His Majesties Commissioners desire to Treat touching His Return to Westminster , and Disbanding Armies ; whereupon His Majesties Commissioners delivered this Paper . 20. February . VVE conceive that the Reasons why your Lordships do not give us any Answer to our Paper concerning the Treating for the Disbanding all Armies , and for His Majesties coming to Westminster , may be , because you have no Authority by your Instructions so to do , though we proposed the same to your Lordships , and do still conceive it most conducing to the conclusion of the Propositions upon Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , upon which we have Treated ; and we therefore desire your Lordships , that you will endeavour to have your Instructions so enlarged , that we may Treat upon so important and necessary an Expedient for the publick Peace . In the mean time we shall be ready to receive whatsoever your Lordships please to propose in the business of Religion , presuming that if your Lordships are not satisfied with our Answer therein , in which we have applied Remedies to whatsoever hath ever been complained of as a Grievance in the present Government of the Church , that your Lordships will make it appear , * that the Government by Bishops is unlawful , or that the Government you intend to introduce in the room thereof is the only Government that is agreeable to the Word of God : either of which being made evident to us , we shall immediately give your Lordships full satisfaction in that you propose . The King's Commissioners Paper . 22. Feb. BY our Paper delivered to your Lordships . 1. February , we did desire to know whether your Lordships have any Instructions concerning his Majesties Propositions for settling a safe and well grounded Peace ; and by our Paper of the third of Feb. we did desire to know whether your Lordships had received any Instructions concerning that Proposition of His Majesties for a Cessation , and if your Lordships had not received any , that you would endeavour to procure authority to Treat thereupon ; and by our Paper of the Tenth of Feb. we did desire to know whether your Lordships had received any Instructions concerning His Majesties Propositions , that we might prepare our selves to treat upon them when your Lordships should think fit ; and by our Paper delivered to your Lordships 14. Feb. we moved your Lordships , upon Directions received from his Majesty , that you would endeavour to procure an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in his Majesties Letter , which Letter we then delivered to your Lordships ; and by our Paper delivered to your Lordships the twentieth of this Month , we moved your Lordships to endeavour an addition of time for this Treaty after the expiration of the days limited for the same , upon the Reasons mentioned in his Majesties said Letter , to which we have not yet received full Answer ; nor have we yet had any notice from your Lordships , whether the Two Houses of Parliament have given any further time for this Treaty : and having hitherto , according to the order prescribed us , Treated only upon the three first heads of Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , and the Twenty days expiring this day , we again desire to know , whether there is any addition of time granted for this Treaty , our Safe-Conduct being but for two days longer . Their Answer . 22. Feb. YOur Lordships Papers of the first , third , and tenth of February , whether we had any Instructions concerning his Majesties Propositions , and power to Treat for a Cessation , as also your Papers of the 14 th and 20 th of Feb. concerning his Majesties Letter for an addition of time to this Treaty , with your Lordships desire thereupon , have been by us sent up to both Houses of Parliament from time to time as we received them , together with our Answer given to them ; and in our Answers we have from time to time declared to your Lordships , that when the Houses shall be satisfied in the good progress of the Treaty upon their Propositions concerning Religion , Militia , and Ireland , they will give an addition of time for the Treaty : And we do conceive , that if your Lordships Answers to our Demands concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , had been such as to have given satisfaction in the good progress of this Treaty , mutually consented to for twenty days upon the said Propositions , we should have before this been enabled with power to continue the Treaty , as well upon his Majesties as the rest of the Propositions . But your Lordships having not given full and satisfactory Answers concerning Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , you cannot , for the Reasons above mentioned , expect an addition of time ; neither have we received any Instructions to continue this Treaty longer than the twenty days , of which this is the last . And as for your Lordships Safe-Conduct , we conceive the Three Sundays last past being not accounted any days of the Treaty , so this next Sunday is not to be esteemed one of the two days allowed after the Treaty in your Lordships Safe-Conduct , but your Lordships are to have two days besides this next Lords day . The King's Commissioners Reply . 22. February . WE cannot express the great sadness of our hearts , that all our earnest endeavours to give your Lordships satisfaction in all particulars of this Treaty , have produced no better effects towards a blessed Peace , which his Majesty , and we who are trusted by him , do so heartily pray for ; and that so many and great Offers made by us to your Lordships in the particulars we have Treated upon , should not be thought a good progress on our part in the said Treaty , as we find by your Lordships last Paper ( to our great grief ) they are not , and therefore that this must be the last day of the Treaty . We desire your Lordships to consider , that we being intrusted by his Majesty to Treat with your Lordships for a safe and well grounded Peace , have upon the matter of your Lordships Propositions consented to so many particulars and alterations of very great importance , and that your Lordships , who were to Treat with us , have not abated one tittle of the most severe and rigorous of your Propositions , saving what you were pleased the last Night to propose in the point of Time concerning the Militia ; which though it seems to be limited to seven years , in truth leaves it as unlimited as it was before in your-Propositions ; for at the end of seven years , it must not be exercised otherwise than shall be settled by his Majesty and the two Houses of Parliament : so that all the Legal Power now in his Majesty is taken away , and not restored after the seven years expired . Neither is there a full consent to that limitation offered by your Lordships the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . Nor have your Lordships offered to us any prospect towards Peace , other than by submitting totally to those Propositions ; the which if we should do , we should consent to such Alterations as by Constructions and Consequences may dissolve the whole frame of the present Government , both Ecclesiastical and Civil , in this Kingdom . And though the particulars proposed by your Lordships have by Debate appeared not only evidently unreasonable , but , literally considered , to comprehend things to be extended to Powers not intended by your selves ; yet your Lordships have not been pleased either to restrain or interpret any particular in any other manner than as is set forth in the said Propositions . In the matter of Religion we have offered all such Alterations as we conceive may give satisfaction to any Objections that have been , or can be made against that Government , and have given your Lordships Reasons not onely why we cannot consent to your Lordships Propositions , but that even those Propositions , if consented to , could not be in order to a Reformation , or to the procuring the publick Peace . And we must desire your Lordships to remember , that though you do not onely in your Covenant ( which you require may be taken by his Majesty , and enjoyned to be taken by all his Subjects ) undertake the Reformation in point of Government , but even in point of Doctrine too , thereby laying an imputation upon the Religion it self so long professed in this Kingdom , with the general approbation of all Reformed Churches ; yet your Lordship , have not given us the least Argument , nor so much as intimated in your Debate the least Prejudice to the Doctrine of the Church of England , against which we presume you cannot make any colourable Objection ; nor have you given us the view in particular of the Government you desire should be submitted to in the place of that you propose to be abolished : and therefore we propose to your Lordships , if the Alterations proposed by us , do not give your Lordships satisfaction , that so great an Alteration as the total Abolition of a Government established by Law may , for the Importance of it , and any Reformation in Doctrine , for the Scandal of it , be suspended , till after the Disbanding of all Armies his Majesty may be present with the Two Houses of Parliament , and calling a National Synod , may receive such Advice both from the one and the other , as in a matter of so high concernment is necessary ; and we are most confident that his Majesty will then follow the Advice which shall be given him . And as any Reformation thus regularly and calmly made , must needs prove for the singular Benefit and Honour of the Kingdom ; so we must appeal to your Lordships , whether the contrary , that is , an Alteration even to things though in themselves good , can by the Principles of Christian Religion be enforced upon the King or Kingdom . In the business of the Militia , though your Lordships do not deny that the Jealousies and apprehensions of Danger are mutual , and that the chief end of depositing the Militia in the hands of certain Persons is for security against those Jealousies and possible Dangers ; yet your Lordships insist , That all those Persons to be entrusted shall be nominated by the Two Houses of Parliament in England , and the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland ; and that the time for that great , general , and unheard-of Trust shall be in such manner , that though it seem to be limited to seven years , yet in truth by declaring , that after those seven years it shall not be otherwise exercised than His Majesty and the Two Houses of Parliament shall agree , His Majesty may thereby be totally and for ever devested of the power of the Sword , without which He can neither defend Himself against Foreign Invasions nor Domestick Insurrections , nor execute His Kingly Office in the behalf of His Subjects , to whom He is sworn to give protection . And to both these your Lordships add the introducing a Neighbour-Nation , governed by distinct and different Laws ( though united under one Sovereign ) to a great share in the Government of this Kingdom . In stead of consenting to these Changes , we have offered and proposed to your Lordships , That the Persons to be trusted with the Militia of the Kingdom may be nominated between us , or if that were refused , that an equal number shall be named by you , and the other number by his Majesty , and that half the Forts and places of Strength within the Kingdom , shall be in the Custody of those whom you think fit to be trusted therewith , and the other half in such hands as his Majesty pleases to commit the same to ; and all persons , as well those nominated by your Lordships as by his Majesty , to take an Oath for the due discharge of the said Trust : which being considered , as the Security is mutual , so neither part can be supposed to violate the Agreement , without very evident inconvenience and danger to that part who shall so violate it , the whole Kingdom being likely , and indeed obliged to look upon whosoever shall in the least degree violate this Agreement as the Authors of all the miseries which the Kingdom shall thereby suffer . And as it is most reasonable , that , for this Security , his Majesty should part with so much of his own Power , as may make him even unable to break the Agreement which should be now made by him , and on his part ; so it is most necessary that all apprehension and danger of such breach being over , that Sovereign Power of the Militia should revert into the proper Chanel , and be , as it hath always been , in his Majesties proper and peculiar Charge . And therefore we have proposed , that the time limited for that Trust should be for three years , which , by the Blessing of God , will produce a perfect understanding between his Majesty and all his People ; and if there should be any thing else necessary to be done in this Argument , either for power or time , that the same be considered after the settlement of Peace in Parliament : but whatever is now , or hereafter shall be thought necessary to be done , we desire may be so settled , that this Kingdom may depend upon it self , and not be subject to the Laws or Advice of Scotland , as we think fit that Scotland should not receive Rules or Advice from this , having offered the like for Scotland as for England . In the business of Ireland , your Lordships propose not onely that his Majesty disclaim and make void the Cessation made by his Royal Authority , and at the desire of the Lords , Justices and Council of that Kingdom , and for the preservation of the remainder of his poor Protestant Subjects there , who were in evident danger of Destruction , both by Famine and the Sword , but also to put the whole managery of that War , and disposal of the Forces within that Kingdom , and consequently the Government of that Kingdom , into the hands of the Scots General , to be managed by the Advice of a joynt Committee of both Kingdoms , wherein each should have a Negative Voice : In Answer to which , we have acquainted your Lordships with the just grounds of his Majesties proceedings in the business of Ireland , which we are confident , being weighed without prejudice , may satisfie all men of his Majesties Piety and Justice therein ; and we are very ready and desirous to joyn with your Lordships in any course which may probably preserve and restore that miserable Kingdom . Having put your Lordships in mind of these particulars , as they have a general reference to the publick good of the Kingdoms , we beseech your Lordships to consider that we have this great Trust reposed in us by his Majesty , and to remember how far these Propositions trench upon his peculiar Kingly Rights , without any , or any considerable recompence or compensation . In the business of Religion , your Lordships propose the taking away his whole Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction , his Donations and Temporalties of Bishopricks , his First Fruits and Tenths of Bishops , Deans and Chapters , instead whereof your Lordships do not offer to constitute the least dependance of the Clergy upon his Majesty ; and for that so considerable a part of his Revenue , you propose onely the Bishops Lands to be settled on his Majesty , ( reserving a power to dispose even those Lands as you shall think fit : ) whereas all the Lands both of Bishops , Deans , and Chapters ( if those Corporations must be dissolved ) do undoubtedly belong to his Majesty in his own Right . In the business of the Militia , as it is proposed , his Majesty is so totally devested of the Regal Power of the Sword , that he shall be no more able either to assist any of his Allies with aid , though men were willing to engage themselves voluntarily in that Service , or to defend his own Dominions from Rebellion or Invasion , and consequently the whole Power of Peace and War ( the acknowledged and undoubted Right of the Crown ) is taken from him . In the business of Ireland , the power of nominating his Lieutenant or Deputy , and other Officers there , of managing , directing , or in the least manner of medling in that War , or of making a Peace , is proposed to be taken from him . And to add to all these attempts upon his Kingly Rights , it is proposed to bereave him of the Power of a Father , in the Education and Marriage of his own Children , and of a Master , in the rewarding his own Servants . And therefore we refer it to your Lordships , whether it be possible for us , with a good Conscience , and discharge of the Trust reposed in us , to consent to the Propositions made to us by your Lordships . Lastly , we must observe to your Lordships , that after a War of near four years , for which the Defence of the Protestant Religion , the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and the Priviledges of Parliament were made the Cause and grounds , in a Treaty of Twenty days , nor indeed in the whole Propositions upon which the Treaty should be , there hath been nothing offered to be Treated concerning the breach of any Law , or of the Liberty or Property of the Subject , or Priviledge of Parliament , but onely Propositions for the altering a Government established by Law , and for the making new Laws , by which almost all the old are , or may be cancelled ; and there hath been nothing insisted on of our part which was not Law , or denied by us that you have demanded as due by Law. All these things being considered , and being much afflicted that our great hope and expectation of a Peace is for the present frustrated by your Lordships * Declaration , that no more time will be allowed for this Treaty , we are earnest Suitors to your Lordships , that you will interpose with the two Houses , to whom we believe you have transmitted the Answers delivered by us to your Lordships upon Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , that this Treaty , though for the present discontinued , may be revived , and the whole matter of their Propositions , and those sent to them by his Majesty , which have not yet been Treated on , may be considered ; and that depending that Treaty , to the end we may not Treat in Blood , there may be a Cessation of Arms , and that the poor People of this Kingdom , now exposed to Plunderings and Spoils , and other direful effects of War , may have some earnest of a blessed Peace . And because this Treaty is now expiring , if your Lordships cannot give a present Resolution , we desire when you have represented this to the two Houses , his Majesty may speedily receive their Answer . Their Answer . 22. Feb. WE conceive your Lordships cannot in reason expect an Answer to the long Paper delivered to us very late this Night at the close of the Treaty , a thing of many days labour , which we apprehend to be rather a Declaration upon the Treaty , than any part thereof , and we could not imagine would be offered : but we cannot forbear , upon the reading thereof , to mention thus much ; That it seems by many particulars in that Declaration , it was resolved the Treaty should end with the Twenty days , the means to continue it being well known to be a good progress in the Propositions for Religion , the Militia , and Ireland , and by what we have received , we cannot find any satisfaction in these was intended to be agreed unto . To that whereby your Lordships ascribe so much to your own Concessions , we shall only say , That for Religion you have granted very little , or nothing , but what we are already in possession of by the Laws of this Kingdom . For the business of the Militia , your Lordships have not thought fit to consent to any one of our Demands , but in that , as in Religion , have made some new Propositions of your own , which are not in any degree sufficient for setling and securing the Peace of the Kingdoms . As for the Propositions for Ireland , your Lordships have been so far from affording a Consent thereto , that you have justified the destructive Cessation there , and strongly implied an intention to renew the same , and have not yielded to any part of our Propositions cencerning that Kingdom . We shall represent your Lordships Papers to the Parliaments of both Kingdoms , who , upon due consideration thereof , will do what is farther necessary for the good and Peace of His Majesties Dominions . Besides these several Desires above mentioned from time to time for addition and enlargement of time , for continuing and prolonging the Treaty , or if discontinued , that it might be revived , and after a representation to the Houses , their Answer might be sent to his Majesty ; in another Paper before , Num. 135. upon the Head of the Militia , his Majesties Commissioners did propose , That if the Treaty might not then continue , it might be Adjourned for such time as they should think fit , and not totally dissolve , but be again resumed : which Paper is not here inserted , to avoid repetition , being before upon the Head of the Militia , and to which , as to that point of Adjournment , no Answer was given . No Papers were given in to their Commissioners in Answer to the last-mentioned Paper , dated the 22. of Feb. Numb . 197. which came in about two of the Clock in the morning after ; nor to that of the same date , Num. 135. concerning the Militia , which came in with it ; nor to their two last concerning Ireland , of the 22. of Febr. Num. 177 , and 178. which came in about 12. of the Clock that Night : all which were of such length , and delivered upon the close of the Treaty ; and those which came in about two of the Clock upon the departure of the Commissioners , that it was impossible to give present Answers ; nor could any be given after , as part of the Treaty , without consent , which was required by his Majesties Commissioners , but not granted . Neither is any thing here inserted in Answer to those Papers , because by the Agreements between the Commissioners in the beginning of the Treaty , nothing was to be taken as part of the Treaty but what should be put in writing . And this Relation is intended only for a Narrative of the Treaty , ( conformable to the Agreements ) without any Observations upon it , or Additions unto it , other than necessary Introductions and Transitions for coherence , and more clear under standing the Passages of the Treaty . THE APPENDIX . His MAJESTIES Message from Evesham , of the 4th of July , 1644. To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster . CHARLES R. WE being deeply sensible of the Miseries and Calamities of this Our Kingdom , and of the grievous Sufferings of Our poor Subjects , do most earnestly desire that some Expedient may be found out which , by the blessing of God , may prevent the further effusion of Blood , and restore the Nation to Peace ; from the earnest and constant endeavouring of which , as no Discouragement given Us on the contrary part shall make Us cease , so no Success on Ours shall ever divert Us. For the effecting whereof We are most ready and willing to condescend to all that shall be for the good of Us and Our People , whether by way of Confirmation of what we have already granted , or of such further Concession as shall be requisite to the giving a full Assurance of the Performance of all our most real Professions , concerning the maintenance of the true Reformed Protestant Religion established in this Kingdom , with due regard to the ease of tender Consciences , the just Priviledges of Parliament , and the Liberty and Property of the Subject , according to the Laws of the Land ; as also by granting a general Pardon , without or with Exceptions , as shall be thought fit . In order to which blessed Peace , We do desire and propound to the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster , That they appoint such and so many Persons as they shall think fit , sufficiently authorized by them , to attend Us at Our Army , upon Safe-Conduct , to come and return , ( which We do hereby grant ) and conclude with Us how the Premisses , and all other things in question betwixt Us and them , may be fully settled ; whereby all unhappy mistakings betwixt Us and Our People being removed , there may be a present Cessation of Arms , and , as soon as may be , a total Disbanding of all Armies , the Subject have his due , and We be restored to Our Rights . Wherein if this Our Offer shall be accepted , there shall be nothing wanting on Our part which may make Our People secure and happy . Given at Our Court at Evesham the 4 th of July , 1644. His MAJESTIES Message from Tavestock of the 8th of September , 1644. To the Lords and Commons of Parliament assembled at Westminster . CHARLES R. IT having pleased God in so eminent a manner lately to bless Our Armies in these parts with success , We do not so much joy in that Blessing for any other consideration , as for the hopes we have that it may be a means to make others lay to heart , as we do , the Miserie 's brought and continued upon our Kingdom by this unnatural War , and that it may open your Ears , and dispose your Minds to embrace those Offers of Peace and Reconciliation which have been so often and so earnestly made unto you by Us , and from the constant and fervent Endeavours of which We are resolved never to desist . In pursuance whereof We do , upon this Occasion , conjure you to take into consideration Our ( too-long-neglected ) Message of the Fourth of July from Evesham , which We again renew unto you ; and that you will speedily send Us such an Answer thereunto , as may shew unto Our poor Subjects some light of a Deliverance from their present Calamities by a happy Accommodation ; toward which We do here engage the Word of a King , to make good all those things which We have therein promised , and really to endeavour a happy conclusion of this Treaty . And so God direct you in the ways of Peace . Given at Our Court at Tavestock the 8 th of September , 1644. The Bill for Abolishing Episcopacy . VVHereas the Government of the Church of England by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchy , hath by long experience been found to be a great impediment to the perfect Reformation and growth of Religion , and very prejudicial to the Civil State and Government of the Kingdom ; Be it therefore Enacted by the King 's most Excellent Majesty , and the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , and by the Authority of the same , That from and after the fifth day of November , in the year of our Lord One Thousand Six Hundred Forty and Three , there shall be no Arch-bishop , Bishop , Chancellor , or Commissary of any Arch-Bishop or Bishop , nor any Dean , Sub-dean , Dean and Chapter , or Arch deacon , nor any Chancellor , Chaunter , Treasurer , Sub-treasurer , Succentor , or Sacrist , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , nor any Prebendary , Canon , Canon-Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicar-Choral , Choristers , old Vicars or new Vicars , of or within any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , or any other their Officers , within this Church of England , or Dominion of Wales ; and that from and afrer the said fifth day of November , the Name , Title , Dignity , Jurisdiction , Office and Function of Arch bishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans , Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Sub-treasurers , Succentors , and Sacrists , and all Vicars-Choral , and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , and every of them , and likewise the having , using , or exercising of any Power , Jurisdiction , Office or Authority , by reason or colour of any such Name , Title , Dignity , Office or Function , within this Realm of England , or Dominion of Wales , shall thenceforth cease , determine , and become absolutely void , and shall be abolished out of this Realm and the Dominion of Wales , any Usage , Law or Statute to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . And that from and after the said fifth day of November , no Person or Persons whatsoever , by Virtue of any Letters-Patents , Commission , or other Authority derived from the King's Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , shall use or exercise any Jurisdiction Ecclesiastical within this Realm , or Dominion of Wales , but such , and in such manner as shall be appointed and established by Act of Parliament . And that all Counties Palatine , Mannors , Lordships , Castles , Granges , Messuages , Mills , Lands , Tenements , Meadows , Leasues , Pastures , Woods , Rents , Reversions , Services , Parks , Annuities , Franchises , Liberties , Priviledges , Immunities , Rights , Rights of Action and of Entry , Interests , Titles of Entry , Conditions , Commons , Courts-Leet and Courts-Baron , and all other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever they be , or wheresoever they lie or be , ( other than Impropriations , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Pensions , Portions of Tithes , Parsonages , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Collations , Rights of Patronage and Presentation , ) which now are , or lately were , of or belonging unto any Arch-bishop , Bishop , Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick , or any of them , or which they or any of them held or injoyed in right of their said Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick respectively , shall by the Authority of Parliament be vested , adjudged and deemed to be , and shall be in the very real and actual possession and seisin of the King's Majesty , His Heirs and Successors ; and He shall have , hold , possess and enjoy the same , to Him , His Heirs and Successors , without any Entry or other Act whatsoever : and that the King's Majesty , His Heirs and Successors , His and their Lessees , Farmers and Tenants , shall hold and enjoy the same discharged and acquitted of payment of Tithes , as freely , and in as large , ample and beneficial * means to all intents and purposes , as any Arch-bishop or Bishop at any time or times within the space of two years last past held or enjoyed , or of right ought to have held or enjoyed the same . Provided nevertheless , and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all Leases , Grants , Gifts , Letters-Patents , Conveyances , Assurances , or Estates whatsoever , hereafter to be made by the King's Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , of any the Mannors , Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , which in or by this Act shall come , or be limited , or disposed of unto His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , ( other than for the Term of One and Twenty years , or Three Lives , or some other Term of years determinable upon One , Two , or Three Lives , and not above , from the time as any such Lease or Grant shall be made or granted , whereupon the accustomed yearly Rent or more shall be reserved and payable yearly during the said Term ) and whereof any former Lease is in being , not to be expired , surrendred or ended within three years after the making of any such new Lease , shall be utterly void and of none effect , to all intents , constructions and purposes , any clause or words of ( non obstante ) to be put in any such Patent , Grant , Conveyance or Assurance , and any Law , Usage , Custom , or any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . And be it further Enacted and Ordained , That all Impropriations , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Portions of Tithes , Parsonages , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Collations , Rights of Patronage and Presentation , which now are , or lately were belonging unto any Arch-bishop or Bishop , Arch-bishoprick or Bishoprick , and all Mannors , Castles , Lordships , Granges , Messuages , Mills , Lands , Tenements , Meadows , Pastures , Woods , Rents , Reversions , Services , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Pensions , Portions of Tithes , Parsonages , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Rights of Patronage and Presentation , Parks , Annuities , Franchises , Liberties , Priviledges , Immunities , Rights , Rights of Action and of Entry , Interests , Titles of Entry , Conditions , Commons , Courts-Leet and Courts-Baron , and all other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever they be , or wheresoever they lie or be , which now are , or lately were , of or belonging to any Sub-dean , Dean , Dean and Chapter , Arch-deacon , Chaunter , Chancellor , Treasurer , Sub-treasurer , Succentor , Sacrist , Prebendary , Canon , Canon-Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicars Choral , Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , or any of them , or any of the Officers of them , or any of them which they held or enjoyed in right of their said Dignities , Churches , Corporations , Offices or Places respectively , shall by Authority of this present Parliament be vested , adjudged and deemed to be , and shall be in the very real and actual possession and seisin of Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire ; and they shall have , hold , possess and enjoy the same to them , their Heirs and Assigns , without any Entry or other Act whatsoever , and that for themselves , their Lessees , Farmers and Tenants , discharged and acquitted of payment of Tithes , as freely , and in as large , ample and beneficial manner , to all intents and purposes , as any of the Persons or Corporations , whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Act , at any time or times within the space of two years now last past held or enjoyed , or of right ought to have held or enjoyed the same . In trust and confidence nevertheless , and to the intent and purpose that they , the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , and the Survivors and Survivor of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , shall satisfie and pay unto all and every Arch-bishop , Bishop , Dean , Sub-dean , Arch-deacon , Chaunter , Chancellor , Treasurer , Sub-treasurer , Succentor , Sacrist , Prebendary , Canon , Canon-Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicars Choral , Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , and other Officers and persons belonging unto , or now imployed in or about the said Cathedral or Collegiate Churches , such yearly Stipends and Pensions , for so long time and in such manner , as by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled shall be ordered , directed and appointed ; and shall dispose of all and singular the aforesaid Mannors , Lands , Tithes , Appropriations , Advowsons , Tenements , Hereditaments , and other the Premisses , and of every part and parcel thereof , and of the Revenues , Rents , Issues and Profits thereof , to the uses , intents , and purposes above and hereafter expressed , ( that is to say ) for a competent maintenance for the support of such a number of Preaching Ministers for the service of every Cathedral and Collegiate Church , and His Majesties free Chappel of Windsor , as by the Lords and Commons shall be ordered and appointed , and likewise for the maintenance of Preaching Ministers throughout the Kingdom of England , Dominion of VVales , and Town of Barwick , in such places where such maintenance is wanting , and for a proportionable allowance for and towards the reparation of the said Cathedral and Collegiate Churches , in such manner and form , and to such persons , and for such other good uses , to the advancement of true Religion and the maintenance of Piety and Learning , as by this or any other Act or Acts of Parliament now or hereafter to be made shall be set down or declared . And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all Leases , Gifts , Grants , Conveyances , Assurances and Estates whatsoever hereafter to be made by the said Sir VVilliam Roberts , Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Mabourne Esquire , the Survivors and Survivor of them , or the greater part of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , of any the Mannors , Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments which in or by this Act shall come , or be limited , or disposed of unto the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , ( other than for the Term of One and Twenty years , or Three Lives , or some other Term of years determinable upon One , Two or Three Lives , and not above , from the time as any such Lease or Grant shall be made or granted , whereupon the accustomed yearly Rent or more shall be reserved and payable yearly during the said Term ) whereof any former Lease is in being , and not to be expired , surrendred or ended within Three years after the making of such Lease , shall be utterly void and of none effect , to all intents , constructions and purposes , any thing in this Act to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding . Provided nevertheless , where no Lease hath been heretofore made , nor any such Rent hath been reserved or payable of any the Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments , in this Act limited , or disposed of unto the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , that in such case it shall be lawful for the said Sir William Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John Wollaston , John Warner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer Esquire , Peter Malbourne Esquire , the Survivors and Survivor of them , or the greater part of them , his and their Heirs , to make any Lease or Estate for the Term of One and Twenty years , or Three Lives , or some other Term of years determinable upon One , Two , or Three Lives , and not above , taking such Fine as they in their Judgments shall conceive indifferent , and reserving a reasonable Rent , not being under the Third part of the clear yearly value of the Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments contained in such Lease . And it is further Declared to be the true intent and meaning of this Act , That all and every the Lessees , Farmers and Tenants of all and every the said Persons and Corporations , whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Statute , now having , holding , or enjoying any Estate , Term or Interest , in possession by himself , his under-Tenants or Assigns , of or in any Mannors , Lands , Tenements , Appropriations , or other Hereditaments whatsoever , shall and may be preferred in the taking and renewing of any Estates , Leases or Grants of any such Mannors , Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments , before any other Person , the said Lessees , Farmers or Tenants , or other Parties interessed as aforesaid , desiring the same , and giving such Fines , Rents and other considerations for the same as by the said Sir VVilliam Roberts Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer , Peter Malbourne Esquires , or the Survivors or Survivor of them , or the major part of them , his or their Heirs or Assigns , shall be thought and held just and reasonable . Provided also , and be it enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That all and singular Revenues , Rents , Issues , Fees , Profits , Sums of Money and Allowances whatsoever , as have heretofore been and now ought to be paid , disposed , or allowed unto , or for the maintenance of any Grammar-School or Scholars , or for or towards the Reparation of any Church , Chappel , High-way , Causey , Bridge , School-house , Alms-house , or other charitable use , payable by any the Corporations or Persons whose Offices or Places are taken away by this Act , or which are chargeable upon , or ought to issue out of , or be paid for or in respect of the said Premisses , or any of them , shall be and continue to be paid , disposed and allowed , as they were and have been heretofore , any thing in this present Act to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . And to the intent and purpose the Parliament may be certainly and clearly informed of the Premisses , to the end the same may be distributed , applied and imployed to and for such pious and godly uses and purposes as is intended and herein declared . Be it Ordained and Enacted , That the Lord Keeper of the Great Seal of England for the time being , shall , by virtue of this Act , have full Power and Authority , and is hereby required , to award and issue forth several Commissions under the Great Seal of England into all and every the Counties and Cities within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of VVales , to be directed unto such and so many persons as by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , shall be nominated , assigned and appointed , thereby authorizing and requiring them , or any five or more of them , and giving them full Power and Authority by the Oaths of good and lawful men , as by all other good and lawful ways and means , to enquire and find out what Mannors , Castles , Lordships , Granges , Messuages , Lands , Tenements , Meadows , Leasues , Pastures , Woods , Rents , Reversions , Services , Parsonages appropriate , Tithes , Oblations , Obventions , Pensions , Portions of Tithes , Vicarages , Churches , Chappels , Advowsons , Nominations , Presentations , Rights of Patronage , Parks , Annuities , and other Possessions and Hereditaments whatsoever , of what nature or quality soever they be , lying and being within every such County or City , not hereby limited , or disposed of unto His Majesty , do belong or appertain unto all , every , or any such Arch-bishop , Bishop , Dean , Sub-dean , Dean and Chapter , Arch-deacon , Chaunter , Chancellor , Treasurer , Sub-Treasurer , Succentor , Sacrist , Prebendary , Canon , Canon Residentiary , Petty-Canon , Vicar-Choral , Chorister , old Vicar or new Vicar , in right of their said Dignities , Churches , Corporations , Offices or Places respectively , and what and how much of the same is in possession , and the true yearly Value thereof , and what and how much thereof is out in Lease , and for what Estate , and when and how determinable , and what Rents , Services and other Duties are reserved and payable during such Estate , and also the true yearly Value of the same as they are now worth in possession , as also what Rents , Pensions , or other Charges , or other Sums of Money are issuing , due or payable out of any the Mannors , Lands or Premisses , and to make an exact and particular Survey thereof , and to take and direct , and settle such course for the safe custody and keeping of all Charters , Evidences , Court-Rolls and Writings whatsoever belonging unto all or any the Persons , Dignities , Churches , Corporations , Offices and Places , or concerning any the Mannors , Lands , Tenements , Hereditaments , or other Premisses before mentioned , as in their discretion shall be thought meet and convenient ; and of all and singular their doings and proceedings herein , fairly written , and ingross'd in Parchment , to make Return and Certificate into the Court of Chancery . And to this further intent and purpose , that speedy care and course may be taken for providing of a competent maintenance for supply and encouragement of Preaching Ministers in the several Parishes within the Kingdom of England and Dominion of VVales . Be it likewise Ordained and Enacted , That the same Commissioners and Persons , authorized as above-said , shall have full Power and Authority by the Oaths of good and lawful men , as by all other good ways and lawful means , to enquire and find out the true yearly Value of all Parsonages and Vicarages presentative , and all other Spiritual and Ecclesiastical Benefices and Livings unto which any Cure of Souls is annexed , lying and being within such Counties and Cities , and of all such particularly to enquire and certifie into the Court of Chancery what each of them are truly and really worth by the year , and who are the present Incumbents or Possessors of them , and what and how many Chappels belonging unto Parish-Churches are within the limits of such Counties and Cities within which they are directed and authorized to enquire , and how the several Churches and Chappels are supplied by Preaching Ministers , that so course may be taken for providing both for Preaching and of maintenance , where the same shall be found to be needful and necessary . Provided always that this Act , or any thing therein contained , shall not extend to any Colledge , Church , Corporation , Foundation , or House of Learning in either of the Vniversities within this Kingdom . And the said Sir VVilliam Roberts , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer , and Peter Malbourne , Esquires , and the Survivors and Survivor of them , or the greater part of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , are hereby directed and authorized to give and allow unto such Officers as by them shall be thought fitting and necessary for keeping of Courts , collecting of Rents , Surveying of Lands , and all other necessary imployments in and about the Premisses , and unto the Commissioners authorized by this Act , and such others as shall be necessarily imployed by them , all such reasonable Fees , Stipends , Salaries and Sums of Money as in their discretion shall be thought just and convenient . And the said Sir VVilliam Roberts , Knight , Thomas Atkins , Sir John VVollaston , John VVarner , John Towes , Aldermen of the City of London , John Packer and Peter Malbourne , Esquires , the Survivors and Survivor of them , his and their Heirs and Assigns , of their several Receipts , Imployments , Actions and Proceedings shall give an accompt , and be accomptable unto the Lords and Commons in Parliament , or such Person or Persons as from time to time by both Houses of Parliament shall be nominated and appointed in such manner , and with such Power , Priviledge and Jurisdiction , to hear and determine all matters concerning such Accompts , as by both Houses of Parliament shall from time to time be thought necessary to be given them , and not elsewhere , nor otherwise : Saving to all and every Person and Persons , Bodies Politick and Corporate , their Heirs and Successors , and the Heirs and Successors of them and every of them , ( other than such Person or Persons , Bodies Politick and Corporate , whose Offices , Functions and Authorities are taken away and abolished by this Act , as to any Estate , Right , Title or Interest which they or any of them claim to have or hold in right of their said Churches , Dignities , Functions , Offices or Places , and other then the Kings Majesty , His Heirs and Successors , as Patrons , Founders or Donors ; and all and every other Person and Persons , Bodies Politick and Corporate , as may claim any thing as Patrons , Founders or Donors ) all such Right , Title , Interest , Possession , Rents , Charge-Rent , Service , Annuities , Offices , Pensions , Portions , Commons , Fees , Profits , Claims and Demands , either in Law or Equity , whatsoever ; and all and singular such Leases for Years , Life or Lives , as were before the twentieth day of January , in the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred forty two , made unto them or any of them by any the Persons or Corporations above named , acccording to the Laws and Statutes of this Realm , and warranted by the same , and all such Leases and Estates as having been heretofore made , have been established or settled by any Judgement or Decree in any of the Courts at Westminster , and have been accordingly enjoyed , and all Duties and Profits whatsoever which they or any of them have or may claim , or of right ought to have of , in , to , or out of any the said Mannors , Lands or Premisses whatsoever , or any part or parcel thereof , in such sort , manner , form and condition , to all intents , constructions and purposes , as if this Act had never been made . MDCXLIII . IV. The Articles of the late Treaty , of the Date Edenburgh , the 29. of November . 1643. Die Mercurii , 3. Januarii , 1643-44 . Articles of the Treaty agreed upon betwixt the Commissioners of both Houses of the Parliament of England , having Power and Commission from the said Honourable Houses , and the Commissioners of the Convention of the Estates of the Kingdom of Scotland , authorized by the Committee of the said Estates , concerning the solemn League and Covenant , and the Assistance demanded in pursuance of the Ends expressed in the same . WHereas the two Houses of the Parliament of England , out of a just and deep sense of the great and iminent Danger of the true Protestant Religion , in regard of the great Forces of Papists , Prelates , Malignants and their Adherents , raised and imployed against the constant Professors thereof in England and Ireland , thought fit to send their Commissioners unto the Kingdom of Scotland , to Treat with the Convention of Estates and general Assembly there , concerning such things as might tend to the preservation of Religion , and the mutual good of both Nations ; and to that end , to desire a more near and strict Union betwixt the Kingdoms , and the Assistance of the Kingdom of Scotland , by a considerable Strength to be raised and sent by them into the Kingdom of England ; and whereas upon a Consultation held betwixt the Commissioners of the Parliament of England , the Committees of the Convention of Estates , and General Assembly , no means was thought so expedient to accomplish and strengthen the Union , as for both Nations to enter into a solemn League and Covenant , and a form thereof drawn and presented to the two Houses of Parliament of England , the Convention of Estates , and General Assembly of Scotland , which hath accordingly been done , and received their respective Approbation ; and whereas the particulars concerning the Assistance desired by the two Houses of the Parliament of England from their Brethren of Scotland were delivered in by the English Commissioners , August the 19. to the Convention of Estates , who did thereupon give power to their Committee to consider and debate further with the English Commissioners of what other Propositions might be added or concluded , whereby the Assistance desired might be made more effectual and beneficial ; and in pursuance thereof these Propositions following were considered of and debated by the Commitee and Commissioners aforesaid , to be certified with all convenient speed to the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Convention of Estates of Scotland , by their respective Committees and Commissioners , to be respectively taken into their consideration , and proceeded with as they should find cause ; which being accordingly done , and these ensuing Propositions approved , agreed and concluded of by the Houses of the Parliament of England and the Committee of the Estates of Scotland respectively , and power by them given to their respective Committees and Commissioners formally to agree and conclude the same , as may appear by the Votes of both Houses dated the first of November , and the Order of the Committee bearing date the seventeenth of November : We the said Commissioners and Committees , according to their Votes and Orders , do formally conclude and agree upon these Articles following , and in confirmation thereof do mutually subscribe the same . 1. It is agreed and concluded , that the Covenant represented to the Convention of Estates and General Assembly of Scotland , and sent to both Houses of the Parliament of England in the same form as it is now returned from the two Houses of the Parliament of England to their Brethren of Scotland , and allowed by the Committee of Estates and Commissioners of the General Assembly , be sworn and subscribed by both Kingdoms , as a most near Tye and Conjunction between them , for their mutual defence against the Papists and Prelatical Faction and their Adherents in both Kingdoms , and for pursuance of the Ends expressed in the said Covenant . 2. That an Army to this purpose shall be levied forthwith , consisting of Eighteen thousand Foot effectivè , and Two thousand Horse and One thousand Dragooners effectivè , with a suitable Train of Artillery , to be ready at some general Rendezvous near the Borders of England , to march into England for the purposes aforesaid with all convenient speed : the said Foot and Horse to be well and compleatly Armed , and provided with Victuals and Pay for forty days ; and the said Train of Artillery to be fitted in all points ready to march . 3. That the Army be commanded by a General appointed by the Estates of Scotland , and subject to such Resolutions and Directions as are and shall be agreed and concluded on mutually between the two Kingdoms , or by Committees appointed by them in that behalf , for pursuance of the Ends above-mentioned . 4. That the Charge of levying , arming , and bringing the said Forces together furnished , as also the fitting the Train of Artillery in readiness to march , be computed and set down according to the same Rates as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to raise the said Army for themselves and their own Affairs : All which for the present is to be done by the Kingdom of Scotland upon Accompt , and the Accompt to be delivered to the Commissioners of the Kingdom of England ; and when the Peace of the two Kingdoms is settled , the same to be repay'd or satisfied to the Kingdom of Scotland . 5. That this Army be likewise pay'd as if the Kingdom of Scotland were to imploy the same for their own occasions , and toward the defraying thereof ( it not amounting to the full Months pay ) shall be Monthly allowed and pay'd the sum of Thirty thousand Pounds sterling by the Parliament of England , out of the Estates and Revenues of the Papists , Prelates , Malignants and their Adherents , or otherwise ; and in case the said Thirty thousand Pounds Monthly , or any part thereof , be not pay'd at the time when it shall become due and payable , the Kingdom of England shall give the Publick Faith for the paying of the remainder unpay'd , with all possible speed , allowing the rate of Eight Pounds per centum for the time of the performance thereof . And in case that notwithstanding the said Monthly sum of Thirty thousand Pounds pay'd as aforesaid , the States and Kingdom of Scotland shall have just cause to demand further satisfaction of their Brethren of England when the Peace of both Kingdoms is settled , for the pains , hazard and charges they have undergone in the same , they shall by way of Brotherly assistance have due recompence made unto them by the Kingdom of England ; and that out of such Lands and Estates of the Papists , Prelates , Malignants and their Adherents , as the two Houses of the Parliament of England shall think fit ; and for the assurance thereof , the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of England shall be given them . 6. And to the end the said Army in manner aforesaid may be enabled and prepared to march , the Kingdom of England is to pay in ready Money to their Brethren of Scotland , or such as shall have power from the Estates of that Kingdom , the sum of One hundred thousand Pounds sterling , at Leith or Edenburgh , with all convenient speed , by way of advance , before-hand ; which is to be discounted back again unto the Kingdom of England by the Kingdom of Scotland , upon the first Monthly allowance which shall grow due to the Scotish Army , from the time they shall make their first entrance into the Kingdom of England . 7. That the Kingdom of Scotland , to manifest their willingness to their utmost ability to be helpful to their Brethren of England in this common Cause , will give the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland , to be joyntly made use of with the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of England , for the present taking up of Two hundred thousand Pounds sterling , in the Kingdom of England or elsewhere , for the speedy procuring of the said Hundred thousand Pounds sterling as aforesaid , as also a considerable sum , for the satisfying in good proportion the Arrears of the Scotish Army in Ireland . 8. That no Cessation , nor any Pacification or Agreement for Peace whatsoever , shall be made by either Kingdom , or the Armies of either Kingdom , without the mutual Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms , or their Committees in that behalf appointed , who are to have full Power for the same , in case the Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Parliament or Convention of Estates of Scotland shall not sit . 9. That the Publick Faith of the Kingdom of Scotland shall be given to their Brethren of England , that neither their entrance into , nor their continuance in the Kingdom of England shall be made use of to any other ends then are expressed in the Covenant , and in the Articles of this Treaty ; and that all matters of difference that shall happen to arise between the Subjects of the two Nations shall be resolved and determined by the mutual Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms , or by such Committees as for this purpose shall be by them appointed , with the same Power as in the precedent Article . 10. That in the same manner and upon the same conditions as the Kingdom of Scotland is now willing to aid and assist their Brethren of England , the Kingdom of England doth oblige themselves to aid and assist the Kingdom of Scotland , in the same or like cases of streights and extremities . 11. Lastly , it is agreed and concluded , that during the time that the Scotish Army shall be imployed , as aforesaid , for the defence of the Kingdom of England , there shall be fitted out as Men of War eight Ships , whereof six shall be of Burthen betwixt One hundred and Twenty and two hundred Tun , the other between three and four hundred Tun , whereof two shall be in lieu of the two Ships appointed by the Irish Treaty : all which shall be maintained at the charge of the Kingdom of England , to be imployed for the defence of the Coast of Scotland , under such Commanders as the Earl of Warwick for the time of his being Admiral shall nominate , with the approbation of the Committees of both Kingdoms ; which Commanders shall receive from the said Earl general Instructions , that they do from time to time observe the Directions of the Committees of both Kingdoms . The Ordinance for calling the Assembly of Divines . An Ordinance of the Lords and Commons in Parliament , for the calling of an Assembly of Learned and Godly Divines and others , to be consulted with by the Parliament , for the settling of the Government and Liturgy of the Church of England , and for vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the said Church from false Aspersions and Interpretations . WHereas amongst the infinite Blessings of Almighty God upon this Nation , none is or can be more dear unto us than the purity of our Religion , and for that as yet many things remain in the Liturgy , Discipline and Government of the Church , which do necessarily require a further and more perfect Reformation than as yet hath been attained ; and whereas it hath been declared and resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , that the present Church-government by Arch-bishops , Bishops , their Chancellours , Commissaries , Deans , Deans and Chapters , Arch-deacons , and other Ecclesiastical Officers depending upon the Hierarchy , is evil and justly offensive and burthensom to the Kingdom ; a great impediment to Reformation and growth of Religion , and very prejudicial to the State and Government of this Kingdom , and that therefore they are resolved that the same shall be taken away , and that such a Government shall be settled in the Church as may be most agreeable to Gods Holy Word , and most apt to procure and preserve the Peace of the Church at home , and nearer agreement with the Church of Scotland and other reformed Churches abroad : and for the better effecting hereof , and for the vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the Church of England from all false Calumnies and Aspersions , it is thought fit and necessary to call an Assembly of Learned , Godly and Judicious Divines , who , together with some Members of both the Houses of Parliament , are to consult and advise of such matters and things touching the Premisses as shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the Houses of Parliament , and to give their Advice and Counsel therein to both or either of the said Houses , when and as often as they shall be thereunto required : Be it therefore ordained by the Lords and Commons in this present Parliament assembled , That all and every the Persons hereafter in this present Ordinance named , that is to say , Algernon Earl of Northumberland , William Earl of Bedford , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , William Earl of Salisbury , Henry Earl of Holland , Edward Earl of Manchester , William Lord Viscount Say and Seal , Edward Lord Viscount Conway , Philip Lord VVharton , Edward Lord Howard of Escr . John Selden Esquire , Francis Rous Esquire , Edmund Prideaux Esquire , Sir Henry Vane Knight senior , John Glyn Esquire Recorder of London , John VVhite Esquire , Bulstrode VVhitelock Esquire , Humphry Salway Esquire , Mr. Serjeant VVild , Oliver Saint-John Esquire , His Majesties Sollicitor , Sir Benjamin Rudyard Knight , John Pym Esquire , Sir John Clotworthy Knight , John Maynard Esquire , Sir Henry Vane Knight junior , VVilliam Pierrepont Esquire , William VVheeler Esquire , Sir Thomas Barrington Knight , VValter Young Esquire , Sir John Evelin Knight , Herbert Palmer of Ashwel Batchelor in Divinity , Oliver Bowles of Sutton Batchelor in Divinity , Henry VVilkinson of VVaddesdon Batchelor in Divinity , Thomas Valentine of Chalfont-Giles Batchelor in Divinity , Doctor VVilliam Twisse of Newbury , VVilliam Raynor of Egham , Master Hannibal Gammon of Maugan , Mr. Jasper Hicks of Lawrick , D. Joshua Hoyle late of Dublin in Ireland , VVilliam Bridges of Yarmouth , Thomas VVincop of Ellesworth Doctor in Divinity , Thomas Goodwin of London Batchelor in Divinity , John Ley of Budworth in Cheshire , Thomas Case of London , John Pyne of Bereferrers , Master VVhidden of Mooreton , D. Richard Love of Ekington , D. VVilliam Gouge of Blackfriers London , D. Ralph Brownrigge Bishop of Exceter , D. Samuel Ward Master of Sidney Colledge , John White of Dorchester , Edward Peal of Compton , Stephen Marshall of Finchingfield Batchelor in Divinity , Obadiah Sedgewick of Cogshall Batchelor in Divinity , M. Carter , Peter Clark of Carnaby , William Mew of Estington Batchelor in Divinity , Richard Capel of Pitchcomb , Theophilus Bathurst of Overton Watervile , Philip , Nye of Kimbolton , D. Brocket Smith of Barkway , D. Cornelius Burges of VVatford , John Green of Pencomb , Stanley Gower of Brampton-Bryan , Francis Taylor of Yalding , Tho. VVilson of Otham , Antho. Tuckney of Boston Batchelor in Divinity , Thomas Coleman of Bliton , Charles-Herle of VVinwick , Richard Herrick of Manchester , Richard Cleyton of Showel , George Gibbs of Ayleston , D. Calibut Downing of Hackney , Jeremy Boroughs of Stepney , Edmund Calamy Batchelor in Divinity , George VValker Batchelor in Divinity , Joseph Caryll of Lincolns-Inn , Lazarus Seaman of London , D. John Harris Warden of VVinchester-Colledge , George Morley of Milden-hall , Edward Reynolds of Branston , Thomas Hill of Tichmarsh Batchelor in Divinity , D. Robert Saunderson of Boothby-Pannell , John Foxcroft of Gotham , John Jackson of Marsk , VVilliam Carter of London , Thomas Thoroughgood of Massingham , John Arrowsmith of Lynne , Robert Harris of Hanwel Batchelor in Divinity , Robert Cross of Lincoln-Colledge Batchelor in Divinity , James Archbishop of Armagh , D. Matthias Styles of Saint George Eastcheap London , Samuel Gibson of Burley , Jeremiah VVhitaker of Stretton , D. Edmund Stanton of Kingston , D. Daniel Featly of Lambeth , Francis Coke of Yoxhal , John Lightfoot of Ashley , Edward Corbet of Merton Colledge Oxon , Samuel Hildersham of Felton , John Langley of VVestuderley , Christopher Tisdale of Vphusborn , Thomas Young of Stow-market , John Phillips of VVrentham , Humphrey Chambers of Claverton Batchelor in Divinity , John Conant of Lymington Batchelor in Divinity , Henry Hall of Norwich Batchelor in Divinity , Henry Hutton , Henry Scuddir of Colingborne , Thomas Baylie of Manningford-Bruce , Benjamin Pickering of East-Hoateley , Henry Nye of Clapham , Arthur Sallaway of Seavernestoake , Sydrach Simpson of London , Anthony Burgess of Sutton-Coldfield , Richard Vines of Calcot , VVilliam Greenhill of Stepney , VVilliam Moreton of Newcastle , Richard Buckley , D. Thomas Temple of Battersey , Simeon Ashe of Saint Brides , M. Nicholson , Thomas Gataker of Rotherhithe Batchelor in Divinity , James VVeldy of Sylatten , D. Christopher Pashley of Hawarden , Henry Tozer Batchelor in Divinity , VVilliam Spurstow of Hampden in Com. Bucks , Francis Cheynel of Oxon , Edward Ellis of Gilsfield Batchelor in Divinity , D. John Hacket of Saint Andrews Holborne , Samuel de la Place , John de la March , Matthew Newcomen of Dedham , William Lyford of Sherborn in Com. Dorset , M. Carter of Dynton in Com. Bucks , William Lance of Harrow in Middlesex , Thomas Hodges of Kensington in Com. Middlesex , Andreas Porne of VVilby in Com. Northampton , D. Thomas VVestfield of St. Bartholomew le great London Bishop of Bristol , D. Henry Hammond of Penshurst in Kent , Nicholas Prophet of Marlborough in Com. VVilts , Peter Sterry of London , John Erle of Bishopston in Com. Wilts , M. Gibbon of Waltham , Henry Painter of Exceter Batchelor in Divinity , M. Michelthwaite of Cherry-burton , D. John Wincop of St. Martins in the Fields , M. Price of Paul's Church in Covent-Garden , Henry Wilkinson junior Batchelor in Divinity , D. Richard Holdsworth Master of Emanuel Colledge in Cambridge , M. William Duning of Coldaston , and such other Person and Persons as shall be nominated and appointed by both Houses of Parliament , or so many of them as shall not be letted by sickness or other necessary impediment , shall meet and assemble , and are hereby required and enjoyned upon summons signed by the Clerks of both Houses of Parliament , left at their several respective dwellings , to meet and assemble themselves at Westminster , in the Chappel called King Henry the Seventh's Chappel , on the first day of July in the year of our Lord One thousand six hundred forty three ; and after the first meetting , being at least of the number of forty , shall from time to time sit and be removed from place to place , and also that the said Assembly shall be dissolved in such manner , as by both Houses of Parliament shall be directed : and the said Persons , or so many of them as shall be so assembled or sit , shall have Power and Authority , and are hereby likewise enjoyned , from time to time during this present Parliament , or until further order be taken by both the said Houses , to confer and treat amongst themselves of such matters and things touching and concerning the Liturgy , Discipline and Government of the Church of England , or the vindicating and clearing of the Doctrine of the same from all false Aspersions and Misconstructions , as shall be proposed unto them by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament , and no other , and to deliver their Opinions and Advices of or touching the matters aforesaid , as shall be most agreeable to the Word of God , to both or either of the said Houses , from time to time , in such manner and sort as by both or either of the said Houses of Parliament shall be required , and the same not to divulge by Printing , writing , or otherwise , without the consent of both or either House of Parliament . And be it further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid , that William Twisse , Doctor in Divinity , shall sit in the Chair as Prolocutor of the said Assembly : and if he happen to die , or be letted by sickness or other necessary impediment , then such other Person to be appointed in his place as shall be agreed on by both the said Houses of Parliament . And in case any difference of Opinion shall happen among the said Persons so assembled , touching any the matters that shall be proposed to them as aforesaid , that then they shall represent the same , together with the Reasons thereof , to both or either of the said Houses respectively , to the end such further direction may be given therein as shall be requisite in that behalf . And be it further Ordained by the Authority aforesaid , that for the charges and expences of the said Divines and every of them in attending the said service , there shall be allowed unto every of them that shall so attend , during the time of their said attendance , and for ten days before and ten days after , the sum of four Shillings for every day at the charges of the Commonwealth , at such time and in such manner as by both Houses of Parliament shall be appointed . And be it further Ordained , that all and every the said Divines , so as aforesaid required and enjoyned to meet and assemble , shall be freed and acquitted of and from every offence , forfeiture , penalty , loss or damage , which shall or may arise or grow by reason of any non-residence , or absence of them or any of them from his or their , or any of their Church , Churches or Cures , for or in respect of their said attendance upon the said Service , any Law or Statute of Non-residence , or other Law or Statute enjoyning their attendance upon their respective Ministers or Charges , to the contrary thereof notwithstanding . And if any of the Persons before named shall happen to dye before the said Assembly shall be dissolved by Order of both Houses of Parliament , then such other Person or Persons shall be nominated and placed in the room and stead of such Person and Persons so dying , as by both the said Houses shall be thought fit and agreed upon : and every such Person or Persons so to be named shall have the like Power and Authority , Freedom and acquital to all intents and purposes , and also all such Wages and Allowances for the said service , during the time of his or their Attendance , as to any other of the said Persons in this Ordinance is by this Ordinance limited and appointed . Provided always that this Ordinance , or any thing therein contained , shall not give unto the Persons aforesaid or any of them , nor shall they in this Assembly assume to exercise any Jurisdiction , Power or Authority Ecclesiastical whatsoever , or any other Power than is herein particularly expressed . The Votes or Orders delivered with it . Die Mercurii , 5. Julii , 1643. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it shall be propounded to the Assembly to morrow at their meeting , to take into their Consideration the Ten first Articles of the 39. Articles of the Church of England , to free and vindicate the Doctrine of them from all Aspersions and false Interpretations . Jovis , 6. Julii , 1643. Some general Rules for the Assembly , directed by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled . 1. THat two Assessors be joyned to the Prolocutor , to supply his place in case of Absence or Infirmity . 2. Two Scribes to be appointed to set down all Proceedings , and these to be Divines , who are not Members of the Assembly , viz. Mr. Henry Robrough , and Mr. Adoniram Bifield . 3. Every Member at his first entrance into the Assembly shall make a serious and solemn Protestation , not to maintain any thing but what he believes to be Truth , and to embrace Truth in sincerity when discovered to him . 4. No Resolution to be given upon any Question on the same day wherein it is first Propounded . 5. What any Man undertakes to prove as necessary , he shall make good out of the Scriptures . 6. No Man to proceed in any dispute after the Prolocutor hath enjoyned him silence , unless the Assembly desire he may go on . 7. No Man to be denied to enter his Dissent from the Assembly , and his Reasons for it , in any point , after it hath first been debated in the Assembly ; and thence ( if the dissenting Party desire it ) to be sent to the Houses of Parliament by the Assembly , ( not by any particular Man or Men in a private way ) when either House shall require it . 8. All things agreed on and prepared for the Parliament to be openly read and allowed in the Assembly , and then offered as the Judgement of the Assembly , if the major part assent : Provided that the Opinion of any Persons dissenting and the Reasons urged for it be annexed thereunto ( if the Dissenters require it ) together with the Solution ( if any were ) given in the Assembly to those Reasons . Jovis , 6. Julii , 1643. I A. B. do seriously and solemnly * in the presence of Almighty God , that ( in this Assembly whereof I am a Member ) I will not maintain any thing in matters of Doctrine , but what I think in my Conscience to be Truth , or in point of Discipline , but what I shall conceive to conduce most to the Glory of God , and the good and Peace of his Church . Veneris , 15. Sept. 1643. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it be referred to the Assembly of Divines , to set forth a Declaration of the Reasons and Grounds that have induced the Assembly to give their Opinions , that this Covenant may be taken in point of Conscience . Eodem Die. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it be referred to the Committee formerly appointed to Treat with the Scotch Commissioners , to Treat with them about the manner of taking the Covenant in both Kingdoms . Mercurii , 22. August . 1643. ORdered by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That it be propounded to the Assembly of Divines , to consider of the Doctrine of the Nine next Articles of the 39 Articles of the Church of England , to clear and vindicate the same from all Aspersions and false Interpretations . The Articles of the sixth of August , 1642. Articles of the Treaty , concerning the Reducing of the Kingdom of Ireland to the Obedience of the Kings Majesty and Crown of England , agreed upon between the Commissioners for Scotland , authorized by his Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom , and the Commissioners for England , authorized by his Majesty and the Parliament of that Kingdom , at Westminster , the sixth day of August , 1642. FIrst , The Scotish Commissioners , out of the sense of that Duty which the Kingdom of Scotland owes to His Majesty , and the true Affection they bear towards the Kingdom of England , being willing to contribute their best assistance for the speedy relief of those distressed parts in Ireland which lye nearest the Kingdom of Scotland , have in the name of that Kingdom made offer of ten thousand Men to be imployed in that Service ; and for a further Testimony of their Zeal to His Majesties Service , and Brotherly respect to the Kingdom of England , have declared , that the Kingdom of Scotland will upon their own Charge levy and transport these Men. Secondly , Because the Kingdom of Scotland are to send over with their Army the number of Six thousand Muskets and Four thousand Pikes , with such Cannon and Ammunition as shall be fitting for the service , it is agreed , that Four thousand Muskets and Two thousand Pikes shall be presently sent by the Kingdom of England into the Kingdom of Scotland and delivered at Leith , as also that the residue of the said Ten thousand Arms and Ten thousand Swords and Belts shall be delivered there at the first of August next ; and that as many Cannon and Field-Pieces of the same Bore , Weight and Metal , shall be carried into Scotland upon their demand , as they shall transport into Ireland for the service of that Kingdom : and that the said whole Arms and Ammunition shall remain in Scotland until the return of the Scotish Army from Ireland ; at which time the same shall be restored to the Kingdom of England , the Kingdom of Scotland receiving satisfaction for such of their Arms and Ammunition as shall be spent or lost in the service of Ireland . As also that there shall be presently sent over from England , and delivered to the Scotish Army in Ireland , for the defence of the Province of Vlster , six pieces of Demy-Cannon of the Ball of four and twenty pound weight , with their Equipage . Thirdly , it is agreed , That there shall be two Ships of War presently sent by the Kingdom of England to Lochryan , Lamalach , Port-Patrick , or Air , to guard and waft over the Scotish Soldiers ; and that the said Ships shall attend at the Ports in Ireland , for serving the Scotish Army in going and returning betwixt the Coasts , and keeping the Passages clear , as they shall receive Orders from the chief Commanders of the Scotish Army for the time being , according to Instructions received or to be received by the Master of these Ships from the Lord Admiral , or Commissioners of the Admiralty for the time being , to that purpose . Fourthly , it is agreed , That there shall be levied and furnished by the Kingdom of England Ten Troops of sufficient and well armed Horse-men , consisting of sixty in a Troop besides the Officers ; and that there shall be a Commissary General , a Serjeant-Major , and a Quarter-master appointed over them , which shall joyn and remain with the Body of the Scotish Foot , and shall receive and obey the Orders and Instructions of the Commanders of the Scotish Army ; and that there shall be presently advanced the sum of Twelve hundred Pounds sterling , for the levying of a Troop of one hundred Horsemen in Scotland , besides the Officers , to be a Guard to the General of the Scotish Army . Fifthly , it is agreed , That the Commanders and Soldiers of the Scotish Army shall have such Pay respectively as the Commanders and Soldiers of the English Army have , according to a List presently agreed upon by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , as also that the Officers of that Army shall have such allowance for their Wagons as is contained in the said List . Sixthly , it is agreed , That the Towns and Castle of Carickfergus and Colrane shall be put into the hands of the Scotish Army , to be places for their Magazines and Garrisons , and to serve them for Retreat upon occasion ; and that the Magistrates and Inhabitants thereof shall be ordained to carry themselves to the Commanders of the said Army as is fitting and ordinary in such Cases , and that the said Towns and Castle shall remain in the Scots hands until the War shall end , or that they shall be discharged of that service : Like as the Commissioners for the Kingdom of Scotland do promise in the Publick Faith of that Kingdom , to re-deliver the said Towns and Castle to any having Commission from the King and Parliament of England ; as also the Commissioners for the Kingdom of England do promise in the name and on the Publick Faith of that Kingdom , that Payment shall be made to the Kingdom of Scotland and their Army of all dues that shall arise upon this present Treaty , and that when the Scotish Army imployed in the service of Ireland shall be discharged , they shall be disbanded by Regiments , and no lesser proportions , and so many of them payed off as shall be disbanded , and the residue kept in pay till they be disbanded . Seventhly , it is agreed , That the Towns of Carick fergus and Colrane shall by the Kingdom of England be with all expedition provided with Victuals necessary for Soldiers either in Garrisons or Expeditions , according to a List to be agreed on and subscribed by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms ; and that such quantities thereof as the Scotish Army shall have occasion to use , shall be sold unto them and bought by them at the several Prices contained in the aforesaid List : and also that the said Towns of Carickfergus and Colrane shall be provided by the Kingdom of England with Powder , Ball , Match , and other Ammunition for the service of the said Army , conform to the particular List to be condescended unto by both Commissioners ; and that Carts and Waggons shall be provided by the Kingdom of England , for carrying of Ammunition for the use of the said Army in Marches ; as also that there shall be Gun-Smiths , Carpenters , and one or two Enginers appointed to attend the Army , and that hand-Mills shall be provided to serve the Companies in Marches . Eighthly , it is agreed , That the Kingdom of England shall deposite two thousand Pounds English Money in the hands of any to be appointed by the Scotish Commissioners , to be disbursed upon accompt , by warrant of the General of their Army , upon Fortifications , Intelligences and other Incidents , so that there be not above the sum of two thousand Pounds in a year imprested upon these occasions , without particular and special Warrant from the Parliament of England ; as also that there shall be deposited Two thousand and five hundred Pounds English , to be disbursed upon Accompt , for the providing of a thousand Horses for the Garriage of the Artillery , the Baggage and Victual of their Army , and for Dragooners upon occasion : and likewise that the Scotish Army , during the time of the War , shall have power to take up such Horses in the Country as be necessary for the uses aforesaid . Ninthly , it is agreed , That the Inhabitants of the Towns and Villages in the Province of Vlster , and in any other Province of Ireland where the Scotish Army shall be by it self , for the time shall receive Orders from the Scotish Commanders , and shall bring in Victuals for Money in an orderly way , as shall be directed by them , with Provision of Oats , Hay and Straw , and such other Necessaries ; and that the Countrey People shall rise and concur with the Scotish Troops when the Commanders thereof shall find it for the good of the Service , and shall receive Orders and Directions from the said Commanders of the Scotish Army . Tenthly , it is agreed , That the said Ten thousand Men to be sent out of the Kingdom of Scotland shall go in the way and order of an Army under their own General and subaltern Officers ; and the Province of Vlster is appointed unto them , wherein they shall first prosecute the War as in their Judgment they shall think most expedient for the Honour of the King and Crown of England ; and that the Commanders of the said Army shall have power to give Conditions to Towns , Castles and Persons which shall render and submit themselves , as shall be most expedient for the Service according to the course of War. Provided no Toleration of the Popish Religion be granted , nor any condition made touching or concerning any of the Rebels Lands , and that the Commanders of the Scotish Army shall be answerable for their whole deportment and proceedings to His Majesty and the two Houses of the Parliament of England only , but shall from time to time give an accompt thereof to His Majesty , the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and to the chief Governour or Governours of Ireland for the time being . That such Towns and Places as shall be recovered from the Rebels by the Scotish Army , shall be at the diposing of the Commanders thereof during their abode for that Service in those parts where such Towns and Places are . And if it shall be found for the good of the Service that the Scotish Army shall joyn with the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland and his Army , in that case the General of the Scotish Army shall only cede to the Kings Lieutenant of Ireland , and receive in a free and honourable way Instructions from him , or in his absence from the Lord Deputy or any other who shall have the chief Government of that Kingdom for the time by Authority derived from the Crown of England , and shall precede all others , and that he only shall give Orders to the Officers of his own Army ; and that the Armies shall have the right and left hand , Van and Reare , Charge and Retreat , successively , and shall not mix in Quarterings nor Marchings ; and when it shall be found fit to send Troops out of either Army , that the Persons to be sent out of the Scotish Army shall be commanded out by their own General , the Lieutenant of Ireland prescribing the number , which shall not exceed the fourth part of the whole Foot of the Scotish Army , nor of the Horse appointed to joyn therewith , whereunto they shall return when the Service is done . And that no Officer of the Scotish Army shall be commanded by one of his own Quality ; and if the Commanders of the Troops so sent out of either Army , be one of Quality , that they command the Party by turns . And it is nevertheless provided , that the whole Scotish Army may be called out of the Province of Vlster , and the Horses appointed to joyn with them , by His Majesties Lieutenant of Ireland , or other chief Governour or Governours of that Kingdom for the time being , if he or they shall think fit , before the Rebellion be totally suppressed therein . Eleventhly , it is agreed , That the Scotish Army shall be entertained by the English for three Months , from the twentieth of June last , and so along after , until they be discharged ; and that they shall have a Months Pay advanced when they are first mustered in Ireland , and thereafter shall be duely paid from Month to Month ; and that there shall be one Muster-master appointed by the English Muster-master General , to make strict and frequent Musters of the Scotish Army ; and that what Companies of Men shall be sent out of Scotland within the compass of the Ten thousand Men , shall be paid upon their Musters in Ireland , although they make not up compleat Regiments . Twelfthly , it is agreed , That the Scotish Army shall receive their discharge from the King and Parliament of England , or from such Persons as shall be appointed and authorized by His Majesty and both Houses of Parliament for that purpose ; and that there shall be a Months warning before-hand of their disbanding ; which said discharge and Months warning shall be made known by His Majesty and them to the Council of Scotland , or the Lord Chancellor , a Month before the discharging thereof ; and that the Common Souldiers of the Scotish at their dismission shall be allowed fourteen days Pay for carrying of them home . Thirteenthly , it is provided and agreed , That at any time after the Three Months now agreed upon , for the entertainment of the Scotish Army , shall be expired , and that the Two Houses of Parliament , or such persons as shall be authorized by them , shall give notice to the Council of Scotland , or to the Lord Chancellor there , that after one Month from such notice given the said Two Houses of Parliament will not pay the said Scotish Army now in Ireland any longer , then the said Two Houses of Parliament shall not be obliged to pay the said Army any longer then during the said Month , any thing in this Treaty contained to the contrary notwithstanding . The Ordinances of the 9. of March , and 11. of April . Die Sabbati , 9. Martii , 1643-44 . Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , THat he who doth or shall command in chief over the said Army by joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , shall also command the rest of the British Forces in Ireland ; and for the further managing of that War , and prosecuting the Ends expressed in the Covenant , that the same be done by joynt Advice with the Committees of both Kingdoms . Die Jovis , 11. April , 1644. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , THat the Earl of Leven , Lord General of the Scots Forces in Ireland , ( being now by the Votes of both Houses agreed to be Commander in chief over all the Forces , as well British as Scots , according to the Fourth Article of the result of the Committees of both Kingdoms passed both Houses ) be desired with all convenient speed , by the Advice of the said Committees , to appoint and nominate a Commander in chief under his Excellency over the said Forces , to reside with them upon the place . Resolved , &c. THat Committees be nominated and appointed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , of such Numbers and Qualities as shall be by them agreed on , to be sent with all convenient speed to reside with the said Forces , and enabled with all ample Instructions by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms for the Regulating of the said Forces , and the better carrying on of that War. The Letter of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to the Speaker of the House of Commons in England , 4. April , 1643. a Duplicate whereof ( the Original being sent to VVestminster ) was by them sent to Master Secretary Nicholas for His Majesty . SIR , OUR very good Lord , the Lord Marquess of Ormond , having in his March in his last Expedition consulted several times with the Commanders and Officers of the Army in a Council of War , and so finding that subsistence could not be had abroad for the Men and Horses he had with him , or for any considerable part of them , it was resolved by them , that his Lordship with those Forces should return hither , which he did on the six and twentieth of March. In his return from Rosse ( which , in the case our Forces stand , he found so difficult to be taken in , as although our Ordinance made a breach in their Walls , it was found necessary to desert the Siege ) he was encountred by an Army of the Rebels , consisting of about six thousand Foot and six hundred and fifty Horse well armed and horsed ; yet it pleased God so to disappoint their counsels and strength , as with those small Forces which the Lord Marquess had with him , being of fighting men about two thousand five hundred Foot , and five hundred Horse not well armed , and for the most part weakly horsed , ( and those as well Men as Horses much weakned by lying in the Fields several Nights in much Cold and Rain , and by want of Mans-meat and Horse-meat ) the Lord Marquess obtained a happy and glorious deliverance and Victory against those Rebels , wherein were slain about three hundred of them , and many of their Commanders and others of Quality , and divers taken Prisoners , and amongst those Prisoners Colonel Cullen , a Native of this City , who being a Colonel in France , departed from thence , and came hither to assist the Rebels , and was Lieutenant-General of their Army in the Province of Leimster ; and the Rebels Army were totally routed and defeated , and their Baggage and Munition seized on by His Majesties Forces , who lodged that Night where they had gained the Victory , and on our side about twenty slain in the fight , and divers wounded . We have great cause to praise God , for magnifying his Goodness and Mercy to His Majesty and this His Kingdom so manifestly , and indeed wonderfully , in that Victory . However , the Joy due from us upon so happy an occasion is , we confess , mingled with very great Distraction here in the apprehension of our Unhappiness to be such , as although the Rebels are not able to overcome His Majesties Army , and devour His other good Subjects here as they desire , yet both His Army and good Subjects are in danger to be devoured by the wants of needful Supplies forth of England . For , as we formerly signified thither , those Forces were of necessity sent abroad to try what might be done for sustaining them in the Countrey , so as to keep them alive until Supplies should get to us ; but that design now failing , those our hopes are converted into astonishment , to behold the unspeakable Miseries of the Officers and Soldiers for want of all things , and all those Wants made the more unsupportable in the want of Food , whilst this City ( being all the help we have ) is now too apparently found to be unable to help us , as it hath hitherto done , and divers Commanders and Officers in the Army do now so far express their sense of their Sufferings , ( which indeed are very great and grievous ) as they declare that they have little hope to be supplied by the Parliament , and press with so great importunity to be permitted to depart the Kingdom , as it will be extream difficult to keep them here . By our Letters of the three and twentieth of March , we signified thither the unsupportable burthen laid on this City , for Victualling those of the Army left here when the Lord Marquess with the Forces he took with him marched hence ; which burthen is found every day more heavy than other , in regard of the many House-keepers thereby daily breaking up house , and scattering their Families , leaving still fewer to bear the burthen . We also by those Letters , and by our Letters of the five and twentieth of February , advertised thither the high danger this Kingdom would incur , if the Army so sent abroad should by any distress , or through want be forced back hither again before our relief of Victuals should arrive forth of England . When we found that those men were returning back hither , although we were ( and are still ) full of Distraction , considering the dismal consequences threatned thereby in respect of our Wants , yet we consulted what we could yet imagine feasible that we had not formerly done , to gain some Food for those men ; and found , that to send them or others abroad into the Countrey , we cannot , in regard we are not able to advance Money for procuring the many Requisites incident to such an Expedition . In the end therefore we were enforced to fix on our former way , and so to see who had any thing yet left him untaken from him to help us : and although there are but few such , and some of them poor Merchants , whom we have now by the Law of Necessity utterly undone , and disabled from being hereafter helpful to us in bringing us in Victuals or other needful Commodities ; yet were we forced to wrest their Commodities from them . And certainly there are few here of our selves or others , that have not felt their parts in the enforced Rigour of our proceedings towards preserving the Army ; so as what with such hard dealing , no less grievous to us to do than it is heavy to others to suffer , and by our descending ( against our hearts ) far below the Honour and Dignity of that Power we represent here under His Royal Majesty , we have with unspeakable difficulty prevailed so as to be able to find Bread for the Soldiers for the space of one Month. We are now expelling hence all Strangers , and must instantly send away for England Thousands of poor despoiled English , whose very eating is now unsupportable to this place . And now again and finally , we earnestly desire , ( for our Confusions will not now admit the writing of many more Letters , if any ) that His Majesty and the English Nation may not suffer so great , if not irrecoverable , Prejudice and Dishonour , as must unavoidably be the consequence of our not being relieved suddenly ; but that yet ( although it be even now at the point to be too late ) supplies of Victuals and Munition in present be hastened hither , to keep life until the rest may follow , there being no Victual in the store , nor will there be a hundred Barrels of Powder left in the store when the out-Garrisons ( as they must be instantly ) are supplied , and that remainder , according to the usual necessary expence , besides extraordinary accidents , will not last above a month . And the residue of our Provisions must also come speedily after , or otherwise England cannot hope to secure Ireland , or secure themselves against Ireland , but in the loss of it must look for such Enemies from hence as will perpetually disturb the Peace of His Majesty and His Kingdom of England , and annoy them by Sea and Land , as we often formerly represented thither : which mischiefs may yet be prevented , if we be yet forthwith enabled from thence with means to overcome this Rebellion . We hope that a course is taken there for hastening hither the Provisions of Arms and Munition mentioned in the Docquet sent with our Letters of the twentieth of January , and the six hundred Horses which we then moved might be sent hither for Recruits , and that the seven thousand eight hundred fourscore and thirteen pounds three shillings for Arms to be provided in Holland ( besides those we expect in London ) hath been paid to Anthony Tierens in London , or to Daniel Wibrants in Amsterdam ; and if that Sum had been paid as we at first desired , we might well have had those Provisions arrived here by the tenth of March , as we agreed : however we now desire that that Money , if it be not already pay'd , may be yet pay'd to Mr. Tierens in London , or Mr. Wibrants in Amsterdam , that so those Provisions may arrive here speedily , which ( considering that Summer is now near at hand ) will be very necessary , that when our Supplies of Victuals , Munition , Cloaths , Money , and other Provisions shall arrive , we may not in the publick Service here lose the benefit and advantage of that season . And so we remain from His Majesties Castle of Dublin , 4. April , 1643. POSTSCRIPT . As we were ready to sign this Dispatch , we received at this Board a Paper signed by sundry Officers of the Army , now here at Dublin , which is in such a Stile , and threatens so much Danger , as we hold necessary to send a Copy thereof here inclosed ; whereby still appears the high Necessity of hastening away Money for them and the rest of the Officers , and Victuals for the Soldier , without which it will be impossible to contain them from breaking out into mutiny . The Letter inclosed . My Lords , AT our first entrance into this unhappy Kingdom , we had no other Design than by our Swords to assert and vindicate the Right of His Majesty , which was here most highly abused , to redress the Wrongs of His poor Subjects , and to advance our own particulars in the prosecution of so honest undertakings . And for the first of these , we do believe they have since our coming over succeeded pretty well : but for the last , which concerns our selves , that hath fallen out so contrary to our expectations , that instead of being rewarded , we have been prejudiced ; instead of getting a Fortune , we have spent part of one ; and though we behave our selves never so well abroad , and perform the actions of honest men , yet we have the reward of Rogues and Rebels , which is , Misery and Want , when we come home . Now ( my Lords ) although we be brought to so great an exigence , that we are ready to rob and spoil one another ; yet to prevent such outrages , we thought it better to try all honest means for our subsistence before we take such indirect courses . Therefore if your Lordships will be pleased to take us timely into your considerations , before our urgent Wants make us desperate , we will , as we have done hitherto , serve your Lordships readily and saithfully : But if your Lordships will not find a way for our Preservations here , we humbly desire we may have leave to go where we may have a better Being ; and if your Lordships shall refuse to grant that , we must then take leave to have our recourse to that first and primary Law which God hath endued all men with , we mean the Law of Nature , which teacheth all men to preserve themselves . The Letter of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland to His MAJESTY , of the 11. of May , 1643. May it please your most Excellent Majesty , AS soon as we Your Majesties Justices entred into the charge of this Government , we took into our consideration at this Board the state of Your Army here , which we find suffering under unspeakable Extremities of Want of all things necessary to the support of their Persons or maintenance of the War ; here being no Victuals , Cloaths , or other Provisions requisite towards their sustenance , no Money to provide them of any thing they want , no Arms in Your Majesties Stores to supply their many defective Arms , not above Forty Barrels of Powder in Your Stores , no strength of serviceable Horses being now left here , and those few that are , their Arms for the most part lost or unserviceable , no Ships arrived here to guard the Coasts , and consequently no security rendred to any that might ( on their private Adventures ) bring in Provisions of Victuals , or other necessaries , towards our subsistence ; and finally , no visible means by Sea or Land of being able to preserve for You this Your Kingdom , and to render deliverance from utter Destruction to the remnant of Your good Subjects yet left here . We find that Your Majesties late Justices and this Board have often and fully by very many Letters advertised the Parliament in England of the extremities of Affairs here , and besought Relief with all possible importunity , which also have been fully represented to Your Majesty , and to the Lord Lieutenant , and Mr. Secretary Nicholas , to be made known to Your Majesty : and although the Winds have of late for many days ( and often formerly ) stood very fair for Accessions of Supply forth of England hither , and that we have still with longing expectations hoped to find Provisions arrive here in some degree answerable to the Necessities of Your Affairs ; yet now ( to our unexpressible grief ) after full six months waiting , and much longer patience and long suffering , we find all our great Expectations answered in a mean and inconsiderable quantity of Provisions , ( viz. ) threescore and fifteen Barrels of Butter , and fourteen Tun of Cheese , being but the fourth part of a small Vessels loading , which was sent from London , and arrived here on the fifth day of this month , which is not above seven or eight days Provision for that part of the Army which lies in Dublin and the out-Garrisons thereof ; no Money or Victuals ( other than that inconsiderable proportion of Victual ) having arrived in this place , as sent from the Parliament of England , or from any other forth of England , for the use of the Army , since the beginning of November last . We have ( by the Blessing of God ) been hitherto prosperous and successful in Your Majesties Affairs here ; and should be still hopeful , by the mercy of God , under the Royal Directions of Your Sacred Majesty , to vindicate Your Majesties Honour , and recover Your Rights here , and take due Vengeance on these Traitors for the innocent Blood they have spilt , if we might be strengthened and supported therein by needful Supplies forth of England : but these Supplies having hitherto been expected to come from the Parliament of England , ( on which if Your Majesty had not relied , we are assured You would in Your high Wisdom have found out some other means to preserve this Your Kingdom ) and so great and apparent a failer having hapned therein , and all the former and late long continuing Easterly Winds bringing us no other Provisions than those few Cheeses and Butter , and no Advertisements being brought us of any future Supply to be so much as in the way hither , whereby there might be any likelihood that considerable means of support for Your Majesties Army might arrive here in any reasonable time , before we be totally swallowed up by the Rebels , and Your Kingdom by them wrested from you ; we find our selves so disappointed of our hopes from the Parliament , as must needs trench to the utter loss of the Kingdom , if Your Majesty in Your high Wisdom ordain not some present means of preservation for us . And considering , that if now by occasion of that unhappy and unexpected failing of support from thence , we shall be less successful in Your Services here against the Rebels than hitherto ( whilst we were enabled with some means to serve You ) we have been , the shame and dishonour may , in common construction of those that know not the inwards of the cause , be imputed to us , and not to the failings that disabled Us ; and considering principally and above all things the high and eminent trust of your Affairs here , deposited with us by Your Sacred Majesty , we may not forbear , in discharge of our Duty , thus freely and plainly to declare our humble apprehensions , to the end Your Majesty thus truly understanding the terribleness of our Condition , may find out some such means of support to preserve to Your Majesty and Your Royal Posterity this Your Ancient and Rightful Crown and Kingdom , and derive Deliverance and Safety to the Remnant of Your good Subjects yet left here , as in Your Excellent Judgment You shall find to be most for Your Honour and Advantage . And so praying to the King of Kings to guide and direct You for the best in this high and important Cause , and in all other Your Counsels and Actions , we humbly remain , from Your Majesties Castle of Dublin , the 11 th Day of May , 1643. Your Majesties most Loyal and most Faithful Subjects and Servants . His MAJESTIES Answers to certain Papers delivered in to His Commissioners at Uxbridge upon the Close of the Treaty ; one concerning the Militia , and two concerning Ireland . To which ( being long , and coming in so near the breaking up of the Treaty ) no Answers could then be given . HAving received an account of the Passages of the late Treaty from Our Commissioners , We caused a Narrative thereof to be made and published ; wherein , besides the necessary Connexions , there is nothing set down but what passed in Writing : But because their last Paper upon the Subject of the Militia , and two last Papers concerning Ireland , were delivered upon the Close of that Treaty ; although We conceive the Answers given in the Papers formerly delivered by Our Commissioners are abundantly sufficient to give satisfaction to those also ; yet because there may be a want of memory in some , and of observation in others , who shall read that Narrative , to bring home and apply the former Answers of Our Commissioners to those Papers , and because they seem to expect Answers , which ( the Treaty being determined ) cannot be given by Our Commissioners , and to vindicate Our Self from many Passages scattered in those Papers , particularly reflecting upon Our Person and Royal Authority , We have thought fit , for the further satisfaction of all Our good People , to make these ensuing Answers . And first to that * Paper concerning the Militia . WHosoever shall observe the passionate expressions in the close of this Paper , ( wherein they do most earnestly desire Our Commissioners , as they tender the deplorable Estate of these bleeding Kingdoms , the settling Religion , Our Honour , and the composing these miserable Distractions , to give full and clear Answers to the Demands concerning the Militia ) might very well believe , that they who so importunately demanded , would as willingly have received an Answer . But when it shall be considered that this Paper was not delivered in till after two of the Clock in the morning upon the breaking off the Treaty , when they had denied any further time to treat , or to receive any Papers dated as within the time of the Treaty , ( as formerly was mutually done , and this very Paper of theirs delivered in truth upon the 23. was received as dated the 22. of February ) it will be most apparent they kept it as a Reserve to be purposely and by design delivered so as it should remain unanswered . For the matter of that Paper ; They say , they have by their Answers satisfied the several Questions proposed to them by Our Commissioners touching the Militia . It was necessary they should have done so , that it being proposed to Us to part with so great a Trust as the Power of the Sword , and to put it wholly out of Our own hands , We might know how , and to whom , and for what time , and upon what terms We parted with it . But We will look back upon some of their Answers , that it may appear what they are . Our Commissioners desired to know , who the Commissioners should be in whose hands the Forces both by Sea and Land should be entrusted , and whether We might except against such Persons , and name others in their Places of known Affections to Religion and Peace . To that part of the Question , Whether We might except against the Persons , they made no Answer . To the other part , requiring who the Commissioners should be , they answered , That the Commissioners were to be named for England by the two Houses , and for Scotland by the Estates of the Parliament there : whereas the Question was not , Who should name those Commissioners ; but , Who they were that should be named , a thing most necessary for Us to know , before We entrusted them with so great a Power . Our Commissioners desired to know , Whether the Militia of London should be independent , and not subordinate to those Commissioners . They answered , It appeared by the Propositions , the same was to be ordered in such manner as should be agreed on by both Houses . Which was no Answer to the Question , though likewise necessary to be known , the Militia of London being so great and of such importance . Our Commissioners desired to know , What Authority the Commissioners , nominated by the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , were to have in the Militia and settling of all Forces by Sea and Land in this Kingdom , and what influence the Advices and Orders from the Estates of that Parliament should have upon this Kingdom . They answered , That might be fully satisfied by the Propositions concerning the Militia . And though Our Commissioners desired it , they could get no other Answer from them in writing . Our Commissioners desired to know , What Jurisdiction they intended the Commissioners of both Kingdoms should have , by the power given to them to hear and determine all differences that might occasion the breach of the Articles of the Peace , and by what Law they should proceed to hear and determine the same . They answered , That the Commissioners were to proceed in such manner as was expressed in the Propositions . Whereas the Propositions express no more than what is contained in the words of the Question . And being further pressed to an Answer , they answered , That the matter of the Jurisdiction of the Commissioners was expressed in the Propositions ; and for the manner of exercising of it , and by what Law they should proceed , The same was to be settled by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively . This being no Answer , and a full and direct Answer being required to these Questions , the Answer given was , That they referred themselves therein to their former Answers . Our Commissioners desired to see the Act of the late Treaty for the settling of the Garrison of Barwick , of the 29. of November , 1643. ( being made betwixt the two Houses and those of Scotland , without Our Privity ) as relating to the business of the Militia : They answered , It was not then to be treated on , but was reserved to its proper time ; and Our Commissioners could never see it . Our Commissiones desired to know , Whether by the joynt Power mentioned in the Propositions to be given to the Commissioners for both Kingdoms , to preserve the Peace between the Kingdoms , and the King , and every one of them , they intended any other than Military Power for suppressing Forces only ; which Question was asked , because in the Proposition there are two distinct Clauses , one whereby they have that Power to preserve the Peace , the other whereby they have Power to suppress Forces . In answer to this they refer Our Commissioners to the Propositions . That these Answers ( though made to Questions arising upon the doubtful Expressions in their Propositions ) referring to the Propositions themselves , or to what was not then , but was after to be settled by the two Houses , are not satisfactory Answers to those Questions , is most evident . But we do not wonder they were unwilling We should see the clear drift of those Propositions , the ill consequence whereof ( which hereafter appears ) We are willing to believe most of those who agreed unto them did not at first apprehend . They say , They marvel why it should be insisted on , that the Commissioners for the Militia should not be nominated by the two Houses only , and that we , who were to be equally secured , should name * none , since this Power was not to be exercised till a Peace concluded upon the Treaty , and then We had been secured by the Laws of the Kingdom , and by the Duties and Affections of Our Subjects . We think it far more matter of wonder ( since it is confessed that We , and such Our Loyal Subjects who have faithfully and constantly adhered to Us , were equally to be secured ) that they would allow Us no security at all , but to put Our selves wholly upon them , who even afterwards in this Paper deny Our Just Power of the Militia , and of making Peace and War , and might with much more colour hereafter do so , if by Our Consent that Power should be once , though for a time only , put wholly into their Hands . It is true , the Laws of the Land and the Hearts of the People are the best security for a Prince , that He shall enjoy what belongs to Him : But it is as true , that the Laws of the Land and the Love of the Prince towards His People are likewise their best security , that they shall enjoy what belongeth to them . It is a mutual confidence each in other that secures both : but this is to be understood in calm and quiet times . The present Distempers have bred mutual Jealousies : and if they think it not at this time reasonable wholly to trust the Laws and Us concerning their security , but require the Power of the Militia , in which they have no right ; much less is it reasonable that We should wholly trust them concerning Our security , who avowedly bear Arms against Us : but if for the love of Peace We are content for a time to part with this great Power , which is Our Known Right , it is reasonable that We should have the nominating of some of those who should be trusted with it . Yet on Our part We were well content to repose Our selves in that security they mention , if the two Houses would likewise have relied upon the same security of the Laws and Affections of the People , to which they so much pretend : But though it was offered that We should return to Our two Houses , whereby all Armies being Disbanded , both they and We might have been restored to the Laws , and guarded by those Affections of the People ; yet that was not admitted . They say , This Power of the Militia was not to be exercised till after a Peace ; but they do not remember it is to be agreed on before a Peace , and proposed in order to a Peace : and We might with as much Reason ( and far more Justice , in respect of Our undoubted Right over the Militia of this Kingdom ) have insisted upon the sole nomination of the Commissioners , because their Power was not to be exercised till a Peace concluded , as they for that cause to have excluded Us from the nomination of an equal number , and assumed that Power wholly to themselves , not affording Us so much as the liberty to except against any of them . And whereas they say these Commissioners for the Militia have a Rule prescribed , and being removable and lyable for any miscarriage to a severe punishment , cannot do any thing to Our prejudice , contrary to the Trust reposed in them : If they had such a Rule ( which yet by their Propositions and Papers We cannot find , having by general and indefinite terms an unlimited Power given to them ) it proves they should not , not that they would not break it . He that hath Power ( as these Commissioners would have the greatest that ever Subjects had ) and Will to abuse that Power , may extend and interpret the Rule prescribed him as he shall please himself . And therefore since out of Our ardent desire of Peace , We were content to part with this Power , We had reason to require , that at least some of those who should execute it might be such whom We Our selves should nominate and could trust . For that which is said , That if the Commissioners had been severally chosen , the memory of these unnatural Divisions must needs have been continued , and probably being severally named , they would have acted dividedly according to several Interests , and the War thereby might be more easily revived : It is apparent , the memory of the War must as much continue where any Commissioners are named at all , as where they are named by either Party , since by putting that Power into their hands it is put out of the proper Chanel . But it is not the memory of a past War that is dangerous , but such a remembrance of it as is joyned with a desire or inclination to revive it . And if it were probable , as is alledged , that if the Commissioners were partly chosen by Us , and partly by them , that being severally named , they would have acted dividedly according to several Interests ; it would be much more probable , that being wholly named by them , they would have acted only according to their Interest , and so on Our part , instead of an equal Security , We must have been contented with what Laws an Conditions they would have imposed . But We shall again remember , that the offer on Our part was to name such against whom there could be no just Exception , if the Persons were named equally betwixt us . It was likewise offered , That those Commissioners should take an Oath for the true discharge of their Trust ; that We Our selves were willing to take an Oath to observe the Articles of the Treaty ; and that all Persons of any immediate Trust by Offices or attendance upon Vs , and all others whom they should nominate , should take the like Oath , and with such penalties , that whosoever should infringe the Agreement , should be accounted most pernicious Enemies to Vs and the Kingdoms . And if this way of mutual nomination were not approved , there was another proposed , that the Persons should be nominated between Our Commissioners and theirs , by whose mutual consent it might well have been hoped such Persons might have been named , in whom We and they might have confided . But to this no Answer hath been vouchsafed , nor could any thing satisfie concerning the Militia , unless without knowing who the Persons were who should be entrusted , We should with an implicite Faith in Persons whom We did not know put that Power into their hands . They say , that though by their Propositions the Commissioners were to continue without any limitation of time , yet they have since proposed a time of seven years . We know not that they have , during the whole Treaty , in any one particular receded from insisting on their Demands as they are set down in their Propositions in terminis . And in this point though they seem to reduce the time , which in their Propositions was indefinite , to a certainty , to which yet the Scotish Commissioners have not absolutely agreed , the alteration is more in shew than in deed , and rather to the heightning than abating their Demands . For whereas they have limited the time to seven years , yet it is with an additional Clause , That after those seven years it was to be executed as We and they should agree , and not otherwise : so that though the Commissioners should have the Power but for seven years , yet We should not have it after those seven years nor at any time , unless they and We could agree in it : so much would they have gained by this seeming compliance in point of limitation of this Power to a time , though not to that time of three years which We proposed . But they justifie the Reasonableness of it : for whereas Our Commissioners in their Paper ( to which this of theirs is applied as an Answer ) tell them , that if the time for this Power be unlimited , We and Our Posterity shall for ever part with Our peculiar Regall Power of being able to resist Our Enemies or protect Our good Subjects , and with that undoubted and never-denied Right of the Crown to make War and Peace , or ever more to have Jurisdiction over Our own Navy and Fleet at Sea , ( the Command thereof being also a part of this great Power to be given to these Commissioners : ) they answer plainly , They cannot admit of this peculiar Regall Power , which Our Commissioners mention , to reside in Vs , concerning the Militia , and to make Peace and War , or that it is otherwise to be exercised then by Authority from Vs and both Houses of the Parliament of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland respectively . We approve of their ingenuity , that now at the breaking off of the Treaty , they tell Us in plain terms what they mean : Though the Common-Law-books and Records of Parliament have mentioned , that the sole Power of protecting the Subjects belongs to the King , and that He alone hath Power to make Peace and War ; though it hath been the language of former Parliaments , even of the last Parliament , and at the beginning of this Parliament , That the Power of Peace and War is in the King ; but if He will have Money from His Subjects to maintain the Wars , He must have their Consents ; and though the universal consent and common Opinion heretofore hath gone accordingly : yet they cannot admit thereof as to have been Our Right ( for the Answer is made to the assertion concerning Our Right . ) And not admitting it , it seems their Oaths of Allegeance and Supremacy , to defend Our Crown and Dignity , and to assist and defend all Jurisdictions , Priviledges and Authorities belonging to Us , oblige them not . And as they do not admit this Power in Right to have been in Us alone for the time past , so neither will they admit it for the time to come , in Us or Our Successors , to be able to resist Our Enemies or protect Our Subjects , or to make Peace or War , but it must be by Authority from Vs and the two Houses , and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively . They are to be associated in these Regal Powers , and the Scepter and the Sword may in Pictures or Statues , but are not in deed to be in the Kings hand alone . Upon these grounds , We wonder not that they would have the Navy and Fleet at Sea to be put into the hands of their Commissioners for seven years , as the Militia for the Land , and after the seven years to be commanded in such manner as they and We should agree , and not otherwise ; for the say , the Reasons are the same for them as for the Militia by Land. It is a principal means , they say , of their security ; and We cannot find they think themselves to have any security , if We and Our Successors have any Power : But if We will part with Our Power wholly unto them , We and Our Posterity shall be fully secured by the Affections of Our Subjects ( that is , by the Lords and Commons now at VVestminster , who in their sense represent all the People ) who by themselves during the Parliament , or , when they shall please to make any Recesses , by their Commissioners during the Intervals , will free Us from the burthen of the Militia and of Our Navy , and so of protecting Our Subjects , and will save Us the Charge of Our Navy , because it is to be principally maintained by the free gift of the Subject out of Tonnage and Poundage , and other Impositions upon Merchandise . And having taken this care for Our Security ( suitable to all their Actions these three years last past ) they say , that for security of those who have been with Vs in the War , an Act of Oblivion is desired to be passed , whereby all Our Subjects would have been put in one and the same condition and under the same protection , with some Exceptions mentioned in the Propositions . We are not willing to mention those Exceptions , by which not only most of Our best Subjects ( who have been with Us in the War according to their Duties ) by express or general terms are excepted , but all the Estates of some of them , and a great part of the Estates of the rest of them , for that very cause , because they were with Us in the War , are to be forfeited . As for securing them by an Act of Oblivion , they have less cause to desire it than they who propose it , as being more secured by the Conscience of doing their Duties , and the protection of the known Common Law of the Land , if it might take place , than any protection under the two Houses or their Commissioners for the Militia : yet we were not unwilling , for the security of all Our Subjects , to have assented to an Act of Oblivion , being willing , as much as in Us lies , to have made up these Breaches , and buried the memory of these unhappy Divisions . It was urged by Our Commissioners , that according to the literal sense of the Propositions ( in the Powers given to the Commissioners for the Militia ) That Sheriffs and Justices of Peace , and other legal Ministers , could not raise the Posse Comitatus , or Forces to suppress Riots , without being liable to the interpretation of the Commissioners . To this they answer , That this is no part of the Militia to be exercised by the Commissioners , but in executing of Justice and legal Process ; nor can be intended to be any disturbance , but for the preservation of the Peace . We shall admit that to be their meaning ; but it being by the Propositions made Treason in any who shall levy any Forces without Authority or consent of the Commissioners , to the disturbance of the publick Peace , it is apparent that the Sheriffs or Justices of Peace , if they raise any Forces to suppress any tumultuous Assembly , ( which it is possible some of the Commissioners may countenance ) or for executing of other legal Acts , may not only be liable to the interpretation of being disturbers of the Publick Peace , but feel the punishment of it . And whereas they say , That the Power ( given by the Propositions to the Commissioners for the Militia of both Kingdoms as a joynt Committee ) for the hearing and determining Civil Actions and Differences cannot be extended further than preservation of the Articles of the Peace to be made : We conceive that a Court being thereby allowed to them for the hearing and determining of Civil matters for the preservation of the Articles of the Peace , they may in order thereunto ( upon pretence it is for the preservation of the Peace ) entertain and determine any Cause or Difference they please , especially their Power by the Propositions being , not only to preserve the Peace , but to prevent the violation of the Articles of the Peace ; and having the power of the Sword in their hands , and being not tied up to any certain Law , whereby to judge , ( for ought appears by their Answers to the Questions proposed by Our Commissioners ) and the Common Law not being the Rule in such case ( because part of them are to be of the Scotish Nation ) they may without controul exercise what Arbitrary Power they please . And whereas it is insisted upon in this Paper , That an Answer be given to the fifteenth Proposition , which is , That the Subjects be appointed to be Armed , Trained , and Disciplined in such manner as both Houses shall think fit ; which Our Commissioners thought fit to have deferred till after the Peace established , and then to be settled by Us and the two Houses : it is apparent , that Proposition concerned not ( that which was desired as the end of their Propositions ) the security for the observation of the Articles ; and We conceive there is already sufficient Provision made by the Law in such cases ; and if there were not , it were fit that that defect were supplied by Law , not to be left at large , as the two Houses should think fit , without expressing the manner of it , but to proceed by a Bill , wherein We might see before We consented to it , how Our Subjects should be charged , We being as much concerned and sensible of the burthen to be put upon Our Subjects as the two Houses can be , who , We are sure , since they took upon them the Authority of imposing upon their fellow-Subjects without Us , have laid the heaviest Impositions that ever were . And whereas they say , The scope of these their Propositions touching the Militia was to take away occasions of future Differences , to prevent the raising of Arms , and to settle a firm and durable Peace : If We look upon the whole frame of their Militia as they have proposed it to Us , We cannot but conclude those Propositions to be most destructive to those ends . For first , they have proposed it to Us ( as they have settled it already by their Ordinance ) That the whole Militia of Ireland , as well of Our English Subjects as Scotish , shall be Commanded by Lesley Earl of Leven , their Scotish General , and be managed by the joynt Advice of the Scotish and English Commissioners , and therein the Scotish as well as the English to have a Negative Voice , and so by consequence subjecting the whole Government of that Kingdom to the manage of Our Scotish Subjects . And ( having thus ordered the Militia of Ireland , where they will be sure to keep Forces on Foot ( for that is another part of the Propositions , That we shall assent to whatsoever Acts shall be proposed for Moneys for the VVar of Ireland ) which Forces shall be ready upon all occasions to serve them ) for the Militia and Navy of England , that is likewise to be ordered and Commanded by these Commissioners : and though We their Sovereign are denied to nominate any to be joynt-Commissioners , they are content to admit those of Scotland ( who , though Our Subjects , yet are strangers to their Government ) to a nomination of Scotish Commissioners to be joyned with them . These Scotish Commissioners in matters wherein both Kingdoms are joyntly concerned ( and they may easily call and make what they will to be of joynt concernment ) are to have a Negative Voice , so that the English can do nothing without them , not so much as to raise Force to suppress a Commotion or prevent an Invasion , if the Scotish Commissioners , though not a third part of the number of the English , say it is of joynt concernment ; and in matters solely concerning England , the Scotish Commissioners ( to a third part of the whole number of the Commissioners ) are to reside in England , and to Vote as single Persons . These Commissioners , as well Scotish as English , as they have the sole Power of the Forces by Sea and Land , so they must have a Court in a Civil way , to hear and determine whatsoever Civil action that shall tend to the preservation of the Peace , or whatsoever else is for the prevention of the violation of it ; within which general words , and in order thereunto , they may comprehend any cause or thing they please . And as these Commissioners , as well Scotish as English , are to name all Commanders and Officers in Our Forts and Ships ; so in the Intervals of Paliament , lest there should be too much dependance upon Us , they are to name all the great Officers and Judges of both Our Kingdoms of England and Ireland . To these so unreasonable Propositions , wherein the Parliament and Subjects of Scotland would have so great an Influence and Power over the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , if ( as reflecting meerly upon Our selves , and not entertaining such thoughts of Our Scotish Subjects as perhaps some may by the danger of such a Power ) We should have agreed , as hoping that the good Affections of Our Subjects in Scotland might in time have restored Us to that Power which the two Houses of England would take away ; yet when We consider , that We are in Conscience obliged to maintain the Rights of Our Crown so far as to be able to protect Our Subjects , and what jealousies and heart-burnings it might probably produce betwixt Our Subjects of the two Kingdoms , what reluctancy all Our Subjects here may have when they shall see Our Power so shaken , and they must have so much dependency upon their fellow Subjects both English and Scotch , We conceive it so far from being a Remedy to the present Distempers ( as they affirm in their Papers ) that as at present it would alter the whole frame and constitution of the Government of this Kingdom , both Civil and Military , so in the conclusion it would occasion the Ruin and Desolation of all Our Kingdoms . His MAJESTIES Answer to the two Papers concerning Ireland . IT hath been one of the chiefest designs of the Authors of the present Distractions , to insinuate unto Our People , that We were either privy to the Rebellion in Ireland , or assenting to the continuance of it ; and if it could not be personally fixed upon Our self , yet to perswade them into a belief that evil Counsellors , and others prevalent with Us , did encourage and assist it . By this means having a colour to raise Forces , and to levy Money for the supply of those Forces , they might so dispose of both , as under a pretence of suppressing the Rebels in Ireland , they might thereby also raise a War in England , for the effecting of their Ambitious and Covetous desires in both Kingdoms . And they so carried on this Design , that whereas out of Our earnest desire of the relief of Our poor Subjects in Ireland , and to shew the great sense We had of their Miseries , We had given way to several unusual Bills for raising of Forces , and likewise to the Bill for the 400000. l. for the Adventurers and others , for raising of Moneys , ( which Moneys by those Acts were to be pay'd to particular Persons , or otherwise out of the ordinary course , and not into Our Exchequer , as was usual in like cases , thence to be issued for publick use ) those Supplies were diverted and imployed to feed and nourish a Rebellion in England , rather than to suppress that in Ireland . Thus 100000. l. of the Adventurers Money was imployed for the Earl of Essex his Army when he first march'd against Us ; and that imployment of it , though contrary to the express words of the Act , which are , That no part of that Money shall be imployed to any other purpose than the reducing of those Rebels , was publickly justified by a Declaration made in the name of the House of Commons the sixth of September , not long before the Battel at Edge-hill : and at the same Battel , several Regiments of Horse and Foot raised for Ireland , under the Command of the Lord Wharton , Lord of Leny , Sir Faithful Fortescue and others , were imployed against Us at Edge-hill : the Moneys raised upon the Bill of 400000. l. and others have been wholly made use of against Us. And it was impossible , without thus working themselves ( under the specious pretence of suppressing the Rebellion of Ireland ) into the managery of that War , and misapplying the aids intended for Ireland , to have brought this Kingdom into the bleeding and desperate condition wherein it now languisheth . The Propositions concerning Ireland , as they are insisted upon by these Commissioners ( though in charity We shall hope not so intended by all of them ) are apparently in pursuance of that original design in begetting a suspicion of Our Integrity in that business of Ireland , and ingrossing the managing of that War and the Power of that Kingdom into their hands . They would have the Cessation ( which We have avowed to be assented to by Us , and advised as most necessary for the preservation of that Kingdom ) to tend to the utter Destruction of the Protestants there , and the continuance of the Cessation there , ( though but during the War here ) to be a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion ; and We Our selves are charged to be privy , and to give directions for the seising of some Provisions made and sent for the supply of the Protestants in Ireland . In the next place , concerning the War there , they demand that the prosecution of that War be settled in both Houses of Parliament , to be managed by the Advice of both Kingdoms of England and Scotland , ( that is , a Commmittee of both Kingdoms , those of each Kingdom to have a Negative Voice ) and all the Forces there to be under the Command of the Scotch General ; the Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges there to be nominated by both Houses ; and that We should consent to pass all Acts to be proposed by them for the raising of Moneys and other things necessary for the prosecution of that War. And notwithstanding all the zealous and pathetical Epressions in those Papers , desiring the continuance of that War , and the execution of Justice upon those Rebels ; it is not barely the prosecution of the War in zeal of Justice that is desired , that might be managed either by Us ( whom God and the Law have entrusted solely with that Power , and whose Predecessors have alone , and without the concurrence of their Parliaments , other than by competent assistance with Moneys , suppressed great Rebellions in that Kingdom ) or by fit Ministers to be appointed , upon just occasion to be removed by Us : they have not made any the least Proposition or desire to that purpose . But they insist upon such a prosecution of the War , wherein those who are in Arms against Us may have the sole managing of the War , and of Moneys to maintain that War , even while they are in Arms against Us. For the Cessation already made it is apparent it was the only visible means whereby the Kingdom was preserved , the poor Protestants there being in danger inevitably to have perished , either by Famine for want of Food , or by the Rebels for want of Ammunition , there being not above forty Barrels of Powder there , as appears by the Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland mentioned by Our Commissioners , and no supplies of Victuals or Money sent in six Months time before those Letters ( although Our Ships were then taken away from Us , and all the Forces at Sea belonging to this Kingdom were under their Command . ) Neither could the not making void or declaring against that Cessation have hindered a Peace upon this Treaty , if it had been intended really on their part , it being to expire in March , and so before the Treaty could probably have been perfected , and there being no further Peace or Cessation made in Ireland . And therefore Our Commissioners did earnestly desire them to make such Propositions as were fit to be consented to , for the growth of the Protestant Religion , and the good of that Kingdom . But instead of such Propositions , they still except against the Cessation , and though expiring within a Month , they insist upon their demands of an Act of Parliament to make that Cessation void : to which if We should have consented , as We must have rendered Our selves uncapable of being trusted at any time after , and odious abroad in breaking that Cessation , solemnly made by Our publick Ministers of State in Ireland , and after consented unto by Our selves ; so We must have implicitely confessed , contrary to the truth , that which they alledge against the Cessation , that it was destructive to the Protestants there , and a countenancing of that bloody Rebellion , and thereby having lost the Plea of Our Innocency , have also lost the hearts of Our People , and rendered Our selves guilty of those Infamous Slanders which have been charged upon Us concerning the Irish Rebellion , and which some were so willing to fix upon Us , that even during this Treaty , when Mac-guire was impeached by them for this Rebellion , for which he was by them after executed , ( though they well knew Confessions of Men in his condition , in hopes of Pardon or Reprieves , are not to be credited , ) he was strictly examined concerning Us ( as We are credibly informed ) whether or no We gave any Commission to the Rebels of Ireland , or any assistance to them ; and if he had not absolutely denied it to his last , with more sense of Conscience in that particular than they who examined him expected , it is likely whatsoever Untruths reflecting upon Us had been forced from him , had been ( as others were ) published to Our disgrace . And although they long questioned the credit and truth of those Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , notwithstanding one of them being directed to the Speaker of the House of Commons was received and communicated to the House , and Ours was but a Duplicate thereof , and Copies were delivered to them of both Letters , which two of their Commissioners compared with Our Originals , and saw the Names of all the Council-subscribers as well as the two Lords Justices , some of which Councellors were of principal estimation with themselves , and they might also have had Copies of their Names who subscribed , if they would have assured Our Commissioners , that such of them as should have come into their Quarters should not have been prejudiced by it ; yet the extremity of Our poor English Subjects inducing that Cessation being so notorious , and that attestation thereof undeniable , they fall at last to confess and avoid them : they say , That some who were of the Council when those Letters were written assure them , that those Letters were written only to press for Supplies , without any intention of inducing a Cessation , neither do the Letters contain any mention of a Cessation . It is true , those Letters do not , nor was it alledged they did mention any Cessation ; but they pressed for Supplies from hence , and laid open their Necessities to be such , that it was apparent to any Man ( as We had also private advices from some of the Council there , and of credit with those at Westminster ) that if Supplies failed , there was no way for the preservation of Our good Subjects there but by a Cessation . And these bleeding Wants of Our Army and good Subjects there so earnestly calling for Relief , and ( this Kingdom being then ingaged in the height of an unnatural War ) Our selves unable to supply them , and no timely supply nor hopes of it coming from the two Houses , what course less dishonourable for Us , or more for the good and safety of the poor English there , could be taken , than to admit of a Treaty for a Cessation , which was managed by Our publick Ministers of State there , and that Cessation assented unto as best for that Kingdom by the chief Officers of the Army and the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , before Our Approbation thereof ? They say , that those Necessities were made by a design of the Popish and Prelatical Party ( the Prelatical Party must come in upon all turns , though none suffered more by the Irish Rebellion , nor were less advantaged by the Cessation , than those poor Prelates ) and that at this very time when the Protestants were in such Extremity , Provisions sent thither by the Parliament for their Relief were disposed of and afforded to the Rebels . The Letters of the Lords Justices and Council tell Us , that no Provisions at all were sent by the Parliament ; and if they had not told it , yet this being barely affirmed , might as easily be denied , unless they had instanced in particular what Provisions were sent , and how , and when , and by whom , or to whom they were disposed . But they say , that at the same time the Officers of the Army and Garrisons , pressing for leave to march into the Enemies Countrey to live upon them , and save their own stores ; some could not obtain leave to go , and those who were drawn forth , had great quantities of Provisions out with them , yet were not permitted to go into the Enemies Countrey , but kept near Dublin till their Provisions were spent , and then commanded back again . They might remember , at that time ( wherein they suppose this miscarriage ) the chief manage of those Affairs was in the hands of such Ministers of State , whom they did and do still rely upon ; but sure those Ministers are not to be blamed , if they durst not suffer the Soldier to march far , or stay long in the Enemies Countrey , when there was but forty Barrels of Powder in all the Store , or if they called them back in such case when the Enemy approached . Let such as these , or what other pretences and excuses soever , be made for not relieving Ireland , We are sure the chief Impediment to it was their active promoting this Rebellion in England : And therefore , as they made use of the Supplies both of Men and Money , provided for that Kingdom , against Us at Edge-hill ; so from the time of that Battel ( some Supplies sent before ( which else perhaps had been also countermanded ) arriving in Ireland about the time , or shortly after that Battel ) they were so careful of recruiting and supplying their Armies here , that though they received much Moneys for Ireland , and had at their disposal great store of Our Ammunition , neither the one nor the other was ever after afforded to the English Army and Forces , or to the Protestants about Dublin , though the Cessation was not made till September following . As for those Protestants in Munster , Connaught , and Ulster , who , they say , opposed the Cessation , and did and do still subsist , they were most of them of Our Scotish Subjects ; the rest ( excepting some few wrought upon by private interest or particular solicitation ) were such , who being under their Power , were forced for their relief to concur with them against it . These , indeed , as they did not suffer under so great Wants as the English at the time of the Cessation , as is well known , though it seem to be denied , more special Provisions being made for them and for their Garrisons than for the English , ( as doth in great part appear even by the Articles of their Treaty of the sixth of August ; ) so they have since subsisted by Supplies sent from the two Houses , whereof none were suffered to partake but such as take their new Covenant , and doubly break the Bonds of their Obedience and Duty , both by taking that dangerous ensnaring Oath prohibited by God and their King , and opposing Our Ministers of State there , without whose Authority ( a Cessation being concluded ) during that Cessation they ought not to have continued a War in that Kingdom . We easily believe the Provisions they mention are or may be sent for supply of those Forces , as being a means to keep up a Party against Us there , and to have a Reserve of an Army ready upon any accidents of War to be drawn hither against Us ; and being also necessary for the satisfaction of Our Scotish Subjects ( whom they must please ) who would not be so forward in their Service without some good assurance ( such as is the having an Army of theirs kept on foot in Ireland at the charge of this Kingdom , and two of Our strongest Towns and Castles there delivered to them Cautionary Towns , as We may believe Berwick also is ( being denied the sight of that Treaty ) and by the Command of all the English Forces there by the General of the Scots ) that they shall be well pay'd the Arrears to the Armies in both Kingdoms before they quit their Interest in Ireland . If We shall allow Provisions thus imployed to be for the preservation of the English Protestants in Ireland , We may believe they have repay'd the 100000. l. taken up of the Adventurers Money ; and yet thus to re-satisfie this Money , admitting it be current satisfaction for the Debt , can be no satisfaction or excuse for the former Diversion . But since they cannot excuse themselves for this Diversion of the Adventurers Money , nor of the other Moneys raised for Ireland , nor of the imploying the Forces raised for that Kingdom under the Command of the Lord Wharton against Us at Edge-hill , which they deny not ; they fall to recriminate Us. They say , They have mentioned particulars of Provisions for Ireland , ( besides those few Cloaths taken near Coventry , which being formerly answered by Our Commissioners , they do not again urge ) asserted to be seised not without Our own knowledge and directions , as they were informed . This they had formerly alledged , and Our Commissioners had answered ( as We do now ) that they have instanced no particulars at all of any such Provisions seised . And whereas they say , that Our forbearance to seise some Provisions ( which Our Commissioners alledged in Our greatest Wants We forbore to take , though they lay in Magazines within Our own Quarters , but took order to send away into Ireland , ) was no excuse for seising others ; they misapply that to be an excuse , which was alledged as an evidence that We seised none , since We might in Our great Want have seised those , if We had been minded to have seised any . They say again , the Service of that Kingdom was much prejudiced by denying the Lord Wharton ' s Commission , of which they have not received satisfaction . To this it hath been already answered , that those Forces were raised for him before any Commission demanded from Us , and that the Commission for him proposed to Us was , to have been independent of the Lieutenant of that Kingdom ; Causes ( though not satisfactory to them yet ) sufficient in themselves to justifie Our refusal . But besides these , it is apparent the Army which was brought down against Us was then raising , that the Lord Wharton was one of the most active in it ; and We had cause to be confident ( nor did he fail Us therein ) that what Forces he should raise for Ireland he would imploy against Us in England : neither did that Service depend upon the Lord Wharton , other able Officers were appointed over those Forces , whom ( if they had as much affected that Service as the Person of the Lord Wharton ) they might have trusted with the Transport of them to Ireland , where others of more Experience and fitter for Conduct than the Lord Wharton might have taken the charge of them . They say further , That it was one end for which the Cessatian was made , that the Forces might be brought hither to Vs out of Ireland , and imployed against the two Houses . The bleeding Necessities of the poor English there ( which have been mentioned , and whereof they cannot but be convinced ) will best speak the cause of that Cessation ; and the sight of those Soldiers half starved when they came over , having neither Cloaths to their Backs , nor so much as Shoes to their Feet , nor any Pay to provide either , will witness the Necessity of bringing them over , when there was no subsistance for them in Ireland , nor use for them there during the Cessation . And for making use of them here , how can they quarrel at Our imploying Our own English Soldiers , who should otherwise have disbanded , when they make use of an Army of Scots against Us ? They have been told that they brought over out of Ireland the Earl of Leven , their General , and divers Scotish Officers , ( which they deny not ; ) and that before the English Forces brought over , they attempted the bringing once the Scotish Forces in Ireland , as likewise divers English Officers there , into this Kingdom : to which all the Answer given is , that the Scotish Forces which came over were not sent for . Which as it denies not what is objected , so neither can it excuse their not sending them back to the Service of Ireland , and imploying them here in an unnatural Rebellion against Us. But whatsoever their own acts or failings have been in this business of Ireland , and though apparently the Necessities which caused the Cessation were occasioned by the two Houses , yet rather than they shall be guilty of the blame and neglect therein , Our People must be made to believe that either there were no such Necessities , or when that is so apparent , then that those Necessities were designed and contrived by a Popish and Prelatical Party prevalent with Us , and the Supplies denied and stopped by Our self , and so that it is reasonable for them to press and insist ( as they do with much fervour in their last Paper concerning Ireland ) upon their Demands for the settling of the prosecution of the War in themselves or the Scots , excluding Us , and that there shall be no further Cessation or Peace made there , ( though the War should continue here ; ) to have the nomination of the Lieutenant and all the great Officers there ; and to have Us bound up to assent to whatsoever Acts they shall propose for Moneys or other necessaries for the prosecution of that War : and if We agree not to these Propositions , We are like to be charged with countenancing of that bloody Rebellion . And therefore , though the unreasonableness of those Propositions hath been fully lay'd open by Our Commissioners in their Paper , yet because this of theirs is framed in Answer to those , and the fervency and fluency of their expressions may make impressions on those who do not warily weigh the matter , We shall examine what new inforcements they bring to make good those Demands . The prosecution of the War there , though it be demanded ( generally ) in the 13. Proposition to be settled in both the Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms ; yet according to their seventeenth Proposition it is to be ordered according to the Ordinance of the 11. of April 1644. which is also proposed to be enacted . By that Ordinance the Scotish General Leven is to command all the Forces in Ireland , both English and Scotish , and that War is to be managed by a joynt Committee , to be named by the two Houses of England and the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland ; and the Committees of each Kingdom is to have a Negative Voice . They insisting to have the prosecution of the War thus settled , Our Commissioners answered ▪ That this was in effect to deliver the Kingdom of Ireland into the hands of Our Subjects of Scotland , and neither agreeable to the Rules of Honour or Prudence . That it was unreasonable , if the War continued here , that We by Our consent to Act of Parliament for the managing of that War , and raising Moneys for that purpose , should put so great Power into their hands , who during these Troubles may turn that Power against Us. And lastly , that if the Distractions continued here , the Forces and Wealth of this Kingdom would be so imployed at home , that the prosecution of that War to the subduing of the Rebels was impossible , but probably might be destruction of the remainder of Our good Subjects . For the Power given to Our Scotish Subjects in that Kingdom , Our Commissioners urged , That General Leven being to Command all the Forces in Ireland , and the Committee of Scotland having a Negative Voice , upon difference of Opinion that War must either stand still to the Ruine of Our Subjects there , or be carried as the Earl of Leven pleased , whose Power was not bounded by any reference to Us or Our Lieutenant of Ireland , no nor to the Houses of England . And though it had been answered , that in cases of disagreement betwixt the Committee , the two Houses might prosecute the War , observing the Treaty of the sixth of August , and the Ordinance of the 11 th of April ; yet by referring to that Ordinance , ( which is desired to be Enacted ) and by that Ordinance the Power being thereby put into the Earl of Leven and that Committee without mention of the two Houses , it was apparent the Earl of Leven would not be bound to observe the Directions of the Houses of England by themselves . But they Reply in this last Paper of theirs , That as the Ordinance of the 11th of April , 1644. so the Treaty of the 6th of August , 1642. is desired to be confirmed , by which the Commander of the Scotish Forces in Ireland was to be answerable to Vs , and the two Houses of the Parliament of England for his whole deportment . But this is apparently no Answer at all : for this Treaty of the 6 th of August binds not the Committee who are to manage that War , and relates to the Scotish General as General of the Scots only ; the other of April , 1644. being later in time , giving him Power also as Commander in chief over the English Forces in Ireland ; and according to this latter he is to receive his Orders from the Committee , without reference to Us or the two Houses , neither can the two Houses be hereby brought in to have Command over this Scotish General or Committee more than Our selves , whom they intend wholly to exclude . Yet We cannot but observe even upon these Articles of the Treaty of the sixth of August , how little cause there is to expect this Scotish General will manage that War for the good of this Kingdom , who being by those Articles to be answerable to Vs as well as to the two Houses ( for then though the same Design was on foot , yet their outward pretences were somewhat more modest than now they are ) did without directions from Us leave his Charge in Ireland , to bring an Army into England against Us. Well , they say at last , they had ( by the 13 th Proposition ) desired the prosecution of the War to be settled in the two Houses , and so taking all together , that the Earl of Leven cannot manage that War according to his own discretion : But VVe must remember them , the Proposition is not barely to settle the prosecution of the VVar in the two Houses , but to settle it in the two Houses to be managed by the joynt Advice of both Kingdoms , and that joynt Advice is by a joynt Committee , according to the Ordinance of the 11 th of April , in which Committee they confess those of Scotland have a Negative Voice , and by the last part of the 17 th Proposition , the War of Ireland is to be ordered according to that Ordinance . But they say , The Scotish Commander is to receive Orders from the Lieutenant of Ireland , if a Lord Lieutenant shall be chosen by the two Houses ( for a Lieutenant nominated by Us is not allowed by them to give Orders to the Scotish General . ) This indeed ( though not warranted by their Propositions , upon which nevertheless they insist ) yet being admitted in this latitude , might seem to give some Power to the two Houses over the Scotch General in the manage of the VVar , as giving the Lieutenant such a Power , and by consequence the two Houses , who have power over this Lieutenant . But they say not generally , that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant , but that he shall receive Instructions from the Lieutenant in such manner as they have set down in their Paper of the 20th of February ; that is , when it shall be necessary for the good of that Service that he and the Commander in chief of the Scotish Army joyn : but how shall it be for the Service that he joyn with him , when he shall command no Forces with which he may joyn , the Scotch General being by the Ordinance of the 11 th of April to command all the Forces whatsoever in Ireland ? But admit them to have joyned ; then the Scotch General is to receive Instructions from the Lieutenant , according to the Orders which shall be given by the Commissioners of both Kingdoms , so , and no otherwise . Still the case is the same : The Scotish General is not bound to obey any Orders but such as shall come mediately or immediately from the Committee of both Kingdoms . And ( whatsoever Evasions and Disguises are made to cover it from Our People's Eyes ) the Scotish Committee being an equal number , and having an equal share in the Counsels , and their General having the Command of all the Forces ; it is apparent , the whole Power over that Kingdom is in effect to be transferred to them . But should We admit that these Propositions did not give so great Power in Ireland to Our Subjects of Scotland , yet how should it be imagined that We should put the prosecution of this War in the two Houses in such manner as is insisted on by them , so long as they maintain a Rebellion against Us in this Kingdom ? It is not denied but by their Authority divers Forces raised , and the Moneys levied for Ireland , were imployed against Us in England ; and upon the same Pretences that they made use of those aids ( because ( as they alledge in their Declaration upon that Subject ) that the subsistence of Ireland depended upon their welfare here ) they may still make use of such Power as shall be given them for the manage of that VVar , and raising Moneys for that purpose , against Us in England . Neither if a Peace should be concluded here , could VVe assent that the prosecution of the VVar should be settled in the two Houses , excluding Our selves , as they intend it by those words , the King not to molest them therein . Queen Elizabeth managed the VVar in Ireland solely , when the two Houses were sitting , and excluded them . Though VVe insist not upon that Example , VVe should be wanting to the Trust VVe have received from God , and that care of Our Subjects which lies upon Us ( and of which VVe are to give Him an account ) to exclude Our self . They themselves know , great Bodies are not so fit to carry on the VVar as a few ; and therefore they have in a manner given up their Power in this unhappy VVar at home to their State-Committee , whose Resolutions are rather brought to them for Countenance and Execution , than for Debate and Deliberation . They tell us , The Parliament of England is a faithful Council to Vs , and that We have trusted them with the prosecution of that War , and they faithfully discharged their parts in it . VVe wish , though VVe are willing to be silent in it , that yet the Ruins and Desolations of this Kingdom would not speak to Posterity what Counsellors those are who have devested Us of Our Revenue , Arms , Ships , Power , and even the security of Our Person , who have Armed Our Subjects here , who have brought in the Scots into this Kingdom , to the tearing up the bowels of it , who have infamously libelled against Us and Our Consort , who have threatned to depose us , and impeached Her of Treason ; and who those are who have denied Peace to this miserable Kingdom , unless We would consent to their unreasonable destructive Propositions , overturning the whole frame of Government both in Church and State. They say , and it is true , We trusted them with the Prosecution of that War : and how faithfully they discharged it , VVe will not again repeat : but VVe never trusted them so as to exclude Our selves , as they now suppose ; and if VVe had relied more on the Judgments and Advice of Our Privy Council , and less on theirs , neither that nor this Kingdom had been in the condition they now are . It was their Interposition and Advice which hindered the transportation of the Army of Irish Natives out of that Kingdom into Spain ( even to Our dis-reputation abroad , who had agreed with the Spanish Ambassador to send them over , and he , in confidence of Our performance , had disbursed Money for their transport : ) and had they been transported ( their stay as it provoked them , so it emboldening and strengthening the other Irish ) VVe are confident the flames of that Rebellion would never have broken forth at all , or at most have been so small as might suddenly have been extinguished . It was their Advice that staid Our going over thither in Person , which probably might have stopped the rage of that VVar , and , by the Blessing of God , would have saved the Effusion of much Blood which was since shed in that Kingdom . It was their unseasonable Declarations at the beginning of the Rebellion ( before the old English and other Papists had engaged themselves with the Rebels of Vlster ) of making it a VVar of Religion , and against that connivence which had been used in that Kingdom ever since the Reformation , and tending to make it a National Quarrel , and to eradicate the whole stock of the Irish ( which they now pursue by giving no Quarter to those few of that Nation in England who never were in that Rebellion , but according to their Duty assist us their Sovereign ) which made the Rebellion so genera ; whereas otherwise the old English , as in former times ( though Papists ) would have joyned against those Rebels . VVhen VVe had offered in December 1641. that 10000. Voluntiers should be raised presently in England for the service of Ireland , if the House of Commons would declare they would pay them ; instead thereof , in January following Propositions were made for the transporting the Scots into Ireland , and VVe were advised by the two Houses , to give the Command and keeping of the Town and Castle of Carick fergus to the Scotish , who were to be transported thither , and pay'd by this Kingdom : to which VVe returned Answer , That we did not approve the same , as prejudicial to the Crown of England , and the Service intended , and implying too great trust for Auxiliary Forces ; yet afterwards ; because VVe perceived the insisting upon it would breed a great delay in the necessary supply of that Kingdom , VVe did admit of the Advice of the Parliament in that particular , ( and since , by the Articles of the sixth of August , 1642. ( which though said to be made by Commissioners authorized by Us and the Parliament of England , VVe never were made acquainted with them , till upon this Treaty almost three years after ) both the Towns and Castles of Carickfergus and Colrane are left with them as Cautionary . ) The consequence whereof was such , that though the Service of Ireland were little advanced , or the poor English Protestants relieved by it , and this Kingdom drained to pay those ( whose great Arrears growing upon that Agreement , must be paid out of Lands in Ireland , where they have so good footing already , or of Our good Subjects in England , according to their other Propositions ) by this means the Scotish having an Army there , under colour of supplying them , Our Arms and Ammunition were sent into Scotland for the supply of another Army to be brought into England ; and the countenance of that Army in Ireland , as it gave encouragement to some of Our Scotish Subjects , so it over-awed others , and was a means , without any the least provocation to those Our ungrateful Subjects , of bringing of another Army into this Kingdom , where they still remain , to the utter Ruine of many of Our good Subjects , and the probable Destruction of the whole Kingdom . And lastly , it was upon their Advice in February 1641. ( shortly after those Propositions tendred for transporting the Scots into Ireland ) that We agreed , that the Rebels Lands should be shared amongst the Adventurers , and the Rebels to have no Pardons ; though We then expresly declared , We did it meerly relying upon their Wisdom , without further examining , ( what We in Our particular Judgment were perswaded ) whether that course might not retard the reducing of that Kingdom , by exasperating the Rebels , and rendring them desperate of being received into grace if they should return to their Obedience . And it is most apparent that those Propositions , and the Act drawn upon them , wherein also a further Clause ( not observed by Us , but passed , as conceiving that Act had wholly pursued the Propositions ) was inserted , That every person who should make , enter into , to take any Compact , Bond , Covenant , Oath , Promise or Agreement , to introduce or bring into the said Realm of Ireland the Authority of the See of Rome in any case whatsoever , or to maintain or defend the same , should forfeit his Lands and Goods , ( as in case of Rebellion ) were great causes not only of provoking , but increasing and encouraging the Rebels ; who having no pretence before for the horrid Rebellion , had now some colour to make it a matter of Religion , and so to make their application to Foreign Princes , and to negotiate with them for delivering that Kingdom into their hands . We profess Our aversion from their Religion and hatred to their Rebellion : but though We think them worse Christians because they are Rebels , We think them not worse Rebels because they are Papists : A Protestant Rebel in the same degree of Rebellion hath far more to answer , as having more light , and it being more expresly against the Religion he professeth , whereof it hath heretofore been a Maxim ( though it be now taken for Apocryphal Doctrine ) Not to take up Arms against their Prince upon any pretence whatsoever . And as We have endeavoured by Our Personal Example and otherwise , so We shall still continue by all good means to propagate the Protestant Religion : but We are far from that Mahometan Doctrine , that We ought to propagate Our Religion by the Sword. And though We shall be most willing to hearken to the Advice of Our People assembled in a free Parliament ; yet We should be wanting to the Trust that God hath reposed in Us , and Our use of that Reason with which He hath endowed Us , if We should wholly give up that Kingdom to be managed solely by their Counsels , secluding Our selves from all Interest therein , especially when We consider that which Experience hath taught Us , if they have the sole Power of that War ( by which all the Soldiers and Commanders being to be nominated and pay'd , removed and advanced by them , the necessary application ( passing by Us ) must be made to such as are powerful with them ) how easie a matter it will be for a prevalent Faction ( if they shall have a mind to demand other things hereafter not fit to be granted ) again to bring over an Army raised and payed by them into this Kingdom , especially so much composed of Our Scotish Subjects . And whereas they desire further the nomination of the Lord Lieutenant and other great Officers and Judges in that Kingdom , ( which they also desire in this of England ) they cannot but know , that it must of necessity take away all dependency upon Us and application to Us , when the power to reward those who are worthy of publick Trust shall be transferred to others , and having neither force left Us to punish nor power to reward , We shall be in effect a titular contemptible Prince . We shall leave all Our Ministers to the known Laws of the Land , to be tried and punished according to those Laws if they shall offend ; but We cannot consent to put so great a Trust and Power out of Us : and VVe have just cause to conceive , that notwithstanding all their specious pretences , this desire of nomination of those great Officers is but a cloak to cover the Ambition of those who having been the Boutefeus of this Rebellion , desire to advance themselves and their own Faction . And to that which is said , that Our bad choice of Our Lieutenants of Ireland was the loss of many thousand Lives 〈◊〉 , and almost of the whole Kingdom from Our Obedience : they cannot but witness who know that Kingdom , that during the Government there by Lieutenants of Our Choice , that Kingdom enjoyed more Plenty and Peace than it ever had since it was under subjection to the Crown of England ; Traffick by Sea and Trade by Land encreased , values of Land improved , Shipping multip●ied beyond belief ; never was the Protestant Religion more advanced , nor the Protestant protected in greater security against the Papists . And VVe must remember them , that that Rebellion was begun when there was no Lieutenant there , and when the Power and Government which had been formerly used in that Kingdom was questioned and disgraced , when those in the Parliament there by whom that Rebellion was hatched were countenanced in their complaints and prosecution . But they are not content to demand all the Power over Ireland , and the nomination of all Officers , but We must also engage Our self to pass such Acts as shall be presented to Vs for raising of Moneys and other necessaries for that War. Our former readiness to pass Acts for Ireland , because they were advised by the two Houses , ( when they were apparently prejudicial to Our self , and contrary to Our own Judgment ) might sufficiently satisfie them We would make no difficulty to consent to such Acts as should be for the good of that Kingdom : but they have been already told it was unreasonable to make a general engagement , before We saw the Acts whether reasonable or no , and whether those other necessaries may not in truth comprehend what is not only unnecessary , but very inconvenient . But the People , they say , who have trusted them with their Purse , will never begrudg what they make them lay out upon that occasion . The two Houses indeed were entrusted that Our Subjects should not be charged without them , but they never were solely trusted by Our Subjects with a Power to charge them ; the care that no pressure in that or any other kind should be upon Our Subjects is principally in Us , without whose Consent ( notwithstanding the late contrary and unexampled practice ) no such Charge can or ought to be levied , and We ought not to give that Consent but where it is visibly for the good of Our Kingdoms ; which upon such an unbounded power of raising Moneys may fall out otherwise , especially in so unusual a case as this , where those who must have the sole manage of the VVar shall have the sole command of the Purse , without any check or controll upon them . But they say again , VVe have heretofore been possessed against the Parliament , for not giving away the Money of the Subject when VVe had desired it , but never yet did VVe restrain them from it . It is true , We had no great cause heretofore to restrain the two Houses from giving the Subjects Money to Us , having found more difficulty to obtain from them three or four Subsidies , than they have met with in raising so many Millions . But Our People cannot think themselves well dealt with by Us , if We shall consent to put an unlimited power of raising what Moneys they please in those Persons who have drained more wealth from them in four years , than We believe all the Supplies given to the Crown in 400. years before have amounted unto . In the last place , We wish every man to consider how the Rebels in Ireland can be reduced by War , whilst these unhappy Distractions continue here , whilst contrary Forces and Armies are raised in most parts of this Kingdom , and the blood of Our People is spilt like water upon the ground , whilst the Kingdom is wasted by Soldiers , and the People exhausted by maintaining them , and ( as if this Kingdom were not sufficient to destroy it self ) whilst an Army of Scots is brought into the bowels of this Kingdom , and maintained at the charge of it ; whilst this Kingdom labours under such a War , how is it possible that a considerable supply of men or money can be sent into Ireland ? To this with much fervour of expression they say , It must not depend upon the condition of Our other Kingdoms to revenge God's Quarrel upon such perfidious Enemies to the Gospel of Christ , who have embrewed their hands in so much Protestant Blood ; that the Cessation is for their Advantage , Arms and Ammunition , and all manner of Commodities may be brought to them ; that it is not fit there be any Agreement of Peace or respite from Hostility with such creatures as are not fit to live , more than with VVolves or Tigers , or any ravenous Beasts , destroyers of mankind . VVe are most sensible of the blood and horror of that Rebellion , and would be glad that either a Peace in this Kingdom or any other Expedient might furnish Us with means and power to do Justice upon it . If this cannot be , We must not desperately expose Our good Subjects to their Butchery without means or possibility of protection . God will in His due time revenge His Own Quarrel : in the mean time His Gospel gives Us leave in case of War to sit down , and cast up the cost , and estimate Our Power to go through with it ; and in such case where Prudence adviseth it is lawful to propose conditions of Peace , though the VVar otherwise might justly be pursued . And surely , as a Cessation in Ireland may be some advantage to the Rebels , as all Cessations in their nature are to both parts , they having thereby time and liberty to procure Arms and Ammunition to be brought to them : so it is not only for the advantage , but necessary preservation of Our good Subjects there , whose bleeding Dangers call for Our bowels of Charity and Compassion , by suspending the rage of the Adversary by this Cessation , till means may be found to turn their hearts , or to disable their Malice from pursuing their Cruelty , to the utter Ruin of that Remainder of Our good Subjects there ; it being more acceptable to God and Man to preserve a few good men from destruction , than to destroy a multitude , though in the way of Justice : and perhaps a Cessation may bring some of those Rebels to reflect upon their Offences , and to return to their Duty : all are not in the same degree of guilt , all were not Authors of nor consenting to the Cruelties committed ; some were inforced to comply with , or not resist their proceedings ; some were seduced upon a belief the Nation was designed to be eradicated , and the VVar not against the Rebellion only , but their Religion . The VVar destroys all alike without distinction , ( even innocent Children have suffered , not by the Rebels only ) and all are not Tigers or Wolves : there may be grounds of Mercy to some , though no severity be excessive towards others . However , We cannot desire the destruction even of the worst of those Irish Rebels , so much as We do the preservation of the poor English remaining there ; but should make choice rather to save the Rebels for preserving the lives of those poor Protestants , than destroy them to ruine the Rebels . And therefore exceeding strange it is to Us and We are sorry to find , that any English men ( who have seen this their Native Country heretofore ( even in Our time ) flourishing beyond most of the Kingdoms and Churches in the world , and now most hideous and deformed , weltring in the blood of her own Children , and , if this VVar continue , like to be a perpetual spectacle of Desolation , ) should express that they desire War in Ireland as much as they do Peace here , no more valuing the sparing of English blood here , than they do the effusion of the blood of the Rebels in Ireland . They say , indeed , they are willing to lay out their Estates and Lives both for the War in Ireland and Peace in this Kingdom ; but withal they say , they have made Propositions for both , if Our Commissioners would agree to them . These are the Conditions they offer , neither Peace is to be had here without agreeing to their Propositions , nor that VVar in Ireland to be managed but according to those Propositions , such Propositions as apparently tend to the ruine of the Church , to the subversion of all Our Power , to the setting up a new frame of popular Government , to the destructioo of Our Loyal and true-hearted Subjects ; Propositions which associate Our Subjects of Scotland in their Counsels and Power , and invest them in a great share of the Government and VVealth of this Kingdom , and render both the VVealth and Power of Ireland to be at their command . These Propositions they insist upon , and for the obtaining these , they are resolved to engage the Lives and Estates of Our poor People in this unnatural Rebellion . But VVe trust God Almighty will open the Eyes and the Hearts of Our People , not to assist them any longer against Us in the shedding innocent blood in this VVar. And VVe cast Our selves on Him , waiting His good time for the restoring the Peace of Our Kingdoms , and Our deliverance from these Troubles , which at length VVe are assured He will give unto Us. MESSAGES , PROPOSITIONS , AND TREATIES FOR PEACE : WITH DIVERS RESOLUTIONS AND DECLARATIONS THEREUPON . MDCXLV . VI. VII . VIII . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , December 5. 1645. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty being deeply sensible of the continuation of this bloody and unnatural War , cannot think himself discharged of the Duty He owes to God , or the Affection and regard He hath to the preservation of His People , without the constant application of His earnest Endeavours to find some Expedient for the speedy ending of these unhappy Distractions , if that may be ; doth therefore desire , That a Safe-Conduct may be forthwith sent for the Duke of Richmond , the Earl of Southampton , John Ashburnham and Jeffrey Palmer Esquires , and their Attendants , with Coaches , Horses , and other Accommodations for their Journey to Westminster , during their stay there , and return when they shall think fit ; whom His Majesty intends to send to the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , furnished with such Propositions as His Majesty is confident will be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace . Given at the Court at Oxford , the fifth of December , 1645. The Letter of the two Speakers . For Sir Thomas Glemham , Governour of Oxford . SIR , VVE have received your Letter of the 5 th of this instant December , with His Majesties inclosed , and have sent back your Trumpet by command of both Houses , who will with all convenient speed return an Answer to His Majesty , and rest , Your Loving Friends , Grey of VVark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . VVilliam Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses in pursuance of the former . From Oxford , Dec. 15. 1645. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot but extreamly wonder , that after so many expressions on your part of a deep and seeming sense of the Miseries of this afflicted Kingdom , and of the Dangers incident to His Person during the continuance of this unnatural War , your many great and so often repeated Protestations , that the raising these Arms hath been only for the necessary defence of God's true Religion , His Majesties Honour , Safety and Prosperity , the Peace , Comfort and Security of His People , you should delay a safe Conduct to the Persons mentioned in His Majesties Message of the fifth of this instant December , which are to be sent unto you with Propositions for a well-grounded Peace : a thing so far from having been at any time denied by His Majesty , whensoever you have desired the same , that He believes it hath been seldom ( if ever ) practised among the most avowed and professed Enemies , much less from Subjects to their King. But His Majesty is resolved that no Discouragements whatsoever shall make Him fail of His part in doing his uttermost endeavours to put an end to these Calamities , which , if not in time prevented , must prove the ruin of this unhappy Nation ; and therefore doth once again desire , that a safe Conduct may be forthwith sent for those Persons expressed in His former Message : and doth therefore conjure you , as you will answer to Almighty God in that Day when He shall make inquisition for all the Blood that hath and may yet be spilt in this unnatural War , as you tender the preservation and establishment of the true Religion , by all the Bonds of Duty and Allegiance to your King , or Compassion to your bleeding and unhappy Country , and of Charity to your selves , that you dispose your hearts to a true sense , and imploy all your faculties in a more serious Endeavour together with His Majesty , to set a speedy end to these wasting Divisions ; and then He shall not doubt but that God will yet again give the Blessing of Peace to this distracted Kingdom . Given at the Court at Oxford , the fifteenth of December , 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , with Propositions . From Oxford , Dec. 26. 1645. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the strange and unexpected Delays ( which can be precedented by no former times ) to His Majesties two former Messages , His Majesty will lay aside all Expostulations , as rather serving to lose time , than to contribute any remedy to the evils which ( for the present ) do afflict this distracted Kingdom : Therefore , without further Preamble , His Majesty thinks it most necessary to send these Propositions this way , which He intended to do by the Persons mentioned in His former Messages ; though He well knows the great disadvantage which Overtures of this kind have , by the want of being accompanied by well instructed Messengers . His Majesty conceiving that the former Treaties have hitherto proved ineffectual , chiefly for want of Power in those Persons that Treated , as likewise because those from whom their Power was derived ( not possibly having the particular informations of every several Debate ) could not give so clear a Judgment as was requisite to so important a business ; if therefore His Majesty may have the engagement of the two Houses at Westminster , the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , the Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , of the chief Commanders in Sir Fairfax's Army , as also of those in the Scots Army , for His Majesties free and safe coming to and abode in London or Westminster ( with such of His Servants now attending Him , and their Followers , not exceeding in all the number of 300. ) for the space of forty days , and after the said time for His free and safe repair to any of His Garrisons of Oxford , Worcester or Newark , ( which His Majesty shall nominate at any time before His going from London or Westminster ) His Majesty propounds to have a Personal Treaty with the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , upon all matters which may conduce to the restoring of Peace and Happiness to these miserably-distracted Kingdoms ; and to begin with the three Heads which were Treated on at Vxbridge . And for the better clearing of His Majesties earnest and sincere intentions of putting an end to these unnatural Distractions , ( knowing that point of security may prove the greatest obstacle to this most blessed Work ) His Majesty therefore declares , That he is willing to commit the great Trust of the Militia of this Kingdom , for such Time and with such Powers as are exprest in the Paper delivered by His Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the sixth of February last , to these Persons following , viz. the Lord Privy-Seal , the Duke of Richmond , the Marquess of Hartford , the Marquess of Dorchester , the Earl of Dorset Lord Chamberlain , the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Essex , Earl of Southampton , Earl of Pembroke , Earl of Salisbury , Earl of Manchester , Earl of Warwick , Earl of Denbigh , Earl of Chichester , Lord Say , Lord Seymour , Lord Lucas , Lord Lexington , Mr. Denzill Hollis , Mr. Pierrepont , Mr. Henry Bellassis , Mr. Richard Spencer , Sir Thomas Fairfax , Mr. John Ashburnham , Sir Gervase Clifton , Sir Henry Vane junior , Mr. Robert Wallop , Mr. Thomas Chichely , Mr. Oliver Cromwell , Mr. Philip Skippon ; supposing that these are Persons against whom there can be no just exception . But if this doth not satisfie , then His Majesty offers to name the one half , and leave the other to the election of the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , with the Powers and Limitations before mentioned . Thus His Majesty calls God and the World to witness of His sincere Intentions and real Endeavours for the composing and settling of these miserable Distractions , which He doubts not but , by the Blessing of God , will soon be put to a happy Conclusion , if this His Majesties offer be accepted ; otherwise He leaves all the World to judge who are the continuers of this unnatural War. And therefore He once more conjures you by all the bonds of Duty you owe to God and your King , to have so great a Compassion on the bleeding and miserable estate of your Country , that you joyn your most serious and hearty endeavours with His Majesty , to put a happy and speedy end to these present Miseries . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 26. of December , 1645. The Answer of both Houses to His MAJESTIES two former Messages of the 5. and 15. of Decemb. brought by Sir Peter Killegrew , Decemb. 27. May it please your Majesty , THE Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at Westminster have received Your Letters of the fifth and fifteenth of this instant December , and having , together with the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , taken the same into their serious consideration , do humbly return this Answer . They have in all their Actions manifested to Your Majesty and the World their sincere and earnest desires , that a safe and well-grounded Peace might be settled in Your three Kingdoms ; and for the obtaining so great a Blessing shall ever pray to God , and use their utmost endeavours ; and beseech Your Majesty to believe , that their not sending a more speedy Answer hath not proceeded from any intention to retard the means of putting an end to these present Calamities by a happy Peace , but hath been occasioned by the Considerations and Debates necessary in a business of so great importance , wherein both Kingdoms are so much concerned . As to Your Majesties desire of a safe Conduct for the coming hither of the Duke of Richmond , the Earl of Southampton , John Ashburnham and Jeffrey Palmer Esquires , with Propositions to be the foundation of a happy and well-grounded Peace ; they finding that former Treaties have been made use of for other Ends , under the pretence of Peace , and have proved dilatory and unsuccessful , cannot give way to a safe Conduct according to Your Majesties desire : But both Houses of the Parliament of England having now under their Consideration Propositions and Bills for the settling of a safe and well grounded Peace , which are speedily to be communicated to the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , do resolve , after mutual agreement of both Kingdoms , to present them with all speed to Your Majesty . Westminster the 25. Decemb. 1645. Grey of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . His MAJESTIES Gracious Answer to both Houses , sent by Sir Peter Killegrew , December 29. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. ALthough the Message sent by Sir Peter Killegrew may justly require an expostulatory Answer , yet His Majesty layes that aside , as not so proper for His present Endeavours ; leaving all the World to judge , whether His Proposition for a Personal Treaty , or the flat denial of a safe Conduct for Persons to begin a Treaty , be greater signs of a real Intention to Peace ; and shall now only insist upon His former Message of the 26. of this December , That upon His repair to VVestminster , He doubts not but so to joyn His Endeavours with His two Houses of Parliament , as to give just satisfaction , not only concerning the business of Ireland , but also for the settling of a way for the payment of the Publick Debts , as well to the Scots and the City of London as others . And as already He hath shewn a fair way for the settling of the Militia , so He shall carefully endeavour in all other particulars that none shall have cause to complain for want of Security , whereby just Jealousies may arise to hinder the continuance of the desired Peace . And certainly this Proposition of a Personal Treaty could never have entred into His Majesties Thoughts , if He had not resolv'd to make apparent to all the World , that the Publick good and peace of this Kingdom is far dearer to Him than the respect of any particular Interest . Wherefore none can oppose this Motion , without a manifest demonstration that he particularly envies His Majesty should be the chief Author in so blessed a Work , besides the declaring himself a direct opposer of the happy Peace of these Nations . To conclude , whosoever will not be ashamed that his fair and specious Protestations should be brought to a true and publick Test , and those who have a real sense , and do truely commiserate the Miseries of their bleeding Countrey , let them speedily and chearfully embrace His Majesties Proposition for His Persosonal Treaty at VVestminster , which , by the blessing of God , will undoubtedly to these now distracted Kingdoms restore the Happiness of a long-wish'd-for and lasting Peace . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 29. day of December , 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , Jan. 15. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. BUT that these are times wherein nothing is strange , it were a thing much to be marvelled at , what should cause this unparallel'd long detention of His Majesties Trumpet , sent with His Gracious Message of the 26. of December last ; Peace being the only subject of it , and His Majesties Personal Treaty the means proposed for it . And it were almost as great a wonder , that His Majesty should be so long from inquiring after it , if that the hourly expectation thereof had not in some measure satisfied His Impatience . But lest His Majesty by His long silence should condemn Himself of Carelesness in that which so much concerns the good of all His People , He thinks it high time to inquire after His said Trumpeter : For since all men who pretend any goodness must desire Peace , and that all men know Treaties to be the best and most Christian way to procure it , and there being as little question that His Majesties Personal Presence in it is the likeliest way to bring it to a happy Issue ; He judges there must be some strange variety of accidents which causeth this most tedious Delay . Wherefore His Majesty earnestly desires to have a speedy Account of His former Message , the subject whereof is Peace , and the means His Personal Presence at Westminster , where , the Government of the Church being setled as it was in the times of the happy and glorious Reigns of Queen Elizabeth and King James , and full Liberty for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in that Service established by Law , and likewise for the free and publick use of the Directory ( prescribed , and by Command of the two Houses of Parliament now practised in some parts of the City of London ) to such as shall desire to use the same , and all Forces being agreed to be Disbanded , His Majesty will then forthwith ( as He hath in His Message of the 29. of December last already offered ) joyn with His two Houses of Parliament in setling some way for the payment of the publick Debts to His Scots Subjects , the City of London and others . And His Majesty having proposed a fair way for the setling of the Militia , which now by this long Delay seems not to be thought sufficient Security ; His Majesty ( to shew how really He will imploy Himself at His coming to Westminster for making this a lasting Peace , and taking away all Jealousies , how groundless soever ) will endeavour , upon debate with His two Houses , so to dispose of it ( as likewise of the business of Ireland ) as may give to them and both Kingdoms just satisfaction ; not doubting also but to give good contentment to His two Houses of Parliament in the choice of the Lord Admiral , the Officers of State and others , if His two Houses , by their ready inclinations to Peace , shall give him encouragement thereunto . Thus His Majesty having taken occasion by His just impatience so to explain His Intentions that no man can doubt of a happy issue to this succeeding Treaty ; if now there shall be so much as a Delay of the same , He calls God and the World to witness who they are that not only hinder , but reject this Kingdoms future Happiness : it being so much the stranger , that His Majesties coming to Westminster ( which was first the greatest pretence for taking up Arms ) should be so much as delayed , much less not accepted , or refused . But His Majesty hopes that God will no longer suffer the Malice of Wicked men to hinder the Peace of this too much afflicted Kingdom . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 15. of January , 1645. The Answer of both Houses to His MAJESTIES two former Messages of the 26. and 29. of Dec. May it please your Majesty ; WE your humble and loyal Subjects of both Kingdoms have received your Letters of the 26. and 29. of December last , unto which we humbly return this Answer : That there hath been no Delay on our parts , but what was necessary in a business of so great a consequence , as is exprest in our former Letter to Your Majesty . Concerning the Personal Treaty desired by your Majesty , There having been so much innocent blood of Your good Subjects shed in this War by Your Majesties Commands and Commissions , Irish Rebels brought over into both Kingdoms , and endeavours to bring over more into both of them , as also Forces from Foreign parts ; Your Majesty being in Arms in these parts , and the Prince in the head of an Army in the West , divers Towns made Garrisons and kept in Hostility by Your Majesty against the Parliament of England ; there being also Forces in Scotland against that Parliament and Kingdom , by Your Majesties Commission ; the War in Ireland fomented and prolonged by Your Majesty , whereby the three Kingdoms are brought near to utter Ruine and Destruction : we conceive , that until satisfaction and security be first given to both Your Kingdoms , Your Majesties coming hither cannot be convenient , nor by us assented unto ; neither can we apprehend it a means conducing to Peace , that Your Majesty should come to Your Parliament for a few days , with any thoughts of leaving it , especially with intentions of returning to Hostility against it . And we do observe , That Your Majesty desires the Ingagement not only of Your Parliaments , but of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen , Common-Councel and Militia of the City of London , the chief Commanders of Sir Thomas Fairfax's Army and those of the Scots Army , which is against the Priviledges and Honour of the Parliaments , those being joyned with them who are subject and subordinate to their Authority . That which Your Majesty ( against the Freedom of the Parliaments ) inforces in both Your Letters with many earnest expressions , as if in no other way than that propounded by Your Majesty the Peace of Your Kingdoms could be established , Your Majesty may please to remember , that in our last Letter we did declare that Propositions from both Kingdoms were speedily to be sent to Your Majesty , which we conceive to be the only way for the attaining a happy and well-grounded Peace , and Your Majesties Assent unto those Propositions will be an effectual means for giving satisfaction and security to Your Kingdoms , will assure a firm Union between the two Kingdoms , ( as much desired by each for other as for themselves ) and settle Religion , and secure the Peace of the Kingdom of Scotland , whereof neither is so much as mentioned in Your Majesties Letter . And in proceeding according to these just and necessary grounds for the putting an end to the bleeding Calamities of these Nations , Your Majesty may have the glory to be a Principal Instrument in so happy a Work , and we ( however mis-interpreted ) shall approve our selves to God and the World to be real and sincere in seeking a safe and well-grounded Peace . Westminster , 13. Jan. 1645. Grey of Wark , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . VVilliam Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . Signed in the Name and by warrant of the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . Balmerino . His MAJESTIES Reply to the Answer of both Houses from Oxford , Jan. 17. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHALLES R. HIS Majesty thinks not fit now to answer those Aspersions which are returned as Arguments for his not admittance to VVestminster for a Personal Treaty , because it would inforce a Style not suitable to his End , it being the Peace of these miserable Kingdoms : yet thus much he cannot but say to those who have sent him this Answer , That if they had considered what they had done themselves in occasioning the shedding of so much innocent Blood , by withdrawing themselves from their Duty to him in a time when he had granted so much to his Subjects , and in violating the known Laws of the Kingdom to draw an exorbitant Power to themselves over their fellow-Subjects , ( to say no more , to do as they have done ) they could not have given such a false Character of his Majesties Actions . Wherefore his Majesty must now remember them , that having some hours before his receiving of their last Paper of the 13. of Jan. sent another Message to them of the fifteenth , wherein by divers particulars He inlargeth himself to shew the reality of his endeavours for Peace by his desired Personal Treaty ( which he still conceives to be the likeliest way to attain to that blessed End ) he thinks fit by this Message to call for an Answer to that , and indeed to all the former : For certainly no rational man can think their last Paper can be any Answer to his former Demands , the scope of it being , that because there is a War , therefore there should be no Treaty for Peace . And is it possible to expect that the Propositions mentioned should be the grounds of a lasting Peace , when the Persons that send them will not endure to hear their own King speak ? But whatever the success hath been of his Majesties former Messages , or how small soever his hopes are of a better , considering the high strain of those who deal with his Majesty , yet he will neither want Fatherly bowels to his Subjects in general , nor will he forget that God hath appointed him for their King with whom he Treats . Wherefore he now demands a speedy Answer to his last and former Messages . Given at Our Court at Oxon , this 17. of Jan. 1645. His MAJESTIES further Reply to the said Answer of both Houses , Jan. 24. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE procuring Peace to these Kingdoms by Treaty is so much desired by his Majesty , that no unjust Aspersions whatsoever , or any other Discouragements , shall make him desist from doing his endeavour therein , untill he shall see it altogether impossible : and therefore hath thought fitting so far , only to make Reply to that Paper or Answer which he hath received of the 13. of this instant Jan. as may take away those Objections which are made against his Majesties coming to VVestminster , expecting still an Answer to his Messages of the 15. and 17. which he hopes by this time have begotten better thoughts and resolutions in the Members of both Houses . And first therefore , Whereas in the said last Paper it is objected as an impediment to his Majesties Personal Treaty , that much innocent Blood hath been shed in this War by his Majesties Commissions , &c. He will not now dispute ( it being apparent to all the World by whom this Blood hath been spilt ) but rather presseth that there should be no more : and to that end only he hath desired this Personal Treaty , as judging it the most immediate means to abolish so many horrid Confusions in all his Kingdoms . And it is no Argument , to say , That there shall be no such Personal Treaty , because there have been Wars , it being a strong inducement to have such a Treaty to put an end to the War. Secondly , That there should be no such Personal Treaty , because some of his Irish Subjects have repaired to his Assistance in it , seems an Argument altogether as strange as the other ; as always urging that there should be no Physick , because the party is sick . And in this particular it hath been often observed unto them , that those whom they call Irish , who have so expressed their Loyalty to their Soveraign , were indeed ( for the most part ) such English Protestants as had been formerly sent into Ireland by the two Houses , impossibilitated to stay there any longer by the neglect of those that sent them thither , who should there have better provided for them . And for any Forein Forces , it is too apparent that their Armies have swarmed with them , when his Majesty hath had few or none . And whereas , for a third impediment , it is alledged that the Prince is in the head of an Army in the West , and that there are divers Garrisons still kept in his Majesties Obedience , and that there are Forces in Scotland ; it must be as much confessed , as that as yet there is no Peace : and therefore it is desired that by such a Personal Treaty all these impediments may be removed . And it is not here amiss to put them in mind , how long since his Majesty did press a disbanding of all Forces on both sides ; the refusing whereof hath been the cause of this Objection . And whereas exception is taken , that there is a time limited in the Proposition for his Majesties Personal Treaty , thereupon inferring that he should again return to Hostility ; his Majesty protesteth that he seeks this Treaty to avoid future Hostility , and to procure a lasting Peace : and if he can meet with like inclinations to Peace in those he desires to Treat with , he will bring such affections and resolutions in himself as shall end all these unhappy bloody Differences . As for those Ingagements which his Majesty hath desired for his Security , whosoever shall call to mind the particular occasions that enforced his Majesty to leave his City of London and VVestminster , will judge his Demand very reasonable and necessary for his Safety . But he no way conceiveth how the Lord Maior , Aldermen , Common-Council and Militia of London , were either subject or subordinate to that Authority which is alledged , as knowing neither Law nor practice for it : and if the two Armies be , he believes it is more than can be parallel'd by any former times in this Kingdom . Nor can his Majesty understand how his Majesties seeking of a Personal Security can be any breach of Priviledge ; it being likely to be infringed by hindring his Majesty from coming freely to his two Houses . As for the Objection , that his Majesty omitted to mention the settling Religion and securing the Peace of his Native Kingdom , his Majesty declares , that he conceives that it was included in his former , and hath been particularly mentioned in his latter Message of the 15. present . But , for their better satisfaction , he again expresseth , that it was and ever shall be both his meaning and endeavour in this Treaty desired . And it seems to him very clear , that there is no way for a final ending of such Distractions as afflict this Kingdom , but either by Treaty or Conquest : the latter of which his Majesty hopes none will have the impudence or impiety to wish for ; and for the former , if his Personal assistance in it be not the most likely way , let any reasonable man judge , when by that means not only all unnecessary Delays will be removed , but even the greatest Difficulties made easy . And therefore he doth now again earnestly insist upon that Proposition , expecting to have a better Answer upon mature consideration . And can it be imagined that any Propositions will be so effectual being formed before a Personal Treaty , as such as are framed and propounded upon a full debate on both sides ? Wherefore his Majesty , who is most concerned in the good of his People , and is most desirous to restore Peace and Happiness to his three Kingdoms , doth again instantly desire an Answer to his said former Messages , to which he hath hitherto received none . Given at Our Court at Oxon , the 24. of Jan. 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , Jan. 29. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having received Information from the Lord Lieutenant and Council in Ireland , that the Earl of Glamorgan hath , without his or their Directions or privity , entred into a Treaty with some Commissioners on the Roman-Catholick Party there , and also drawn up and agreed unto certain Articles with the said Commissioners , highly derogatory to his Majesties Honour and Royal Dignity , and most prejudicial unto the Protestant Religion and Church there in Ireland ; whereupon the said Earl of Glamorgan is arrested upon suspicion of High Treason , and imprisoned by the said Lord Lieutenant and Council , at the instance and by the Impeachment of the Lord Digby , who ( by reason of his Place , and former Imployment in these Affairs ) doth best know how contrary that Proceeding of the said Earl hath been to His Majesties Intentions and Directions , and what great prejudice it might bring to His Affairs , if those Proceedings of the Earl of Glamorgan should be any ways understood to have been done by the directions , liking , or approbation of his Majesty : His Majesty having in his former Messages for a Personal Treaty offered to give contentment to his two Houses in the Business of Ireland , hath now thought fitting , the better to shew his clear Intentions , and to give satisfaction to his said Houses of Parliament , and the rest of his Subjects in all his Kingdoms , to send this Declaration to his said Houses , containing the whole truth of the business . Which is , That the Earl of Glamorgan having made offer unto him to raise Forces in the Kingdom of Ireland , and to conduct them into England for his Majesties Service , had a Commission to that purpose , and to that purpose only . That he had no Commission at all to Treat of any thing else without the privity and directions of the Lord Lieutenant , much less to capitulate any thing concerning Religion , or any Propriety belonging either to Church or Laity . That it clearly appears by the Lord Lieutenant's Proceedings with the said Earl , that he had no notice at all of what the said Earl had Treated and pretended to have capitulated with the Irish , until by accident it came to his knowledge . And his Majesty doth protest , that until such time as he had advertisement that the Person of the said Earl of Glamorgan was arrested and restrained , as is above-said , He never heard nor had any kind of notice that the said Earl had entred into any kind of Treaty or Capitulation with those Irish Commissioners ; much less that he had concluded or signed those Articles , so destructive both to Church and State , and so repugnant to his Majesties publick Professions and known Resolutions . And for the further vindication of his Majesties Honour and Integrity herein , He doth declare , That He is so far from considering any thing contained in those Papers or Writings framed by the said Earl and those Commissioners with whom he Treated , as he doth absolutely disavow him therein , and hath given Commandment to the Lord Lieutenant and the Council there to proceed against the said Earl , as one who , either out of falseness , presumption , or folly , hath so hazarded the blemishing of his Majesties Reputation with his good Subjects , and so impertinently framed those Articles of his own head , without the Consent , Privity , or Directions of his Majesty , or the Lord Lieutenant , or any of his Majesties Council there . But true it is , that for the necessary preservation of his Majesties Protestant Subjects in Ireland , whose Case was daily represented unto him to be so desperate , his Majesty had given Commission to the Lord Lieutenant to Treat and conclude such a Peace there as might be for the safety of that Crown , the preservation of the Protestant Religion , and no way derogatory to his own Honour and publick Professions . But to the end that his Majesties real Intentions in this business of Ireland may be the more clearly understood , and to give more ample satisfaction to both Houses of Parliament and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , especially concerning his Majesties not being engaged in any Peace or Agreement there , he doth desire , if the two Houses shall admit of his Majesties repair to London for a Personal Treaty , ( as was formerly proposed ) that speedy notice be given thereof to his Majesty , and a Pass or safe Conduct , with a Blank , sent for a Messenger to be immediately dispatched into Ireland , to prevent any accident that may happen to hinder his Majesties Resolution of leaving and managing of the business of Ireland wholly to the two Houses , and to make no Peace there but with their Consent ; which , in case it shall please God to bless His endeavours in the Treaty with success , His Majesty doth hereby engage himself to do . And for a further explanation of his Majesties Intentions in his former Messages , he doth now Declare , That if his Personal repair to London , as aforesaid , shall be admitted , and a Peace thereon shall ensue , he will then leave the Nomination of the Persons to be entrusted with the Militia wholly to his two Houses , with such Power and Limitations as are expressed in the Paper delivered by his Majesties Commissioners at Vxbridge the 6. of Febr. 1644. for the term of seven years , as hath been desired , to begin immediately after the Conclusion of the Peace , the disbanding of all Forces on both sides , and the dismantling of the Garrisons erected since these present Troubles ; so as at the expiration of the time before mentioned the Power of the Militia shall entirely revert and remain as before . And for their further security , his Majesty ( the Peace succeeding ) will be content , that pro hac vice the two Houses shall nominate the Admiral , Officers of State and Judges , to hold their places during Life , or quamdiu se bene gesserint , which shall be best liked , to be accomptable to none but the King and the two Houses of Parliament . As for matter of Religion , his Majesty doth further Declare , That by the Liberty offered in his Message of the 15. present , for the ease of their Consciences who will not communicate in the Service already established by Act of Parliament in this Kingdom , he intends that all other Protestants , behaving themselves peaceably in and towards the Civil Government , shall have the free exercise of their Religion according to their own way . And for the total removing of all Fears and Jealousies , His Majesty is willing to agree , That upon the Conclusion of Peace there shall be a general act of Oblivion and Free Pardon past by Act of Parliament in both his Kingdoms respectively . And lest it should be imagined , that in the making these Propositions , his Majesties Kingdom of Scotland and his Subjects there have been forgotten or neglected , his Majesty Declares , That what is here mentioned touching the Militia , and the naming of Officers of State and Judges , shall likewise extend to his Kingdom of Scotland . And now his Majesty having so fully and clearly expressed his Intentions and Desires of making a happy and well-grounded Peace , if any person shall decline that Happiness by opposing so apparent a way of attaining it , he will sufficiently demonstrate to all the World , his intention and design can be no other then the total subversion and change of the ancient and happy Government of this Kingdom , under which the English Nation hath so long flourished . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 29. of January , 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , Feb. 26. 1641. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty needs to make no excuse though he sent no more Messages unto you , for he very well knows he ought not to do it , if he either stood upon punctilioes of Honour , or his own private Interest ; the one being already call'd in question by his often sending , and the other assuredly prejudic'd if a Peace be concluded from that He hath already offer'd , He having therein departed with many of his undoubted Rights . But nothing being equally dear unto Him to the preservation of His People , His Majesty passeth by many scruples , neglects and delays , and once more desires you to give Him a speedy Answer to His last Message : For His Majesty believes it doth very well become Him ( after this very long Delay ) at last to utter His Impatience , since that the Goods and Blood of His Subjects cries so much for Peace . Given at the Court at Oxford , the 26 th of Febr. 1645. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Oxford , March 23. 1645-46 . For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . CHARLES R. NOtwithstanding the unexpected silence instead of Answer to His Majesties many and gracious Messages to both Houses , whereby it may appear that they desire to attain their ends by Force rather than Treaty , which may justly discourage His Majesty from any more Overtures of that kind ; yet His Majesty conceives He shall be much wanting to His Duty to God , and in what He oweth to the Safety of His People , if He should not intend to prevent the great inconveniences that may otherwise hinder a safe and well-grounded Peace . His Majesty therefore now proposeth , That , so He may have the Faith of both Houses of Parliament for the preservation of His Honour , Person and Estate , and that liberty be given to all those who do and have adhered to His Majesty to go to their own Houses , and there to live peaceably , enjoying their Estates , all Sequestrations being taken off , without being compelled to take any Oath not enjoyned by the undoubted Laws of the Kingdom , or being put to any other molestation whatsoever ; He will immediately disband all His Forces , and dismantle all His Garrisons , and being accompanied with His Royal , not His Martial , Attendance , return to His two Houses of Parliament , and there reside with them . And for the better security of all His Majesties Subjects , He proposeth , That He with His said two Houses , immediately upon His coming to Westminster , will pass an Act of Oblivion and Free Pardon ; and where His Majesty will further do whatsoever they will advise Him for the good and Peace of this Kingdom . And as for the Kingdom of Scotland , his Majesty hath made no mention of it here , in regard of the great loss of time which must now be spent in expecting an Answer from thence ; but declares , That immediately upon his coming to Westminster , he will apply himself to give them all satisfaction touching that Kingdom . If his Majesty could possibly doubt the success of this Offer , he could use many Arguments to perswade them to it ; but shall only insist on that great One , of giving an instant Peace to these afflicted Kingdoms . Given at Our Court at Oxford , the 23 d of March , 1645. His MAJESTIES Letter to the Marquess of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , from Oxford , April 13. 1646. CHARLES R. RIght Trusty and entirely Beloved Cousin and Counsellour , We greet you well . Having used all possible and Honourable means , by sending many gracious Messages to the two Houses of Parliament , wherein We have offered them all they have heretofore desired , and desire from them nothing but what they themselves ( since these unhappy Wars ) have offered , to procure Our Personal Treaty with them for a safe and well-grounded Peace ; and having , instead of a dutiful and peaceable return to Our said Messages , received either no Answer at all , or such as argues nothing will satisfie them but the Ruin , not onely of Us , Our Posterity and Friends , but even of Monarchy it self ; and having lately received very good Security , that We , and all that do or shall adhere to Us , shall be safe in Our Persons , Honours and Consciences , in the Scotish Army , and that they shall really and effectually joyn with Us , and with such as will come in unto Us , and joyn with them for Our Preservation , and shall imploy their Armies and Forces to assist Us to the procuring of an happy and well-grounded Peace , for the good of Us and Our Kingdoms , in the recovery of Our just Right : We have resolved to put Our selves to the hazard of passing into the Scots Army now lying before Newark ; and if it shall please God that We come safe thither , VVe are resolved to use Our best endeavour , with their Assistance , and with the conjunction of the Forces under the Marquess of Montrosse , and such of Our well-affected Subjects of England as shall rise for Us , to procure , if it may be , an honourable and speedy Peace with those who have hitherto refused to give ear to any means tending thereunto . Of which Our Resolution We held it necessary to give you this Advertisement , as well to satisfie you , and Our Council and Loyal Subjects with you ( to whom We will that you communicate these Our Letters ) that failing in Our earnest and sincere endeavours by Treaty to put an end to the Miseries of these Kingdoms , We esteemed Our self obliged to leave no probable Expedient unattempted to preserve Our Crown and Friends from the Usurpation and Tyranny of those whose Actions declare so manifestly their Designs to overthrow the Laws and happy astablished Government of this Kingdom . And now we have made known to you Our Resolution , We recommend to your special care the disposing and managing of Our Affairs on that side , as you shall conceive most for Our Honour and Service ; being confident the course VVe have taken ( though with some hazard to Our Person ) will have a good influence on that Our Kingdom , and defer , if not altogether prevent , the Rebels transporting of Forces from them into that Kingdom . And VVe desire you to satisfie all Our well-affected Subjects on that side , of Our Princely Care of them , whereof they shall receive the effect as soon as God shall enable Us. VVe desire you to use some means to let Us and Our Council at Oxon hear frequently from you , and of your Actions and Condition there . And so God prosper your Loyal Endeavours . Given at Our Court at Oxon , the 13 th of April , 1646. By His Majesties Command , Edward Nicholas . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Southwell , May 18. 1646. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty having understood from both his Houses of Parliament , that it was not safe for him to come to London ( whither he had purposed to repair , if so he might , by their Advice to do whatsoever may be best for the good and Peace of these Kingdoms ) until he shall first give his Consent to such Propositions as were to be presented to him from them ; and being certainly informed that the Armies were marching so fast up to Oxford , as made that no fit place for Treating ; did resolve to withdraw himself hither , only to secure his own Person , and with no intention to continue this VVar any longer , or to make any Division between his two Kingdoms , but to give such contentment to both , as , by the blessing of God , he might see a happy and well-grounded Peace , thereby to bring Prosperity to these Kingdoms answerable to the best times of his Progenitors . And since the settling of Religion ought to be the chiefest care of all Councils , his Majesty most earnestly and heartily recommends to his two Houses of Parliament all the ways and means possible for speedy finishing this pious and necessary VVork ; and particularly , that they take the Advice of the Divines of both Kingdoms assembled at VVestminster . Likewise concerning the Militia of England , for securing his People against all pretensions of Danger , his Majesty is pleased to have it settled as was offered at the Treaty at Vxbridge , all the Persons being to be named for the Trust by the two Houses of the Parliament of England , for the space of seven years ; and after the expiring of that term , that it be regulated as shall be agreed upon by his Majesty and his two Houses of Parliament . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland . Concerning the VVars in Ireland , his Majesty will do whatsoever is possible for him to give full satisfaction therein . And if these be not satisfactory , his Majesty then desires , that all such of the Propositions as are already agreed upon by both Kingdoms may be speedily sent unto him ; his Majesty being resolved to comply with his Parliament in every thing that shall be for the happiness of his Subjects , and for the removing of all unhappy Differences which have produced so many sad effects . His Majesty having made these Offers , he will neither question the thankful acceptation of them , nor doth he doubt but that his two Kingdoms will be careful to maintain him in his Honour and in his just and lawful Rights , which is the only way to make a happy Composure of these unnatural Divisions : and likewise will think upon a solid way of conserving the Peace between the two Kingdoms for time to come ; and will take a speedy course for easing and quieting his afflicted People , by satisfying the Publick Debts , by disbanding of all Armies , and whatsoever shall be judged conducible to that end : that so , all hinderances being removed , he may return to his Parliament with mutual Comfort . Southwell , May 18. 1646. POST-SCIPT . His Majesty being desirous to shun the further effusion of Blood , and to evidence his real Intentions to Peace , is willing that his Forces in and about Oxford be disbanded , and the Fortifications of the City dismantled , they receiving honourable Conditions . VVhich being granted to the Town and Forces there , his Majesty will give the like order to the rest of the Garrisons . His MAJESTIES Letter to the City of London , from Newcastle , May 19. 1646. For Our right Trusty and well-beloved , the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Common-Council of Our City of London . CHARLES R. RIght Trusty and VVell-beloved , VVe greet you well . Having expressed Our Resolution to the two Houses of Our Parliament of England and the Committee of Estates of Our Parliament of Scotland , to give all just satisfaction to the joynt desires of both Kingdoms , VVe have now likewise thought fit to assure the two chief Cities of both Our Kingdoms , That nothing is more grievous to Us than the Trouble and Distractions of Our People , and that nothing on Earth is more desired by Us than that in Religion and Peace , with all the comfortable Fruits of both , they may henceforth live under Us in all Godliness and Honesty . And this Profession VVe make for no other end , but that you may know immediately from Our Selves , Our Integrity , and full resolution to comply with Our Parliaments in every thing for settling Truth and Peace , and Our desire to have all things speedily concluded which shall be found requisite for that end , that Our Return to that Our Ancient City may be to the Satisfaction of Our Parliament , the good liking of you and all Our good People , and to Our own greater joy and comfort . VVe bid you heartily farewell . From Newcastle , the 19 th of May , 1646. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. For the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty looking with grief of heart upon the sad sufferings of his People in his three Kingdoms for some years past , and being afflicted with their Distresses and unquiet condition , through the Distractions about Religion , the keeping of Forces on Foot in the Field and Garrisons , the not satisfying of Publick Debts , and the fears of the further effusion of Blood by the continuance of an unnatural VVar in any of these Kingdoms , or by rending and dividing these Kingdoms so happily united ; and having sent a gracious Message unto both Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , expressing the necessary Causes of his coming from Oxford unto the Scotish Army , ( without any intention to make a division , where he is in Freedom and right capacity to settle a true Peace ) and containing such Offers as he conceived would have been accepted , with a general Clause of complying with their desires ; and being impatient of Delays , and not acquainted with the particulars which may give contentment to them : his Majesty doth earnestly desire , That the Propositions of Peace so often promised , and so much expected , may be speedily sent unto him , That upon consideration of them , he may apply himself to give such satisfaction as may be the foundation of a firm Peace . And for the better and more speedy attaining thereunto , his Majesty doth further propound , That he may come to London with Safety , Freedom and Honour , where he resolves to comply with his Houses of Parliament in every thing which may be most for the good of his Subjects , and perfect what remains for settling both Kingdoms and People in a happy Condition ; being likewise most confident , that they , according to their re-iterated Declarations and solemn Protestations , will be zealous in the maintenance of his Honour , and just and lawful Rights . And his Majesty desires the Houses of Parliament , to disburthen the Kingdom of all Forces and Garrisons in their power , except such as before these unhappy times have been maintained for the necessary defence and safety of this Kingdom : So he is willing forthwith to disband all his Forces and Garrisons within the same , as the inclosed Order herewith sent will evidence . And if upon these Offers his Majesty shall have such satisfaction , as he may be confident a firm Peace shall ensue thereon , his Majesty will then give Order for his Son the Prince his present return . Newcastle , the 10th of June , 1646. His MAJESTIES Letter to the Governours of His Garrisons , from Newcastle , June 10. 1646. To Our Trusty and VVell-beloved , Sir Thomas Glenham , Sir Thomas Tildesley , Colonel H. Washington , Col. Thomas Blagge , Governours of Our Cities and Towns of Oxford , Litchfield , Worcester , and Wallingford ; and all other Commanders of any Towns , Castles and Forts in Our Kingdom of England . CHARLES R. HAving resolved to comply with the desires of Our Parliament in every thing which may be for the good of Our Subjects , and leave no means unassayed for removing all Differences amongst us ; therefore We have thought fit , the more to evidence the reality of Our Intentions of settling a happy and firm Peace , to require you upon honourable Terms to quit those Towns , Castles and Forts , intrusted to you by Us , and to disband all the Forces under your several Commands . Newcastle , the tenth of June , 1646. His MAJESTIES Letter to the Marquess of Ormond , Lord Lieutenant of Ireland , from Newcastle , June 11. 1646. CHARLES R. RIght Trusty and entirely Beloved Cousin and Counsellor , We greet you well . Having long with much grief looked upon the sad Condition Our Kingdom of Ireland hath been in these divers years through the wicked and desperate Rebellion there , and the bloody effects have ensued thereupon , for the setling whereof We would have wholly applied Our selves , if the Difference between Us and Our Subjects here had not diverted and withdrawn Us ; and not having been able by Force ( for that respect ) to reduce them ; We were necessitated for the present safety of Our Protestant Subjects there , to give you Power and Authority to Treat with them upon such pious , honourable and safe grounds , as the good of that Our Kingdom did then require : But for many Reasons , too long for a Letter , We think fit to require you to proceed no further in Treaty with the Rebels , nor to engage Us upon any Conditions with them after sight hereof . And having formerly found such real proofs of your ready Obedience to Our Commands , We doubt not of your care in this , wherein Our Service and the good of Our Protestant Subjects in Ireland is so much concerned . From Newcastle , June 11. 1646. The Propositions of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for a safe and well-grounded Peace ; Sent to His Majesty at Newcastle , by the Right Honourable the Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , the Earl of Suffolk , Members of the House of Peers , and Sir VValter Earle , Sir John Hippesly , Knights , Robert Goodwyn , Luke Robinson , Esquires , Members of the House of Commons . Die Sabbathi , 11. Julii , 1646. The Propositions of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , for a safe and well-grounded Peace . May it please your Majesty , WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland , do humbly present unto Your Majesty the humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well-grounded Peace agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively ; unto which we do pray Your Majesties Assent : and that they and all such Bills as shall be tendred to Your Majesty in pursuance of them , or any of them , may be Established and Enacted for Statutes and Acts of Parliament by Your Majesties Royal Assent in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively . I. WHereas both Houses of the Parliament of England have been necessitated to undertake a War in their just and lawful defence , and afterwards both Kingdoms of England and Scotland joyned in solemn League and Covenant were engaged to prosecute the same ; That by Act of Parliament in each Kingdom respectively , all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations heretofore had , or hereafter to be had , against both or either of the Houses of the Parliament of England , the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , and the late Convention of Estates in Scotland , or Committees flowing from the Parliament or Convention in Scotland , or their Ordinances and Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing or executing any Office , Place or Charge , by any Authority derived from them , and all Judgments , Indictments , Outlawries , Attainders and Inquisitions in any the said Causes , and all Grants thereupon made or had , or to be made or had , be declared null , suppressed and forbidden . And that this be publickly intimated in all Parish-Churches within His Majesties Dominions and all other places needful . II. That His Majesty , according to the laudable Example of His Royal Father of happy memory , may be pleased to swear and sign the late solemn League and Covenant ; and that an Act of Parliament be passed in both Kingdoms respectively , for enjoyning the taking thereof by all the Subjects of the Three Kingdoms ; and the Ordinances concerning the manner of taking the same in both Kingdoms be confirmed by Acts of Parliament respectively , with such Penalties as by mutual advice of both Kingdoms shall be agreed upon . III. That a Bill be passed for the utter abolishing and taking away of all Archbishops , Bishops , their Chancellors and Commissaries , Deans and Sub-deans , Deans and Chapters , Archdeacons , Canons and Prebendaries , and all Chaunters , Chancellors , Treasurers , Subtreasurers , Succentors and Sacrists , and all Vicars Choral and Choristers , old Vicars and new Vicars , of any Cathedral or Collegiate Church , and all other their under Officers , out of the Church of England and Dominion of Wales , and out of the Church of Ireland ; with such Alterations concerning the Estates of Prelates as shall agree with the Articles of the late Treaty of the Date at Edenburg , 29. November 1643. and joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms . IV. That the Ordinances concerning the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines be confirmed by Act of Parliament . V. That Reformation of Religion , according to the Covenant , be settled by Act of Parliament , in such manner as both Houses have agreed , or shall agree upon after Consultation had with the Assembly of Divines . VI. Forasmuch as both Kingdoms are mutually obliged by the same Covenant to endeavour the nearest Conjunction and Uniformity in matters of Religion , that such Unity and Uniformity in Religion according to the Covenant , as , after Consultation had with the Divines of both Kingdoms now assembled , is , or shall be joyntly agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament of England , and by the Church and Kingdom of Scotland , be confirmed by Acts of Parliament of both Kingdoms respectively . VII . That for the more effectual disabling Jesuits , Priests , Papists and Popish Recusants from disturbing the State and deluding the Laws , and for the better discovering and speedy conviction of Recusants , an Oath be established by Act of Parliament to be administred to them , wherein they shall abjure and renounce the Popes Supremacy , the Doctrine of Transubstantiation , Purgatory , Worshipping of the Consecrated Host , Crucifixes and Images , and all other Popish Superstitions and Errors ; and refusing the said Oath , being tendred in such manner as shall be appointed by the said Act , to be a sufficient Conviction of Recusancy . VIII . An Act of Parliament for Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . IX . An Act for the true levy of the Penalties against them , which Penalties to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , wherein to be provided that His Majesty shall have no loss . X. That an Act be passed in Parliament , whereby the practices of Papists against the State may be prevented , and the Laws against them duely executed , and a stricter course taken to prevent the saying or hearing of Mass in the Court , or any other part of this Kingdom . XI . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the four last preceding Propositions , in such manner as the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . XII . That the King do give His Royal Assent to an Act for the due Observation of the Lords Day . And to the Bill for the suppression of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God , &c. And for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom . And to the Bill against the enjoying of Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and Non-Residency . And to an Act to be framed and agreed upon by both Houses of Parliament for the reforming and regulating of both Universities , of the Colledges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton . And to such Act or Acts for raising of Moneys for the payment and satisfying of the Publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom , and other Publick uses , as shall hereafter be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament ; and that if the King do not give His Assent thereunto , then it being done by both Houses of Parliament , the same shall be as valid to all Intents and Purposes as if the Royal Assent had been given thereunto . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland . And that His Majesty give assurance of His consenting in the Parliament of Scotland to an Act acknowledging and ratifying the Acts of the Convention of Estates of Scotland , called by the Council and Conservers of the Peace and the Commissioners of the Common Burthens , and assembled the Two and Twentieth day of June , 1643. and several times continued since , and of the Parliament of the Kingdom since convened . XIII . That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England assembled , shall , during the space of twenty years , from the first of July , 1646. Arm , Train , and Discipline , or cause to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , already raised both for Sea and Land-service ; and shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , raise , levy , arm , train and discipline , or cause to be raised , levied , armed , trained , and disciplined , any other Forces for Land and Sea-service in the Kingdoms , Dominions and Places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint ; and that neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , nor any other , but such as shall Act by the Authority or Approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall , during the said space of twenty years , exercise any of the Powers aforesaid . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland , if the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . That Moneys be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort , and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service , so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , be imployed , managed , ordered and disposed by the said Lords and Commons , in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And the said Lords and Commons during the said space of twenty years shall have power . 1. To suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 2. To suppress any Foreign Forces who shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 3. To conjoyn such Forces of the Kingdom of England with the Forces of the Kingdom of Scotland , as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of Twenty years , judge fit and necessary ; to resist all Forreign Invasions , and to suppress any Forces raised or to be raised against or within either of the said Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the said Kingdoms , or any of them , by any Authority under the Great Seal , or other Warrant whatsoever , without Consent of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England , and the Parliament , or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively : and that no Forces of either Kingdom shall go into or continue in the other Kingdom without the Advice and Desire of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England , and the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , or such as shall be by them appointed for that purpose . And that after the expiration of the said Twenty years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , Power , Deputation , or Authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall raise , arm , train , discipline , imploy , order , manage , disband or dispose any of the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of VVales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , nor exercise any of the said Powers or Authorities in the precedent Articles mentioned and expressed to be during the said space of Twenty years in the said Lords and Commons , nor do any Act or thing concerning the execution of the said Powers or Authorities , or any of them , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained . That after the expiration of the said Twenty years , in all Cases wherein the Lords and Commons shall declare the Safety of the Kingdom to be concerned , and shall thereupon pass any Bill or Bills for the raising , arming , training , disciplining , imploying , managing , ordering or disposing of the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any part of the said Forces , or concerning the Admiralty and Navy , or concerning the levying of Moneys for the raising , maintenance , or use of the said Forces for Land-service , or of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , or of any part of them ; and if that the Royal Assent to such Bill or Bills shall not be given in the House of Peers within such time after the passing thereof by both Houses of Parliament as the said Houses shall judge fit and convenient , that then such Bill or Bills so passed by the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , and to which the Royal Assent shall not be given , as is herein before expressed , shall nevertheless , after declaration of the said Lords and Commons made in that behalf , have the force and strength of an Act or Acts of Parliament , and shall be as valid to all intents and purposes as if the Royal Assent had been given thereunto . Provided that nothing herein before contained shall extend to the taking away of the ordinary Legal power of Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Maiors , Bailifs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs , or other Officers of Justice not being military Officers , concerning the Administration of Justice ; so as neither the said Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , Maiors , Bailiffs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs and other Officers , nor any of them , do levy , conduct , imploy or command any Forces whatsoever , by colour or pretence of any Commission of Array , or extraordinary command from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons . And if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in warlike manner , or otherwise , to the Number of Thirty persons , and shall not forthwith disband themselves , being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose , then such person and persons not so disbanding themselves shall be guilty and incur the pains of High Treason , being first declared guilty of such Offence by the said Lords and Commons ; any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding . And he or they that shall offend herein , to be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , and their Estates shall be disposed as the said Lords and Commons shall think fit , and not otherwise . Provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties and Franchises , Customs and Usages in the raising and imploying the Forces of that City for the defence thereof , in as full and ample manner to all intents and purposes as they have or might have used or enjoyed the same at any time before the making of the said Act or Proposition ; to the end that City may be fully assured , it is not the intention of the Parliament to take from them any Priviledges or Immunities in raising or disposing of their Forces , which they have or might have used or injoyed heretofore . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , if the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . XIV . That by Act of Parliament all Peers made since the day that Edward Lord Littleton , then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , deserted the Parliament , and that the said Great Seal was surreptitiously conveyed away from the Parliament , being the One and Twentieth day of May , 1642. and who shall be hereafter made , shall not sit or Vote in the Parliament of England without Consent of both Houses of Parliament : and that all Honour and Title conferred on any without Consent of both Houses of Parliament since the Twentieth of May , 1642. being the day that both Houses declared , That the King seduced by evil Counsel intended to raise War against the Parliament , be declared null and void . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , those being excepted whose Patents were passed the Great Seal before the fourth of June , 1644. XV. That an Act be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively , for Confirmation of the Treaties passed betwixt the Two Kingdoms , ( viz. ) the large Treaty , the late Treaty for the coming of the Scots Army into England , and the settling of the Garrison of Barwick , of the 29 th of November , 1643. and the Treaty concerning Ireland , of the 6. of August , 1642. for the bringing of Ten Thousand Scots into the Province of Vlster in Ireland , with all other Ordinances and Proceedings passed betwixt the Two Kingdoms , and whereunto they are obliged by the aforesaid Treaties . And that Algernon Earl of Northumberland , John Earl of Rutland , Philip Earl of Pembroke and Montgomery , Robert Earl of Essex , Theophilus Earl of Lincoln , James Earl of Suffolk , Robert Earl of Warwick , Edward Earl of Manchester , Henry Earl of Stamford , Francis Lord Dacres , Philip Lord Wharton , Francis Lord Willoughby , Dudly Lord North , John Lord Hunsdon , William Lord Gray , Edward Lord Howard of Escrich , Thomas Lord Bruce , Ferdinando Lord Fairfax , Master Nathaniel Fiennes , Sir William Armyne , Sir Philip Stapleton , Sir Henry Vane senior , Master William Pierrepont , Sir Edward Aiscough , Sir VVilliam Strickland , Sir Arthur Hesilrig , Sir John Fenwick , Sir VVilliam Brereton , Sir Thomas VViddrington , Master John Toll , Master Gilbert Millington , Sir VVilliam Constable , Sir John VVray , Sir Henry Vane junior , Master Henry Darley , Oliver Saint-John Esquire , His Majesties Solicitor General , Master Denzill Hollis , Master Alexander Rigby , Master Cornelius Holland , Master Samuel Vassal , Master Peregrine Pelham , John Glyn Esquire , Recorder of London , Master Henry Marten , Master Alderman Hoyle , Master John Blakeston , Master Serjeant VVilde , Master Richard Barwis , Sir Anthony Irby , Master Ashurst , Master Bellingham , and Master Tolson , Members of both Houses of the Parliament of England , shall be the Commissioners for the Kingdom of England , for Conservation of the Peace between the Two Kingdoms , to act according to the Powers in that behalf exprest in the Articles of the large Treaty , and not otherwise . That His Majesty give His Assent to what the Two Kingdoms shall agree upon in prosecution of the Articles of the large Treaty , which are not yet finished . XVI . That an Act be passed in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively for establishing the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , bearing date the 30 th day of January , 1643. in England , and 1644. in Scotland , with the Qualifications ensuing . 1. Qualification . That the persons who shall expect no pardon be only these following : Rupert and Maurice , Count Palatines of the Rhene , James Earl of Derby , John Earl of Bristol , VVilliam Earl of Newcastle , Francis Lord Cottington , George Lord Digby , Matthew Wren Bishop of Ely , Sir Robert Heath Knight , Doctor Bramhall Bishop of Derry , Sir William Widdrington , Colonel George Goring , Henry Jermin Esquire , Sir Ralph Hopton , Sir John Biron , Sir Francis Doddington , Sir John Strangwayes , Master Endymion Porter , Sir George Radcliffe , Sir Marmaduke Langdale , Henry Vaughan Esquire , now called Sir Henry Vaughan , Sir Francis Windebanke , Sir Richard Greenvile , Master Edward Hyde , now called Sir Edward Hyde , Sir John Marley , Sir Nicholas Cole , Sir Thomas Riddell junior , Sir John Culpepper , Master Richard Lloyd , now called Sir Richard Lloyd , Master David Jenkins , Sir George Strode , George Carteret Esquire , now called Sir George Carteret , Sir Charles Dallison Knight , Richard Lane Esquire , now called Sir Richard Lane Sir Edward Nicholas , John Ashburnham Esquire , Sir Edward Herbert Knight , His Majesties Attorney General , Earl of Traquaire , Lord Harris , Lord Rae , George Gourdon , sometime Marquess of Huntley , James Graham , sometime Earl of Montross , Robert Maxwell , late Earl of Nithisdale , Robert Dalyell , sometime Earl of Carnwarth , James Gordon , sometime Viscount of Aboyne , Lodowick Linsey , sometime Earl of Crawford , James Ogleby , sometime Earl of Airley , James Ogleby , sometime Lord Ogleby , Patrick Ruthen , sometime Earl of Forth , James King , sometime Lord Itham , Alester Macdonald , Irwing younger of Drunim , Gordon younger of Gight , Lesley of Auchentoule , Colonel John Cockram , Graham of Gorthie , Master John Maxwell , sometime pretended Bishop of Rosse , and all such others as being Processed by the Estates for Treason , shall be condemned before the Act of Oblivion be passed . 2. Qualification . All Papists and Popish Recusants , who have been , now are , or shall be actually in Arms , or voluntarily assisting against the Parliaments or Estates of either Kingdom ; and by name , The Marquess of VVinton , Earl of VVorcester , Edward Lord Herbert of Ragland , Son to the Earl of VVorcester , Lord Brudenell , Carel Molineaux Esquire , Lord Arundel of VVardour , Sir Francis Howard , Sir John VVinter , Sir Charles Smith , Sir John Preston , Sir Bazill Brook , Lord Audley , Earl of Castlehaven in the Kingdom of Ireland , VVilliam Sheldon of Beely Esquire , Sir Henry Beddingfield . 3. Qualification . All persons who have had any hand in the plotting , designing or assisting the Rebellion of Ireland , except such persons who having only assisted the said Rebellion , have rendred themselves , or come in to the Parliament of England . 4. Qualification . That Humfrey Bennet Esquire , Sir Edward Ford , Sir John Penruddock , Sir George Vaughan , Sir John Weld , Sir Robert Leè , Sir John Pate , John Ackland , Edmund Windham Esquire , Sir John Fitz-herbert , Sir Edward Laurence , Sir Ralph Dutton , Henry Lingen Esquire , Sir William Russell of Worcestershire , Thomas Lee of Adlington Esquire , Sir John Girlington , Sir Paul Neale , Sir William Thorold , Sir Edward Hussey , Sir Thomas Liddal sen . Sir Philip Musgrave , Sir John Digby of Nottinghamshire , Sir Henry Fletcher , Sir Richard Minshull , Laurence Halstead , John Denham Esquire , Sir Edmond Fortescue , Peter Sainthill Esquire , Sir Thomas Tildesley , Sir Henry Griffith , Michael Wharton Esq ; Sir Henry Spiller , Mr. George Benyon , now called Sir George Benyon , Sir Edward Walgrave , Sir Edward Bishop , Sir Robert Owseley , Sir John Many , Lord Chomley , Sir Thomas Aston , Sir Lewis Dives , Sir Peter Osbourne , Samuel Thornton Esq ; Sir John Lucas , John Blaney Esque Sir Thomas Chedle , Sir Nicholas Kemish , Hugh Lloyd Esquire , Sir Nicholas Crispe , Sir Peter Ricaut , and all such of the Scotish Nation as have concurred in the Votes at Oxford against the Kingdom of Scotland and their proceedings , or have sworn or subscribed the Declaration against the Convention and Covenant , and all such as have assisted the Rebellion in the North , or the Invasion in the South of the said Kingdom of Scotland , or the late Invasion made there by the Irish and their Adherents , be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and be restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court ; and that they may not , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Estates in the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , bear any Office , or have any Imployment concerning the State or Common-wealth : and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon from his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of the Parliament of England , or the Estates of the Parliament in Scotland , respectively , shall think fit : and that one full third part upon full value of the Estates of the persons aforesaid , made incapable of Imployment as aforesaid , be imployed for the payment of the Publick Debts and Damages , according to the Declaration . 1. Branch . That the late Members , or any who pretended themselves late Members of either House of Parliament , who have not only deserted the Parliament , but have also sate in the unlawful Assembly at Oxford , called or pretended by some to be a Parliament , and voted both Kingdoms Traitors , and have not voluntarily rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and be restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court ; and that they may not , without Advice and Consent of both Kingdoms , bear any Office , or have any imployment concerning the State or Commonwealth : and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon by his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of Parliament in England , or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively , shall think fit . 2. Branch . That the late Members , or any who pretended themselves Members of either House of Parliament , who have sate in the unlawful Assembly at Oxford , called or pretended by some to be a Parliament , and have not voluntarily rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court , and that they may not , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament , bear any Office , or have any Imployment concerning the State of Common wealth ; and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon from his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of the Parliament of England shall think fit . 3. Branch . That the late Members , or any who pretended themselves Members of either House of Parliament , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and have not rendred themselves before the last of October 1644. be removed from his Majesties Counsels , and be restrained from coming within the Verge of the Court ; and that they may not , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament , bear any Office , or have any Imployment concerning the State or Commonwealth : and in case any of them shall offend therein , to be guilty of high Treason , and incapable of any Pardon from his Majesty , and their Estates to be disposed as both Houses of Parliament in England shall think fit . 5. Qualification . That all Judges and Officers towards the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be incapable of any place of Judicature or Office towards the Law , Common or Civil : and that all Serjeants , Counsellours and Attorneys , Doctors , Advocates and Proctors of the Law , Common or Civil , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , be incapable of any practice in the Law , Common or Civil , either in publick or private , and shall not be capable of any Preferment or Imployment in the Commonwealth , without the Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament : and that no Bishop or Clergy-man , no Master or Fellow of any Colledge or Hall in either of the Universities or elsewhere , or any Master of School or Hospital , or any Ecclesiastical person , who hath deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , shall hold or enjoy , or be capable of any Preferment or Imployment in Church or Commonwealth , but all their said several Preferments , Places and Promotions , shall be utterly void , as if they were naturally dead ; nor shall they otherwise use their Function of the Ministry , without Advice and Consent of both Houses of Parliament : Provided that no Lapse shall incur by such Vacancy , until six months past after notice thereof . 6. Qualification . That all persons who have been actually in Arms against the Parliament , or have counselled or voluntarily assisted the Enemies thereof , are disabled to be Sheriffs , Justices of the Peace , Majors , or other head-Officers of any City or Corporation , Commissioners of Oyer and Terminer , or to sit or serve as Members or Assistants in either of the Houses of Parliament , or to have any Military imployment in this Kingdom , without the Consent of both Houses of Parliament . 7. Qualification . The persons of all others to be free of all personal Censure , notwithstanding any act or thing done in or concerning this War , they taking the Covenant . 8. Qualification . The Estates of those persons excepted in the first three precedent Qualifications , and the Estates of Edward Lord Littleton , and of William Laud late Archbishop of Canterbury , to pay publick Debts and Damages . 9. Qualification . 1. Branch . That two full parts in three , to be divided of all the Estates of the Members of either House of Parliament who have not only deserted the Parliament , but have also Voted both Kingdoms Traitors , and have not rendred themselves before the first of December 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 2. Branch . That two full parts in three , to be divided of the Estates of such late Members of either House of Parliament as sate in the unlawful Assembly at Oxford , and shall not have rendred themselves before the first of December 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 3. Branch . That one full moiety of the Estates of such Persons , late Members of either of the Houses of Parliament , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and shall not have rendred themselves before the first of Decemb. 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 10. Qualification . That a full third part on the value of the Estates of all Judges and Officers towards the Law , Common or Civil , and of all Serjeants , Councellors and Attorneys , Doctors , Advocates and Proctors of the Law , Common or Civil , and of all Bishops , Clergy-men , Masters and Fellows of any Colledge or Hall in either of the Universities , or elsewhere ; and of all Masters of Schools or Hospitals , and of Ecclesiastical Persons , who have deserted the Parliament , and adhered to the Enemies thereof , and have not rendred themselves before the first of December 1645. shall be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . That a full sixth part on the full value of the Estates of the Persons excepted in the sixth Qualification , concerning such as have been actually in Arms against the Parliament , or have counselled or voluntarily assisted the Enemies thereof , and are disabled according to the said Qualification , to be taken and employed for the payment of the publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom . 11. Qualification . That the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of England , who in Lands or Goods be not worth two hundred pounds Sterling , and the Persons and Estates of all common Souldiers and others of the Kingdom of Scotland , who in Lands or Goods be not worth one hundred pounds Sterling , be at liberty and discharged , 1. Branch . This Proposition to stand as to the English ; and as to the Scots likewise , if the Parliament of Scotland or their Commissioners shall so think fit . 2. Branch . That the first of May last is now the day limited for the persons to come in that are comprised within the former Qualification . That an Act be passed , whereby the Debts of the Kingdom and the Persons of Delinquents and the value of their Estates may be known : and which Act shall appoint in what manner the Confiscations and Proportions before mentioned may be levied and applied to the discharge of the said Engagements . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , if the Estates of Parliament , or such as shall have power from them , shall think fit . XVII . That an Act of Parliament be passed , to declare and make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties and Conclusions of Peace , or any Articles thereupon with the Rebels , without Consent of both Houses of Parliament ; and to settle the Prosecution of the War of Ireland in both Houses of the Parliament of England , to be managed by them ; and the King to assist , and to do no Act to discountenance or molest them therein . That Reformation of Religion according to the Covenant be setled in the Kingdom of Ireland by Act of Parliament , in such manner as both Houses of the Parliament of England have agreed , or shall agree upon after Consultation had with the Assembly of Divines here . That the Deputy or chief Governour , or other Governours of Ireland , and the Presidents of the several Provinces of that Kingdom , be nominated by both the Houses of the Parliament of England , or in the Intervals of Parliament , by such Committees of both Houses of Parliament as both Houses of the Parliament of England shall nominate and appoint for that purpose ; and that the Chancellour or Lord Keeper , Lord Treasurer , Commissioners of the great Seal or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-ports , Chancellour of the Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Master of the Rolls , Judges of both Benches , and Barons of the Exchequer of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Vice-Treasurer and Treasurers at Wars of the Kingdom of Ireland , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , to continue quam diu se bene gesserint , and in the Intervals of Parliament by the fore-mentioned Committees , to be approved or disallowed by both Houses at their next sitting . The like for the Kingdom of Scotland , concerning the nomination of the Lords of the Privy Council , Lords of Session and Exchequer , Officers of State and Justice General , in such manner as the Estates of the Parliament there shall think fit . XVIII . That the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof may be in the ordering and government of the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Commons in Common Council assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , ( whereof the Lord Maior and Sheriffs for the time being to be three ) to be imployed and directed from time to time in such manner as shall be agreed on and appointed by both Houses of Parliament . That no Citizen of the City of London , nor any of the Forces of the said City , shall be drawn forth or cempelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof for Military service , without their own free Consent . That an Act be passed for the granting and confirming of the Charters , Customs , Liberties , and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Non-user , Misuser , or Abuser . That the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of London , and the chief Officer and Governour thereof from time to time be nominated and removeable by the Common-Council . And for prevention of inconveniences which may happen by the long intermission of Common-Councils , it is desired that there may be an Act , that all by-Laws and Ordinances already made , or hereafter to be made , by the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council assembled , touching the calling , continuing , directing and regulating the same Common-Councils , shall be as effectual in Law to all Intents and Purposes , as if the same were particularly Enacted by the Authority of Parliament : and that the Lord Maior , Aldermen and Commons in Common-Council , may add to or repeal the said Ordinances from time to time as they shall see cause . That such other Propositions as shall be made for the City , for their further Safety , Welfare and Government , and shall be approved of by both Houses of Parliament , may be granted and confirmed by Act of Parliament . XIX . That all Grants , Commissions , Presentations , Writs , Process , Proceedings , and other things passed under the Great Seal of England in the custody of the Lords and other Commissioners appointed by both Houses of Parliament for the custody thereof , be , and by Act of Parliament with the Royal Assent shall be declared and Enacted to be of like full force and effect to all intents and purposes , as the same or like Grants , Commissions , Presentations , Writs , Process , Proceedings and other things under any Great Seal of England in any time heretofore were or have been ; and that for time to come the said Great Seal now remaining in custody of the said Commissioners continue and be used for the Great Seal of England : and that all Grants , Commissions , Presentations , Writs , Process , Proceedings , and other things whatsoever passed under or by authority of any other Great Seal since the two and twentieth day of May Anno Dom. 1642. or hereafter to be passed , be invalid and of no effect to all intents and purposes ; except such Writs , Process and Commissions , as being passed under any other Great Seal than the said Great Seal in the Custody of the Commissioners aforesaid , on or after the said two and twentieth day of May , and before the 28. day of November , Anno Dom. 1643. were afterward proceeded upon , returned into , or put in ure in any the Kings Courts at VVestminster ; and except the Grant to Master Justice Bacon to be one of the Justices of the Kings Bench ; and except all Acts and Proceedings by virtue of any such Commissions of Gaol-delivery , Assize , and Nisi prius , or Oyer and Terminer , passed under any other Great Seal than the Seal aforesaid in custody of the said Commissioners before the first of October 1642. And that all Grants of Offices , Lands , Tenements or Hereditaments made or passed under the Great Seal of Ireland unto any Person or Persons , Bodies Politick or Corporate , since the Cessation made in Ireland the fifteenth day of September 1643. shall be null and void : and that all Honours and Titles conferred upon any Person or Persons in the said Kingdom of Ireland since the said Cessation shall be null and void . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Propositions of both Houses . Newcastle , Aug. 1. 1646. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the two Houses of Parliament at Westminster . CHARLES R. THE Propositions tendered to his Majesty by the Commissioners from the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England at VVestminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , ( to which the Houses of Parliament have taken twice so many Months for deliberation as they have assigned Days for his Majesties Answer ) do import so great Alterations in Government both in the Church and Kingdom , as it is very difficult to return a particular and positive Answer before a full Debate , wherein these Propositions , and the necessary Explanations , true sense , and Reasons thereof be rightly weighed and understood , and that his Majesty upon a full view of the whole Propositions may know what is left , as well as what is taken away and changed : In all which he finds ( upon discourse with the said Commissioners ) that they are so bound up from any capacity either to give Reasons for the Demands they bring , or to give ear to such Desires as his Majesty is to propound ; as it is impossible for him to give such a present judgment of and Answer to these Propositions , whereby he can answer to God , that a safe and well-grounded Peace will ensue ( which is evident to all the World can never be , unless the just Power of the Crown , as well as the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject , with the just Liberty and Priviledges of the Parliament , be likewise setled . ) To which end his Majesty desires and proposeth to come to London , or any of his Houses thereabouts , upon the Publick Faith and security of the two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , That he shall be there with Freedom , Honour and Safety ; where by his Personal Presence he may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt him and his People , but also have these Doubts cleared , and these Difficulties explained unto him , which he now conceives to be destructive to his just Regal Power , if he shall give a full Consent to these Propositions as they now stand . As likewise that he may make known to them such his reasonable Demands as he is most assured will be very much conducible to that Peace which all good men desire and pray for , by the settling of Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliament ; with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject : and his Majesty assures them , that as he can never condescend unto what is absolutely destructive to that just Power which by the Laws of God and the Land he is born unto ; so he will chearfully grant and give his Assent unto all such Bills , at the desire of his two Houses , or reasonable Demands for Scotland , which shall be really for the good and peace of his People , not having regard to his own particular ( much less of any body 's else ) in respect of the Happiness of these Kingdoms . Wherefore his Majesty conjures them as Christians , as Subjects , and as men who desire to leave a good name behind them , that they will so receive and make use of this Answer , that all issues of Blood may be stopped , and these unhappy Distractions peaceably setled . Newcastle , August 1. 1646. POST-SCRIPT . Upon assurance of a happy Agreement , his Majesty will immediately send for the Prince his Son , absolutely expecting his perfect Obedience to return into this Kingdom . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Newcastle , Dec. 20. 1646. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England assembled at Westminster , and to the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland at London . CHALLES R. HIS Majesties thoughts being always sincerely bent to the Peace of his Kingdoms , was and will be ever desirous to take all ways which might the most clearly make appear the Candor of his Intentions to his People ; and to this end could find no better way than to propose a Personal free Debate with his two Houses of Parliament upon all the present Differences : yet finding , very much against his expectations , that this Offer was lay'd aside , his Majesty bent all his thoughts to make his Intentions fully known by a particular Answer to the Propositions delivered to him in the name of both Kingdoms 24. July last . But the more he endeavoured it , he more plainly saw that any Answer he could make would be subject to misinformations and mis-constructions , which upon his own Paraphrases and Explanations he is most confident will give so good satisfaction , as would doubtless cause a happy and lasting Peace . Lest therefore that good Intentions may produce ill Effects , His Majesty again proposeth and desires again to come to London , or any of his Houses thereabouts upon the Publick Faith and Security of his two Houses of Parliament and the Scotch Commissioners , that he shall be there with Honour Freedom and Safety ; where , by his Personal Presence , he may not only raise a mutual Confidence betwixt him and his People , but also have those Doubts cleared and those Difficulties explained to him , without which he cannot ( but with the aforesaid mischievous Inconveniencies ) give a particular Answer to the Propositions ; and with which he doubts not but so to manifest his real Intentions for the setling of Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliament , with the Freedom and Propriety of the Subject , that it shall not be in the power of wicked and malicious men to hinder the establishing of that firm Peace which all honest men desire , assuring them , that as he will make no other Demands but such as he believes confidently to be just and much conducing to the Tranquility of his People ; so he will be most willing to condescend to them in whatsoever shall be really for their good and Happiness . Not doubting likewise but you will also have a due regard to maintain the just Power of the Crown , according to your many Protestations and Professions . For certainly , except King and People have reciprocal care each of other , neither can be happy . To conclude , 'T is your KING Who desires to be heard ( the which if refused to a Subject by a King , he would be thought a Tyrant for it ) and for that end which all men profess to desire . Wherefore his Majesty conjures you , as you desire to shew your selves really what you profess , even as you are good Christians and Subjects , that you will accept this his Offer , which he is confident God will so bless , that it will be the readiest means by which these Kingdoms may again become a comfort to their Friends , and a terror to their Enemies . Newcastle , 20. Decemb. 1646. His MAJESTIES Quaeres to the Scots Commissioners upon Thursday the 14. of January , 1646-7 . IT is a received Opinion by many , That Ingagements , Acts , or Promises of a restrained Person , are neither valid nor obligatory . How true or false this is I will not now dispute : But I am sure , if I be not free , I am not fit to answer your or any Propositions . Wherefore you should first resolve Me in what state I stand ( as in relation to Freedom ) before I can give you any other Answer . ( The Reason of this My Question the Governour can best resolve you , ) But if you object the loss of time and urgency of it ; certainly in one respect it presses none so much as My self : which makes Me also think it necessary ( that I be not to seek what to do when this Garrison shall be surrendred up ) to demand of you , in case I go into Scotland , if I shall be there with Honour , Freedom and Safety , or how . Being ready to give you a farther and more particular Answer , how soon you shall have resolved these two Quaeres . The Scots Commissioners Answer to His MAJESTIES Quaeres , Thursday the 14. of Jan. 1646-47 . I. TO the First , In what state You stand as in relation to Freedom ; The Parliaments of both Your Kingdoms have given such Orders and Directions as they have thought fittest for the good and safety of Your Majesty and the Kingdoms , to the General and Governour . II. To Your Majesties Second Quaere , of Your going into Scotland , we shall humbly desire , That we may not now be put to give any Answer : But if Your Majesty shall either deny or delay Your Assent to the Propositions , we are in that case to represent to Your Majesty the Resolutions of the Parliament of England . His MAJESTIES Reply to the Scots Commissioners . I Know very well , That the General and Governour have received Orders concerning Me ; but the question is , Into what state those Orders put Me ( as relating to Freedom . ) To which you have either Power to Answer , or not . If you have , then Answer Me ; otherwise , send to those who can . And so for my Second Quaere . His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , in farther Answer to their Propositions . From Holdenby , May 12. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. AS the daily expectation of the coming of the Propositions hath made his Majesty this long time to forbear giving his Answer unto them ; so the appearance of their sending being no more ( for any thing he can hear ) than it was at his first coming hither , notwithstanding that the Earl of Lauderdale hath been at London above these Ten days , ( whose not coming was said to be the onely stop ) hath caused his Majesty thus to anticipate their coming to him . And yet considering his Condition , that his Servants are denied access to him , all but very few , and those by appointment , not his own election ; and that it is declared a Crime for any but the Commissioners , or such who are particularly permitted by them , to converse with his Majesty , or that any Letters should be given to or received from him ; may he not truly say , That he is not in case fit to make Concessions , or give Answers , since he is not master of those ordinary Actions which are the undoubted Rights of any free-born man , how mean soever his Birth be ? And certainly he would still be silent as to this Subject until his Condition were much mended , did he not prefer such a right understanding betwixt him and his Parliaments of both Kingdoms , which may make a firm and lasting Peace in all his Dominions , before any particular of his own or any earthly Blessing : and therefore his Majesty hath diligently employed his utmost Endeavours for divers months past , so to inform his Understanding and to satisfie his Conscience , that he might be able to give such Answers to the Propositions as would be most agreeable to his Parliaments ; but he ingenuously professes , that not withstanding all the pains that he hath taken therein , the nature of some of them appears such unto him , that without disclaiming that Reason which God hath given him to judge by for the good of him and his People , and without putting the greatest violence upon his own Conscience , he cannot give his Consent to all of them . Yet his Majesty ( that it may appear to all the World how desirous he is to give full satisfaction ) hath thought fit hereby to express his readiness to grant what he may , and his willingness to receive from them , and that Personally , ( if his two Houses at VVestminster shall approve thereof ) such further information in the rest as may best convince his Judgment , and satisfie those Doubts which are not yet clear unto him : desiring them also to consider , That if his Majesty intended to wind himself out of these Troubles by indirect means , were it not easie for him now readily to consent to what hath or shall be proposed unto him , and afterwards chuse his time to break all , alledging , That forc'd Concessions are not to be kept ? Surely he might , and not incur a hard Censure from some indifferent men . But Maximes in this kind are not the Guides of his Majesties Actions : for he freely and clearly avows , that he holds it unlawful for any man , and most base in a King , to recede from his Promises for having been obtained by force or under restraint . Wherefore his Majesty not onely rejecting those Acts which he esteems unworthy of him , but even passing by that which he might well insist upon , a Point of Honour in respect of his present Condition , thus answers the first Proposition ; That upon his Majesties coming to London , He will heartily joyn in all that shall concern the Honour of his two Kingdoms , or the Assembly of the States of Scotland , or of the Commissioners or Deputies of either Kingdom , particularly in those things which are desired in that Proposition ; upon confidence that all of them respectively with the same Tenderness will look upon those things which concern his Majesties Honour . In answer to all the Propositions concerning Religion , his Majesty proposeth , that he will confirm the Presbyterial Government , the Assembly of Divines at VVestminster , and the Directory , for Three years , being the time set down by the Two Houses , so that his Majesty and his Houshold be not hindred from that Form of God's Service which they formerly have : And also that a free Consultation and Debate be had with the Divines at VVestminster ( Twenty of his Majesties Nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by his Majesty and the Two Houses how the Church shall be governed after the said Three years , or sooner , if Differences may be agreed . Touching the Covenant , his Majesty is not yet therein satisfied , and desires to respite his particular Answer thereunto until his coming to London ; because it being a matter of Conscience , he cannot give a Resolution there in till he may be assisted with the Advice of some of his own Chaplains ( which hath hitherto been denied him ) and such other Divines as shall be most proper to inform him therein : and then he will make clearly appear both his Zeal to the Protestant Profession , and the Union of these two Kingdoms , which he conceives to be the main drift of this Covenant . To the Seventh and Eighth Propositions his Majesty will consent . To the Ninth his Majesty doubts not but to give good satisfaction , when he shall be particularly informed how the said Penalties shall be levied and disposed of . To the Tenth his Majesties Answer is , That he hath been always ready to prevent the practices of Papists , and therefore is content to pass an Act of Parliament for that purpose ; and also that the Laws against them be duly executed . His Majesty will give his Consent to the Act for the due Observation of the Lord's day , for the suppressing of Innovations , and those concerning the preaching of God's Word , and touching Non-residence and Pluralities : and his Majesty will yield to such Act or Acts as shall be requisite to raise moneys for the payment and satisfying all publick Debts , expecting also that his will be therein included . As to the Proposition touching the Militia , though his Majesty cannot consent unto it in terminis as it is proposed , because thereby he conceives he wholly parts with the power of the Sword entrusted to him by God and the Laws of the Land , for the Protection and Government of his People , thereby at once devesting himself and dis inheriting his Posterity of that Right and Prerogative of the Crown which is absolutely necessary to the Kingly Office , and so weaken Monarchy in this Kingdom , that little more than the Name and Shadow of it will remain ; yet if it be onely security for the preservation of the Peace of this Kingdom after the unhappy Troubles , and the due performance of all the Agreements which are now to be concluded , which is desired , ( which his Majesty always understood to be the case , and hopes that herein he is not mistaken ) his Majesty will give abundant satisfaction : To which end he is willing by Act of Parliament , That the whole power of the Militia both by Sea and Land for the space of Ten years be in the hands of such Persons as the Two Houses shall nominate , giving them power during the said Term to change the said Persons , and substitute others in their places at pleasure ; and afterwards to return to the proper Chanel again , as it it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . And now his Majesty conjures his two Houses of Parliament , as they are English-men and lovers of Peace , by the Duty they owe to his Majesty their King , and by the bowels of Compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , that they will accept of this his Majesties Offer , whereby the joyful News of Peace may be restored to this languishing Kingdom . His Majesty will grant the like to the Kingdom of Scotland , if it be desired ; and agree to all things that are propounded touching the conserving of Peace betwixt the two Kingdoms . Touching Ireland ( other things being agreed ) His Majesty will give Satisfaction therein . As to the mutual Declarations proposed to be established in both Kingdoms by Act of Parliament , and the Modifications , Qualifications and Branches which follow in the Propositions , his Majesty onely professes , that He doth not sufficiently understand , nor is able to reconcile many things contained in them : but this He well knoweth , that a general Act of Oblivion is the best bond of Peace ; and that after Intestine Troubles , the Wisdom of this and other Kingdoms hath usually and happily in all Ages granted general Pardons , whereby the numerous discontentments of many Persons and Families , otherwise exposed to ruine , might not become fewel to new Disorders , or seeds to future Troubles . His Majesty therefore desires that His two Houses of Parliament would seriously descend into these Considerations , and likewise tenderly look upon His condition herein , and the perpetual dishonour that must cleave to Him , if He shall thus abandon so many Persons of Condition and Fortune that have engaged themselves with and for him out of a sense of Duty ; and propounds as a very acceptable testimony of their Affection to him , That a general Act of Oblivion and free Pardon be forthwith passed by Act of Parliament . Touching the new Great Seal , His Majesty is very willing to confirm both it and all the Acts done by virtue thereof until this present time , so that it be not thereby pressed to make void those Acts of His done by virtue of his Great Seal , which in Honour and Justice He is obliged to maintain ; and that the future Government thereof may be in His Majesty , according to the due course of Law. Concerning the Officers mentioned in the 19. Article , His Majesty when He shall come to Westminster , will gratifie His Parliament all that possibly He may , without destroying the alterations which are necessary for the Crown . His Majesty will willingly consent to the Act for the confirmation of the Priviledges and Customs of the City of London , and all that is mentioned in the Propositions for their particular advantage . And now that His Majesty hath thus far endeavoured to comply with the desires of His two Houses of Parliament , to the end that this Agreement may be firm and lasting , without the least face or question of restraint to blemish the same , His Majesty earnestly desires presently to be admitted to His Parliament at Westminster with that Honour which is due to their Sovereign , there solemnly to confirm the same , and legally to pass the Acts before mentioned , and to give and receive as well satisfaction in all the remaining particulars , as likewise such other pledges of mutual Love , Trust and Confidence , as shall most concern the good of Him and His People : Upon which happy Agreement His Majesty will dispatch His Directions to the Prince His Son to return immediately to Him , and will undertake for his ready Obedience thereunto . Holdenby , May 12. 1647. MDCXLVII . Jul. The Londoners Petition and Engagement . To the Right Honourable the Lord Maior , the Right Worshipful the Aldermen and Commons of the City of London in the Common or Guild-Hall of the City of London assembled , The Humble Petition of the Citizens , Commanders , Officers and Soldiers of the Trained Bands and Auxiliaries , the Young men and Apprentices of the Cities of London and VVestminster , Sea-Commanders , Sea-men and Water-men , together with divers other Commanders , Officers and Soldiers within the Line of Communication and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bills of Mortality , Sheweth , THat your Petitioners ( taking into serious consideration how Religion , His Majesties Honour and Safety , the Priviledges of Parliament and Liberties of the Subject are at present greatly endangered and like to be destroyed ; and also sadly weighing with our selves what means might likely prove the most effectual to procure a firm and lasting Peace , without a further effusion of Christian English Blood ) have therefore entred into a solemn Engagement , which is hereunto annexed , and do humbly and earnestly desire that this whole City may joyn together by all lawful and possible means , as one man , in hearty endeavours for His Majesties present coming up to His two Houses of Parliament with Honour , Safety , and Freedom ; and that without the nearer approach of the Army , there to confirm such things as He hath granted in His Message of the 12. of May last , in answer to the Propositions of both Kingdoms ; and that by a Personal Treaty with his two Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , such things as are yet in difference may be speedily settled , and a firm and lasting Peace established . All which we desire may be presented to both Houses of Parliament from this Honourable Assembly . And we shall pray , &c. A solemn Engagement of the Citizens , Commanders , Officers and Soldiers of the Trained Bands and Auxiliaries , the Young men and Apprentices of the Cities of London and VVestminster , Sea-Commanders , Sea-men and Water-men , together with divers other Commanders , Officers and Soldiers within the Line of Communication and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bill of Mortality . WHereas we have entred into a solemn League and Covenant for Reformation and Defence of Religion , the Honour and Happiness of the King , and the Peace and Safety of the Three Kingdoms of England , Scotland and Ireland , all which we do evidently perceive not only to be endangered , but ready to be destroyed : we do therefore in pursuance of our said Covenant , Oath of Allegiance , Oath of every Free-man of the Cities of London and Westminster , and Protestations , solemnly engage our selves , and vow unto Almighty God , That we will to the utmost of our power cordially endeavour that His Majesty may speedily come to His two Houses of Parliament , with Honour , Safety and Freedom , ( and that without the nearer approach of the Army , ) there to confirm such things as He hath granted in His Message of the 12. of May last , in Answer to the Propositions of both Kingdoms ; and that by a Personal Treaty with His two Houses of Parliament , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland , such things as are yet in difference may be speedily settled , and a firm and lasting Peace established . For effecting whereof we do protest and re-oblige our selves , as in the presence of God the searcher of all hearts , with our Lives and Fortunes to endeavour , what in us lies , to preserve and defend His Majesties Royal Person and Authority , the Priviledges of Parliament and Liberties of the Subject , in their full and constant Freedom , the Cities of London and Westminster , Lines of Communication , and Parishes mentioned in the Weekly Bills of Mortality , and all others that shall adhere with us to the said Covenant , Oath of Allegiance , Oath of every Freeman of London and VVestminster , and Protestation : Nor shall we by any means admit , suffer or endure any kind of Neutrality in this Common Cause of God , the King and Kingdom , as we do expect the Blessing of Almighty God , whose help we crave , and wholly devolve our selves upon , in this our Undertaking . A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament . Die Sabbathi , 24. Julii , 1647. THE Lords and Commons having seen a printed Paper intituled , A Petition to the Right Honourable the Lord Maior , the Right VVorshipful the Aldermen and Commons of the City of London , in the Common or Guild-Hall of the City of London assembled , under the Name of divers Citizens , Commanders , Officers and Soldiers of the Trained Bands , Auxiliaries and others , Young men and Apprentices , Sea-Commanders , Sea-men and VVater-men , together with a dangerous Engagement of the same persons by Oath and Vow , concerning the King 's present coming to the Parliament upon Terms far different from those which both Houses , after mature deliberation , have declared to be necessary for the good and safety of this Kingdom , casting Reflections upon the Proceedings both of the Parliament and Army , and tending to the imbroiling the Kingdom in a new War ; and the said Lords and Commons taking notice of great endeavours used by divers ill-affected persons to procure Subscriptions thereunto , whereby well-meaning people may be misled ; do therefore declare , That whosoever , after Publication or notice hereof , shall proceed in , or promote , or set his Name to , or give Consent that his Name be set unto , or any way joyn in the said Engagement , shall be deemed and adjudged guilty of High Treason , and shall forfeit Life and Estate as in cases of High Treason accustomed . H. Elsynge , Cler. Par. Dom. Com. Die Lunae , 26. Julii , 1647. BE it ordained by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That the Declaration of the twenty fourth of this instant July , which declares all those Traitors , and so to forfeit Life and Estate , who shall after Publication thereof act thereupon to get Subscriptions , be Null and Void , any thing in the said Declaration to the contrary notwithstanding . Joh. Browne , Cler. Par. Hen. Elsynge , Cler. Par. Dom. Com. Die Lunae , 26. Julii , 1647. REsolved upon the Question , That His Majesty shall come to Londo . Die Saturni , 31. Julii , 1647. Resolved upon the Question , That the King's Majesty come to one of His Houses nearer London , that Propositions may be sent , and Address made to His Majesty ( from both Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Kingdom of Scotland ) for Peace . MDCXLVII . His MAJESTIES Declaration and Profession , disavowing any Preparations in Him to levy War against His two Houses of Parliament . CHARLES R. THere having been many Rumors spread and Informations given , which may have induced many to believe that We intend to make War against Our Parliament : We Profess before God , and Declare to all the World , That We always have , and do abhor all such Designs ; and desire all Our Nobility and Commoners who are here upon the place to declare , Whether they have not been Witnesses of Our frequent and earnest Declarations and Professions to this purpose ; whether they see any colour of Preparations or Counsels that might reasonably beget a belief of any such Design ; and whether they be not fully perswaded that We have no such intention , but that all Our Endeavours ( according to Our many Professions ) tend to the firm and constant settlement of the true Protestant Religion , the just Priviledges of Parliaments , the Liberty of the Subject , the Law , Peace , and Prosperity of this Kingdom . MDCXLVII . Aug. 1. The Heads of the Proposals agreed upon by his Excellency Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX , and the Council of the Army , to be tendred to the Commissioners of Parliament residing with the Army , and with them to be treated on by the Commissioners of the Army . Containing the particulars of their Desires in pursuance of their former Declarations and Papers , in order to the clearing and securing of the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the settling a just and lasting Peace . To which are added some further particular Desires ( for the removing and redressing of divers present pressing Grievances ) being also comprized in , or in necessary pursuance of their Former Representations and Papers appointed to be Treated upon . I. THat ( the things hereafter proposed being provided for by this Parliament ) a certain period may ( by Act of Parliament ) be set for the ending of this Parliament , ( such period to be within a year at most ; ) and in the same Act provision to be made for the succession and constitution of Parliaments in future , as followeth . 1. That Parliaments may Biennially be called , and meet at a certain day , with such provision for the certainty thereof as in the late Act was made for Triennial Parliaments , and what further other provision shall be found needful by the Parliament to reduce it to more certainty : And upon the passing of this , the said Act for Triennial Parliaments to be repealed . 2. Each Biennial Parliament to sit 120. days certain ( unless adjourned or dissolved sooner by their own Consent ; ) afterwards to be adjournable or dissolvable by the King : and no Parliament to sit past 240. days from their first meeting , or some other limited number of days now to be agreed on ; upon the expiration whereof , each Parliament to dissolve of course , if not otherwise dissolved sooner . 3. The King , upon Advice of the Council of State , in the Intervals betwixt Biennial Parliaments , to call a Parliament extraordinary ; provided it meet above seventy days before the next Biennial day , and be dissolved at least sixty days before the same , so as the course of Biennial Elections may never be interrupted . 4. That this Parliament , and each succeeding Biennial Parliament , at or before adjournment or dissolution thereof , may appoint Committees to continue during the Interval , for such purposes as are in any of these Proposals referr'd to such Committees . 5. That the Elections of the Commons for succeeding Parliaments may be distributed to all Counties , or other parts or divisions of the Kingdom , according to some Rule of equality or proportion , so as all Counties may have a number of Parliament-Members allowed to their choice proportionable to the respective Rates they bear in the common Charges and burthens of the Kingdom , according to some other Rule of equality or proportion , to render the House of Commons ( as near as may be ) an equal Representative of the whole ; and in order thereunto , that a present consideration be had to take off the Elections of Burgesses for poor , decayed , or inconsiderable Towns , and to give some present addition to the number of Parliament-Members for great Counties , that have now less than their due proportion , to bring all ( at present ) as near as may be to such a Rule of proportion as aforesaid . 6. That effectual provision be made for future freedom of Elections , and certainty of due Returns . 7. That the House of Commons alone have the power from time to time to set down further Orders and Rules for the Ends expressed in the Two last preceding Articles , so as to reduce the Elections of Members for that House to more and more perfection of Equality in the distribution , Freedom in the Election , Order in the proceeding thereto , and Certainty in the Returns ; which Orders and Rules ( in that case ) to be as Laws . 8. That there be a Liberty for entring Dissents in the House of Commons , with provision , that no Member be censurable for ought said or voted in the House , further than to exclusion from that Trust , and that onely by the judgment of the House it self . 9. That the Judicial Power , or power of final Judgment in the Lords and Commons , ( and their power of Exposition and Application of Law , without further Appeal ) may be cleared : and that no Officer of Justice , Minister of State , or other person adjudged by them , may be capable of Protection or Pardon from the King , without their Advice and Consent . 10. That the Right and Liberty of the Commons of England may be cleared and vindicated as to a due Exemption from any Judgment , Trial , or other Proceeding against them by the House of Peers , without the concurring Judgment of the House of Commons : as also from any other Judgment , Sentence , or Proceeding against them , other than by their Equals , or according to the Law of the Land. 11. The same Act to provide , that Grand-Jury-men may be chosen by and for several parts or divisions of each County respectively , in some equal way ( and not remain , as now , at the discretion of an Under-Sheriff to be put on or off : ) and that such Grand-Jury-men for their respective Counties may at each Assize present the Names of persons to be made Justices of Peace , from time to time , as the County hath need for any to be added to the Commission , and at the Summer-Assize to present the Names of Three Persons , out of whom the King may prick one to be Sheriff for the next year . II. For the future security to Parliaments , and the Militia in general in order thereunto , that it be provided by Act of Parliament . 1. That the power of the Militia by Sea and Land , during the space of Ten years next ensuing , shall be ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons assembled , and to be assembled in the Parliament or Parliaments of England , or by such persons as they shall nominate and appoint for that purpose from time to time during the said space . 2. That the said power shall not be ordered , disposed , or exercised by the King's Majesty that now is , or by any person or persons by any Authority derived from Him , during the said space , or at any time hereafter by His said Majesty , without the Advice and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , or of such Committees or Council in the Intervals of Parliament as they shall appoint . 3. That during the same space of ten years , the said Lords and Commons may by Bill or Ordinance raise and dispose of what Moneys and for what Forces they shall from time to time find necessary , as also for payment of the Publick Debts and Damages , and for all other the Publick uses of the Kingdom . 4. And to the end the temporary Security intended by the three particulars last precedent may be the better assured , it may therefore be provided , That no Subjects that have been in Hostility against the Parliament in the late War , shall be capable of bearing any Office of Power or publick Trust in the Commonwealth during the space of five years , without Consent of Parliament or of the Council of State ; or to sit as Members or Assistants of either House of Parliament , until the second Biennial Parliament be past . III. For the present form of disposing the Militia in order to the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom and the Service of Ireland , 1. That there be Commissioners for the Admiralty , a Vice-Admiral and Rere-Admiral , now to be agreed on , with power for the forming , regulating , appointing of Officers , and providing for the Navy , and for ordering the same to and in the ordinary Service of the Kingdom : and that there be a sufficient provision and establishment for Pay and maintenance thereof . 2. That there be a General for Command of the Land-Forces that are to be in pay both in England , Ireland and Wales , both for Field and Garrison . 3. That there be Commissioners in the several Counties for the standing Militia of the respective Counties ( consisting of Trained Bands and Auxiliaries not in pay ) with power for the proportioning , forming , regulating , training and disciplining of them . 4. That there be a Council of State , with power to superintend and direct the several and particular powers of the Militia last mentioned , for the Peace and Safety of this Kingdom and of Ireland . 5. That the same Council may have power , as the King 's Privy Council , for and in all Forreign Negotiations ; provided , That the making of War or Peace with any other Kingdom or State , shall not be without the Advice and Consent of Parliament . 6. That the said power of the Council of State be put into the hands of trusty and able persons , now to be agreed on , and the same persons to continue in that power ( si bene se gesserint ) for a certain Term not exceeding seven years . 7. That there be a sufficient establishment now provided for the Salary Forces both in England and Ireland , the establishment to continue until two Months after the meeting of the first Biennial Parliament . IV. That an Act be passed for disposing the great Offices for ten years by the Lords and Commons in Parliament , or by such Committees as they shall appoint for that purpose in the Intervals , ( with submission to the Approbation of the next Parliament ; ) and after ten years , they to nominate three , and the King out of that number to appoint one for the succession , upon any vacancy . V. That an Act be passed for restraining of any Peers made since the 21. day of May , 1642. or to be hereafter made , from having any power to sit or vote in Parliament , without Consent of both Houses . VI. That an Act be passed for recalling and making void all Declarations and other Proceedings against the Parliament , or against any that have acted by or under their Authority in the late War , or in relation to it : and that the Ordinances for Indemnity may be confirmed . VII . That an Act be passed for making void all Grants , &c. under the Great Seal that was conveyed away from the Parliament , since the time that it was so conveyed away ( except as in the Parliaments Propositions ) and for making those valid that have been or shall be passed under the Great Seal made by the Authority of both Houses of Parliament . VIII . That an Act be passed for Confirmation of the Treaties between the two Kingdoms of England and Scotland , and for appointing Conservators of the Peace betwixt them . IX . That the Ordinance for taking away the Court of Wards and Liveries be confirmed by Act of Parliament : Provided His Majesties Revenue be not damnified therein , nor those that last held Offices in the same left without reparation some other way . X. An Act to declare void the Cessation of Ireland , &c. and to leave the prosecution of that War to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England . XI . An Act to be passed to take away all Coercive Power , Authority and Jurisdiction of Bishops , and all other Ecclesiastical Officers whatsoever , extending to any Civil Penalties upon any ; and to repeal all Laws whereby the Civil Magistracy hath been or is bound , upon any Ecclesiastical Censure , to proceed ( ex officio ) unto any Civil Penalties against any persons so censured . XII . That there be a repeal of all Acts , or Clauses in any Act , enjoyning the use of the Book of Common Prayer , and imposing any Penalties for neglect thereof ; as also of all Acts , or Clauses in any Act , imposing any penalty for not coming to Church , or for Meetings elsewhere for Prayer or other Religious Duties , Exercises or Ordinances ; and some other provision to be made for discovering of Papists and Popish Recusants , and for disabling of them , and of all Jusuites or Priests , from disturbing the State. XIII . That the taking of the Covenant be not enforced upon any , nor any penalties imposed upon the Refusors , whereby men might be constrained to take it against their Judgments or Consciences , but all Orders or Ordinances tending to that purpose to be repealed . XIV . That ( the things here before proposed being provided , for settling and securing the Rights , Liberties , Peace , and Safety of the Kingdom , ) His Majesties Person , His Queen , and Royal Issue , may be restored to a Condition of Safety , Honour and Freedom in this Nation , without diminution to their Personal Rights , or further Limitation to the Exercise of the Regal Power than according to the particulars aforegoing . XV. For the matter of Compositions . 1. That a less number out of the Persons excepted in the two first Qualifications , ( not exceeding five for the English ) being nominated particularly by the Parliament , who ( together with the persons in the Irish Rebellion , included in the third Qualification ) may be reserved to the future Judgment of the Parliament , as they shall find cause , all other excepted persons may be remitted from the Exception , and admitted to Composition . 2. That the Rates for all future Compositions may be lessened and limitted , not to exceed the several proportions hereafter exprest , respectively : That is to say , 1. For all persons formerly excepted , not above a third part . 2. For the late Members of Parliament , under the first Branch of the fourth Qualification in the Propositions , a fourth part . 3. For other Members of Parliament , in the second and third Branches of the same Qualification , a sixth part . 4. For the persons nominated in the said fourth Qualification , and those included in the tenth Qualification , an eighth part . 5. For all others included in the sixth Qualification , a tenth part . And that real Debts , either upon Record or proved by Witnesses , be considered and abated in the valuation of their Estates in all the cases aforesaid . 3. That those who shall hereafter come to Compound , may not have the Covenant put upon them as a Condition without which they may not Compound ; but in case they shall not willingly take it , they may pass their Compositions without it . 4. That the Persons and Estates of all English , not worth two hundred pounds in Lands or Goods , be at liberty and discharged : and that the King 's menial Servants , that never took up Arms , but only attended His Person according to their Offices , may be freed from Composition , or to pay ( at most ) but the proportion of one years Revenue , or a twentieth part . 5. That in order to the making and perfecting of Compositions at the Rates aforesaid , the Rents , Revenues , and other Dues and Profits of all sequestred Estates whatsoever , ( except the Estates of such persons who shall be continued under exception , as before ) be from henceforth suspended and detained in the hands of the respective Tenants , Occupants , and others from whom they are due , for the space of six months following . 6. That the Faith of the Army , or other Forces of the Parliament , given in Articles upon Surrenders to any of the King's Party , may be fully made good ; and where any breach thereof shall appear to have been made , full reparation and satisfaction may be given to the parties injured , and the persons offending ( being found out ) may be compelled thereto . XVI . That there may be a general Act of Oblivion to extend unto all ( except the persons to be continued in exception as before ) to absolve from all Trespasses , Misdemeanors , &c. done in prosecution of the War , and from all trouble or prejudice for or concerning the same ( after their Compositions past ) and to restore them to all Priviledges , &c. belonging to other Subjects ; provided , as in the fourth particular under the second general Head aforegoing , concerning Security . And whereas there have been of late strong endeavours and practices of a factious and desperate party to embroil this Kingdom in a new War , and for that purpose to induce the King , the Queen and Prince , to declare for the said Party , and also to excite and stir up all those of the King 's late Party to appear and engage for the same , which Attempts and Designs many of the King's Party ( out of their desires to avoid further Misery to the Kingdom ) have contributed their endeavours to prevent , ( as for divers of them we have had particular Assurance ; ) we do therefore desire that such of the King's Party who shall appear to have expressed , and shall hereafter express , that way their good Affections to the Peace and Welfare of the Kingdom , and to hinder the imbroiling of the same in a new War , may be freed and exempted from Compositions , or to pay but one years Revenue , or a twentieth part . These Particulars aforegoing are the Heads of such Proposals as we have agreed on , to tend in order to the settling of the Peace of this Kingdom , leaving the Terms of Peace for the Kingdom of Scotland to stand as in the late Propositions of both Kingdoms , until that Kingdom shall agree to any alteration . Next to the Proposals aforesaid for the present settling of a Peace , we shall desire that no time may be lost by the Parliament for dispatch of other things tending to the welfare , ease and just satisfaction of the Kingdom ; and in special manner , I. That the just and necessary Liberty of the People , to represent their Grievances and Desires by way of Petition , may be cleared and vindicated , according to the fifth Head in the late Representation or Declaration of the Army sent from St. Albans . II. That ( in pursuance of the same Head of the said Declaration ) the common Grievances of the People may be speedily considered of and effectually redressed ; and in particular , 1. That the Excise may be taken off from such Commodities whereon the poor people of the Land do ordinarily live ; and a certain time to be limited for taking off the whole . 2. That the Oppressions and Incroachments of Forest Laws may be prevented for future . 3. All Monopolies ( old or new ) and Restraints to the freedom of Trade to be taken off . 4. That a course may be taken , and Commissioners appointed to remedy and rectifie the inequality of Rates lying upon several Counties , and several parts of each County , in respect of others , and to settle the proportions for Land rates to more equality throughout the Kingdom ; in order to which we shall offer some further particulars , which we hope may be useful . 5. The present unequal , troublesome and contentious way of Ministers maintenance by Tithes to be considered of , and some Remedy applied . 6. That the Rules and Course of Law and the Officers of it may be so reduced and reformed , as that all Suits and Questions of Right may be more clear and certain in the issues , and not so tedious or chargeable in the proceedings as now ; in order to which we shall offer some further particulars hereafter . 7. That Prisoners for Debt or other * Creditors ( who have Estates to discharge them ) may not by embracing Imprisonment or any other ways have advantage to defraud their Creditors , but that the Estates of all men may be some way made liable to their Debts ( as well as Tradesmen are by Commissions of Bankrupt ) whether they be imprisoned for it or not : and that such Prisoners for Debt who have not wherewith to pay , or at least do yield up what they have to their Creditors , may be freed from Imprisonment , or some way provided for , so as neither they nor their Families may perish by their Imprisonments . 8. Some provision to be made , that none may be compelled by Penalties or otherwise to answer unto Questions tending to the accusing of themselves or their nearest Relations in Criminal Causes ; and no man's life to be taken away under two Witnesses . 9. That consideration may be had of all Statutes , and the Laws or Customs of Corporations , imposing any Oaths , either to repeal , or else to qualifie and provide against the same so far as they may extend or be construed to the molestation or ensnaring of religious and peaceable people , meerly for non-conformity in Religion . III. That , according to the sixth Head in the Declaration of the Army , the large powers given to Committees or Deputy-Lieutenants during the late times of War and Distraction may be speedily taken into consideration , to be re-called and made void ; and that such powers of that nature as shall appear necessary to be continued , may be put into a regulated way , and left to as little Arbitrariness as the nature and necessity of the things ( wherein they are conversant ) will bear . IV. That ( according to the seventh Head in the said Declaration ) an effectual course may be taken , that the Kingdom may be righted and satisfied in point of Accounts for the vast sums that have been levied . V. That provision may be made for payment of Arrears to the Army , and the rest of the Soldiers of the Kingdom who have concurred with the Army in the late Desires and Proceedings thereof : and in the next place , for payment of the Publick Debts and Damages of the Kingdom ; and that to be performed first to such persons whose Debts or Damages ( upon the Publick Account ) are great , and their Estates small , so as they are thereby reduced to a difficulty of subsistence . In order to all which , and to the fourth particular last preceding , we shall speedily offer some farther particulars ( in the nature of Rules ) which we hope will be of good use towards publick satisfaction . August 1. 1647. Signed by the appointment of his Excellency Sir Thomas Fairfax , and the Council of War. Jo. Rushworth , Secret. Propositions presented to His MAJESTY at Hampton-Court , upon Tuesday the seventh of September , 1647. by the Earls of Pembroke and Lauderdale , Sir Charles Erskin , Sir John Holland , Sir John Cooke , Sir James Harrington , Mr. Richard Browne , Mr. Hugh Kenedy , and Mr. Robert Berkley , in the names of the Parliament of England , and in behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland . May it please your Majesty , WE the Lords and Commons assembled in the Parliament of England , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland , in the name and on the behalf of the Kingdom of Scotland , do humbly present unto Your Majesty the humble Desires and Propositions for a safe and well grounded Peace , agreed upon by the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively ; unto which We do pray Your Majesties Assent ; and that they , and all such Bills as shall be tendred to Your Majesty in pursuance of them or any of them , may be established and Enacted for Statutes and Acts of Parliament , by Your Majesties Royal Assent in the Parliaments of both Kingdoms respectively . [ Heads of the Propositions presented to the King's Majesty , for a safe and well-grounded Peace . 1. His Majesty to call in his Declarations and Proclamations against the Parliaments of both Kingdoms . 2. His Majesty to sign the Covenant . 3. To pass a Bill for abolishing Bishops . [ 4. To pass a Bill for Sale of Bishops Lands . ] 5. To confirm the sitting of the Assembly . 6. Religion to be reformed as the Houses agree . 7. Such Vniformity of Religion to be passed in an Act. 8. An Act passed against Popish Recusants . 9. For Education of the Children of Papists . 10. For laying Penalties upon Papists . 11. An Act for prevention of Popish practices . And the like for the Kingdom of Scotland . 12. For the Royal Assent to Acts for the Lords day , for preaching against Innovations , regulating Colledges , and for publick Debts and Damages , The like for Scotland . 13. to pass the settling of the Militia and Navy . 14. To null the old Great Seal . 15. For settling of Conservators for the Peace of the Kingdoms . 16. The joynt Declarations , and the Qualifications , against Malignants . 17. An Act to be passed to declare and make void the Cessation of Ireland , and all Treaties and Conclusions of Peace with the Irish Rebels . 18. The settling of the Militia of the City of London . 19. The Great Seal with the Commissioners of Parliament , and all Acts by it , to be made good . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Propositions of both Houses . Hampton-Court , Sept. 9. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to both Houses of the Parliament of England , and the Commissioners of the Kingdom of Scotland . CHARLES R. HIS Majesty cannot chuse but be passionately sensible ( as he believes all his good Subjects are ) of the late great Distractions , and still languishing and unsetled State , of this Kingdom ; and he calls God to Witness , and is willing to give testimony to all the World of his readiness to contribute his utmost Endeavours for restoring it to a happy and flourishing Condition . His Majesty having perused the Propositions now brought to him , finds them the same in effect which were offered to him at Newcastle : To some of which as he could not then consent without violation of his Conscience and Honour ; so neither can he agree to others now , conceiving them in many respects more disagreeable to the present condition of Affairs then when they were formerly presented unto him , as being destructive to the main principal Interests of the Army , and of all those whose Affections concur with them . And his Majesty having seen the Proposals of the Army to the Commissioners from his two Houses residing with them , and with them to be Treated on , in order to the clearing and securing the Rights and Liberties of the Kingdom , and the setling of a just and lasting Peace ; to which Proposals as he conceives his two Houses not to be strangers , so he believes they will think , with him , that they much more conduce to the satisfaction of all Interests , and may be a fitter foundation for a lasting Peace than the Propositions which at this time are tendered unto him : He therefore propounds ( as the best way in his Judgment in order to a Peace ) that his two Houses would instantly take into consideration those Proposals , upon which there may be a Personal Treaty with his Majesty , and upon such other Propositions as his Majesty shall make ; hoping that the said Proposals may be so moderated in the said Treaty , as to render them the more capable of his Majesties full Concession ; wherein he resolves to give full satisfaction unto his People for whatsoever shall concern the setling of the Protestant Profession , with Liberty to tender Consciences , and the securing of the Laws , Liberties and Properties of all his Subjects , and the just Priviledges of Parliament for the future . And likewise , by his present deportment in this Treaty , he will make the World clearly judge of his Intentions in matter of future Government . In which Treaty his , Majesty will be well pleased ( if it be thought fit ) that Commissioners from the Army ( whose the Proposals are ) may likewise be admitted . His Majesty therefore conjures his two Houses of Parliament , by the Duty they owe to God and his Majesty their King , and by the bowels of Compassion they have to their fellow-Subjects , both for the relief of their present Sufferings and to prevent future Miseries , that they will forthwith accept of this his Majesties Offer , whereby the joyful news of Peace may be restored to this distressed Kingdom . And for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland mentioned in the Propositions , His Majesty will very willingly Treat upon those particulars with the Scotch Commissioners ; and doubts not but to give reasonable satisfaction to that his Kingdom . Given at Hampton-Court , the ninth of September , 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , left by Him on His Table at Hampton-Court , Nov. 11. 1647. CHALLES R. LIberty being that which in all Times hath been , but especially now is , the common Theme and Desire of all men ; common Reason shews , That Kings less then any should endure Captivity . And yet I call God and the World to Witness , with what Patience I have endured a tedious Restraint ; which , so long as I had any hopes that this sort of My Suffering might conduce to the Peace of My Kingdoms , or the hindring of more effusion of Blood , I did willingly undergoe : But now finding by two certain proofs , that this My continued Patience would not only turn to My Personal Ruine , but likewise be of much more prejudice then furtherance to the Publick Good , I thought I was bound , as well by Natural as Political Obligations , to seek my Safety , by Retiring My self for some time from the publick View both of My Friends and Enemies . And I appeal to all indifferent men to judge , if I have not just cause to free My self from the hands of those who change their Principles with their Condition , and who are not ashamed openly to intend the Destruction of the Nobility by taking away their Negative Voice , and with whom the Levellers Doctrine is rather countenanced then punished : and as for their intentions to My Person , their changing and putting more strict Guards upon Me , with the discharging most of all those Servants of Mine who formerly they willingly admitetd to wait upon Me , does sufficiently declare . Nor would I have this My Retirement misinterpreted ; for I shall earnestly and uncessantly endeavour the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace where-ever I am or shall be , and that ( as much as may be ) without the effusion of more Christian Blood : for which how many times have I desired , prest to be heard , and yet no ear given to Me ? and can any Reasonable man think that ( according to the ordinary course of affairs ) there can be a setled Peace without it ; or that God will bless those who refuse to hear their own King ? Surely no. Nay , I must further add , that ( besides what concerns My self ) unless all other chief Interests have not only a hearing , but likewise just satisfaction given unto them , ( to wit , the Presbyterians , Independants , Army , those who have adhered to Me , and even the Scots ) I say there cannot ( I speak not of Miracles , it being , in My Opinion , a sinful presumption in such cases to expect or trust to them ) be a safe or lasting Peace . Now , as I cannot deny but My Personal Security is the urgent cause of this My Retirement ; so I take God to witness , that the Publick Peace is no less before My Eyes : and I can find no better way to express this My Profession , ( I know not what a wiser man may do ) then by desiring and urging that all chief Interests may be heard , to the end each may have just Satisfaction . As for example , the Army , ( for the rest , though necessary , yet , I suppose , are not difficult to content ) ought ( in My Judgment ) to enjoy the Liberty of their Consciences , have an Act of Oblivion or Indemnity , ( which should extend to all the rest of My Subjects ) and that all their Arrears should be speedily and duly paid ; which I will undertake to do , so I may be heard , and that I be not hindred from using such Lawful and honest means as I shall chuse . To conclude , let Me be heard with Freedom , Honour and Safety , and I shall instantly break through this Cloud of Retirement , and shew My self really to be Pater Patriae . Hampton-Court , 11. Novemb. 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , with Propositions , Novemb. 17. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland CHARLES R. HIS Majesty is confident that before this time his two Houses of Parliament have received the Message which he left behind him at Hampton-Court the eleventh of this Month , by which they will have understood the Reasons which enforced him to go from thence , as likewise his constant endeavours for the setling of a safe and well-grounded Peace wheresoever he should be : And being now in a place where he conceives himself to be at much more Freedom and Security then formerly , he thinks it necessary ( not only for making good of his own Professions , but also for the speedy procuring of a Peace in these languishing and distressed Kingdoms ) at this time to offer such grounds to his two Houses for that effect , which upon due examination of all Interests may best conduce thereunto . And because Religion is the best and chiefest foundation of Peace , His Majesty will begin with that particular . That for the abolishing Arch-bishops , Bishops , &c. His Majesty cleary professeth that he cannot give his consent thereunto , both in relation as he is a Christian , and a King. For the first , he avows that he is satisfied in his Judgment , that this Order was placed in the Church by the Apostles themselves , and ever since their time hath continued in all Christian Churches throughout the World until this last Century of years ; and in this Church , in all times of Change and Reformation , it hath been upheld by the Wisdom of his Ancestors , as the great preserver of Doctrine , Discipline and Order in the Service of God. As a King , at his Coronation he hath not only taken a solemn Oath to maintain this Order , but his Majesty and his Predecessors in their confirmations of the Great Charter have inseparably woven the Right of the Church into the Liberties of the rest of their Subjects . And yet he is willing it be provided , that the particular Bishops perform the several Duties of their Callings , both by their personal Residence and frequent Preachings in their Dioceses , as also that they exercise no Act of Jurisdiction or Ordination without the consent of their Presbyters ; and will consent that their Powers in all things be so limited that they be not grievous to tender Consciences . Wherefore since his Majesty is willing to give ease to the Consciences of others , he sees no reason why he alone and those of his Judgment should be pressed to a violation of theirs . Nor can his Majesty consent to the Alienation of Church-Lands , because it cannot be denied to be a sin of the highest Sacriledge ; as also that it subverts the intentions of so many pious Donors , who have laid a heavy Curse upon all such profane violations , which his Majesty is very unwilling to undergoe : and besides the matter of Conscience , His Majesty believes it to be a prejudice to the Publick good , many of his Subjects having the benefit of renewing Leases at much easier Rates then if those Possessions were in the hands of private men : not omitting the discouragement which it will be to all Learning and Industry , when such eminent rewards shall be taken away which now lye open to the Children of meanest Persons . Yet his Majesty considering the great present Distempers concerning Church-Discipline , and that the Presbyterian Government is now in practice , his Majesty , to eschew Confusion as much as may be , and for the satisfaction of his two Houses , is content that the said Government be legally permitted to stand in the same condition it now is for three years : provided that his Majesty and those of his Judgment ( or any other who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto ) be not obliged to comply with Presbyterial Government , but have free practice of their own Profession without receiving any prejudice thereby ; and that a free Consultation and debate be had with the Divines at Westminster ( twenty of his Majesties nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by his Majesty and the two Houses how the Church-Government after the said time shall be settled , ( or sooner , if Differences may be agreed ) as is most agreeable to the Word of God , with full Liberty to all those who shall differ upon conscientious grounds from that settlement : always provided , that nothing aforesaid be understood to tolerate those of the Popish Profession , nor the exempting of any Popish Recusant from the penalties of the Laws , or to tolerate the publick profession of Atheism or Blasphemy , contrary to the Doctrine of the Apostles , Nicene and Athanasian Creeds , they having been received by and had in reverence of all the Christian Churches , and more particularly by this of England ever since the Reformation . Next , the Militia being that Right which is inseparably and undoubtedly inherent in the Crown by the Laws of this Nation , and that which former Parliaments , as likewise this , hath acknowledged so to be ; his Majesty cannot so much wrong that Trust which the Laws of God and this Land hath annexed to the Crown for the Protection and Security of his People , as to devest himself and Successors of the power of the Sword : yet to give an infallible evidence of his desire to secure the performance of such Agreements as shall be made in order to a Peace , his Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , that the whole Power of the Militia both by Sea and Land , for and during his whole Reign , shall be ordered and disposed by his two Houses of Parliament , or by such persons as they shall appoint with Powers limited for suppressing of Forces within this Kingdom to the disturbance of the publick Peace , and against foreign Invasion ; and that they shall have Power , during his said Reign , to raise moneys for the purposes aforesaid , and that neither his Majesty that now is , or any other ( by any Authority derived only from him , ) shall execute any of the said Powers during his Majesties said Reign , but such as shall act by the consent and approbation of the two Houses of Parliament . Nevertheless his Majesty intends that all Patents , Commissions , and other Acts concerning the Militia , be made and acted as formerly ; and that after his Majesties Reign , all the Power of the Militia shall return intirely to the Crown , as it was in the times of Queen Elizabeth and King James of blessed memory . After this Head of the Militia , the consideration of the Arrears due to the Army is not improper to follow ; for the payment whereof , and the ease of his People , his Majesty is willing to concur in any thing that can be done without the Violation of his Conscience and Honour . Wherefore if his two Houses shall consent to remit unto him such benefit out of Sequestrations from Michaelmas last , and out of Compositions that shall be made before the concluding of the Peace , and the Arrears of such as have been already made , the assistance of the Clergy , and the Arrears of such Rents of his own Revenues as his two Houses shall not have received before the concluding of the Peace , his Majesty will undertake within the space of eighteen Months the payment of four hundred thousand pounds for the satisfaction of the Army ; and if those means shall not be sufficient , his Majesty intends to give way to the sale of Forest Lands for that purpose , this being the Publick Debt which in his Majesties Judgment is first to be satisfied : and for other publick Debts already contracted upon Church-Lands or any other Ingagements , his Majesty will give his consent to such Act or Acts for raising of moneys for payment thereof as both Houses shall hereafter agree upon , so as they be equally laid , whereby his People ( already too heavily burthened by these late Distempers ) may have no more Pressures upon them than this absolute necessity requires . And for the further securing of all Fears , his Majesty will consent , that an Act of Parliament be passed for the disposing of the great Offices of State , and naming of Privy Councellors , for the whole term of his Reign , by the two Houses of Parliament , their Patents and Commissions being taken from his Majesty , and after to return to the Crown , as is exprest in the Article of the Militia . For the Court of Wards and Liveries , his Majesty very well knows the consequence of taking that way , by turning of all Tenures into common Soccage , as well in point of Revenue to the Crown , as in the Protection of many of his Subjects being Infants : nevertheless , if the continuance thereof seem grievous to his Subjects , rather then he will fail on his part in giving satisfaction , he will consent to an Act for taking of it away , so as a full recompence be settled upon his Majesty and his Successors in perpetuity , and that the Arrears now due be reserved unto him towards the payment of the Arrears of the Army . And that the memory of these late Distractions may be wholly wiped away , his Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament for the suppressing and making null of all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations against both or either House of Parliament , and of all Indictments and other proceedings against any persons for adhering unto them ; and his Majesty proposeth , ( as the best Expediment to take away all seeds of future Differences ) that there be an Act of Oblivion to extend to all his Subjects . As for Ireland , the Cessation there is long since determined ; but for the future ( all other things being fully agreed ) his Majesty will give full satisfaction to his Houses concerning that Kingdom . And although his Majesty cannot consent in Honour and Justice to avoid all his own Grants and Acts past under his Great Seal since the two and twentieth of May 1642. or to the confirming of all the Acts and Grants passed under that made by the two Houses ; yet his Majesty is confident , that , upon perusal of particulars , he shall give full satisfaction to his two Houses to what may be reasonably desired in that particular . And now his Majesty conceives that by these his Offers ( which he is ready to make good upon the settlement of a Peace ) he hath clearly manifested his intentions to give full security and satisfaction to all Interests , for what can justly be desired in order to the future Happiness of his People . And for the perfecting of these Concessions , as also for such other things as may be proposed by the two Houses , and for such just and reasonable demands as his Majesty shall find necessary to propose on his part , he earnestly desires a Personal Treaty at London with his two Houses , in Honour , Freedom and Safety , it being , in his Judgment , the most proper , and indeed only , means to a firm and settled Peace , and impossible without it to reconcile former , or to avoid future misunderstandings . All these things being by Treaty perfected , his Majesty believes his two Houses will think it reasonable that the Proposals of the Army , concerning the Succession of Parliaments and their due Elections , should be taken into consideration . As for what concerns the Kingdom of Scotland , his Majesty will very readily apply himself to give all reasonable satisfaction , when the Desires of the two Houses of Parliament on their behalf , or of the Commissioners of that Kingdom , or of both joyned together , shall be made known unto him . From the Isle of Wight , Novemb. 17. 1647. His MAJESTIES Declaration at the Isle of VVight , Novemb. 19. 1647. CHARLES R. HIS Majesty doth declare , That he came from Hampton-Court for no other cause but for the preservation of His Person , which was ( as He apprehended ) in such danger , that He could not with Safety continue longer there : That if He could have been there with Safety , He would not have departed thence , nor from the Army : And that He chose this place rather than any other ( when He was at liberty to have gone whither He pleased ) that He might still continue under the protection of the Army ( Colonel Hammond being a Member thereof ) and that He might have conveniency of free intercourse between Himself and the Parliament for the settlement of a general Peace , to which He professes a very great inclination and desire , and that there shall be nothing wanting on His part that may be reasonably expected from Him. And His Majesty doth further Declare , That in case these Gentlemen be taken from Him and punished as evil doers , for counselling Him not to go out of the Kingdom , but rather to come to the place where He now is , for the ends aforesaid , and for their endeavouring accordingly in attending Him hither ; He cannot but Himself expect to be dealt with accordingly , His case being the same . Carisbrooke Castle , Novemb. 19. 1647. His MAJESTIES Letter to Sir THOMAS FAIRFAX , from Carisbrooke , Novemb. 26. 1647. For Sir Thomas Fairfax , General . CHARLES R. HAving left Order at Our remove from Hampton-Court , that a Copy should be given you of what We had then written to both Houses of Parliament touching the causes of Our withdrawing , and the continuance of Our Resolutions to improve every occasion of the satisfaction of all chief Interests , that so a happy Peace may be settled in Our Dominions ; in pursuance whereof We have lately sent a Message to both Houses from this place , and a Copy of it to you ; and being desirous , in order to that blessed Work , to give you Our present sense upon the condition of Affairs as they now stand ; We have thought fit to appoint Sir John Barkley to repair unto you , and to communicate the same to you : and We shall be glad by him to receive a mutual communication of your sense also upon this Subject ; not doubting but you easily perceive by the late Disorders , into what a depth of Confusion the Army and the Nation will fall , if timely and effectual preventions be not used . And therefore We have now again proposed ( as the only Expedient ) a Personal Treaty , for the composing of all differences , and fulfilling the desires of all Interests ; to which if you will imploy your Credit , as you cannot but expect the Blessings of God upon your endeavours therein , so you may justly look for the best return that ever Our Condition shall be able to make you . Given at Carisbrooke Castle , the 26. day of Novemb. 1647. His MAJESTIES Message to both Houses , from Carisbrook Castle , Dec. 6. 1647. To the Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , to be communicated to both Houses of Parliament at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. HAD His Majesty thought it possible that His two Houses could be imployed in things of greater concernment than the Peace of this miserable distracted Kingdom , He would have expected with more patience their leisure in acknowledging the receit of His Message of the 16. of November last : But since there is not in nature any consideration preceding to that of Peace , His Majesties constant tenderness of the welfare of His Subjects hath such a prevalence with Him , that He cannot forbear the vehement prosecution of a Personal Treaty ; which is only so much the more desired by His Majesty , as it is superior to all other means of Peace . And truly , when His Majesty considers the several complaints He daily hears from all parts of this Kingdom , that Trade is so decayed , all Commodities so dear , and Taxes so insupportable , that even natural subsistence will suddenly fail ; His Majesty ( to perform the Trust reposed in Him ) must use His uttermost endeavours for Peace , though He were to have no share in the benefit of it . And hath not His Majesty done His part for it , by devesting Himself of so much Power and Authority as by His last Message He hath promised to do upon the concluding of the whole Peace ? And hath He met with that Acknowledgment from his two Houses which this great grace and favour justly deserves ? Surely the blame of this great retarding of Peace must fall somewhere else than on His Majesty . To conclude , If ye will but consider in how little time this necessary good Work will be done , if you , the two Houses , will wait on His Majesty with the same Resolutions for Peace as He will meet you , He no way doubts but that ye will willingly agree to this His Majesties earnest desire of a Personal Treaty , and speedily desire His presence amongst you : where all things agreed on being digested into Acts ( till when it is most unreasonable for His Majesty or His two Houses to desire each of other the least Concession ) this Kingdom may at last enjoy the blessing of a long-wisht-for Peace . From Carisbrook Castle , Decemb. 6. 1647. MD●XLVII . Dec. 24. The Four Bills sent to the King to the Isle of VVight to be passed . Together with the Propositions sent unto Him at the same time , which upon the passing of those Bills were to be Treated upon . THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament have commanded us to present to Your Majesty these Four Bills , which have passed the two Houses of Parliament , thus severally Entituled , viz. An Act concerning the raising , settling and maintaining Forces by Sea and Land , within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed . An Act for justifying the Proceedings of Parliament in the late War , and for declaring all Oaths , Declarations , Proclamations , and other Proceedings against it , to be void . An Act concerning Peers lately made , and hereafter to be made . An Act concerning the Adjournments of both Houses of Parliament . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act concerning the Raising , settling and maintaining Forces by Sea and by Land , within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of VVales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed . BE it Enacted by the King's Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by Authority of the same , That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled , or hereafter to be assembled , shall , during the space of twenty years , from the first of November 1647. Arm , Train , and Discipline , or cause to be Armed , Trained and Disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , already raised both for Sea and Land service , and shall appoint all Commanders and Officers for the said Forces ; and shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , raise , levy , arm , train and discipline , or cause to be raised , levied , armed , trained and disciplined , any other Forces for Land and Sea-service in the Kingdoms , Dominions and Places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint ; and shall from time to time appoint all Commanders and Officers for the said Forces , or remove them , as they shall see cause ; and shall likewise nominate , appoint , place or displace , as they shall see cause , all Commanders and Officers within the several Garrisons , Forts and Places of strength , as shall be within the Kingdoms of England , Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and Town of Barwick upon Tweed : and that neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , nor any other but such as shall act by the Authority or Approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall , during the said space of twenty years , exercise any of the powers aforesaid . And be it further enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That Moneys be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , think fit and appoint , and not otherwise : and that all the said Forces , both for Land and Sea-service , so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , be imployed , managed , ordered , disposed or disbanded by the said Lords and Commons , in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That the said Lords and Commons , during the said space of twenty years , shall have power , in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , to suppress all Forces raised or to be raised without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them ; and also to suppress any Forreign Forces who shall invade , or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or any of them , and likewise to conjoyn such Forces of the Kingdom of England with the Forces of the Kingdom of Scotland , as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of twenty years , judg fit and necessary , to resist all Forreign Invasions , and to suppress any Forces raised or to be raised against or within either of the said Kingdoms , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the said Kingdoms , or any of them , by any Authority under the Great Seal or other Warrant whatsoever , without consent of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England , and the Parliament or the Estates of the Parliament of Scotland , respectively : and that no Forces of either Kingdoms shall go into or continue in the other Kingdom , without the Advice and desire of the said Lords and Commons of the Parliament of England and the Parliament of the Kingdom of Scotland , or such as shall be by them respectively appointed for that purpose . And be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That after the expiration of the said twenty years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , Power , Deputation or Authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall raise , arm , train , discipline , imploy , order , manage , disband , or dispose any of the Forces by Sea and Land of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or of any of them , nor exercise any of the said Powers or Authorities before-mentioned and expressed to be , during the said space of twenty years , in the said Lords and Commons , nor do any act or thing concerning the Execution of the said Powers or Authorities , or any of them , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained . And be it further also Enacted , That after the expiration of the said twenty years , in all cases wherein the said Lords and Commons shall declare the Safety of the Kingdom to be concerned , and shall thereupon pass any Bill or Bills for the raising , arming , training , disciplining , imploying , managing , ordering , or disposing of the Forces by Sea or Land of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernsey and Jersey , and the Town of Barwick upon Tweed , or of any part of the said Forces , or concerning the said Admiralty or Navy , or concerning the levying of Moneys for the raising , maintenance , or use of the said Forces for Land service , or of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , or of any part of them ; and if that the Royal Assent to such Bill or Bills shall not be given in the House of Peers within such time after the passing thereof by both Houses of Parliament as the said Houses shall judge fit and convenient , that then such Bill or Bills so passed by the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , and to which the Royal Assent shall not be given , as is herein before expressed , shall nevertheless , after Declaration of the said Lords and Commons made in that behalf , have the force and strength of an Act or Acts of Parliament , and shall be as valid to all intents and purposes as if the Royal Assent had been given thereunto . Provided always , and be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That nothing herein before contained shall extend to the taking away of the ordinary Legal Power of Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Maiors , Bailiffs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs , or other Officers of Justice , not being Military Officers , concerning the Administration of Justice ; so as neither the said Sheriffs , Justices of Peace , Maiors , Bailiffs , Coroners , Constables , Headboroughs and other Officers , or any of them , do levy , conduct , imploy , or command any Forces whatsoever , by colour or pretence of any Commission of Array , or extraordinary Command from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons : and that if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in Warlike manner , or otherwise , to the number of Thirty persons , and shall not forthwith separate and disperse themselves , being required thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or Command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose ; then such person and persons not so separating and dispersing themselves shall be guilty , and incur the pains of High Treason , being first Declared guilty of such Offence by the said Lords and Commons , any Commission under the Great Seal or other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding : and he or they that shall offend herein shall be incapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs and Successors , and their Estates shall be disposed as the said Lords and Commons shall think fit , and not otherwise . Provided also further , That the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties and Franchises , Customs and Usages , in the raising and imploying the Forces of that City for the Defence thereof , in as full and ample manner , to all intents and purposes , as they have or might have used or enjoyed the same at any time before the sitting of this present Parliament . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act for justifying the Proceedings of Parliament in the late War , and for Declaring all Oaths , Declarations , Proclamations and other Proceedings against it , to be void . WHereas the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament have been necessitated to make and prosecute a War in their just and lawful Defence , and thereupon Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations have been made against them and their Ordinances and Proceedings , and against others for adhering unto them , and for executing Offices , Places and Charges by Authority derived from them ; and Judgments , Indictments , Outlawries , Attainders and Inquisitions , for the causes aforesaid , have been had and made against some of the Members of the Houses of Parliament and other his Majesties good Subjects , and Grants have been made of their Lands and Goods : Be it therefore Declared and hereby Enacted by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by Authority of the same , That all Oaths , Declarations and Proclamations heretofore had or made against both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or any the Members of either of them , for the causes aforesaid , or against their Ordinances or Proceedings , or against any for adhering unto them , or for doing or executing any Office , Place or Charge , by any Authority derived from the said Houses , or either of them , and all Judgments , Indictments , Outlawries , Attainders , Inquisitions and Grants thereupon made , and all other Proceedings for any the causes aforesaid , had made , done or executed , or to be had , made , done or executed , whether the same be done by the King , or any Judges , Justices , Sheriffs , Ministers , or any others , are void and of no effect , and are contrary to and against the Laws of the Realm . And be it further Enacted and hereby Declared by the Authority aforesaid , That all Judges , Justices of the Peace , Maior , Sheriffs , Constables , and other Officers and Ministers , shall take notice hereof , and are hereby prohibited and discharged in all time to come from awarding any Writ , Process or Summons , and from pronouncing or executing any Judgment , Sentence or Decree , or any way proceeding against or molesting any of the said Members of the two Houses of Parliament , or against any of the Subjects of this Kingdom , for any the causes aforesaid . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act concerning Peers lately made , and hereafter to be made . BE it Enacted by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That all Honour and Title of Peerage conferred on any since the twentieth day of May , 1642. ( being the day that Edward Lord Littleton , then Lord Keeper of the Great Seal , deserted the Parliament , and that the said Great Seal was surreptitiously conveyed away from the Parliament ) be and is hereby made and declared Null and Void . Be it further Enacted , and it is hereby Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , that no Person that shall hereafter be made a Peer , or His Heirs , shall sit or vote in the Parliament of England without consent of both Houses of Parliament . Soit baillé aux Seigneurs . A ceste Bille les Seigneurs sont assentuz . An Act concerning the Adjournments of both Houses of Parliament . BE it Declared and Enacted by the Kings Majesty , and by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , and by the Authority of the same , That when and as often as the Lords and Commons assembled in this present Parliament shall judge it necessary to adjourn both Houses of this present Parliament to any other place of the Kingdom of England than where they now sit , or from any place adjourn the same again to the place where they now sit , or to any other place within the Kingdom of England , that then such their Adjournment and Adjournments to such places and for such time as they shall appoint , shall at all times and from time to time be valid and good , any Act , Statute or Usage to the contrary notwithstanding . Provided always , and be it Enacted by the Authority aforesaid , That no Adjournment or Adjournments to be had or made by reason or colour of this Act , shall be deemed , adjudged or taken , to make end or determine any Session of this present Parliament . And they also commanded us to present to Your Majesty these ensuing Propositions . [ Heads of the Propositions . ] 1. That the new Seal be confirmed , and the old Great Seal , and all things passed under it since May 1642. be made void . 2. That Acts be passed for raising Moneys to satisfie Publick Debts . 3. That Members of both Houses put from their places by the King , be restored . 4. That the Cessation in Ireland be made void , and the War left to both Houses . 5. That an Act of Indemnity be passed . 6. That the Court of Wards be taken away , and such Tenures turned into common Soccage . 7. That the Treaties between the English and Scots be confirmed , and Commissioners appointed for Conservation of the Peace between the Kingdoms . 8. That the Arrears of the Army be paid out of the Bishops Lands , forfeited Estates , and Forests . 9. That an Act be passed for abolishing Bishops and all Appendants to them . 10. That the Ordinances for disposing of Bishops Lands be confirmed by Act. 11. That an Act be passed for the sale of Church-Lands . 12. That Delinquents be proceeded against , and their Estates disposed of , according to the several Qualifications . 13. Than an Act be passed for discharge of Publick Debts . 14. That Acts be passed for settling the Presbyterian Government , and Directory . Fourteen of the Thirty nine Articles revised by the Assembly of Divines . Rules and Directions concerning Suspension from the Lords Supper . 15. That the chief Governour and Officers in Ireland , and the great Officers in England , be nominated by both Houses . 16. That an Act be passed for conviction of Popish Recusants . 17. That an Act be passed for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants . 18. That an Act be passed for levying the Penalties against Popish Recusants . 19. That an Act be passed for preventing the Practices of Papists against the State , and hearing Mass . 20. That an Act be passed for Observation of the Lords day . 21. And a Bill for suppressing Innovations . 22. And for advancement of Preaching . 23. And against Pluralities and Non-residency . They have also commanded us to desire , That Your Majesty give Your Royal Assent to these Bills by Your Letters-Patents under the Great Seal of England , and signed by Your Hand , and Declared and Notified to the Lords and Commons assembled together in the House of Peers , according to the Law declared in that behalf ; it appearing unto them upon mature deliberation , that it stands not with the Safety and Security of the Kingdom and Parliament ▪ to have Your Majesties Assent at this time given otherwise : They desire therefore that Your Majesty be pleased to grant Your Warrant for the draught of a Bill for such Your Letters Patents to be presented to Your Majesty , and then a Warrant to Edward Earl of Manchester , and William Lenthal Esquire , Speaker of the House of Commons , who have now the Custody of the Great Seal of England , to put the same of Your Majesties Letters-Patents signed as aforesaid , thereby authorizing Algernon Earl of Northumberland , Henry Earl of Kent , John Earl of Rutland , Philip Earl of Pembroke , William Earl of Salisbury , Robert Earl of Warwick , and Edmond Earl of Moulgrave , or any three of them , to give Your Majesties Royal Assent unto the said Bills , according to the Law in that behalf declared . And for the other particulars contained in the aforementioned Propositions , the two Houses of Parliament will , after such Your Majesties Assent given to the said Bills , send a Committee of both Houses to Treat with Your Majesty in the Isle of Wight thereupon . The Paper of the Scots Commissioners delivered to His MAJESTY when the Four Bills and Propositions were presented . THere is nothing which we have more constantly endeavoured , and do more earnestly desire , than a good Agreement and happy Peace between Your Majesty and Your Parliaments of both Kingdoms , neither have we left any means unassayed that by united Counsels with the Houses of the Parliament of England , and by making joynt Applications to Your Majesty , there might be a composure of all Differences : But the new Propositions communicated to us by the Houses , and the Bills therewith presented to Your Majesty , are so prejudicial to Religion , the Crown , and the Union and Interest of the Kingdoms , and so far different from the former proceedings and engagements betwixt the Kingdoms , as we cannot concur therein . Therefore we do in the Name of the Kingdom of Scotland dissent from these Propositions and Bills now tendred to Your Majesty . London . Lauderdale . Char. Erskin . Hu. Kennedy . Ro. Berclay . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Four Bills and Propositions , Dec. 28. 1647. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster , and the Commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland . CHARLES R. THE necessity of complying with all engaged Interests in these great Distempers , for a perfect settlement of Peace , His Majesty finds to be none of the least Difficulties He hath met with since the time of His Afflictions . Which is too visible , when at the same time that the two Houses of the English Parliament do present to his Majesty several Bills and Propositions for his Consent , the Commissioners for Scotland do openly protest against them . So that were there nothing in the case but the consideration of that difference , his Majesty cannot imagine how to give such an Answer to what is now proposed , as thereby to promise himself his great End , A Perfect Peace . And when his Majesty farther considers how impossible it is ( in the condition he now stands ) to fulfil the desires of his two Houses , since the only ancient and known ways of passing Laws are either by his Majesties Personal Assent in the House of Peers , or by Commission under his Great Seal of England ; he cannot but wonder at such failings in the manner of Address which is now made unto him : unless his two Houses intend that his Majesty shall allow of a Great Seal made without his Authority , before there be any consideration had thereupon in a Treaty ; which as it may hereafter hazard the Security it self , so for the present it seems very unreasonable to his Majesty . And though his Majesty is willing to believe that the intention of very many in both Houses , in sending these Bills before a Treaty , was only to obtain a Trust from him , and not to take any advantage by passing them , to force other things from him which are either against his Conscience or Honour : yet his Majesty believes it clear to all understandings , that these Bills contain ( as they are now penned ) not only the devesting himself of all Sovereignty , and that without possibility of recovering it either to him or his Successors , ( except by repeal of those Bills ) but also the making his Concessions guilty of the greatest pressures that can be made upon the Subject , as in other particulars , so by giving an Arbitrary and unlimited Power to the two Houses for ever , to raise and levy Forces for Land or Sea-service , of what persons ( without distinction or quality ) and to what numbers they please ; and likewise , for the payment of them , to levy what moneys , in such sort and by such ways and means ( and consequently upon the Estates of whatsoever persons ) as they shall think fit and appoint ; which is utterly inconsistent with the Liberty and Property of the Subject , and his Majesties Trust in protecting them . So that if the major part of both Houses shall think it necessary to put the rest of the Propositions into Bills , his Majesty leaves all the world to judge how unsafe it would be for him to consent thereunto : and if not , what a strange condition ( after the passing of these Four Bills ) his Majesty and all his Subjects would be cast into . And here his Majesty thinks it not unfit , to wish his two Houses to consider well the manner of their proceeding ; That when his Majesty desires a Personal Treaty with them for the settling of a Peace , they in Answer propose the very subject matter of the most essential part thereof to be first granted : a thing which will be hardly credible to Posterity . Wherefore his Majesty declares , That neither the desire of being freed from this tedious and irksome condition of life his Majesty hath so long suffered , nor the apprehension of what may befall him in case his two Houses shall not afford him a Personal Treaty , shall make him change his Resolution , of not consenting to any Act till the whole Peace be concluded . Yet then he intends not only to give just and reasonable satisfaction in the particulars presented to him , but also to make good all other Concessions mentioned in his Message of the 16. of Novemb. last , which he thought would have produced better effects than what he finds in the Bills and Propositions now presented unto him . And yet his Majesty cannot give over , but now again earnestly presseth for a Personal Treaty , ( so passionately is he affected with the advantages which Peace will bring to his Majesty and all his Subjects ; ) of which he will not at all despair , ( there being no other visible way to obtain a well-grounded Peace . ) However his Majesty is very much at ease within himself , for having fulfilled the Offices both of a Christian and of a King ; and will patiently wait the good pleasure of Almighty God , to incline the hearts of his two Houses to consider their King , and to compassionate their fellow-Subjects miseries . Given at Carisbrook-Castle in the Isle of Wight , Decemb. 28. 1647. A Declaration of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament ; with the Resolutions of both Houses concerning the King. Together with an Order for Imprisoning the Persons and Sequestring the Estates of any that shall act contrary to this Declaration and Resolutions . Die Sabbathi , 15. Januarii , 1647. THE Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , after many Addresses to his Majesty for the preventing and ending this Unnatural War raised by him against his Parliament and Kingdom , having lately sent Four Bills to his Majesty , which did contain only matter of Safety and Security to the Parliament and Kingdom , referring the composure of all other Differences to a Personal Treaty with his Majesty , and having received an absolute Negative , do hold themselves obliged to use their uttermost Endeavours speedily to settle the present Government in such a way as may bring the greatest Security to this Kingdom , in the enjoyment of the Laws and Liberties thereof ; and in order thereunto , and that the Houses may receive no Delays nor Interruptions in so great and necessary a Work , they have taken these Resolutions , and passed these Votes following ; viz. Resolved upon the Question , THat the Lords and Commons do Declare , That they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That no Application or Address be made to the King by any person whatsoever , without the leave of both Houses . Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That the person or persons that shall make breach of this Order shall incur the Penalties of High Treason . Resolved upon the Question , That the Lords and Commons do Declare , That they will receive no more any Message from the King , and do enjoyn , that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King to both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or to any other person . Joh. Browne , Cleric . Parliamentorum . H. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. Die Lunae , 17. Januarii , 1647. Ordered by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That this Declaration and these Resolutions be forthwith printed and published ; and that the several Knights of the Shires , and Burgesses that serve for the several Towns and places , do send Copies of the same to the several Counties and places . It is further Ordered , That whatsoever person shall act contrary to this Declaration and Resolutions of Parliament , or shall incite or encourage others so to do , shall upon due proof thereof be Imprisoned , and his Estate Sequestred ; and the Offenders in the premisses , after publication hereof , shall be within the several Ordinances of Sequestration : And all Committees and Commissioners of Sequestrations are hereby authorized and required to take notice hereof , and to proceed to Sequestration accordingly . Joh. Browne , Cleric . Parliamentorum . H. Elsynge , Cler. Parl. D. Com. His MAJESTIES Declaration in Answer to the Votes of No further Address . Carisbrook-Castle , 18. Jan. 1647. To all My People , of whatsoever Nation , Quality or Condition . AM I thus laid aside ? and must I not speak for my self ? No ; I will speak , and that to all my People , ( which I would have rather done by the way of my two Houses of Parliament , but that there is a publick Order , neither to make Addresses to , or receive Message from me . ) And who but you can be judge of the Differences betwixt me and my two Houses ? I know none else ; for I am sure you it is who will enjoy the happiness , or feel the misery of good or ill Government : and we all pretend who shall run fastest to serve you , without having a regard ( at least in the first place ) to particular Interests . And therefore I desire you to consider the state I am and have been in this long time , and whether my actions have more tended to the Publick or my own Particular good . For whosoever will look upon upon me barely as I am a Man , without that Liberty ( which the meanest of my Subjects enjoys ) of going whither and conversing with whom I will ; as a Husband and Father , without the comfort of my Wife and Children ; or lastly , as a King , without the least shew of Authority or Power to protect my distressed Subjects ; must conclude me not onely void of all Natural Affection , but also to want common Understanding , if I should not most chearfully embrace the readiest way to the settlement of these distracted Kingdoms . As also , on the other side , do but consider the Form and draught of the Bills lately presented unto Me ; and as they are the Conditions of a Treaty , ye will conclude , that the same spirit which hath still been able to frustrate all My sincere and constant endeavours for Peace , hath had a powerful influence on this Message : for though I was ready to grant the Substance , and comply with what they seem to desire ; yet as they had framed it I could not agree thereunto , without deeply wounding my Conscience and Honour , and betraying the Trust reposed in me , by abandoning my People to the Arbitrary and unlimited power of the two Houses for ever , for the levying and maintaining of Land or Sea-Forces , without distinction of Quality , or limitation for Money-Taxes . And if I could have passed them in terms , how unheard of a Condition were it for a Treaty to grant beforehand the most considerable part of the subject matter ? How ineffectual were that Debate like to prove , wherein the most potent party had nothing of moment left to ask , and the other nothing more to give ? so consequently , how hopeless of mutual compliance ? without which a Settlement is impossible . Besides , if after my Concessions the two Houses should insist on those things from which I cannot depart , how desperate would the Condition of these Kingdoms be , when the most proper and approved Remedy should become ineffectual ? Being therefore fully resolved that I could neither in Conscience , Honour or Prudence , pass those Four Bills , I only endeavoured to make the Reasons and Justice of my Denial appear to all the World , as they do to me , intending to give as little dissatisfaction to the two Houses of Parliament ( without betraying my own Cause ) as the matter would bear . I was desirous to give my Answer of the 28. of December last to the Commissioners sealed , ( as I had done others heretofore , and sometimes at the desire of the Commissioners ) chiefly , because when my Messages or Answers were publickly known before they were read in the Houses , prejudicial interpretations were forced on them , much differing , and sometimes contrary to my meaning . For example , my Answer from Hampton-Court was accused of dividing the two Nations , because I promised to give satisfaction to the Scots in all things concerning that Kingdom : and this last suffers in a contrary sense , by making me intend to interest Scotland in the Laws of this Kingdom , ( then which nothing was , nor is , further from my thoughts ) because I took notice of the Scots Commissioners protesting against the Bills and Propositions , as contrary to the Interests and Engagements of the two Kingdoms . Indeed , if I had not mentioned their dissent , an Objection , not without some probability , might have been made against me , both in respect the Scots are much concerned in the Bill for the Militia and in several other Propositions , and my silence might with some justice seem to approve of it . But the Commissioners refusing to receive my Answer sealed , I ( upon the engagement of their and the Governour 's Honour , that no other use should be made or notice taken of it than as if it had not been seen ) read and delivered it open unto them ; whereupon what hath since passed , either by the Governour , in discharging most of my Servants , redoubling the Guards , and restraining me of my former Liberty , ( and all this , as himself confest , meerly out of his own dislike of my Answer , notwithstanding his beforesaid Engagement ) or afterwards by the two Houses ( as the Governor affirms ) in confining me within the circuit of this Castle , I appeal to God and the World , whether my said Answer deserved the Reply of such proceedings ; besides the unlawfulness for Subjects to imprison their King. That , by the permission of Almighty God , I am reduced to this sad condition , as I no way repine , so I am not without hope but that the same God will , in due time , convert the Afflictions into my Advantage . In the mean time I am confident to bear these crosses with Patience and a great equality of Mind : but by what means or occasion I am come to this Relapse in my Affairs , I am utterly to seek ; especially when I consider that I have sacrificed to my two Houses of Parliament , for the Peace of the Kingdom , all but what is much more dear to me than my Life , my Conscience and Honour , desiring nothing more than to perform it in the most proper and natural way , A Personal Treaty . But that which makes me most at a loss is , the remembring my signal Compliance with the Army and their Interests , and of what importance my Compliance was to them , and their often-repeated Professions and Engagements for my just Rights in general , at Newmarket and Saint-Albans , and their particular explanations of those generals by their Voted and revoted Proposals ; which I had reason to understand should be the utmost extremity would be expected from me , and that in some things therein I should be eased , ( herein appealing to the Consciences of some of the chiefest Officers in the Army , if what I have said be not punctually true : ) and how I have failed of their expectations or my professions to them , I challenge them and the whole World to produce the least colour of Reason . And now I would know what it is that is desired . Is it Peace ? I have shewed the way ( being both willing and desirous to perform my part in it ) which is , a just Compliance with all chief Interests . Is it Plenty and Happiness ? they are the inseparable effects of Peace . Is it Security ? I who wish that all men would forgive and forget like me , have offered the Militia for my time . Is it Liberty of Conscience ? He who wants it is most ready to give it . Is it the right administration of Justice ? Officers of trust are committed to the choice of my two Houses of Parliament . Is it frequent Parliaments ? I have legally , fully concurr'd therewith . Is it the Arrears of the Army ? Upon a Settlement they will certainly be payed with much ease ; but before , there will be found much difficulty , if not impossibility , in it . Thus all the World cannot but see my real and unwearied endeavours for Peace , the which ( by the Grace of God ) I shall neither repent me of , nor ever be slackned in , notwithstanding My past , present , or future Sufferings : But if I may not be heard , let every one judge who it is that obstructs the good I would or might do . What is it that men are afraid to hear from me ? It cannot be Reason , ( at least none will declare themselves so unreasonable as to confess it : ) and it can less be impertinent or unreasonable Discourses ; for thereby , peradventure , I might more justifie this my Restraint than the causers themselves can do : so that of all wonders yet this is the greatest to me . But it may be easily gathered how those men intend to govern who have used me thus . And if it be my hard Fate to fall together with the Liberty of this Kingdom , I shall not blush for my self , but much lament the future Miseries of my People ; the which I shall still pray God to avert , whatever becomes of me . CHARLES R. Votes for a Treaty . Die Veneris , 28. Jul. 1648. Resolved , THat a Treaty be had with the King in Person in the Isle of Wight , by a Committee appointed by both Houses , upon the Propositions presented to him at Hampton-Court , and for the taking away of Wards and Liveries , for settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace . Die Mercurii , 2. Aug. 1648. Resolved , THat a Committee of both Houses be sent to his Majesty to acquaint him with their Resolutions to treat personally with his Majesty by a Committee of both Houses in such place as his Majesty shall make choice of in the Isle of Wight , upon the Propositions presented ▪ at Hampton-Court , and the taking away of Wards and Liveries , for the settling of a safe and well-grounded Peace : Which Treaty is resolved by the two Houses to be transacted with Honor , Freedom and Safety to his Majesty , in the Isle of Wight . Die Jovis , 3. Aug. 1648. Instruction from both Houses of the Parliament of England for James Earl of Middlesex , Sir John Hippesley Knight , and John Bulkeley Esquire , Committees of Parliament . I. YOu , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall with all speed repair unto his Majesty at the Castle of Carisbook in the Isle of Wight . II. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall present unto his Majesty the Resolutions of both Houses of Parliament concerning a Personal Treaty to be had with his Majesty in the Isle of Wight . III. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall desire his Majesties speedy Answer to the said Resolutions . IV. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , are to acquaint his Majesty that you are only allotted ten days from Friday next for your Going , Stay , and Return . V. You , or any two of you , whereof one to be a Lord , shall have power , in case his Majesty desires to see the Propositions which were presented to him at Hampton-Court , to present him a Copy of them . His MAJESTIES Message in Answer to the Votes . Carisbrooke , 10. Aug. 1648. For the Speaker of the Lords House pro tempore , to be communicated to the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England at Westminster . CHARLES R. IF the Peace of my Dominions were not much dearer to me than any particular Interest whatsoever ; I had too much reason to take notice of the several Votes which passed against me , and the sad Condition I have been in now above these seven Months . But since you my two Houses of Parliament have opened ( as it seems to me ) a fair beginning to a happy Peace , I shall heartily apply my self thereunto ; and to that end I will , as clearly and shortly as I may , set you down those things which I conceive necessary to this blessed Work , so that we together may remove all impediments that may hinder a happy conclusion of this Treaty , which with all chearfulness I do embrace . And to this wished End your selves have laid most excellent grounds : For what can I reasonably expect more then to Treat with Honour , Freedom and Safety , upon such Propositions as you have or shall present unto me , and such as I shall make to you ? But withal remember , that it is the definition , not names , of things which make them rightly known ; and that without means to perform , no Propositions can take effect . And truly my present Condition is such , that I can no more Treat then a blind man judge of colours , or one run a race who hath both his feet fast tied together . Wherefore my first necessary Demand is , That you will recal all such Votes and Orders by which people are frighted from coming , writing , or speaking freely to me . Next , that such men of all Professions , whom I shall send for as of necessary use to me in this Treaty , may be admitted to wait upon me . In a word , that I may be in the same state of Freedom I was in when I was last at Hampton-Court . And indeed , less cannot in any reasonable measure make good those Offers which you have made me by your Votes . For how can I Treat with Honour , so long as people are terrified with Votes and Orders against coming to speak or write to me ? and am I honourably treated , so long as there is none about me ( except a Barber , who came now with the Commissioners ) that ever I named to wait upon me ? or with Freedom , until I may call such unto me , of whose services I shall have use in so great and difficult a Work ? And for Safety , ( I speak not of my Person , having no apprehension that way ) how can I judge to make a safe and well grounded Peace , until I may know ( without disguise ) the true present state of all my Dominions , and particularly of all those whose Interests are necessarily concerned in the Peace of these Kingdoms ? Which leads me naturally to the last necessary Demand I shall make for the bringing this Treaty to an happy end , which is , That you alone , or you and I joyntly , do invite the Scots to send some persons authorized by them to Treat upon such Propositions as they shall make : For certainly the publick and necessary Interests they have in this great Settlement is so clearly plain to all the World , that I believe no body will deny the necessity of their concurrence in this Treaty in order to a durable Peace . Wherefore I will only say , that as I am King of both Nations , so I will yield to none in either Kingdom for being truly and zealously affected for the good and honour of both ; my Resolution being never to be partial for either to the prejudice of the other . Now as to the Place ( because I conceive it to be rather a circumstantial than real part of this Treaty , I shall not much insist upon it ) I name Newport in this Isle : yet the fervent zeal I have that a speedy end be put to these unhappy Distractions , doth force me earnestly to desire you to consider what a great loss of time it will be to Treat so far from the body of my two Houses , when every small debate ( of which doubtless there will be many ) must be transmitted to Westminster before it be concluded . And really I think ( though to some it may seem a Paradox ) that peoples minds will be much more apt to settle , seeing me Treat in or near London , than in this Isle ; because so long as I am here , it will never be believed by many that I am really so free as before this Treaty begin I expect to be . And so I leave and recommend this point to your serious consideration . And thus I have not only fully accepted of the Treaty which you have proposed to me by your Votes of the third of this Month , but also given it all the furtherance that lies in me , by demanding the necessary means for the effectual performance thereof : All which are so necessarily implied by , though not particularly mentioned in , your Votes , as I can no ways doubt of your ready compliance with me herein . I have now no more to say , but to conjure you by all that is dear to Christians , honest men , or good Patriots , that ye will make all the Expedition possible to begin this happy Work , by hastning down your Commissioners fully authorized and well instructed , and by enabling me ( as I have shewed you ) to Treat ; praying the God of Peace so to bless our endeavours , that all my Dominions may speedily enjoy a safe and well-grounded Peace . CHARLES R. Carisbrook , Aug. 10. 1648. A Letter from the Speaker of both Houses to His Majesty , Aug. 25. 1648. With Votes in order to a Treaty . May it please Your Majesty , WE are commanded by Your Majesties loyal Subjects , the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , to present unto Your Majesty these Resolutions inclosed , which are the results of the said Lords and Commons upon your Majesties Letter of the tenth of August instant . Westminster , 25. Aug. 1648. Your Majesties most loyal and most humble Subjects and Servants , Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore . William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . Die Jovis , 24. Aug. 1648. Resolved upon the Question by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , That for opening a way towards a Treaty with his Majesty for a safe and well-grounded Peace , these four Votes following are hereby revoked and taken off , viz. 1. Resolved , That the Lords and Commons do declare , That they will make no further Addresses or Applications to the King. 2. Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That no Application or Addresses be made to the King by any person whatsoever without the leave of both Houses . 3 Resolved by the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament , That the person or persons that shall make breach of this Order , shall incur the penalties of high Treason . 4. Resolved , That the Lords and Commons do declare , That they will receive no more any Message from the King ; and do enjoyn , that no person whatsoever do presume to receive or bring any Message from the King , to both or either of the Houses of Parliament , or to any other person . Resolved by the Lords and Commons , That his Majesty be desired to send to the Houses the Names of such Persons as he shall conceive to be of necessary use to be about him during this Treaty , they not being persons excepted by the Houses from Pardon , or under restraint , or in actual War against the Parliament by Sea or Land , or in such numbers as may draw any just cause of suspicion : And that his Majesty shall be in the Isle of Wight in the same state and Freedom as he was in when he was last at Hampton-Court . Resolved , That the Houses do agree , that such Domestick Servants , not being in the former Limitations , as his Majesty shall appoint to come to attend upon his Majesties Person , shall be sent unto him . Resolved , That the Town of Newport in the Isle of Wight , named by the King , shall be the Place for this Treaty with his Majesty . Resolved , That if the King shall think fit to send for any of the Scotish Nation , to advise with him concerning the Affairs of the Kingdom of Scotland only , the Houses will give them a safe Conduct , they not being persons under restraint in this Kingdom , or in actual War against the Parliament by Sea or Land , or in such numbers as may draw any just cause of suspicion . Resolved , That Five Lords and Ten Members of the House of Commons be Commissioners to Treat with the King. Resolved , That the time of beginning the Treaty be within ten days after the Kings Assent to Treat as is agreed , and to continue forty days after the beginning thereof . Resolved , That his Majesty be desired to pass his Royal Word to make his constant Residence in the Isle of Wight , from the time of his Assenting to Treat until twenty days after the Treaty be ended , unless it be otherwise desired by both Houses of Parliament ; and that after his Royal Word so passed , and his Assent given to Treat as aforesaid , from thenceforth the former Instructions of the 16. of November 1647. be vacated , and these observed ; and that Colonel Hammond be authorized to receive his Majesties Royal Word passed to the two Houses of Parliament for his Residence in the Isle of Wight , according as is formerly expressed , and shall certifie the same to both Houses . His MAJESTIES Answer to the Votes . For the Earl of Manchester , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore , and William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . Carisbrook , Monday 28. August , 1648. MY Lord , and Master Speaker , I have received your Letter of the 25. of this Month , with the Votes that you sent Me , which though they are not so full as I could have wished , for the perfecting of a Treaty , yet because I conceive by what you have done , that I am in some measure fit to begin one , such is My uncessant and earnest desire to give a Peace to these My now distracted Dominions , as I accept the Treaty , and therefore desire that such five Lords and ten Commoners as My two Houses shall appoint , be speedily sent , fully Authorized and Instructed to Treat with Me ▪ not doubting but what is now wanting , will at our meeting upon Debate be fully supplied , not only to the furtherance of this Treaty , but also to the consummating of a safe and well-grounded Peace . So I rest , Your good Friend , CHARLES R. Here Inclosed I have sent you a List that ye have desired . I desire in order to one of your Votes , that ye would send Me a free pass for Parsons , one of the Grooms of My Presence-Chamber , to go into Scotland , and that ye would immediately send him to Me to receive the Dispatch thither . The List . Duke Richmond , Marq. Hartford , Earl Lindsey , Earl Southampton , Gentlemen of My Bed-Chamber . George Kirke , James Leviston , Henry Murrey , John Ashburnham , William Leg , Grooms of My Bed-Chamber . Thomas Davise , Barber . Hugh Henne , Humph. Rogers , William Levett , Pages of My Back-Stairs . — Rives , Yeoman of My Robes . Sir Ed. Sidenham , Robert Terwitt , John Housden , Querries , with four or six of My Footmen , as they find fittest to wait . Mistress Wheeler Landress , with such Maids as she will chuse . — Parsons , a Groom of My Presence . Sir Fulke Grevill , Captain Titus , Captain Burroughs , Master Cresset , — Hansted , Ab. Dowsett , — Firebrace , to wait as they did , or as I shall appoint them . Bishop of London , Bishop of Salisbury , Doctor Shelden , Doctor Hammond , Doctor Holdsworth , Doctor Sanderson , Doctor Turner , Doctor Heywood , Chaplains . Sir Thomas Gardiner , Sir Or. Bridgman , Sir Ro. Holbourne , Mr. Geffrey Palmer , Mr. Thomas Cooke , Mr. J. Vaughan , Lawyers . Sir Edward Walker , Mr. Phil. Warwick , Nic. Oudart , Charles Whitaker , Clarks and Writers . Peter Newton , Clem. Kinersley , to make ready the House for Treating . A Letter from the Speakers of both Houses to His MAJESTY , Sept. 2. MDCXLVIII . With the Names of their Committee to Treat with Him. YOur two Houses of Parliament have commanded us to acquaint Your Majesty , that they have appointed the Earl of Northumberland , the Earl of Pembroke , the Earl of Salisbury , the Earl of Middlesex , and the Lord Viscount Say and Seale , Members of the House of Peers , and Thomas Lord Wenman , Master Denzil Hollis , Master William Pierrepont , Sir Henry Vane junior , Sir Harbottle Grimston , Master Samuel Brown , Master John Crew , Master Recorder of the City of London , Sir John Potts , Master John Bulkeley , Members of the House of Commons , to Treat with Your Majesty at Newport in the Isle of Wight : And though they cannot come within the time appointed , yet they shall give their attendance with all convenient speed . 2. Septemb. 1648. Your Majesties most loyal and humble Servants , Hunsdon , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore ; William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . His MAJESTIES Answer to both Speakers . For the Lord Hunsdon , Speaker of the House of Peers pro tempore ; and William Lenthal , Speaker of the House of Commons . My Lord , and Mr. Speaker . I Have received your Letter of the second of this Month , containing the Names of those who are to Treat with Me ; and though they do not come at the time appointed , I shall not wonder , at first judging it too short , in respect of My two Houses , not of My self , so that I did not imagine it could be kept , ( as I then commanded Sir Peter Killegrew to tell you by word of Mouth ) : and therefore it shall be far from Me to take Exceptions for their having elapsed the appointed time ; for God forbid that either my two Houses or I should carp at circumstances , to give the least impediment to this Treaty , much less to hinder the happy finishing of it . I say this the rather , because I know not how it is possible , ( in this I shall wish to be deceived ) that in Forty days Treaty the many Distractions of these Kingdoms can be setled ; and if so , it were more than strange , that time enough should not be given for the perfecting of this most great and good Work , which as I will not believe can be stuck on by the two Houses , so I am sure it shall never be by Carisbrook , 7. Sept. 1648. Your good Friend , CHARLES R. I think fit to tell you , because I believe in this Treaty there will be need of Civil Lawyers , I have sent for My Advocate , Rives , and D. Duck. [ And afterward his Majesty desired the Persons named in this Note , inclosed in a Letter of one of their Commissioners , Novemb. 2. to be sent to Him. ] C. R. The Bishop of Armagh , the Bishop of Excester , the Bishop of Rochester , the Bishop of Worcester , Dr. Fern , Dr. Morley . [ The Propositions of both Houses being the same which had been presented to his Majesty at Hampton-Court , and little differing from those which had been largely discussed in the former Treaties at Oxford and Uxbridg ; for this reason , as also because neither Party did publish the particulars of this Treaty , we have thought fit to represent only what is Authentick , and therefore shall add only His Majesties fair Offers in order to a Peace . ] His MAJESTIES Propositions , 29. Sept. 1648. HIS Majesty did use many earnest endeavours for a Personal Treaty , which he hoped might have been obtained at Westminster , between Him and His two Houses of Parliament immediately : yet they having made choice of this way by you their Commissioners , His Majesty did gladly and chearfully accept thereof in this place , as a fit means to begin a Treaty for a Peace , which might put an end to His own sad Condition , and the Miseries of His Kingdom . For an entrance whereunto , His Majesty hath already expressed His Consent to the First Proposition . But finding you are limited by Instructions , which you have no Warrant to communicate unto Him , and having cause by your Paper , of the 20. of this present to believe that you have no power to omit or alter any thing , though He shall give you such Reasons as may satisfie you so to do , without transmitting the Papers to the two Houses at a far distance , where His Majesties Reasons , Expressions and Offers upon Debate cannot be fully represented , and from whence their Answers cannot be returned without much wast of the time allotted for the Treaty here ; and having lately received another Paper concerning the Church , containing in it self many particulars of great importance , and referring to divers Ordinances , Articles of Religion , and other things ( eleven or twelve in number ) of great length , and some of them very new , and never before presented to His Majesty , the due consideration whereof will take up much time , and require His Majesties Presence with His two Houses before a full resolution can well be had in matters of so high consequence : To the end therefore that the good work now in hand may ( by God's blessing ) proceed more speedily and effectually to an happy Conclusion , and that His two Houses of Parliament may at present have further security , and an earnest of future satisfaction ; His Majesty , upon consideration had of yours , makes these Propositions following . Concerning the Church ; His Majesty will consent , That the Calling and sitting of the Assembly of Divines at Westminster be confirmed for three years by Act of Parliament . And will by Act of Parliament confirm for Three years the Directory for the Publick worship of God in the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales . And will likewise confirm for Three years by Act of Parliament the form of Church-Government which ye have presented to Him , to be used for the Churches of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales . Provided , that His Majesty , and those of His Judgement , or any others who cannot in Conscience submit thereunto , be not in the mean time obliged to comply with the same Government , or form of Worship , but have free practice of their own profession . And that a free Consultation and debate be had with the Assembly of Divines at Westminster in the mean time , ( Twenty of His Majesties Nomination being added unto them ) whereby it may be determined by His Majesty and His two Houses of Parliament , how the said Church-Government and form of Publick Worship after the said time may be setled , or sooner , if Differences may be agreed ; and how also Reformation of Religion may be setled within the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales : And the Articles of Christian Religion now delivered to Him , may in like manner be then considered of and determined , and care taken for the ease of tender Consciences . And concerning the Bishops Lands and Revenues , His Majesty considering that during these troublesome times divers of His Subjects have made Contracts and Purchases , and divers have disbursed great Sums of Money upon security and engagement of those Lands ; His Majesty for their satisfaction will consent to an Act or Acts of Parliament , whereby legal Estates for Lives or for Years ( at their choice ) not exceeding ninety nine years , shall be made of those Lands towards the satisfaction of the said Purchasers , Contractors , and others to whom they are engaged , at the old Rents , or some other moderate Rent , whereby they may receive satisfaction . And in case such Lease shall not satisfie , His Majesty will propound and consent to some other way for their further satisfaction . Provided , that the Propriety and Inheritance of those Lands may still remain and continue to the Church and Church-men respectively , according to the pious intentions of the Donors and Founders thereof : And the rest that shall be reserved , to be for their maintenance . His Majesty will give His Royal Assent for the better observation of the Lords day ; for suppressing of Innovations in Churches and Chappels in and about the Worship of God ; and for the better advancement of the Preaching of God's Holy Word in all parts of this Kingdom ; and to an Act against enjoying Pluralities of Benefices by Spiritual Persons , and Non-residency ; and to an Act for Regulating and reforming both Universities , and the Colleges of Westminster , Winchester and Eaton . His Majesty will consent to an Act for the better discovery and speedy conviction of Popish Recusants , as is desired in your Propositions ; and also to an Act for the Education of the Children of Papists by Protestants in the Protestant Religion . As also to an Act for the rrue levying of the Penalties against Papists , to be levied and disposed in such manner as both Houses shall agree on , and as is proposed on His Majesties behalf . And also to an Act to prevent the practises of Papists against the State ; and for putting the Laws in execution ; and for a stricter course to prevent hearing and saying of Mass . But as to the Covenant , His Majesty is not yet therein satisfied that He can either sign or swear it , or consent to impose it on the Consciences of others ; nor doth conceive it proper or useful at this time to be insisted on . Touching the Militia ; His Majesty conceives that your Proposition demands a far larger power over the Persons and Estates of His Subjects than hath ever hitherto been warranted by the Laws and Statutes of this Realm : yet considering the present Distractions require more , and trusting in His two Houses of Parliament , that they will make no further use of the Power therein mentioned , after the present Distempers setled , than shall be agreeable to the Legal exercise thereof in times past , or just necessity shall require , His Majesty will consent to an Act of Parliament , That the Lords and Commons in the Parliament of England now assembled , or hereafter to be assembled , or such as they shall appoint during the space of ten years , shall Arm , Train and Discipline , or cause to be Armed , Trained or Disciplined , all the Forces of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , and Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersy , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , already raised , both for Sea and Land-service ; and shall from time to time , during the space of ten years , raise , levy , arm , train and discipline , or cause to de raised , levied , armed , trained and disciplined , any other Forces for Land and Sea-service , in the Kingdoms , Dominions and places aforesaid , as in their judgments they shall from time to time during the said space of ten years think fit to appoint : And that neither the King , His Heirs , or Successors , or any other but such as shall act by the Authority or approbation of the said Lords and Commons , shall during the said space of ten years exercise any of the Powers aforesaid . That Moneys be raised and levied for the maintenance and use of the said Forces for Land-service , and of the Navy and Forces for Sea-service , in such sort , and by such ways and means as the said Lords and Commons shall from time to time , during the said space of ten years , think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . That all the said Forces both for Land and Sea-service so raised or levied , or to be raised or levied , and also the Admiralty and Navy , shall from time to time during the said space of ten years be imployed , managed , ordered and disposed by the Lords and Commons in such sort and by such ways and means as they shall think fit and appoint , and not otherwise . And the said Lords and Commons , or such as they shall appoint , during the said space of ten years shall have power , 1. To suppress all Forces raised , or to be raised , without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons , to the disturbance of the Publick Peace of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , or any of them . 2. To suppress any Foreign Forces who shall invade , or endeavour to invade , the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , Dominion of Wales , the Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , or any of them . And after the expiration of the said ten years , neither the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any person or persons by colour or pretence of any Commission , Power , Deputation , or Authority to be derived from the King , His Heirs or Successors , or any of them , shall , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons , raise , arm , train , discipline , employ , order , manage , disband , or dispose any the Forces by Sea or Land , of the Kingdoms of England and Ireland , the Dominion of Wales , Isles of Gernesey and Jersey , and the Town of Berwick upon Tweed , nor exercise any of the said Powers or Authorities herein before mentioned , and expressed to be during the space of ten years in the said Lords and Commons , nor do any act , or any thing concerning the execution of the said Powers or Authorities , or any of them , without the Consent of the said Lords and Commons first had and obtained . And with the same Provisoes for saving the ordinary Legal Power of Officers of Justice , not being Military Officers , as is set down in your Propositions . And with a Declaration , That if any persons shall be gathered and assembled together in a Warlike manner , or otherwise , to the number of thirty persons , and shall not forthwith disperse themselves , being require thereto by the said Lords and Commons , or command from them , or any by them especially authorized for that purpose ; then such person or persons not so dispersing themselves , shall be guilty and incur the pains of High Treason , being first declared guilty of such offence by the said Lords and Commons ; any Commission under the Great Seal , or any other Warrant to the contrary notwithstanding . And he or they that shall so offend herein , to be uncapable of any Pardon from His Majesty , His Heirs or Successors . And likewise that it be provided that the City of London shall have and enjoy all their Rights , Liberties , &c. in raising and imyloying the Forces of that City in such sort as is mentioned in the said Proposition . With these Provisoes following to be inserted in the said Act. First , That none be compelled to serve in the Wars against their wills , but in case of coming in of strange Enemies into this Kingdom . And that the Powers above mentioned , as concerning the Land-Forces , other than for keeping up and maintenance of Forts and Garisons , and the keeping up , mantaining , and pay of this present Army , so long as it shall be thought fit by both Houses of Parliament , be exercised to no other purposes , than for the suppressing of Forces raised or to be raised without Authority and Consent of the said Lords and Commons as aforesaid , or for suppressing of any Foreign Forces which shall invade or endeavour to invade the Kingdoms , Dominions , or places aforesaid . And that the Monies be raised by general and equal Taxations ; saving that Tonnage and Poundage , and such Imposts as have been applyed to the Navy , be raised as hath been usual . And that all Patents , Commissions , and other Acts concerning the Premisses , be made and acted in His Majesties Name , by Warrant signified by the Lords and Commons , or such others as they shall authorise for that purpose . If it shall be more satisfactory to His two Houses , to have the Militia and Powers thereupon depending during the whole time of His Majesties Reign , rather than for the space of ten years , His Majesty gives them the Election . Touching Ireland , His Majesty having in the two preceding Propositions given His Consent concerning the Church and the Militia there in all things as in England , as to all other matters relating to that Kingdom , after advice with His two Houses , He will leave it to their determination , and give His Consent accordingly , as is herein hereafter expressed . Touching Publick Debts , His Majesty will give His Consent to such an Act for raising of Monies by general and equal Taxations for the payment and satisfying the Arrears of the Army , Publick Debts and Engagements of the Kingdom , as shall be agreed on by both Houses of Parliament , and shall be audited and ascertained by them , or such persons as they shall appoint , within the space of twelve Months after the passing of an Act for the same . His Majesty will Consent to an Act , that during the said space of ten years , the Lord Chancellor , or Lord Keeper , Commissioners of the Great Seal , or Treasury , Lord Warden of the Cinque-Ports , Chancellor of Exchequer and Dutchy , Secretaries of State , Master of the Rolles , and Judges of both Benches , and Barons of the Exchequer of England , be nominated by both Houses of the Parliament of England , to continue quamdiu se bene gesserint ; and in the intervals of Parliament , by such others as they shall authorise for that purpose . His Majesty will Consent , That the Militia of the City of London and Liberties thereof , during the space of ten years , may be in the Ordering and Government of the Lord Mayor , Aldermen and Commons in the Common-Councel assembled , or such as they shall from time to time appoint , ( whereof the Lord Mayor and Sheriffs for the time being to be three ) to be imployed and directed from time to time , during the said space of ten years , in such manner as shall be agreed upon and appointed by both Houses of Parliament : And that no Citizen of the City of London , nor any of the Officers of the said City , shall be drawn forth or compelled to go out of the said City or Liberties thereof , for Military service , without their own free consent . That an Act be passed for granting and confirming the Charters , Customes , Liberties and Franchises of the City of London , notwithstanding any Nonuser , Misuser , or Abuser . And that during the said ten years the Tower of London may be in the Government of the City of London , and the Chief Officer and Governor from time to time during the said space to be nominated and removable by the Common-Council , as are desired in your Propositions . His Majesty having thus far expressed His Consent for the present satisfaction and security of His two Houses of Parliament and those that have adhered unto them , touching your four first Propositions , and other the particulars before specified ; as to all the rest of your Propositions delivered to Him at Hampton-Court , ( not referring to those Heads ) and to that of the Court of Wards since delivered , as also to the remaining Propositions concerning Ireland , His Majesty desires only , when He shall come to Westminster , Personally to advise with His two Houses , and to deliver His Opinion , and the reasons of it : which being done , He will leave the whole matter of those remaining Propositions to the determination of His two Houses , which shall prevail with Him for his Consent accordingly . And His Majesty doth ( for His own particular ) only propose that He may have Liberty to repair forthwith to Westminster , and be restored to a condition of absolute Freedom and Safety , ( a thing which He shall never deny to any of His Subjects ) and to the possession of His Lands and Revenues ; and that an Act of Oblivion and Indemnity may pass to extend to all persons , for all matters relating to the late unhappy Differences : Which being agreed by His two Houses of Parliament , His Majesty will be ready to make these His Concessions binding , by giving them the force of Laws by His Royal Assent . Votes concerning His MAJESTIES Propositions and Concessions . Die Lunae , Octobr. 2. 1648. Resolved by the Lords and Commons in Parliament assembled , THat they are not satisfied in the Propositions made by His Majesty in His Letter . And that a Letter be sent to the Commissioners in the Isle of Wight , to acquaint them that the Houses do well approve of their proceedings , and do give them thanks for their great care and pains in managing of this important and weighty business ; requiring them still to proceed , and act punctually according to their Instructions . [ But upon further Debate in the Treaty , some things being yet further cleared , and more fully granted by His Majesty , out of His earnest desire of Peace , they at last came so near to an Agreement , that the Lower House , after long consultation , passed the following Vote : ] Die Martis , 5. Decembr . 1648. Resolved upon the Question , That the Answers of the King to the Propositions of both Houses , are a Ground for the House to proceed upon for the Settlement of the Peace of the Kingdom . The Chief Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army , presented to the House of Commons , Nov. 20. MDCXLVII . To the Right Honourable the Commons of England Assembled in Parliament . The humble Remonstrance of his Excellency the Lord General Fairfax , and his General Council of Officers held at St. Albans , Thursday the 16. of Novemb. 1648. [ The Remonstrance it self being very long , and serving only to introduce their Propositions in the end , we have thought fit to represent only the Propositions themselves , as they are contracted in their own Abridgment . ] FIrst , That the Capital and grand Author of our Troubles , the Person of the King , by whose procurement , and for whose Interest only of will and power , all our Wars have been , may be brought to Justice for the Treason , Blood , and Mischief he is therein guilty of . Secondly , That a timely day may be set for the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York to come in , by which time if they do not , that then they may be immediately declared incapable of any Government or Trust in this Kingdom or its Dominions , and thence to stand exil'd for ever as Enemies and Traitors , to dye without mercy if ever after found and taken therein . Or if by the time limited they do render themselves , that then the Prince be proceeded with as on his appearance he shall give satisfaction or not ; and the Duke , as he shall give satisfaction , may be considered as to future Trust or not . But however , that the Revenue of the Crown ( saving necessary allowances for the Children , and for Servants and Creditors to the Crown ) be sequestred , and the costly Pomp suspended for a good number of years ; and that this Revenue be for that time disposed toward publick Charges , Debts and Damages , for the easing of the People ; so as the Estates neither of Friends to publick Interest , nor alone of inferior Enemies thereto , may bear wholly the burthen of that loss and charge which by and for that Family , the Kingdom hath been put unto . Thirdly , That Capital punishment be speedily executed upon a competent number of his chief Instruments also , both in former and later Wars ; and that some of both sorts be pitcht upon as are really in your hands or reach . Fourthly , That the rest of the Delinquents English , may upon rendring themselves to Justice have mercy for their Lives ; and that only Fines be set upon them , and their persons declared incapable of any publick Trust , or having any voice in Elections thereto , at least for a good number of years : And that a short day may be set , by which all such Delinquents may come in ; and for those who come not in by that day , that their Estates be absolutely confiscate and sold to the publick use , and their persons stand exil'd as Traitors , and to die without mercy if ever found after in the Kingdom or its Dominions . Fifthly , That the satisfaction of Arrears to the Soldiery , with other publick Debts , and competent reparations of publick Damages , may be put into some orderly way : And therefore that the Fines and Compositions of Delinquents be disposed to those uses only , as also the Confiscations of such who shall be excluded from Pardon , or not come in by the day assigned . Now after publick Justice thus far provided for , we proceed in order to the general satisfaction and settling of the Kingdom . First , That you would set some reasonable and certain period to your own Power . Secondly , That with a period to this Parliament , there may be a settlement of the Peace , and future Government of the Kingdom . First , That there may be a certain succession of future Parliaments , Annual , or Biennial , with secure provision , 1. For the certainty of their sitting , meeting , and ending ; 2. For equal Elections ; 3. For the Peoples meeting to elect , provided that none engaged in War against the Kingdom may elect or be elected , nor any other who oppose this Settlement ; 4. For clearing the future power of Parliaments as supreme , only they may not give away any Foundation of Common Right ; 5. For liberty of entring Dissents in the said Representatives , that the People may know who are not fit for future Trusts , but without any further penalty for their free judgements . Secondly , That no King be hereafter admitted but upon Election of , and as upon Trust from , the People by such their Representatives , not without first disclaiming all pretence to a Negative Voice against the determinations of the Commons in Parliament ; and this to be done in some form more clear than heretofore in the Coronation Oath . These matters of general Settlement we propound to be provided by the Authority of the Commons in this Parliament , and to be further established by a general Contract or Agreement of the People , with their Subscriptions therunto . And that no King be admitted to the Crown , nor other person to any Office of publick Trust , without express Accord and Subscription to the same . Four Queries propounded by His MAJESTY , when the Armies Remonstrance was read unto him at Newport , concerning the intended Trial of His MAJESTY . 1. WHether this Remonstrance be agreeable to the former Declarations of the Army ? and if not , whether the Parliament would make good their Votes , that after He had consented to what they desired , He should be in a capacity of Honour , Freedom and Safety . 2. Whether His acknowledgement of the Blood that hath been spilt in the late Wars ( nothing being as yet absolutely concluded or binding ) could be urged so far as to be made use of by way of Evidence against Him or any of His Party ? 3. Whether the Arguments that He hath used in a free and Personal Treaty , to lessen or extenuate , and avoid the exactness of any of the Conditions , though in manner and form only , might be charged against Him as an act of Obstinacy , or wilful persistence in what is alledged against Him , in that He goes on in a destructive course of Enmity against the People and the Laws of the Land , when He hath declared , that His Conscience was satisfied concerning divers particulars in the Propositions . 4. Whereas by the Letter of the Law all persons charged to offend against the Law , ought to be tried by their Peers or Equals , what the Law is , if the Person questioned is without a Peer ? And if the Law ( which of it self is but a dead Letter ) seems to condemn him , by what power shall Judgement be given , and who shall give it ; or from whence shall the administrators of such Judgement derive their power , which may ( by the same Law ) be deemed the supreme Power or Authority of Magistracy in the Kingdom ? His MAJESTIES Declaration concerning the Treaty , and His dislike of the Armies Proceedings . Delivered to one of His Servants at His Departure from the Isle of Wight , and commanded to be published for the satisfastion of all His Subjects . WHen large pretences prove but the shadows of weak performance , then the greatest labours produce the smallest effects ; and when a period is put to a work of great concernment , all mens ears do ( as it were ) hunger till they are satisfied in their expectations . Hath not this distracted Nation groaned a long time under the burthen of tyranny and oppression ? And hath not all the blood that hath been spilt these seven years been cast upon My Head , Who am the greatest Sufferer , though the least guilty ? And was it not requisite to endeavour the stopping of that flux , which , if not stopt , will bring an absolute Destruction to this Nation ? And what more speedy way was there to consummate those Distractions , than by a Personal Treaty , being agreed upon by My two Houses of Parliament , and condescended to by Me ? And I might declare , that I conceive it had been the best Physick , had not the operation been hindred by the interposition of this imperious Army , who were so audacious as to style Me in their unparallel'd Remonstrance , their Capital Enemy . But let the world judge whether Mine endeavours have not been attended with reality in this late Treaty : and whether I was not as ready to grant as they were to ask ; and yet all this is not satisfaction to them that pursue their own ambitious ends more than the welfare of a miserable Land. Were not the dying hearts of my poor distressed People much revived with the hopes of a Happiness from this Treaty ? and how suddenly are they frustrated in their expectations ! Have not I formerly been condemned for yielding too litte to My two Houses of Parliament ; and shall I now be condemned for yielding too much ? Have I not formerly been Imprisoned for making War ; and shall I now be condemned for making Peace ? Have I not formerly ruled like a KING ; and shall I now be ruled like a Slave ? Have I not formerly enjoyed the society of my dear Wife and Children in peace and quietness ; and shall I now neither enjoy them nor Peace ? Have not My Subjects formerly obeyed Me ; and shall I now be obedient to My Subjects ? Have I not been condemned for Evil Counsellors ; and shall I now be condemned for having no Counsel but God ? These are unutterable Miseries , that the more I endeavour for Peace , the less My endeavours are respected ; and how shall I know hereafter what to grant , when your selves know not what to ask ? I refer it to your consciences , whether I have not satisfied your desires in every particular since this Treaty ; if you find I have not , then let Me bear the burthen of the fault ; but if I have given you ample satisfaction ( as I am sure I have ) then you are bound to vindicate Me from the fury of those whose thoughts are filled with blood : though they pretend zeal , yet they are but Wolves in Sheeps cloathing . I must further declare , that I conceive there is nothing can more obstruct the long-hoped-for peace of this Nation , than the illegall proceedings of them that presume from Servants to become Masters , and labour to bring in Democracy , and to abolish Monarchy . Needs must the total alteration of Fundamentals be not only destructlve to others , but in conclusion to themselves ; for they that endeavour to rule by the Sword , shall at last fall by it ; for Faction is the Mother of Ruine : and it is the humour of those that are of this weather-cock-like disposition , to love nothing but mutabilities , neither will that please them but only pro tempore ; for too much variety doth but confound the senses , and makes them still hate one folly , and fall in love with another . Time is the best cure for Faction : for it will at length ( like a spreading leprosie ) infect the whole body of the Kingdom , and make it so odious , that at last they will hate themselves for love of that , and , like the Fish , for love of the bait be catch'd with the hook . I once more declare to all My loving Subjects , and God knows whether or no this may be My last , That I have earnestly laboured for Peace , and that My thoughts were sincere and absolute , without any sinister ends ; and there was nothing left undone by Me that My Conscience would permit me to do . And I call God to witness , that I do firmly conceive that the interposition of the Army ( that cloud of Malice ) hath altogether eclips'd the glory of that Peace which began again to shine in this Land. And let the world judge whether it be expedient for an Army to contradict the Votes of a Kingdom , endeavouring , by pretending for Laws and Liberties , to subvert both . Such actions as these must produce strange consequences , and set open the flood-gates of Ruin to overflow this Kingdom in a moment . Had this Treaty been only Mine own seeking , then they might have had fairer pretences to have stopt the course of it ; but I being importun'd by My two Houses , and they by most part of the Kingdom , could not but with a great deal of alacrity concurr with them in their desires for the performance of so commodious a work : and I hope by this time that the hearts and eyes of My People are opened so much , that they plainly discover who are the Underminers of this Treaty . For Mine own part , I here protest before the face of Heaven , that Mine own Afflictions ( though they need no addition ) afflict Me not so much as My Peoples Sufferings , for I know what to trust to already , and they know not ; God comfort both them and Me , and proportion our Patience to our Sufferings . And when the Malice of Mine Enemies is spun out to the smallest thred , let them know , that I will , by the grace of God , be as contented to suffer as they are active to advance My Sufferings : and Mine own Soul tells Me , that the time will come when the very clouds shall drop down vengeance upon the heads of those that barricado themselves against the proceedings of of Peace : for if God hath proclaimed a blessing to the Peace-makers , needs must the Peace-breakers draw down curses upon their heads . I thank My God , I have armed My self against their Fury ; and now let the arrows of their Envy fly at Me , I have a breast to receive them , and a heart possest with Patience to sustain them ; for God is My Rock and My shield ; therefore I will not fear what man can do unto Me. I will expect the worst ; and if any thing happen beyond My expectation , I will give God the glory : for vain is the help of man. THE END . AN APPENDIX , CONTAINING THE PAPERS WHICH PASSED BETWIXT HIS MAJESTY And the Divines which Attended the Commissioners of the TWO HOUSES at the TREATY at NEWPORT , CONCERNING CHURCH-GOVERNMENT . In this APPENDIX are contained I. His MAJESTIES Reason why He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopal Government . October 2. 1648. p. 612. II. The Answer of the Divines to His MAJESTIES Reason , Octob. 3. ibid. III. His MAJESTIES Reply to their Paper , Octob 6. p. 616. IV. The Rejoinder of the Divines to His MAJESTIES Reply , Octob. 17. p. 621. V. His MAJESTIES Final Answer concerning Episcopacy , Nov. 1. 1648. p. 634. I. His MAJESTIES Reason why He cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the Episcopal Government . CHARLES R. I Conceive that Episcopal Government is most consonant to the Word of God , and of Apostolical Institution , as it appears by the Scripture to have been practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them committed and derived to particular Persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein ( as for Ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving Rules for Christian Discipline , and exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ) and hath ever since till these last times , been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ : And therefore I cannot in Conscience consent to abolish the said Government . Notwithstanding this My perswasion , I shall be glad to be informed , if our Saviour and the Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure : Which if you can make appear to Me , then I will confess that one of My great Scruples is clean taken away ; And then there only remains , That being by My Coronation-Oath obliged to maintain Episcopal Government as I found it setled to My hands , Whether I may consent to the abolishing thereof , until the same shall be evidenced to Me to be contrary to the Word of God ? Newport , 2. Oct. 1648. II. An Humble Answer returned to Your Majesties Paper delivered to us , Octob. 2. MDCXLVIII . May it please Your Majesty , WE do fully agree without hesitation , That these Scriptures cited in the margin of Your Paper , Acts xiv . 23. Acts vi . 6. 1 Cor. xvi . 1. 1 Cor. xiv . 1 Cor. v. 3. iii John 9 , & 10. do prove that the Apostles did ordain Presbyters and Deacons , give Rules concerning Christian Discipline , and had power of exercising Censures over Presbyters and others : and that these places of Scripture , 1 Tim. v. 22. Tit. i. 5. 1 Tim. v. 19. Titus 3. 10. do prove that Timothy and Titus had power to ordain Presbyters and Deacons , and to exercise censures over Presbyters and others : and that the second and third Chapters of the Revelation do prove , That the Angels of the Churches had power of governing of the Churches , and exercising Censures . But that either the Apostles , or Timothy and Titus , or the Angels of the Churches were Bishops , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , exercising Episcopal Government in that sense ; or that the Apostles did commit and derive to any particular persons as their Substitutes and Successors any such Episcopal Government ; or that this is proved in the least measure by the Scriptures alledged , we do as fully deny . And therefore do humbly deny also , That Episcopal Government is therefore most consonant to the Word of God , and of Apostolical institution , or proved so to be by these Scriptures . None of these were Bishops , or practised Episcopal Government , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters . Neither is such an Officer of the Church as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter to be found in the New Testament ( by which we humbly conceive that our Faith and Conscience touching this point ought to be concluded . ) The Name , Office , and Work of Bishop and Presbyter being one and the same in all things , and never in the least distinguisht , as is clearly evident , Tit. i. 5 , 7. For this cause left I thee in Crete , that thou shouldest set in order the things that are wanting , and ordain Presbyters in every City , as I had appointed thee . For a Bishop must be blameless . In which place the Apostle his reasoning were altogether invalid and inconsequent , if Presbyter and Bishop were not the same Office , as well as they have the same Name . The same is manifest , Acts xx . 17 , 28. And from Miletus he sent to Ephesus , and called the Presbyters of the Church , to whom he gave this charge , verse 28. Take heed therefore unto your selves , and to all the Flock over which the Holy Ghost hath made you Bishops , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , to feed and govern the Church of God. Where we observe , That the Apostle being to leave these Presbyters , and never to see their faces more , verse 28. doth charge them with the feeding and governing of the Church , as being Bishops of the Holy Ghost's making . But that the Holy Ghost did make any superior or higher kind of Bishops than these common Presbyters , is not to be found in that or any other Text. And that under the mouth of two or three witnesses this assertion of ours may stand ; we add to what we have already said , that in 1 Pet. v. 1 , 2. The Presbyters which are among you I exhort , who am also a Presbyter ; Feed the flock of God which is among you , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 . performing the office of Bishops . Where it appears plain to us , that under the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , used in this place , is expressed whatsoever work the Presbyters are to do . Neither can Bishops , so called , as above Presbyters , do more for the government and good of the Church otherwise than is there expresly enjoyned unto Presbyters . By all which that hath been said , the point is rendred to be most clear to the judgement of most men , both ancient and of later times , That there is no such Officer to be found in the Scriptures of the New Testament as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter : neither doth the Scripture afford us the least notice of any qualification required in a Bishop that is not required in a Presbyter , nor any Ordination to the Office of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , nor any work or duty charged upon a Bishop which Presbyters are not enjoyned to do , nor any greater honour or dignity put upon them . For that double honour which the Apostle speaks of 1 Tim. v. 17. as due to Presbyters that rule well , is with a note of ( especially ) affixed to that Act or work of labouring in the word and Doctrine , which is not that Act wherein Bishops have challenged a singularity or peculiar eminency above the Presbyters . To that which Your Majesty doth conceive , That Episcopal government was practised by the Apostles themselves ; we humbly answer , That the Apostles , as they were the highest Officers of the Church of Christ , so they were extraordinary in respect of their commission , gifts and Office , and distinguisht from all other Officers , 1 Cor. xii . 28. God hath set some in the Church , first , Apostles , secondarily , Prophets , thirdly , Teachers ; Ephes . iv . 11. Christ gave some Apostles , and some Prophets , and some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers . Where the Apostles are distinguished from Pastors and Teachers , who are the ordinary Officers of the Church for Preaching the Word , and Government . That they had power and authority to ordain Church-Officers , and to exercise Censures in all Churches , we affirm ; and withal , that no other Persons or Officers of the Church may challenge or assume to themselves such power in that respect alone , because the Apostles practised it : except such power belong unto them in common , as well as to the Apostles , by warrant of the Scripture . For that Government which they practised was Apostolical , according to the peculiar commission and authority which they had , and no otherwise to be called Episcopal , than as their Office was so comprehensive , as they had power to do the work of any or all other Church-Officers ; in which respect they call themselves Presbyteri , Diaconi , ( but never Episcopi in distinct sense ; ) and therefore we humbly crave leave to say , that to argue the Apostles to have practised Episcopal Goverment because they ordained other Officers , and exercised Censures , is as if we should argue a Justice of Peace to be a Constable , because he doth that which a Constable doth in some particulars . It 's manifest that the Office of Bishops and Presbyters was not distinct in the Apostles . They did not act as Bishops in some Acts , and as Presbyters in other Acts : the distinction of Presbyters and Bishops being made by men in after-times . And whereas Your Majesty doth conceive that the Episcopal Government was by the Apostles committed and derived to particular persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein , as for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , giving rules concerning Christian discipline , and exercising censures over Presbyters and others , seeming by the alledged places of Scripture to instance in Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches ; we humbly answer , and first , to that of Timothy and Titus . We grant that Timothy and Titus had Authority and Power of ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , and of exercising Censures over Presbyters and others ; though we cannot say they had this power as the Apostles Substitutes or Successors in Episcopal Government ; nor that they exercised the power they had as being Bishops in the sense of Your Majesty ; but as extraordinary Officers or Evangelists , which Evangelists were an Office in the Church distinct from Pastors and Teachers , Eph. iv . 11. and that they were Evangelists , it appears by their being sent up and down by the Apostles , or taken along with them in company to several Churches , as the necessity and occasion of the Churches did require : The one of them being expresly called an Evangelist , 1 Tim. iv . 5. and neither of them being any where in Scripture called Bishop . Neither were they fixed to Ephesus and Crete , as Bishops in the Churches committed to them ; but removed from thence to other places , and never , for ought appears in Scripture , returned to them again . And it seems clear to us , that neither their abode at Ephesus and Crete was for any long time , nor so intended by the Apostle . For he imploys them there upon occasional business , and expresses himself in such manner , ( I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus when I went into Macedonia , that thou mightest charge some that they teach no other doctrine , 1 Tim. i. 3. For this cause left I thee in Crete , Tit. i. 5. ) as doth not carry the fixing or constituting of a Bishop in a place as perpetual Governour . And it is as manifest that they were both of them called away from these places : ii Tim. iv . 9. Do thy diligence to come to me shortly ; Tit. iii. 12. Be diligent to come to me to Nicopolis . So that they may as well be called Bishops of any other Cities or Churches , where they had any considerable abode , as they are pretended to have been of Ephesus and Crete ; as they are called by the Postscripts of these Epistles ; the credit of which Postscripts we cannot build upon in this point . Secondly , to that of the Angels of the Churches . The Ministers of the Churches are called Stars , and Angels , which denominations are metaphorical and in a mystery , Rev. i. 20. the mystery of the seven Stars ; Angels in respect of their Mission or sending , Stars in respect of their Station and shining . And it seems strange to us , that to so many express Testimonies of Scripture , an allegorical denomination or mystery should be opposed : These Angels being no where called Bishops in vulgar acceptation ; nor the word Bishop used in any of John's writings , who calls himself Presbyter ; nor any mention of superiority of one Presbyter to another , but in Diotrephes affecting it . And as to that which may be said , that the Epistles are directed to one , we answer , that a number of persons are in the mysterious and prophetick writings expressed in singulars ; and we humbly conceive , that being written in an Epistolary style , ( for they are as Letters or Epistles to the Churches ) these writings are directed as Letters to collective Representative Bodies use to be , that is , to one , but intended and meant to that Body in meeting assembled ; which that they were so intended , is clear to us , both because there were in Ephesus Bishops and Presbyters , one and the same , to whom the Apostle at his farewel commendeth the Government of the Church ; and by divers expressions in these Epistles , as Rev. 11. 24. To you and to the rest in Thyatira ; by which distinction of you and the rest , we conceive the particular Governours ( which were more than one ) and the people to be signified . And so cannot consent that any singular person had majority over the rest , or sole power of exercising Church-Censures and Government spoken of in these Chapters . Having thus ( as we humbly conceive ) proved by pregnant places of Scripture compared together , that the Apostles themselves did not institute or practice Episcopal Government , nor commit and derive it to particular persons , as their Substitutes or Successors therein ; we shall in farther discharge of our duty to , and for the more clear and full satisfaction of , Your Majesty in this point , briefly declare into what Officers hands the ordinary and standing Offices of the Church were transmitted and derived by and from the Apostles . The Apostles had no Successors in eundem gradum : the Apostolical Office was not derived by Succession , being instituted by Christ by extraordinary and special Commission . But for the ordinary and standing use and service of the Church , there were ordained only two Orders of Officers , viz. Bishops and Deacons ; which the Apostle expresseth , Phil. 1. 1. To all the Saints in Christ Jesus which are at Philippi , with the Bishops and Deacons ; and onely of them doth the Apostle give the due Characters of Officers , 1 Tim. iii 2 , 8. From both which places of Scripture we conclude with ancient Expositors , both Greek and Latine , that Bishops are the same with Presbyters , and besides Presbyters , there is no mention of any other Order but that of Deacons . Of both which Orders in the Apostles times there were in one City more than one , as in Philippi and Ephesus . And we humbly offer to Your Majesty as observable , That though one Order might be superiour to another Order , yet in the same Order of Officers there was not any one superior to others of the same Order : No Apostle was above an Apostle ; no Evangelist above an Evangelist ; no Presbyter above a Presbyter ; no Deacon above a Deacon . And so we conclude this part , That since Church Officers are instituted and set in the Church by God or Christ Jesus , and that Ordination by or in which the Office is conveyed is of no other Officers but of Presbyters and Deacons , therefore there are no other Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Churches of Christ . As for the Ages immediately succeeding the Apostles , we answer , first , Our Faith reaches no farther than the Holy Scriptures : No human testimony can beget any more than a human faith . Secondly , we answer , That it is agreed upon by Learned men , as well such as contend for Episcopacy , as others , that the times immediately succeeding the Apostles , are very dark in respect of the History of the Church . Thirdly , That the most unquestionable Record of those times gives clear testimony to our assertion , viz. The Epistle of Clemens to the Corinthians , who reciting the Orders of Church-Officers , expresly limits them to two , Bishops and Deacons ; and them whom in one place he calls Bishops , he always afterwards nameth Presbyters . The Epistles of Ignatius pretend to the next Antiquity , but are by some suspected as wholly spurious , and proved by Vedelius to be so mixed , that it is hard , if not impossible , to know what part of them are genuine : Besides , Bishop Vsher in his late observations on them , chap. 18. pag. 138. confesses , that of the twelve of his Epistles , six are counterfeit , the other six mixt , and none of them in every respect to be accounted sincere and genuine . Fourthly , we grant , That not long after the Apostles times , Bishops in some superiority to Presbyters are by the Writers of those times reported to be in the Church ; but they were set up not as a Divine Institution , but as an Ecclesiastical , as afterwards both Arch-Bishops and Patriarchs were . Which is clear by Doctor Reynolds his Epistle to Sir Francis Knowles , wherein he shews out of Bishop Jewel , that Ambrose , Chrysostome , Jerome , Augustine , and many more holy Fathers , together with the Apostle Paul , agree that by the Word of God there is no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter ; and that Medina in the Council of Trent affirms not only the same Fathers , but also another Jerome , Theodoret , Primasius , Sedulius and Theophylact , to be of the same judgment : and that with them agree Oecumenius , Anselme Arch-Bishop of Canterbury , and another Anselme , Gregory and Gratian , and after them many others : that it was inrolled in the Canon Law for sound and Catholick Doctrine , and publickly taught by Learned men . And adds , That all who have laboured in the Reformation of the Church for these 500 years , have taught that all Pastors , be they intituled Bishops or Priests , have equal authority and power by God's word . The same way goes Lombard Master of the Sentences , and Father of the School-men , who speaking of Presbyters and Deacons , saith , The Primitive Church had those Orders only , and that we have the Apostles precept for them alone . With him agree many of the most eminent in that kind , and generally all the Canonists . To these we may add Sixtus Senensis , who testifies for himself and many others : and Cassander , who was called by one of the German Emperors , as one of singular ability and integrity , to inform him and resolve his Conscience in questions of that nature ; who said , It is agreed among all , that in the Apostles times there was no difference between a Bishop and a Presbyter . For a conclusion , we add , that the Doctrine we have herein propounded to Your Majesty concerning the Identity of the Order of Bishops and Presbyters , is no other than the Doctrine published by King Henry the 8. 1543. for all his Subjects to receive , seen and allowed by the Lords both Spiritual and Temporal , with the neather House of Parliament . Of these two Orders only , ( so saith the Book ) that is to say , Priests and Deacons , Scripture maketh express mention , and how they were conferred of the Apostles by Prayer and Imposition of hands . By all which it seems evident , that the Order of Episcopacy , as distinct from Presbytery , is but an Ecclesiastical Institution , and therefore not unalterable . Lastly , we answer , That Episcopal Government which at first obtained in the Church , did really and substantially differ from the Episcopal Goverment which the Honourable Houses of Parliament desire the abolition of . The Bishop of those times was one presiding and joining with the Presbytery of his Church , ruling with them , and not without them : either created and made by the Presbyters , chusing out one among themselves , as in Rome and Alexandria ; or chosen by the Church , and confirmed by three or more of his Neighbours of like dignity within the same precinct ; lesser Towns and Villages had , and might have have , Bishops in them , as well as populous and eminent Cities , until the Council of Sardis decreed , That Villages and small Cities should have no Bishops , lest the name and authority of a Bishop might thereby come into contempt . But of one claiming as his due and right , to himself alone , as a superior order or degree , all power about Ordination of Presbyters and Deacons , and all jurisdiction , either to exercise himself , or delegate to whom he will of the Laity or Clergy , ( as they distinguish ) according to the Judgment and Practice of those in our times , we read not till in the latter and corrupter Ages of the Church . By all which it appears , that the present Hierarchy , the abolition whereof is desired by the Honourable Houses , may accordingly be abolished , and yet possibly the Bishops of those Primitive times , be . They are so far differing one from another . In answer to that part of Your Majesties Paper , wherein You require whether our Saviour and his Apostles did so leave the Church at liberty , as they might totally alter or change the Church-Government at their pleasure ; we humbly conceive that there are Substantials belonging to Church-Government , such as are appointed by Christ and his Apostles , which are not in the Churches liberty to alter at pleasure . But as for Arch-Bishops , &c. we hope it will appear unto Your Majesties Conscience , that they are none of the Church-Governors appointed by our Saviour and his Apostles . And we beseech Your Majesty to look rather to the Original of them , than Succession . Octob. 3. 1648. III. His MAJESTIES Answer to the Paper delivered to Him by the Divines attending the Parliament's Commissioners , concerning Church-Government . C. R. HIS Majesty upon perusal of your Answer to His Paper of the second of October 1648. findeth that you acknowledg the several Scriptures cited in the Margin to prove the things for which they are cited , viz. That the Apostles in their own persons , that Timothy and Titus by Authority derived from them , and the Angels of the Churches , had power of Church-Government , and did or might actually exercise the same in all the three several branches in His Paper specified : And so in effect you grant all that is desired . For the Bishops challenge no more or other power to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office , as it is distinct from that of Presbyters , than what properly falleth under one of these three , Ordination , giving Rules , and Censures . But when you presently after deny the persons that exercised the power aforesaid to have been Bishops , or to have exercised Episcopal Government in that sense , as Bishops are distinct from Presbyters , you do in effect deny the very same thing you had before granted : For Episcopal Government in that sense being nothing else but the Government of the Churches within a certain Precinct ( commonly called a Diocese ) committed to one single person , with sufficient authority over the Presbyters and people of those Churches for that end ; since the substance of the thing it self in all the three forementioned particulars is found in the Scriptures , unless you will strive about names and words ( which tendeth to no profit , but to the puzling and subverting those which seek after truth ) you must also acknowledg that Episcopal Government in the sense aforesaid may be sufficiently proved from the Scriptures . In that which you say next , and for proof thereof insist upon three several Texts , His Majesty conceiveth as to the present business , that the most that can be proved from all or any of those places is this , That the word Bishop is there used to signifie Presbyter , and that consequently the Office and Work mentioned in those places as the Office and Work of a Bishop , are the Office and Work of a Presbyter ; which is confest on all sides , although His Majesty is not sure that the proof will reach so far in each of those places . But from thence to infer an absolute Identity of the Functions of a Bishop and a Presbyter , is a fallacy , which his Majesty observeth to run in a manner quite along your whole Answer : but it appears from the Scriptures , by what you have granted , that single persons ( as Timothy and Titus for example ) had Authority to perform such Acts and Offices of Church-Government as his Majesty hath not yet found , by any thing represented unto Him by you or any other from the Scripture , that a single Presbyter ever had authority to perform ; which is enough to prove that , the Community of Names in some places notwithstanding , the Functions themselves are in other places by their proper work sufficiently distinguished . But for the Name Episcopus or Bishop , His Majesty hath long since learned * from those that are skilful in the Greek tongue , that it imports properly no more than an Overseer , one that hath the charge or inspection of some thing committed unto him , as hee that is set to watch a Beacon , or to keep Sheep ; whence in the New Testament , and in the Ecclesiastical use , it is applied to such persons as have the Care and Inspection of the Churches of Christ committed unto them in Spiritualibus ; as both Bishops and Presbyters have in some sort , but with this difference , that mere Presbyters are Episcopi gregis only , they have the oversight of the Flock in the duties of Preaching , Administration of Sacraments , Publick Prayer , Exhorting , Rebuking , &c. but Bishops are Episcopi gregis and Pastorum too , having the oversight of the Flock and Pastors within their several Precincts , in the acts of external Government ; so that the common work of both Functions is the Ministry of the Gospel , but that which is peculiar to the Function of Bishops as distinguished from Presbyters is Church-Government . It is not therefore to be wondred , if it should happen in the New Testament , the word Episcopus to be [ usually ] applied unto Presbyters , who were indeed Overseers of the flock , rather than unto Church-Governors , who had then another Title of greater Eminency whereby to distinguish them from ordinary Presbyters , to wit , that of Apostles . But when the government of Churches came into the hands of their Successors , the names were by common usage ( which is the best Master of words ) very soon appropriated , that of Episcopus to the Ecclesiastical Governor or Bishop of a Diocese , and that of Presbyter to the ordinary Minister or Priest. His Majesty had rather cause to wonder , That upon such premises you should conclude with so much confidence , as if the point were rendred most clear to the Judgment of most men , both ancient and of latter times , That there is no such Officer to be found in the Scriptures of the New Testament as a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ; whenas His Majesty remembreth to have seen cited , by such Authors as He hath no reason to suspect , both out of the ancient Fathers and Councils , and out of sundry modern Writers , even of those Reformed Churches that want Bishops , great variety of Testimonies to the contrary . His Majesty is not satisfied with your Answer concerning the Apostles exercise of Episcopal Government , which you would put off , by referring it to their extraordinary Calling . Our Saviour himself was the first and chief Apostle , and Bishop of our Souls , sent by the Father , and Anointed by the Holy Ghost , to be both the Teacher and the Governour of his Church . By that Mission he receiv'd Authority , and by his Unction ability for those works which he performed in his own person whilst he lived upon the earth . Before he left the world , that the Church might not want Teaching and Governing to the worlds end , he chose certain persons upon whom he conferred both these Powers , whereby they became also Apostles and Bishops , by making them partakers both of his Mission before his Ascension , ( As my Father sent me , so send I you ) and of his Vnction shortly after his Ascension , when he poured upon them the Holy Ghost at Pentecost . The Mission both for teaching and governing ( at least for the substance of it ) was ordinary , and to continue to the end of the world ( Matt. xxviii . 18 , 20. ) and therefore necessarily to descend , and be by them transmitted to others , as their Substitutes and Successors . But the Vnction whereby they were enabled to both Offices or Functions , by the effusion of the Holy Ghost , in such a plenteous measure of Knowledg , Tongues , Miracles , Prophecyings , Healing , Infallibility of Doctrine , discerning of spirits and such like , was indeed extraordinary in them , and in some few others , though in an inferiour measure , as God saw it needful for the planting of the Churches and propagation of the Gospel in those Primitive times ; and in this ( which was indeed extraordinary in them ) they were not necessarily to have Successors . But it seems very unreasonable to attribute the exercise of that Power , whether of Teaching or Governing , to an extraordinary calling , which being of necessary and continual use in the Church , must therefore of necessity be the work of a Function of ordinary and perpetual use : Therefore the Acts of Governing of the Church were no more nor otherwise extraordinary in the Apostles , than the Acts of Teaching the Church were ; that is to say , both extraordinary for the manner of performance , in respect of their more than ordinary abilities for the same ; and yet both ordinary for the substance of the Offices themselves , and the works to be performed therein : and in these two ordinary Offices , their ordinary Successors are Presbyters and Bishops ; Presbyters qua Presbyters immediately succeeding them in the Office of Teaching , and Bishops qua Bishops immediately in the Office of Governing . The instances of Timothy and Titus you likewise endeavour to avoid by the pretension of an extraordinary calling . But in this Answer , besides the insufficiency thereof ( if all that is said therein could be proved ) His Majesty findeth very little satisfaction . 1. First , you say that Timothy and Titus were by Office Evangelists , whereas of Titus the Scriptures no where affirm any such thing at all ; and by your own Rule , your Authority without Scripture will beget ( if that ) but a humane Faith ; neither doth the Text clearly Prove that Timothy was so . 2. Setting aside mens conjectures ( which can breed but an humane Faith neither ) you cannot make it appear by any Text of Scripture , that the Office of an Evangelist is such as you have described it : The work of an Evangelist which Saint Paul exhorteth Timothy to do , seems by the Context ( 2 Tim : iv . 5. ) to be nothing but diligence in preaching the Word , notwithstanding all impediments and oppositions . 3. That which you so confidently affirm , That Timothy and Titus acted as Evangelists , is not onely denyed , but clearly refuted by Scultetus , Gerard and others ; yea even with scorn rejected of late ( as His Majesty is informed ) by some rigid Presbyterians , as Gillespy , Rutherford , &c. And that which you so confidently deny , that Timothy and Titus were Bishops , is not onely confirmed by the consentient testimony of all Antiquity ( even Jerome himself having recorded it , that they were Bishops , and that of St. Paul's ordination ) and acknowledged by very many late Divines ; but a Catalogue also of 27. Bishops of Ephesus lineally succeeding from Timothy our of good records , is vouched by Doctor Reynolds against Hart , and by other Writers . 4. You affirm , but upon very weak proofs , that they were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places . Some that have exactly out of Scripture compared the times and orders of the several journeys and stations of Paul and Timothy , have demonstrated the contrary concerning this particular . 5. Whereas you say it is manifest from the 2. Tim. iv . 9. and Tit. iii. 12. that they were called away from these places ; it doth no more conclude that they were not Bishops there , or that they might as well be called Bishops of other Churches , than it may be concluded from the attendance of the Divines at Westminster , that they are no longer Parsons or Vicars of their several Parishes . Lastly , for the Postscripts of these Epistles , though His Majesty lay no great weight upon them , yet He holdeth them to be of great antiquity , and therefore such as in question of fact , where there appears no strong evidence to weaken their belief , ought not to be lightly rejected . Neither doth His Majesty lay any weight at all upon the Allegory or Mystery of the denomination in the next point concerning the Angels of the Churches , as you mistake in your Answer thereunto ; wherein His Majesty finds as little satisfaction as in the last point before . The strength of His Majesties instance lay in this , That in the Judgement of all the Ancient and the best Modern Modern Writers , and by many probabilities in the Text it self , the Angels of the Seven Churches were personoe Singulares , and such as had a Prelacy as well over Pastors as People within their Churches , and that is in a word , Bishops . And you bring nothing of moment in your Answer to infirm this . You say truly indeed , That those Epistles were written in Epistolary style , and so ( as Letters to collective or representative Bodies use to be ) directed to one , but intended to the Body : Which when you have proved , you are so far from weakning , that you rather strengthen the Argument to prove those Angels to have been single persons : as when His Majesty sendeth a Message to His two Houses , and directs it to the Speaker of the House of Peers , His intending it to the whole House doth not hinder but that the Speaker to whom it is directed is one single person still . Yet His Majesty cannot but observe in this ( as in some parts of your Answer ) how willing you are versari in generalibus , and how unwillingly to speak out , and to declare plainly and directly what your opinion is concerning those Angels , who they were ; whether they were , ( as the great Antagonist of Episcopacy , Salmasius , very peremptorily ( sit ergo hoc fixum , &c. ) affirmeth ) the whole Churches ; or so many individual Pastors of the gathered Churches in those Cities ; or the whole College of Presbyters in the respective Churches ; or the singular and individual Presidents of these Colleges ; for into so many several Opinions are those few divided among themselves , who have divided themselves from the common and received judgement of the Christian Church . In the following discourse , you deny that the Apostles were to have any Successors in their Office , and affirm that there were to be onely two Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Church , wiz . Presbyters and Deacons . What His Majesty conceiveth concerning the Successors of the Apostles , is in part already declared , viz. That they have no Successors in eundem gradum , in respect of those things that were extraordinary in them , as namely the measure of their Gifts , the extent of their Charge , the infallibility of their Doctrine , and ( which is sundry times mentioned as a special Character of an Apostle properly so called ) the having seen Christ in the flesh . But in those things that were not extraordinary ( and such those things are to be judged which are necessary for the service of the Church in all times , as the Office of Teaching , and the power of Governing are ) they were to have and had Successors ; and therefore the Learned and Godly Fathers and Councils of old times did usually style Bishops the Successors of the Apostles , without ever scrupling thereat . And as to the standing Offices of the Church , although in the places by you cited , Phil. i. 1. i Tim. iii. 8. there be no mention of Bishops as distinct from Presbyters , but of the two Orders only of Bishops or Presbyters and Deacons ; yet it is not thereby proved that there is no other standing Office in the Church besides : For there appear two other manifest reasons , why that of Bishops might not be so proper to be mentioned in those places ; the one , because in the Churches which the Apostles themselves planted , they placed Presbyters under them for the Office of Teaching , but took upon themselves the care , and reserved in their own hands the power of Governing in those Churches , for a longer or shorter time , as they saw it expedient for the propagating of the Gospel , before they set Bishops over them ; and so it may be probable that there was as yet no Bishop set over the Church of Philippi , when Saint Paul writ his Epistle to them . The other , because in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , the persons to whom he wrote being themselves Bishops , there was no need to write any thing concerning the choice or qualification of any other sort of Officers than such as belonged to their ordination or inspection , which were Presbyters and Deacons only , and not Bishops . Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles . 1. His Majesty believeth , that altho Faith , as it is an assent unto Truth supernatural or of Divine revelation , reacheth no further than the Scriptures , yet in matters of fact , humane Testimonies may beget a Faith , though humane , yet certain and infallible ; as by the credit of Histories we have an infallible Faith that Aristotle was a Greek Philosopher , and Cicero a Roman Orator . 2. The darkness of those times in respect of the History of the Church is a very strong Argument for Episcopacy ; which notwithstanding the darkness of the times hath found so full and clear a proof , by the unquestioned Catalogues extant in ancient Writers of the Bishops of sundry famous Cities , as Jerusalem , Antioch , Alexandria , Rome , Ephesus , &c. in a continued succession from the Apostles , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like . 3. In Clement's Testimony cited by you , His Majesty conceiveth you make use of your old fallacy , from the promiscuous use of the words to infer the indistinction of the things : for who can doubt of Clement's Opinion concerning the distinct Offices of Bishops and Presbyters , who either readeth his whole Epistle , or considereth that he himself was a Bishop in that sense , even by the confession of Videlius himself , a man never yet suspected to favour Bishops , who * saith , that after the death of Linus and Cletus , Clemens solus Episcopi nomen retinuit , quia jam invaluerat distinctio Episcopi & Presbyteri ? And for Ignatius Epistles , though some of late , out of their partial disaffection to Bishops , have endeavoured to descredit the whole Volume of them by all possible means , without any regard either of ingenuity or truth ; yet sundry of them are such as , being attested by the Suffrages of Antiquity , cannot with any forehead be denied to be his ; and there is scarce any of them which doth not give testimony to the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter : Ignatius himself also was a Bishop of Antioch , and a holy Martyr for the Faith of Christ . 4. You grant that not long after the Apostles times Bishops are found in the Writers of those times , as in some superiority to Presbyters ; but you might have added farther out of these Writers ( if you had pleased ) that there were some of them , as James at Jerusalem , Timothy at Ephesus , Titus in Crete , Mark at Alexandria , Linus and Clement at Rome , Polycarpus at Smyrna , constituted and ordained Bishops of these places by the Apostles themselves , and all of them reputed Successors to the Apostles in their Episcopal Office : And His Majesty presumeth you could not be ignorant that all or most of the testimonies you recite of the ancient Fathers , Writers of the middle ages , Schoolmen and Canonists , and the Book published under King Hen. the 8. do but either import the promiscuous and indifferent use of the names of Bishops and Presbyters , whereof advantage ought not to be made to take away the difference of the things ; or else they relate to a School-point ( which in respect of the thing it self is but a very nicety ) disputed pro and con by curious questionists , Vtrum Episcopatus sit or do vel gradus , both sides in the mean time acknowledging the right of Church-government to be in the Bishops alone , and not in the Presbyters ; as also that there may be produced either from the very same Writers , or from others of as good authority or credit , testimonies both for number and clearness far beyond those by you mentioned , to assert the three different Degrees or Orders ( call them whether you will ) of Ecclesiastical Functions , ( viz. ) the Bishop , the Presbyter , and the Deacon . As to that which you add lastly , concerning the difference between Primitive Episcopacy and the present Hierarchy , albeit His Majesty doth not conceive that the accessions or additions granted by the favour of His Royal Progenitors , for the enlarging of the Power or Privileges of Bishops , have made , or indeed can make , the Government really and substantially to differ from what formerly it was , no more than the addition of Arms or Ornaments can make a body really and substantially to differ from it self naked or devested of the same ; nor can think it either necessary or yet expedient that the elections of the Bishops , or some other Circumstantials touching their Persons or Office , should be in all respects the same under Christian Princes , as it was when Christians lived among Pagans and under Persecution : yet His Majesty so far approveth of your Answer in that behalf , that he thinketh it well worthy the studies and endeavours of the Divines of both Opinions , laying aside Emulation and private Interests , to reduce Episcopacy and Presbytery into such a well-proportioned Form of Superiority and Subordination as may best resemble the Apostolical and Primitive times , so far forth as the different condition of times and the exigences of all considerable circumstances will admit , so as the power of Church-Government in the particular of Ordination , which is meerly spiritual , may remain Authoritative in the Bishop , but that Power not to be exercised without the concurrence or assistance of his Presbytery , as Timothy was ordained by the authority of St Paul , ii Tim. i. 6. but with the concurrence or assistance of the Presbytery , i Tim. iv . 14. Other powers of Government which belong to Jurisdiction , though they are in the Bishops , ( as before is exprest ) yet the outward exercise of them , may be ordered and disposed or limited by the Sovereign power , to which by the Laws of the Land and the acknowledgement of the Clergy they are subodinate : but His Majesty doubteth whether it be in your power to give Him any present assurance , that in the desired Abolition of the present Hierarchy , the utter abolishing of Episcopacy , and consequently of the Primitive Episcopacy , is neither included nor intended . As to the last part of His Majesties Paper , His Majesty would have been satisfied , if you had been more particular in your Answer thereunto . You tell Him in general , that there are Substantials in Church-Government appointed by Christ , &c. but you neither say what those Substantials are , nor in whose hands they are left ; whereas His Majesty expected that you should have declared your opinions clearly , whether Christ or his Apostles left any certain Form of Government to be observed in all Christian Churches ; then , whether the same binds all Churches to the perpetual observation thereof , or whether they may upon occasion alter the same , either in whole or in part ; likewise whether that certain Form of Government which Christ and his Apostles have appointed as perpetual and unalterable ( if they have appointed any such at all ) be the Episcopal , or the Presbyterian , or some other differing from them both . And whereas in the conclusion you beseech His Majesty to look rather to the Original of Bishops than to their Succession ; His Majesty thinks it needful to look at both ; especially since their Succession is the best clue , the most certain and ready way to find out their Original . His Majesty having returned you this Answer , doth profess , that as whatsoever was of weight in yours shall have influence on Him ; so He doubts not but somewhat may appear to you in His which was not so clear to you before : and if this Debate may have this end , that it dispose others to the temper of accepting Reason , as it shall Him of endeavouring to give satisfaction in all He can to His two Houses , His Majesty believes though it hath taken up , it hath not mis-spent His time . Newport , Octob. 6. IV. The Humble Answer of the Divines attending the Honourable Commissioners of Parliament at the Treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight , to the Second Paper delivered to them by His Majesty , Octob. 6. 1648. Delivered to His Majesty , Octob. 17. May it please Your Majesty , AS in our Paper of October the third , in Answer to Your Majesties of October the second , we did , so now again we do , acknowledg that the Scriptures cited in the Margin of Your Majesties Paper do prove , that the Apostles in their own persons , that Timothy and Titus , and the Angels of the Churches , had power respectively to do those things which are in those places of Scripture specified : But as then , so now also we humbly do deny , that any of the persons or Officers fore-mentioned were Bishops as distinct from Presbyters , or did exercise Episcopal Government in that sense ; or that this was in the least measure proved by the alledged Scriptures . And therefore our Negative not being to the same point or state of the Question which was affirmed , we humbly conceive that we should not be interpreted to have , in effect , denied the very same thing which we had before granted , or to have acknowledged that the several Scriptures do prove the thing for which they are cited by Your Majesty . And if that which we granted were all that , by the Scripture cited in Your Margin , Your Majesty intended to prove ; it will follow , that nothing hath yet been proved on Your Majesties part , to make up that Conclusion which is pretended . As then we stood upon the Negative to that Assertion , so we now crave leave to represent to Your Majesty , that Your Reply doth not infirm the Evidence given in maintenance thereof . The reason given by Your Majesty in this Paper to support Your Assertion , That the persons that exercised the power aforesaid were Bishops in distinct sense , is taken from a description of Episcopal Government ; which is ( as Your Majesty saith ) nothing else but the Government of the Churches within a certain Precinct ( commonly called a Diocess ) committed to one single person , with sufficient authority over the Presbyters and people of those Churches for that end : which Government so described being for substance of the thing it self in all the three forementioned particulars ( Ordaining , giving rules of Discipline , and Censures ) found in Scriptures , except we will contend about names and words , must be acknowledged in the sense aforesaid to be sufficiently proved from Scriptures . And Your Majesty saith farther , that the Bishops do not challenge more or other power to belong to them , in respect of their Episcopal Office , as it is distinct from that of Presbyters , than what properly falls under one of those three . We desire to speak both to the Bishops Challenge , and to Your Majesties Description of Episcopal Government . And first to their Challenge , because it is first exprest in Your Majesties Reply . The Challenge we undertake in two respects : 1. In respect of the Power challenged , 2. in respect of that ground or Tenure upon which the claim is laid . The Power challenged consists of three particulars , Ordaining , giving Rules of Discipline , and Censures : No more , no other , in respect of their Episcopal Office. We see not by what warrant this Writ of partition is taken forth by which the Apostolical Office is thus shared or divided ; the Governing part into the Bishops hands , the Teaching and administring Sacraments into the Presbyters . For besides that the Scripture makes no such inclosure or partition-wall , it appears , the challenge is grown to more than was pretended unto in the times of grown Episcopacy . Jerome and Chrysostom do both acknowledg for their time , that the Bishop and Presbyter differed only in the matter of Ordination : and learned Doctor Bilson makes some abatement in the claim of three , saying , the things proper to Bishops , which might not be common to Presbyters , are singularity of Succeeding , and superiority in Ordaining . The Tenure or ground upon which the claim is made , is Apostolical , which with us is all one with Divine Institution . And this , as far as we have learned , hath not been anciently , openly , or generally avowed in this Church of England , either in time of Popery , or of the first Reformation ; and whensoever the pretension hath been made , it was not without the contradiction of learned and godly men . The abettors of the challenge , that they might resolve it at last into the Scripture , did chuse the most plausible way of ascending by the scale of Succession , going up the River to find the Head : but when they came to Scriptures , and found it like the head of Nile ( which cannot be found ) they shrouded it under the name and countenance of the Angels of the Churches , and of Timothy and Titus . Those that would carry it higher , endeavoured to impe it into the Apostolical Office , and so at last called it a Divine Institution , not in force of any express precept , but implicite practice of the Apostles ; and so the Apostolical Office ( excepting the gifts or enablements confest only extraordinary ) is brought down to be Episcopal , and the Episcopal raised up to be Apostolical . Whereupon it follows , that the Highest Officers in the Church are put into a lower orb ; an extraordinary Office turned into an ordinary , a distinct Office confounded with that which in the Scripture is not found , a temporary and an extinct Office revived . And indeed if the definitions of both be rightly made , they are so incompetible to the same subject , that he that will take both must lose that one ; aut Apostolus Episcopatum , aut Apostolatum Episcopus : For the Apostles , though they did not in many things act aliud , yet they acted alio nomine & alio munere , then Presbyters or Bishops do : and if they were indeed Bishops , and their Government properly Episcopal in distinct sense , then it is not needful to go so far about to prove Episcopal government of Divine Institution , because they practised it ; but to assert expresly , that Christ instituted it immediately in them . For Your Majesties Definition of Episcopal Government , it is extracted out of the Bishops of later date than Scripture-times , and doth not sute to that Meridian under which there were more Bishops than one in a Precinct or Church ; and it is as fully competent to Archiepiscopal and Patriarchal Government , as Episcopal . The parts of this definition , materially and abstractly considered , may be found in Scripture . The Apostles , Timothy and Titus , were single persons , but not limited to a Precinct : The Government of the Angel was limited to a Precinct , but not in single persons . In several Offices , not to be confounded , the parts of this definition may be found ; but the aggregation of them all together into one ordinary Officer cannot be found . And if that word , ordinary , and standing Government , had made the Genus in your Majesties Definition ( as it ought to be ) we should crave leave to say it would be gratis dictum , if not petitio principii : for the Scripture doth not put all these parts together in a Bishop , who never borrowed of Apostles , Evangelists , and Angels , the matter of Governing and Ordaining , and left the other of Teaching , dispensing Sacraments , and dealing only in foro interno , to Presbyters , until after-times . By this that hath been said it is manifest enough , that we contend not , first , de nomine , about the Name of Episcopal Government ; which yet ( though names serve for distinction ) is not called or distinguished by the name in Scripture : nor secondly , de opere , about the Work , whether the work of Governing , Ordering , Preaching , &c. be of continuance in the Church , which we clearly acknowledg : But thirdly , de munere , about the Office , it being a great fallacy to argue , That the Apostles did the same work which Bishops or Presbyters are to do in ordinary : Therefore they were of the same Office. For as it is said of the liberal and learned Arts , one and the same thing may be handled in divers of them : and yet these Arts are distinguisht by formalis ratio of handling of them : so we say of Offices , they are distinguisht by their Callings and Commissions , though not by the work ; as all those that are named Eph. iv . ii . Apostles , Prophets , Evangelists , Pastors , and Teachers , are designed to one and the same general and common work , the work of the Ministry , ver . 12. and yet they are not therefore all one ; for it 's said , some Apostles , some Prophets , some Evangelists , and some Pastors and Teachers . A Dictator in Rome and an ordinary Tribune , Moses and the subordinate Governors of Israel , the Court of Parliament and of the Kings-Bench , an Apostle and a Presbyter or Deacon , may agree in some common work , and yet no confusion of Offices follows thereupon . To that which Your Majesty conceives , that the most that can be proved from all or any of those places by us alledged ( to prove that the Name , Office , and Work of Bishops and Presbyters is one and the same in all things , and not in the least distinguisht ) is , That the word Bishop is used in them to signifie a Presbyter , and the consequently the Office and Work mentioned in those places as the Office and Work of a Bishop , are the Office of a Presbyter , which is confessed on all sides ; we make this humble return , That though there be no supposition so much as implied that the Office of a Bishop and a Presbyter are distinct in any thing ( for the names are mutually reciprocal , ) yet we take Your Majesties Concession , that in these times of the Church and places of Scripture there was no distinct Office of Bishops and Presbyters ; and consequently , that the identity of the Office must stand , until there can be found a clear distinction of division in the Scriptures . And if we had argued the identity of Functions from the Community of names and some part of the work , the Argument might have been justly termed a fallacy ; but we proved them the same Office from the same work , per omnia , being allowed so to do by the fulness of those two words used in the Acts and S. Peter his Epistle , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , under the force of which words the Bishops claim their whole power of Government and Jurisdiction : and we found no little weight added to our Argument from that in the Acts , where the Apostle departing from the Ephesian Presbyters or Bishops , as never to see their faces more , commits ( as by a final charge ) the Government of that Church , both over parricular Presbyters and people , not to Timothy , who then stood at his elbow , but to the Presbyters , under the name of Bishops , made by the Holy Ghost ; whom we read to have set many Bishops over one Church , not one over either one or many . And the Apostles arguing from the same Qualification of a Presbyter and of a Bishop in order to Ordination or putting him into Office , fully proves them to be two names of the same Order or Function ; the divers orders of Presbyter and Deacon being diversly characterised . Upon these grounds ( we hope without fallacy ) we conceive it justly proved , that a Bishop and a Presbyter are wholly the same . That Timothy and Titus were single persons , having authority of Government , we acknowledge ; but deny that from thence any argument can be made unto either single Bishop or Presbyter : for though a singie Presbyter by the power of his Order ( as they call it ) may preach the Word and dispense the Sacraments ; yet by that example of the Presbytery , their Laying on of hands , and that Rule of Telling the Church in matter of scandal , it seems manifest that Ordination and Censures are not to be exercised by a single Presbyter : neither hath Your Majesty hitherto proved either the names of Bishops and Presbyters , or the Function , to be in other places of Scripture at all distinguished ; You having wholly waved the notice or answer of that we did assert ( and do yet desire some demonstration of the contrary ) viz. That the Scripture doth not afford us the least notice of any Qualification , any Ordination , any work or duty , any honour peculiary belonging to a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter ; the assignment of which , or any of them , unto a Bishop by the Scripture , would put this Question near to an issue . That God should intend a distinct and highest kind of Officer for Government in the Church , and yet not express any qualification , work , or way of constituting and ordaining of him , seems unto us improbable . Concerning the signification of the word Episcopus , importing an Overseer , or one that hath a charge committed to him , for instance , of watching a Beacon , or keeping sheep , and the application of the name to such persons as have inspection of the Churches of Christ committed to them in spiritualibus ; we also give our suffrage ; but not to that distinction of Episcopus gregis , and Episcopus pastorum & gregis ; both because it is the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 or point in question ; and also because Your Majesty having signified that Episcopus imports a keeper of sheep , yet You have not said that it signifies also a keeper of shepherds . As to that which is affirmed by Your Majesty , that the peculiar of the Function of Bishops is Church-Government ; and that the reason why the word Episcopus is usually applied to Presbytery , was because Church-Governors had then another title of greater eminency , to wit , that of Apostles , until the Government of the Church came into the hands of their Successors , and then the names were by common usage very soon appropriated , that of Episcopus to Ecclesiastical Governors , that of Presbyter to the ordinary Ministrrs : This assertion Your Majesty is pleased to make without any demonstration ; for whom the Scripture calls Presbyters , Rulers , and Pastors , and Teachers , it calls Governors , and commits to them the charge of feeding and inspection , as we have proved , and that without any mention of Church-Government peculiar to a Bishop . We deny not but some of the Fathers have conceived the notion that Bishops were called Apostles , till the names of Presbyter and Episcopus became appropriate ; which is either an allusion or conceit , without Evidence of Scripture ; for while the Function was one , the names were not divided ; when the Function was divided , the name was divided also , and indeed impropriate ; but we that look for the same warrant for the division of an Office as for the Constitution , cannot find that this appropriation of names was made till afterwards , or in process of time , as Theodore ( one of the Fathers of this conceit ) affirms , whose saying , when it is run out of the pale of Scripture time , we can no further follow . From which premisses laid all together , we did conclude the clearness of our assertion , that in the Scriptures of the New Testament , a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter in Qualification , Ordination , Office or Dignity , is not found : the contrary whereof though Your Majesty saith that You have seen confirmed by great variety of credible Testimony , yet we believe those Testimonies are rather strong in asserting , than in demonstrating the Scripture-Original of a Bishop , which is declared against by a cloud of Witnesses , named in the latter end of our former Answer , unto which we should refer , if matter of right were not properly triable by Scripture , as matter of Fact is by Testimony . We said that the Apostles were the highest Order of Officers of the Church ; that they were extraordinary ; that they were distinguisht from all other Officers ; and that their Government was not Episcopal , but Apostolical . To which Answer Your Majesty , being not satisfied , doth oppose certain Assertions , That Christ himself and the Apostles received their Authority by Mission , their Ability by Vnction ; That the Mission of the Apostles was ordinary , and to continue to the end of the World ; but the Vnction , whereby they were enabled to both Offices and Functions , Teaching and Governing , was indeed extraordinary ; That in their Vnction they were not necessarily to have Successors , but necessarily in their Mission or Office of Teaching and Governing ; That in these two ordinary Offices , their ordinary Successors are Presbyters and Bishops ; That Presbyters qua Presbyters , do immediately succeed them in the Office of Teaching , and Bishops qua Bishops immediately in the Office of Governing : the demonstration of which last alone would have carried in it more conviction than all these Assertions put together . Officers are distinguished by that whereby they are constituted , their Commission , which being produced signed by one place of Scripture , gives surer evidence than a Pedigree drawn forth by such a series of distinctions as do not distinguish him into another Officer from a Presbyter . Whether this chain of distinction be strong , and the links of it sufficiently tackt together , we crave leave to examine . Christ , saith Your Majesty , was the Apostle and Bishop of our Souls , and he made the Apostles both Apostles and Bishops . We do not conceive that Your Majesty means that the Apostles succeeded Christ as the chief Apostle , and that as Bishops they succeed Christ as a Bishop , lest thereby Christ his Mission as an Apostle and Bishop might be conceived as ordinary as their Mission is said to be ; but we apprehend Your Majesty to mean , that the Office of Apostle and Bishop was eminently contained in Christs Office , as the Office of a Bishop was eminently contained in that of Apostleship : but thence it will not follow that inferior Offices being contained in the superior eminently , are therefore existent in it formally . For because all Honours and Dignities are eminently contained in Your Majesty , would it therefore follow that Your Majesty is formally and distinctly a Baron of the Realm , as it is asserted , the Apostles to have been Bishops in distinct sense ? That Mission refers to Office and Authority , and Vnction only to Ability , we cannot consent ; for besides that the breathing of Christ upon his Disciples , saying , Receive ye the Holy Ghost , doth refer to mission as well as unction ; we conceive that in the proper anointing of Kings or other Officers , the natural use and effect of the oil upon the body was not so much intended , as the solemn and ceremonious use of it in the Inauguration of them . So there is relation to Office in unction , as well as to conferring of abilities ; else how are Kings or Priests or Prophets said to be anointed ? And what good sense could be made of that expression in Scripture , of anointing one in anothers room ? To omit , that Christ by this construction should be called the Messias in respect of Abilities only . And although we should grant Your Majesties explication of Mission and Vnction ; yet it will not follow that the mission of the Apostles was ordinary , and their unction only extraordinary . That into which there is succession , was ordinary ; that into which there is no succession , ( for succession is not unto abilities or gifts ) extraordinary ; and so the Apostles were ordinary Officers in all whereunto there is properly any succession , and that is Office. They differed from Bishops in that wherein one Apostle or Officer of the same order might differ from another , to wit , in abilities and measure of Spirit , but not in that wherein one order of Officers is above another by their Office ; To which we cannot give consent . For since no man is denominated an Officer from his meer abilities or gifts ; so neither can the Apostles be called extraordinary Officers because of extraordinary gifts : but that the Apostles Mission and Office ( as their abilities ) was extraordinary and temporary , doth appear in that it was by immediate Commission from Christ , without any intervention of men , either in Election or Ordination , for planting an authoritative governing of all Churches through the World , comprehending in it all other Officers of the Church whatsoever ; and therefore it seems to us very unreasonable that the Office and Authority of the Apostles should be drawn down to an ordinary , thereby to make it , as it were , a fit stock into which the ordinary Office of a Bishop may be ingrafted ; nor doth the continuance of Teaching and Governing in the Church more render the Office of teaching and governing in the Apostles an ordinary Office , than the Office of teaching and governing in Christ himself renders his Office therefore ordinary . The reason given , That the Office of Teaching and Governing was ordinary in the Apostles , because of the continuance of them in the Church ( we crave leave to say ) is that great mistake which runs through the whole file of Your Majesties Discourse : for tho there be a Succession in the Work of Teaching and Governing , yet there is no Succession in the Commission or Office by which the Apostles performed them ; for the Office of Christ , of Apostles , of Evangelists or Prophets , is thence also concluded ordinary , as to Teaching and Governing , and the distinction of Offices Extraordinary and Ordinary eatenus destroyed . The Succession may be into the same Work , not into the same Commission and Office : The ordinary Officers , which are to manage the work of Teaching and Government , are constituted , settled and limited by warrant of Scripture , as by another Commission than that which the Apostles had . And if Your Majesty had shewn us some Record out of Scripture , warranting the division of the Office of Teaching and Governing into two hands , and the appropriation of Teaching to Presbyters , of Governing to Bishops , the question had been determined ; otherwise we must look upon the dissolving of the Apostolical Office , and distribution of it into these two hands , as the dictate of men who have a mind , by such a precarious Argument , to challenge to themselves the Keys of Authority , and leave the Word to the Presbyters . In our answer to the instances of Timothy and Titus ( which Doctor Bilson acknowledgeth to be the main erection of Episcopal power , if the proof of their being Bishops do stand ; or subversion , if the answer that they were Evangelists be good ) Your Majesty finds very little satisfaction , though all that is said therein could be proved . First , because the Scriptures no where imply any such thing at all , that Titus was an Evangelist , neither doth the text clearly prove that Timothy was so . 1. The name of Bishop the Scripture neither expressly nor by implication gives to either ; the work which they are injoyned to do is common to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , and cannot of it self make a character of one distinct and proper Office : But that there was such an Order of Officers in the Church as Evangelists reckoned amongst the extraordinary and temporary Offices , and that Timothy was one of that Order , and that both Timothy and Titus were not ordained to one particular Church , but were companions and fellow-Labourers with the Apostles , sent abroad to several Churches as occasion did require ; it is ( as we humbly conceive ) clear enough in Scripture , and not denied by the learned defenders of Episcopal Government , nor ( as we remember ) by Scultetus himself , during the time of their travels . 2. To that which Your Majesty secondly saith , That we cannot make it appear by any Text of Scripture that the Office of Evangelist is such as we have described , his work seeming , 11 Tim. VIII . 4 , 5. to be nothing else but diligence in preaching the word , notwithstanding all impediments and oppositions ; we humbly answer , that exact definitions of these or other Church-Officers are hard to be found in any Text of Scripture , but by comparing one place of Scripture with another , it may be proved as well what they were , as what the Apostles and Presbyters were , the description by us given being a Character made up by collation of Scriptures ; from which Mr. Hooker doth not much vary , saying , that Evangelists were Presbyters of principal sufficiency , whom the Apostles sent abroad and used as Agents in Ecclesiastical Affairs , wheresoever they saw need . And that Pastors and Teachers were settled in some certain charge , and thereby differed from Evangelists , whose work that it should be nothing but diligence in preaching , &c. which is common to Apostles , Evangelists , Pastors and Teachers , and so not distinctive of this particular Office , argueth to us , that as the Apostles Office was divided into Episcopal and Apostolical , so this also is to be divided into Episcopal and Evangelistical , Ordination and Censures belonging to Timothy as to a Bishop , and diligence in Preaching only being left to the Evangelist : which division ( as we humbly conceive ) is not warranted by the Scripture . Thirdly , Your Majesty faith , that that which we so confidently affirm of Timothy and Titus their acting as Evangelists , is by some denied and refuted , yea even with scorn rejected by some rigid Presbyterians ; and that which we so confidently deny , that they were Bishops , is confirmed by the consentient testimony of all antiquity , recorded by Jerome himself that they were Bishops of Paul's ordination , acknowledged by very many late Divines , and that a Catalogue of 27 Bishops of Ephesus lineally succeeding from Timothy , out of good Record , is vouched by Dr. Reynolds and other Writers . Our confidence ( as Your Majesty is pleased to call it ) was in our Answer exprest in these words , We cannot say that Timothy and Titus were Bishops in the sense of Your Majesty , but extraordinary Officers or Evangelists : in which opinion we were then clear , not out of a total ignorance of those Testimonies which might be alleged against it , but from intrinsick arguments out of Scripture , from which Your Majesty hath not produced any one to the contrary . Nor is our confidence weakned by such replies as these , The Scripture never calls them Bishops , but the Fathers do ; The Scripture calls Timothy an Evangelist , some of late have refuted it and rejected it with scorn ; The Scripture relates their motions from Church to Church , but some affirm them to be fixed at Ephesus and in Crete ; The Scripture makes distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but some say that Timothy and Titus were both . We cannot give Your Majesty a present account of Scultetus and Gerard's Arguments , but do believe that Mr. Gillespy and Rutherford are able with greater strength to refute that opinion of Timothy and Titus their being Bishops , than they do ( if they do ) with scorn reject this of their being Evangelists . As for Testimonies and Catalogues , tho we undervalue them not , yet Your Majesty will be pleased to allow us the use of our Reason , so far as not to erect an Office in the Church which is not found in Scripture , upon general appellations or titles , and allusions frequently found in the Fathers , especially when they speak vulgarly , and not as to a point in debate ; for even Jerome , who , as Your Majesty saith , doth record that Timothy and Titus were made Bishops , and that of St. Paul's Ordination , doth , when he speaks to the point between Your Majesty and us , give the Bishops to understand that they are superior to Presbyters consuetudine magis quam Dominicoe veritatis dispositione . For Catalogues , their credit rests upon the first witnesses , from whom they are reported by tradition from hand to hand , whose writings are many times supposititious , dubious , or not extant : besides that these Catalogues do resolve themselves into some Apostle or Evangelist as the first Bishop , as the catalogue of Jerusalem into the Apostle James , that of Antioch into Peter , that of Rome into Peter and Paul , that of Alexandria into Mark , that of Ephesus into Timothy ; which Apostles and Evangelists can neither themselves be degraded by being made Bishops , nor be succeeded in their proper Calling or Office : and it is easie for us to proceed the same way , and to find many ancient rites and customs generally received in the Church ( counted by the ancients Apostolical traditions ) as near the Apostles times as Bishops , which yet are confessedly not of Divine Institution . And further , if Timothy and the rest that are first in the catalogue were Bishops with such sole Power of Ordination and Censures as is asserted , how came their pretended Successors , who were but primi Presbyterorum ( as the Fathers themselves call them ) to lose so much Episcopal power as was in their Predecessors , and as was not recovered in 300 years ? And therefore we cannot upon any thing yet said recede from that of our Saviour , Ab initio non fuit sic , from the beginning it was not so . 4. Your Majesty saith , that we affirm , but upon very weak proofs , that they were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places , the contrary whereunto hath been demonstrated by some , who have exactly out of Scripture compared the times and order of the several Journeys and Stations of Paul and Timothy . It is confessed that our assertion , that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists , lies with some stress upon this , that they removed from place to place , as they were sent by , or accompanied the Apostles ; the proof whereof appears to us to be of greater strength than can be taken off by the comparison which Your Majesty makes of the Divines of the Assembly at Westminster . We begin with the travels of Timothy , as we find them in order recorded in the Scripture-places cited in the Margin , and we set forth from a Beraea , where we find Timothy ; then next at b Athens , from whence Paul sends him to c Thessalonica ; afterwards having been in Macedonia , he came to Paul at d Corinth ; and after that he is with Paul at Ephesus , and thence sent by him into e Macedonia , whiter Paul went after him , and was by Timothy accompanied into f Asia , who was with him at g Troas and h Miletus , to which place S. Paul sent for the Presbyters of the Church in Ephesus , and gave them that solemn charge to take heed unto themselves , and to all the flock over which the Holy Ghost had made them Bishops , not speaking a word of recommendation of that Church to Timothy , or of him to the Elders . And if Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus , he must needs be so when the first Epistle was sent to him , in which he is pretended to receive the charge of exercising his Episcopal power in Ordination and Government : but it is manifest that after this Epistle sent to him he was in continual Journeys , or absent from Ephesus . For Paul left him at Ephesus when he went into h Macedonia , and he left him there to exercise his Office , in regulating and ordering that Church , and in ordaining : but it was after this time that Timothy is found with Paul at Miletus ; for after Paul had been at Miletus , he went to Jerusalem , whence he was sent prisoner to Rome , and never came more into Macedonia , and at i Rome we find Timothy a prisoner with him , and those * Epistles which Paul wrote while he was prisoner at Rome , namely , the Epistle to the Philippians , to Philemon , to the Colossians , to the Hebrews , do make mention of Timothy as his companion at these times ; nor do we ever find him again at Ephesus , for we find that after all this , towards the end of St. Paul's life , after his first answering before Nero , and when he said his departure was at hand , he sent for Timothy to Rome , not from Ephesus : for it seems that Timothy was not there , because Paul giving Timothy an account of the absence of most of his companions sent into divers parts , he saith , Tychicus have I sent to Ephesus . Now if Your Majesty shall be pleased to cast up into one total that which is said , the several journeys and stations of Timothy , the order of them , the time spent in them , the nature of his employment , to negotiate the affairs of Christ in several Churches and places , the silence of the Scriptures as touching his being Bishop of any one Church , you will acknowledg that such a man was not a Bishop fixed to one Church or Precinct ; and then by assuming that Timothy was such a man , you will conclude that he was not Bishop of Ephesus . The like conclusion may be inferred from the like premisses from the instance of Titus , whom we find at k Jerusalem before he came to Crete , from whence he is sent for to l Nicopolis , and after that he is sent to Corinth , from whence he is expected at m Troas , and met with Paul in n Macedonia , whence he is sent again to o Corinth , and after all this is near the time of Paul's death at Rome , from whence he went not into Crete , but into p Dalmatia , and after this is not heard of in the Scripture . And so we hope Your Majesty doth conceive , that we affirm not upon very weak proofs that Timothy and Titus were from Ephesus and Crete removed to other places . In the fifth exception Your Majesty takes notice of two places of Scripture cited by us , to prove that they were called away from those places of Ephesus and Crete , which they do not conclude much of themselves , yet being accompanied by two other places which Your Majesty takes no notice of , may seem to conclude more , and these i Tim. i. 3. Titus i. 5. as , I be sought thee to abide still at Ephesus ; for this cause left I thee in Crete : in both which is specified the occasional employment for which they made stay in those places : and the expressions used , I besought thee to abide still at Ephesus , I left thee in Crete , do not sound like words of instalment of a man into a Bishoprick , but of an intendment to call them away again ; and if the first and last be put together ▪ his actual revocation of them both , the intimation of his intention that they should not stay there for continuance , and the reason of his beseeching the one to stay , and of his leaving the other behind him , which was some present defects and distempers in those Churches , they will put fair to prove that the Apostle intended not to establish them Bishops of those places , and therefore did not . For the Postscripts ; because your Majesty lays no great weight upon them , we shall not be solicitous in producing evidence against them , though they do bear witness in a matter of fact which in our opinion never was , and in Your Majesties Judgment was long before they were born . And so we conclude this discourse about Timothy and Titus with this observation , that in the same very Epistle of Paul to Timothy , out of which Your Majesty hath endeavoured to prove that he was a Bishop , and did exercise Episcopal Government , there is clear evidence both for Presbyters imposing hands in Ordination , and for their Ruling . In the next point , concerning the Angels of the Churches , tho Your Majesty faith that you lay no weight upon the Allegory or Mystery of the denomination , yet you assert that the persons bearing that name were personae singulares , and , in a word , Bishops ; who yet are never so called in Scripture ; and the allegorical denomination of Angels or Stars , which in the Judgment of ancient and modern Writers doth belong to the faithful Ministers and Preachers of the Word in general , is appropriate ( as we may so say ) to the Mitre and Crosier-staff , and so opposed to many express testimonies of Scripture . And if Your Majesty had been particular in that , wherein You say the strength of Your instance lies , viz. the Judgment of all ancient and of the best modern Writers , and many probabilities in the Text it self , we hope to have made it apparent , that many ancient and eminent modern Writers , many probabilitirs out of the Text it self , do give evidence to the contrary . To that which is asserted , That these singular persons were Bishops in distinct sense , whether we brought any thing of moment to infirm this , we humbly submit to Your Majesties Judgment , and shall only present to You , that in Your Reply You have not taken notice of that which in our Answer seems to us of moment , which is this , That in Mysterious and prophetick writings , or visional representation ( such as this of the Stars and golden Candlesticks is ) a number of things and persons is usually exprest in singulars : and this in Visions is the usual way of Representation of things ; a thousand persons making up one Church , is represented by one Candlestick ; many Ministers making up one Presbytery , by one Angel. And because Your Majesty seems to call upon us to be particular , though we cannot name the Angels , nor are satisfied in our judgment , that those whom some do undertake to name were intended by the name of Angels in those Epistles ; yet we say , First , that these Epistles were sent unto the Churches , and that under the expression of this thou dost , or this thou hast , and the like , the Churches are respectively intended ; for the Sins reproved , the Repentance commanded , the Punishments threatned , ate to be referred to the Churches , and not to the singular Angels only : and yet we do not think that Salmasius did intend , nor do we , that in formal denomination the Angels and Candlesticks were the same . Secondly , The Angels of these Churches or Rulers were a Collective body , which we endeavoured to prove by such probabilities as Your Majesty takes no notice of , namely , the instance of the Church of Ephesus , where there were many Bishops , to whom the charge of that Church was by St. Paul at his final departure from them committed ; as also by that expression , Rev. xi . 24. To you and to the rest in Thyatira : Which distinction makes it very probable that the Angel is explained under that plurality , to you . The like to which many expressions may be found in these Epistles , which to interpret according to the consentient Evidence of other Scriptures of the New Testament is not Safe only , but Solid and Evidential . Thirdly , These Writings are directed as Epistolary Letters to Collective Bodies usually are , ( that is ) to One , but intended to the Body : which Your Majesty illustrateth by Your sending a Message to Your Two Houses , and directing it to the Speaker of the House of Peers : which as it doth not hinder ( we confess ) but that the Speaker is one single Person ; so it doth not prove at all that the Speaker is always the same person ; or if he were , that therefore because Your Message is directed to him , he is the Governour or Ruler of the two Houses in the least . And so Your Majesty hath given clear instance , that tho these Letters be directed to the Angels , yet that notwithstanding they might neither be Bishops , nor yet perpetual Moderators . For the several opinions specified in Your Majesties Paper , three of them , by easy and fair accommodation ( as we declared before ) are soon reduced and united amongst themselves , and may be holden without recess from the received Judgment of the Christian Church , by such as are far from meriting that Aspersion which is cast upon the Reformed Divines by Popish Writers , that they have divided themselves from the Common and received Judgment of the Christian Church ; which Imputation , we hope , was not in Your Majesties intention to lay upon us , until it be made clear that it is the common and received Judgment of the Christian Church that now is , or of that in former Ages , that the Angels of the Churches were Bishops , having Prelacy as well over Pastors as People within their Churches . In the following Discourse we did deny that the Apostles were to have any Successors in their Office , and affirmed only Two Orders of ordinary and standing Officers in the Church , viz. Presbyters and Deacons . Concerning the former of which Your Majesty refers to what you had in part already declared ; That in those things which were extraordinary in the Apostles , as namely the Measure of their Gifts , &c. They had no Successors in eundem gradum ; but in those things which were not extraordinary , as the Office of Teaching and Power of Governing ( which are necessary for the Service of the Church in all times ) they were to have , and had , Successors . Where Your Majesty delivers a Doctrine new to us ; namely , that the Apostles had Successors into their Offices , not into their Abilities : For ( besides that Succession is not properly into Abilities , but into Office , we cannot say that one succeeds another in his Learning , or Wit , or Parts , but into his Room and Function ) we conceive that the Office Apostolical was extraordinary in whole , because their Mission and Commission was so , and the service or work of Teaching and Governing being to continue in all times , doth not render their Office Ordinary ; as the Office of Moses was not rendered Ordinary , because many works of Government exercised by him were re-committed to the standing Elders of Israel . And if they have Successors , it must be either into their whole Office , or into some parts . Their Successors into the whole ( however differing from them in measure of Gifts and peculiar Qualifications ) must be called Apostles , the same Office gives the same Denomination ; and then we shall confess that Bishops , if they be their Successors in Office , are of Divine Institution , because the Apostolical Office was so . If their Successors come into part of their Office only , the Presbyters may as well be called their Successors as the Bishops , and so indeed they are called by some of the ancient Fathers , Irenoeus , Origen , Hierome and others . Whereas in truth the Apostles have not properly Successors into Office , but the ordinary Power of Teaching and Governing ( which is setled in the Church for continuance ) is instituted and settled in the hands of ordinary Officers by a New Warrant and Commission , according to the rules of Ordination and Calling in the Word , which the Bishop hath not yet produced for himself , and without which he cannot challenge it upon the general allusive Speeches used by the Fathers without scruple . And whereas Your Majesty numbers the extent of their work amongst those things which were extraordinary in the Apostles ; we could wish that You had declared whether it belong to their Mission or Vnction : for we humbly conceive , that their Authoritative Power to do their Work in all places of the World did properly belong to their Mission , and consequently that their Office as well as their Abilities was extraordinary ; and so by Your Majesties own Concession not to be succeeded into by the Bishops . As to the Orders of standing Officers of the Church , Your Majesty doth reply , That although in the places cited , Phil. i. 1. i Tim. iii. 8. there be no mention but of the two Orders only of Bishops or Presbyters , and Deacons , yet it is not thereby proved that there is no other standing Office in the Church besides : Which we humbly conceive is justly proved , not only because there are no other named , but because there is no rule of Ordaining any third , no Warrant or way of Mission ; and so Argument is as good as can be made , a non causa ad non effectum : for we do not yet apprehend that the Bishops pretending to the Apostolick Office do also pretend to the same manner of Mission ; nor do we know that those very many Divines that have asserted two Orders only , have concluded it from any other grounds than the Scriptures cited . There appear ( as your Majesty saith ) two other manifest Reasons why the Office of Bishops might not be so proper to be mentioned in those places . And we humbly conceive there is a third more manifest than those two , viz. because it was not . The one Reason given by Your Majesty is , because in the Churches which the Apostles themselves planted , they placed Presbyters under them for the Office of Teaching , but reserved in their own hands the Power of Governing those Churches , for a longer or shorter time , before they set Bishops over them . Which , under Your Majesties favour , is not so much a reason why Bishops are not mentioned to be in those places , as that they indeed were not . The variety of Reasons ( may we say ? or Conjectures ) rendred why Bishops were not set up at first , as namely , because fit men could not be so soon found out , which is Epiphanius his reason ; or for remedy of Schism , which is Jerome's reason ; or because the Apostles saw it not expedient , which is Your Majesties reason ; doth shew that this Cause labours under a manifest weakness . For the Apostles reserving in their own hands the power of Governing , we grant it , they could no more devest themselves of power of Governing , than ( as Dr. Bilson saith ) they could lose their Apostleship : had they set no Bishops in all Churches , they had no more parted with their power of Governing than they did in setting up the Presbyters ; for we have proved that Presbyters , being called Rulers , Governors , Bishops , had the power of Governing in Ordinary committed to them , as well as the Office of Teaching , and that both the Keys ( as they are called ) being by our Saviour committed into one hand , were not by the Apostle divided into two . Nor do we see how the Apostle could reasonably commit the Government of the Church to the Presbyters of Ephesus , Acts 20. and yet reserve the power of Governing ( viz. in Ordinary ) in his own hands , who took his solemn leave of them , as never to see their faces more . As concerning that part of the power of Government , which for distinction sake , may be called Legislative , and which is one of the three fore-mentioned things challenged by the Bishops , viz. giving Rules , the reserving of it in the Apostles hands hindred not but that , in Your Majesties Judgment , Timothy and Titus were Bishops of Ephesus and Crete , to whom the Apostle gives Rules for Ordering and Governing of the Church : Nor is there any more reason that the Apostles reserving that part of the Power of Governing which is called Executive in such cases and upon such occasions as they thought meet , should hinder the setting up of Bishops , if they had intended it ; and therefore the reserving of Power in their hands can be no greater reason why they did not set us Bishops at the first , than that they never did . And since ( by Your Majesties Concession ) the Presbyters were plac'd by the Apostles first , in the Churches by them planted , and that with Power of Governing , as we prove by Scripture ; You must prove the super-institution of a Bishop over the Presbyters by the Apostles in some after-times , or else we must conclude that the Bishop got both his Name and Power of Government out of the Presbyters hand , as the Tree in the wall roots out the stones by little and little as it self grows . As touching Philippi , where Your Majesty saith it may be probable there was yet no Bishop , it is certain there were many like them , who were also at Ephesus , to whom if only the Office of Teaching did belong , they had the most laborious and honourable part , that which was less honourable being reserved in the Apostles hands , and the Churches left in the mean time without ordinary Government . The other Reason given why only two Orders are mentioned in those places is , because he wrote in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus to them that were Bishops , so there was no need to write any thing concerning the Choice or Qualification of any other sort of Officers than such as belonged to their Ordination or Inspection ; which were Presbyters and Deacons only , and no Bishops . The former Reason why only two Orders are mentioned in the Epistle to the Philippians , was , because there was yet no Bishop ; this latter Reason why the same two only are mentioned in these Epistles , is , because there was no Bishop to be Ordained . We might own the reason for good , if there may be found any rule for the Ordination of the other Order of Bishops in some other place of Scripture : but if the Ordination cannot be found , how should we find the Order ? And it is reasonable to think that the Apostle in the Chapter formerly alledged , i Tim. iii. where he passes immediately from the Bishop to the Deacon , would have distinctly exprest , or at least hinted , what sort of Bishops he meant , whether the Bishop over Presbyters , or the Presbyter-Bishop , to have avoided the confusion of the Name , and to have set as it were some matk of difference in the Escocheon of the Presbyter-Bishop , if there had been some other Bishop of a higher house . And whereas Your Majesty saith , there was no need to write to them about a Bishop in a distinct sense , who belonged not to their Ordination and Inspection : we conceive that in Your Majesties judgment , Bishops might then have Ordained Bishops like themselves ; for there was then no Canon forbidding one single Bishop to ordain another of his own rank ; and there being many Cities in Crete , Titus might have found it expedient ( as those ancient Fathers that call him Arch-bishop think he did ) to have set up Bishops in some of those Cities . So that . this Reason fights against the Principles of those that hold Timothy and Titus to have been Bishops . For our part , we believe that these Rules belonged not to Timothy and Titus with strict limitation to Ephesus and Crete , but respectively to all the places or Churches where they might come , and to all that shall at any time have the Office of Ordaining and Governing ; as it is written in the same Chapter , i Tim. iii. 14 , 15. These things I have written unto thee , &c. that thou mayest know how to behave thy self in the House of God , which is the Church . And therefore if there had been any proper Character or Qualification of a Bishop distinct from a Presbyter , if any Ordination or Office ; we think the Apostle would have signified it ; but because he did not , we conclude ( and the more strongly from the insufficiency of Your Majesties two Reasons ) that there are only two Orders of Officers , and consequently that a Bishop is not superior to a Presbyter : for we find not ( as we said in our Answer ) that one Officer is superior to another who is of the same Order . Concerning the Ages succeeding the Apostles . Your Majesty having in Your first Paper said , that You could not in Conscience consent to Abolish Episcopal Government , because You did conceive it to be of Apostolical Institution , practised by the Apostles themselves , and by them committed and derived to particular persons as their Successors , and hath ever since till these last times been exercised by Bishops in all the Churches of Christ : we thought it necessary in our Answer , to subjoyn to that we had said out of the Scriptures , the Judgment of divers ancient Writers and Fathers , by whom Bishops were not acknowledged as a Divine , but as an Ecclesiastical Institution , as that which might very much conduce both to the easing of Your Majesties Scruple , to consider that howsoever Episcopal Government was generally current , yet the superscription was not judged Divine by some of those that either were themselves Bishops , or lived under that Government ; and to the vindication of the opinion which we hold from the prejudice of Novellisme , or of Recess from the Judgment of all Antiquity . We do as firmly believe ( as to matter of fact ) that Chrysostome and Austin were Bishops , as that Aristotle was a Philosopher , Cicero an Orator ; though we should rather call our Faith and belief thereof certain in matter of fact , upon humane Testimonies uncontroll'd , than infallible , in respect of the Testimonies themselves . But whereas Your Majesty saith , That the darkness of the History of the Church in the times succeeding the Apostles is a strong Argument for Episcopacy , which notwithstanding that darkness hath found so full proof by unquestioned Catalogues , as scarce any other matter of fact hath found the like : we humbly conceive , that those fore-mentioned times were dark to the Catalogue-makers , who must derive the series of Succession from and through those Historical darknesses , and so make up their of Catalogues very much from Traditions and Reports , which can give no great Evidence , because they agree not amongst themselves : and that which is the great blemish of their Evidence is , that the nearer they come to the Apostles times ( wherein they should be most of all clear , to establish the Succession firm and clear at first ) the more doubtful , uncertain , and indeed contradictory to one another , are the Testimonies . Some say that Clemens was first Bishop of Rome after Peter ; some say the third : and intricacies about the Order of Succession in Linus , Anacletus , Clemens , and another called Cletus ( as some affirm ) are inextricable . Some say that Titus was Bishop of Crete ; some say , Arch-Bishop ; and some , Bishop of Dalmatia . Some say that Timothy was Bishop of Ephesus ; and some say that John was Bishop of Ephesus at the sametime . Some say that Polycarpus was the first Bishop of Smyrna ; another saith that he succeeded one Bucolus ; and another , that Aristo was first . Some say that Alexandria had but one Bishop , and other Cites two ; and others , that there was but one Bishop of one City at the same time . And how should those Catalogues be unquestionable , which must be made up out of Testimonies that fight one with another ? We confess that the Ancient Fathers , Tertullian , Irenoeus , &c. made use of Succession as an Argument against Hereticks or Innovators , to prove that they had the traduces Apostolici seminis , and that the Godly and Orthodox Fathers were on their side . But that which we now have in hand is Succession in Office ; which , according to the Catalogues , resolves it self into some Apostle or Evangelist , as the first Bishop of such a City or Place , who ( as we conceive ) could not be Bishops of those places , being of higher Office ; though , according to the language of after-times , they might by them that drew up the Catalogues be so called , because they planted and founded , or watered those Churches to which they are Entitled , and had their greatest residence in them . Or else the Catalogues are drawn from some eminent men that were of great veneration and reverence in the times and places where they lived , and Presidents or Moderators of the Presbyteries whereof themselves were Members : from whom to pretend the Succession of after - Bishops , is as if it should be said that Caesar was Successor to the Roman Consuls . And we humbly conceive that there are some Rites and Ceremonies used continually in the Church of old , which are asserted to be found in the Apostolical and Primitive times , and yet have no colour of Divine Institution ; and , which is Argument above all other , the Fathers , whose Names we exhibited to your Majesty in our Answer , were doubtless acquainted with the Catalogues of Bishops who had been before them , and yet did hold them to be of Ecclesiastical Institution . And lest Your Majesty might reply , That however the Testimonies and Catalogues may vary , or be mistaken , in the order , or times , or names of those persons that succeeded the Apostles , yet all agree that there was a Succession of some persons ; and so though the credit of the Catalogues be infirmed , yet the thing intended is confirmed thereby . We grant that a Succession of men to feed and govern those Churches while they continued Churches , cannot be denied , and that the Apostles and Evangelists , that planted and watered those Churches , ( though extraordinary and temporary Officers ) were by Ecclesiastical Writers , in compliance with the Language and usage of their own times , called Bishops ; and so were other eminent men , of chief note , presiding in the Presbyteries of the Cities or Churches , called by such Writers as wrote after the division or distinction of the names of Presbyters and Bishops . But that those first and ancientest Presbyters were Bishops in proper sense , according to Your Majesties description , invested with power over Presbyters and people , to whom ( as distinct from Presbyters ) did belong the power of Ordaining , giving Rules , ahd Censures , we humbly conceive can never be proved by authentick or competent Testimonies . And granting that Your Majesty should prove the Succession of Bishops from the Primitive times seriatim ; yet if these from whom You draw , and through whom You derive it , be found either more than Bishops , as Apostles , and extraordinary persons , or less than Bishops , as merely first Presbyters , having not one of the three Essentials to Episcopal Government ( mentioned by Your Majesty ) in their own hand ; it will follow , that all that Your Majesty hath proved by this Succession is the Homonymy and equivocal acceptation of the word Episcopus . For Clemens his Testimony , which Your Majesty conceiveth to be made use of as our old fallacy , from the promiscuous use of the words to infer the indistinction of the things ; we refer our selves to himself in his Epistle , now in all mens hands , whose Testimony we think cannot be eluded but by the old Artifice of hiding the Bishop under the Presbyters name : for they that have read his whole Epistle , and have considered that himself is called a Bishop , Clement's opinion concerning the distinct Offices of Bishops and Presbyters , or rather not doubt of it , if only his own Epistle may be impanel'd upon the Inquest . Concerning Ignatius his Epistles , Your Majesty is pleased to use some earnestness of expression , charging some of late , without any regard of ingenuity or truth , out of their partial disaffection to Bishops , to have endeavoured to discredit his Writings . One of those cited by us cannot ( as we conceive ) be suspected of disaffection to Bishops ; and there are great Arguments drawn out of those Epistles themselves , betraying their insincerity , adulterate mixtures , and interpolations ; so that Ignatius cannot be distinctly known in Ignatius . And if we take him in gross , we make him the Patron ( as Baronius and the rest of the Popish Writers do ) of such rites and observations as the Church in his time cannot be thought to have owned . He doth indeed give testimony to the Prelacy of a Bishop above a Presbyter ; that which may justly render him suspected is , that he gives too much . Honour ( saith he ) the Bishop , as God's high Priest , and after him you must honour the King. He was indeed a holy Martyr , and his writings have suffered Martyrdom as well as he : Corruptions could not go current but under the credit of worthy Names . That which Your Majesty saith in Your fourth Paragraph , that we might have added , ( if we had pleased ) That James , Timothy , Titus , &c. were constituted and ordained Bishops of the forementioned places respectively , and that all the Bishops of those times were reputed Successors to the Apostles in their Episcopal Office ; we could not have added it without prejudice ( as we humbly conceive ) to the truth : for the Apostles did not ordain any of themselves Bishops , nor could they do it , for even by Your Majesties Concession they were Bishops before , viz. as they were Apostles ; nor could any Apostle his choice of a certain Region or place to exercise his function in whilst he pleased , render him a Bishop any more , than Paul was Bishop of the Gentiles , Peter of the Circumcision . Neither did the Apostles ordain the Evangelists Bishops of those places unto which they sent them ; nor were the Bishops of those times any more than , as Your Majesty saith , reputed Successors to the Apostles in their Episcopal Office ; they came after the Apostles in the Churches by them planted , so might Presbyters do . But that 's not properly succession , at least not succession into Office ; and this we say with a Salvo to our Assertion , That in those times there were no such Bishops distinct from Presbyters . Neither do we understand , whether the words Episcopal Office in this Section refer to the Bishops or Apostles : for in reference to Apostles it insinuates a distinction of the Apostles Office into Apostolical and Episcopal , or that the Office Apostolical was wholly Episcopal ; unto neither of which we can give our consent for reasons forementioned . To the testimonies by us recited in proof of two only Orders , Your Majesty answers , first , That the promiscuous use of the names of Bishops and Presbyters is imported . That which Your Majesty not long ago called our old fallacy , is now Your Answer , only with this difference : we under promiscuous names hold the same Office ; Your Majesty under promiscuous names supposes two , which if , as it is often asserted , was but once proved , we should take it for a determination of this Controversie . Secondly , that they relate to a School-point , or a nicety , utrum Episcopatus fit or do vel gradus ; both sides of the questionists or disputants in the mean time acknowledging the right of Church-government in the Bishops alone . It is confest by us , that that question as it is stated by Popish Authors is a curious nicety , to which we have no eye or reference ; for though the same Officers may differ from , and excel others of the same order in Gifts or Qualifications , yet the Office it self is one and the same , without difference or degrees , as one Apostle or Presbyter is not superior to another in the degree of Office ; they that are of the same Order are of the same degree in respect of Office , as having Power and Authority to the same Acts. Nor doth the Scripture warrant or allow any Superiority of one over another of the same Order ; and therefore the proving of two Orders only in the Church is a demonstration that Presbyters and Bishops are the same . In which point the Scripture will counter-balance the testimonies of those that assert three degrees or orders , though ten for one . But , for easing of Your Majesty of the trouble of producing testimonies against those cited by us , we make this humble motion , that the Regiments on both sides may be discharged out of the field , and the Point disputed by Dint of holy Scripture . Id verum quod primum . Having passed through the Argumentative parts of Your Majesties Reply , wherein we should account it a great happiness to have given Your Majesty any satisfaction , in order whereunto You pleased to honour us with this employment , we shall contract our selves in the remainder , craving Your Majesties pardon , if You shall conceive us to have been too much in the former , and too little in that which follows . We honour the pious intentions and munificence of Your Royal Progenitors ; and do acknowledge that Ornamental Accessions granted to the Person do not make any substantial change in the Office : the real difference betwixt that Episcopal Government which first obtained in the Church , and the present Hierarchy , consists in ipso regimine & modo regiminis ; which cannot be clearly demonstrated in particulars , until it be agreed on both sides what that Episcopacy was then , and what the Hierarchy is now ; and then it would appear whether these three forementioned Essentials of Episcopal Government were the same in both . For the Power under Christian Princes and under Pagan is one and the same , though the Exercise be not . And we humbly receive Your Majesties pious Advertisement , ( not unlike that of Constantine's ) stirring us up , as men unbiassed with private interests , to study the nearest Accommodation and best resemblance to the Apostolical and Primitive times . But for Your Majesties Salvo to the Bishops sole power of Ordination and Jurisdiction , and that distinction of Ordination , Authoritative in the Bishop , and Concomitant in the Presbytery , which You seem to found upon these two Texts , 11 Tim. i. 6. 1 Tim. IV. 14. and which is used by Dr. Bilson , and other Defenders of Episcopacy , in explication of that Canon of the fourth Council of Carthage , which enjoyns the joynt imposition of the Bishops and Presbyters hands , we shall give Your Majesty an accompt when we shall be called to the inquisition thereof : Albeit that we do not for the present see , but that this Proviso of Your Majesty renders our accommodation to the Apostolical and Primitive times ( whereunto You did exhort us ) unfeisible . We notwithstanding do fully profess our acknowledgement of subordination of the outward exercise of Jurisdiction to the Sovereign power , and our accomptableness to the Laws of the Land. As for Your Majesties three Questions of great importance , Whether there be a certain form of Government left by Christ and his Apostles to be observed by all Christian Churches ; Whether it bind perpetually , or be upon occasion alterable in whole or in part ; Whether that certain form of Government be the Episcopal , Presbyterian , or some other differing from them hoth : The whole Volume of Ecclesiastical Policy is contained in them ; and we hope that neither Your Majesty expected of us a particular Answer to them at this time , nor will take offence at us , if we hold only to that which is the question in order to the Bill of Abolition . For we humbly profess our readiness to serve Your Majesty , in Answering these or any other questions within our proper cognisance , according to the proportion of our mean abilities . For Your Majesties Condescension , in vouchsafing us the liberty and honour of examining Your learned Reply cloathed in such Excellency of Style , and for Your exceeding Candour shewed to such men as we are , and for the acceptation of our humble duty , we render to Your Majesty most humble Thanks , and shall pray , That such a Pen in the hand of such Abilities may ever be employed in a Subject worthy of it . That your Majesty would please to consider , that in this point under debate Succession is not the best Clue , and most certain and ready way to find out the Original ; for to go that way , is to go the furthest way about , yea , to go backward : and when You are at the Spring , viz. the Scripture it self , You go to the Rivers end , that You may seek the Spring . And that the Lord would guide Your Majesty , and the two Houses of Parliament , by the right hand of his Counsel , and shew You a happy way of healing our unhappy Differences , and of settling the Commonwealth of Jesus Christ , which is the Church ; so as all the members thereof may live under You in all Godliness , Peace and Honesty . V. His MAJESTIES Final Answer concerning Episcopacy , Nov. 1. MDCXLVIII . WHat you have offered by way of Reply to His Majesties Second Paper of October 6. in yours of October 17. in order to the further satisfaction of His Conscience in the point of Episcopacy , His Majesty heard , when it was publickly read by you , with diligent attention , and hath since ( so far as His leisure would permit ) taken the same into his private and serious Consideration : Wherein His Majesty not only acknowledgeth your great Pains and Endeavours to inform His Judgment , acording to such perswasions as your selves have in the matter in debate ; but also taketh special notice of the Civility of your applications to Him both in the Body and Conclusion of your Reply : yet He cannot but observe withall , that in very many things you either mistake His meaning and purpose in that Paper , or at least come not up fully enough thereunto in this Reply . Which to have shown , will sufficiently remonstrate your present Reply to be unsatisfactory in that behalf , without making a particular Answer to every passage in it , which to a Paper of that length would require more time than His Majesty can think fit ( amidst the present weighty affairs ) to allow unto a debate of this nature : Especially since His Majesty hath often found mutual returns of long Answers and Replies , to have rather multiplied disputes by starting new Questions , than informed the Conscience by removing former Scruples . As to the Scriptures cited in the Margin of His Majesties first Paper . It being granted by you , that those Scriptures did prove the Apostles , and others being single Persons , to have exercised respectively the several powers in the Paper specified , which powers ( by your own confession in this Reply , Sect. 7. ) a single Person who is but a mere Presbyter hath no right to exercise ; and it being withall evident that a Bishop in the Ecclesiastical sense , and as distinct from a Presbyter , layeth claim to no more than to a peculiar right in the exercise of some or all of the said Powers , which a mere Presbyter hath not ; the Conclusion seemeth natural and evident , that such a Power of Church-Government as we usually call Episcopal is sufficiently proved by those Scriptures . As to the Bishops Challenge . First , when you speak of a Writ of partition , you seem to take His Majesties words , as if He had shared and cantoned out the Episcopal Office , one part to the Bishops alone , another to the Presbyters alone ; and you fall upon the same again afterwards ( Sect. 6. ) Whereas His Majesties meaning was , and by His words appeareth so to have been , that one part of the Office ( that of Teaching , &c. ) was to be common to both alike ; but the other part ( that of Governing Churches ) peculiar to the Bishop alone . Secondly , you infer from His Majesties words , That the Bishops Challenge appeareth to be grown to more than was formerly pretended to . Which inference His Majesties words by you truly cited , if rightly understood , will not bear . For having proved from Scripture the power of Church-Government in all the three mentioned Particulars to have been exercised by the Apostles and others ; His Majesty said but this only , That the Bishops challenge no more or other power to belong unto them , in respect of their Episcopal Office , than what properly falleth under one of these three . The Words are true ; for he that believeth they challenge not so much , might safely say they challenge no more . But the Inference is not good ; For he that saith they challenge no more , doth not necessarily imply they challenge all that . In the power of Ordination , which is purely spiritual , His Majesty conceiveth the Bishops challenge to have been much-what the same in all times of the Church ; and therefore it is that the matter of Ordination is most insisted on , as the most constant and most evident difference between Bishops and Presbyters , especially after the times of Constantine , which His Majesty by your relating to Chrysostom and Hierom taketh to be the same you call the times of Grown Episcopacy . But His Majesty seeth no necessity that the Bishops challenge to the power of Jurisdiction should be at all times as large as the exercise thereof appeareth at some times to have been ; the exercise thereof being variable according to the various conditions of the Church in different times . And therefore His Majesty doth not believe that the Bishops under Christian Princes do challenge such an amplitude of Jurisdiction to belong unto them in respect of their Episcopal Office precisely , as was exercised in the Primitive times by Bishops before the days of Constantine . The reason of the difference being evident , That in those former times under Pagan Princes the Church was a distinct Body of it self , divided from the Commonwealth , and so was to be governed by its own Rules and Rulers ; the Bishops therefore of those times , tho they had no outward coercive power over mens Persons or Estates , yet inasmuch as every Christian man , when he became a Member of the Church , did ipso facto , and by that his own voluntary act , put himself under their Government , they exercised a very large power of Jurisdiction in Spiritualibus , in making Ecclesiastical Canons , receiving Accusations , conventing the Accused , examining Witnesses , judging of Crimes , excluding such as they found guilty of scandalous offences from the Lord's Supper , enjoyning Penances upon them , casting them out of the Church , receiving them again upon their Repentance , &c. And all this they exercised as well over Presbyters as others . But after that the Church under Christian Princes began to be incorporated into the Commonwealth , whereupon there must of necessity follow a complication of the Civil and Ecclesiastical Powers , the Jurisdiction of Bishops ( in the outward exercise of it ) was subordinate unto and limitable by the supreme Civil power , and hath been , and is at this day , so acknowledged by the Bishops of this Realm . Thirdly , you seem to affirm in a Parenthesis , as if nothing were confessed to have been extraordinary in the Apostles but their Gifts and Enablements only ; whereas His Majesty in that Paper hath in express words named as Extraordinaries also , the Extent of their Charge , and the Infallibility of their Doctrine , without any meaning to exclude those not named , as their immediate Calling , and if there be any other of like reason . Fourthly , for the Claim to a jus Divinum , His Majesty was willing to decline both the Term ( as being by reason of the different acception of it subject to misconstruction ) and the dispute , whether by Christ , or his Apostles . Nevertheless , altho His Majesty sees no cause to dislike their opinion who derive the Episcopal power originally from Christ himself , without whose warrant the Apostles would not either have exercised it themselves , or derived it to others ; Yet for that the practice in them is so clear and evident , and the warrant from him exprest but in general Terms ( As my Father sent me , so send I you , and the like ) He chose rather ( as others have done ) to fix the claim of the power upon the practice , as the more evidential way , than upon the warrant , which by reason of the generality of expression would bear more dispute . As to the Definition of Episcopacy . First , whereas you except against it , for that it is competent to Archiepiscopal and Patriarchal Government as well as Episcopal , His Majesty thinketh you might have excepted more justly against it if it had been otherwise . Secondly , His Majesty believeth that even in the persons by you named . ( Timothy , Titus and the Angels ) the definition in all the parts of it is to be found , viz. that they were all single persons ; that they had their several peculiar Charges ; and that within their several precincts they had authority over Presbyters as well as others . Neither , thirdly , doth His Majesty think it needful that any word be added to the Genus in the definition , or that the Scripture should any where put all the parts of the definition together . It would be a hard matter to give such a definition of an Apostle , or a Prophet , or an Evangelist , or a Presbyter , or a Deacon , or indeed almost of any thing , as that the parts thereof should be found in any place of Scripture put altogether . Fourthly , His Majesty consenteth with you , that the point in issue is not the Name or Work meerly , but the Office , and that it were a Fallacy to argue a particular Office from a General or Common work : But judgeth withal , that it can be no Fallacy to argue a Particular Office from such a work as is peculiar to that Office , and is as it were the formalis ratio thereof ; and therefore no Fallacy from a work done by a single person which a single Presbyter hath no right to do , to infer an Office in that person distinct from the Office of a Presbyter . As to the Scriptures cited by you , viz. Titus 1. Acts xx . 11 Peter v. First , when you say you take His Majesties Concession , That in those times of the Church and places of Scripture there was no distinct Office of Bishops and Presbyters ; if you take it so , truly you take it gratis ( His Majesty never gave it you : ) and you mistake it too more ways than one ; for , to speak properly , His Majesty made no Concession at all . It was rather a Preterition in order to the present business , and to avoid unnecessary disputes , which ought not to be interepreted as an acknowledgement of the Truth of your Expositions of those places . For his own express words are , [ Although His Majesty be not sure that the Proof will reach so far in each of those Places . ] Which words plainly evidence , that which you call His Majesties Concession to be indeed no Concession , but to have been meant according to that form of Speech very usual in disputations , Dato , non Concesso . But in that Concession , such as it is , His Majesty is not yet able to imagine what you could find whereon to ground those words , That in those times of the Church there was no distinct , &c. there being not any thing in the whole passage that carrieth the least sound that way , or that hath relation to any particular times of the Church . Neither is the Concession such as you take it , as it relateth to those places of Scripture : What His Majesty said was confessed on all sides ( which are the words you take for a Concession ) was but this , That supposing ( but not granting ) the word Bishop to be used in all those places to signifie a Presbyter , the Office and Work in those places mentioned as the Office and Work of a Bishop , are ( upon that supposal ) the Office and Work of a Presbyter ; which is so manifest a Truth , that no man without admitting Contradictions can say the contrary . But how wide or short that is from what you make to be His Majesties Concession , your selves by comparing His words with yours may easily judge . But your selves a little after make a Concession which His Majesty ( warned by your example how soon anothers meaning may be mistaken when his words are altered ) is willing to take in the same words you give it , viz. When you say , and you bring reasons also to prove it , That it seemeth manifest that Ordination and Censures are not to be exercised by a single Presbyter . Secondly , you repeat your Arguments formerly drawn from those places , and press the same from the force of the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and from the Circumstances of the Text , and otherwise ; adding withal , that His Majesty hath waved the notice or answer of something by you alledged therein . Hereunto His Majesty saith , that He waved not any thing in your former Paper for any great difficulty He conceived of answering it ; but being desirous to contract His Answer , and knowing to what frailties Arguments drawn from Names and Words and Conjectural Expositions of Scripture are subject , He passed by such things as He deemed to be of least Consideration in order to the end of the whole Debate , to wit , the satisfaction of His Judgement and Conscience in the main business . Otherwise His Majesty could have then told you , That there are who , by the like Conjectures , grounded ( as seemeth to them , ) upon some Probabilities in the Text , interpret those places in the Acts and in St Peter , of Bishops properly so called , and in the restrained Ecclesiastical sense , rather than of ordinary Presbyters : That supposing them both meant of Ordinary Presbyters , the words 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 and 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 ( which signifie to feed and oversee ) might not unfitly be applied to them as inferior Pastors , in relation to their Flocks under their charge and oversight ( the Flock being in both the places expresly mentioned ) which hindreth not , but that the same words may in a more particular manner be appropriated to Bishops in respect of that Authority and oversight they have even over Presbyters themselves also : That still granting your own interpretation of the word Bishop in that place to Titus , it can prove no more than that the two names in that place are given to the same Function : That from all the Premisses in your Paper there laid together , and supposed true , His Majesty doth not conceive it justly proved , That the Office of a Bishop and Presbyter is wholly the same , but at the most , That the Offices were not in those places distinguished by those Names . Thirdly , if the Assignment of any particular Qualification , work or duty , unto a Bishop , distinct from a Presbyter , by the Scripture , would ( as you say ) put this question near to an issue ; His Majesty should well have hoped that it might soon be brought to a near point , and that from the evidence of the Epistles onely of St. Paul to Timothy , wherein as he particulary expresseth the qualification , work , and duty of Presbyters and Deacons , that Timothy might know what persons were fit to be ordained unto those Offices ; so in the directions given to Timothy throughout those Epistles , he sufficiently describeth the qualification , work and duty of a Bishop , that Timothy might know how to behave himself in the exercise of his Episcopal Office , as well in Ordaining as in Governing the Church . As to the signification of the word Episcopus , the primary signification thereof , and the application of it to Church-Officers , you acknowledge ; and that the same was after by Ecclesiastical usage appropriated to Bishops you deny not : But the distinction of Episcopus Gregis and Episcopus Pastorum you do not allow . If you disallow it for the unfitness of the word , as may seem by that passage , where you say that His Majesty hath said that Episcopus signifieth a Keeper of Shepherds , His Majesty thinketh you might very well have spared that exception : For if there be a person that hath the oversight of many Shepherds under him , there is no more impropriety in giving such a person the style of Episcopus Pastorum , than there is in using the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , or in calling Doeg the Master of Saul's Herdsmen . And for the thing it self , it cannot be denied but that the Apostles , and Timothy and Titus , ( by what claim , ordinary or extraordinary , as to the present business it matters not ) had the oversight and authority over many Pastors and were therefore truly and really Episcopi Pastorum . The appropriation of the names of Episcopus and Presbyter to these distinct Offices , considering that it was done so early , and received so universally in the Church , as by the writings of Clemens , Ignatius , the Canons commonly called of the Apostles , and other ancient evidences doth appear , His Majesty hath great reason to believe that it was done by consent of the Primitive Bishops , merely in honour of the Apostles , out of their respect and reverence to whose persons and personal Prerogatives . they chose to call themselves Bishops rather than Apostles in common usage ; although they made no scruple to maintain their succession from the Apostles , when they spake of things proper to their Episcopal Function , nor to use upon occasion the terms of Apostle and Apostolical in that sense . The truth of all which is to be seen frequently in the writings of the Ancients . The Testimonies of so many Writers , ancient and modern , as have been produced for the Scripture-original of Bishops , His Majesty conceiveth to be of so great importance in a question of this nature , that He thinks himself bound both in Charity and Reason to believe , that so many men of such quality would not have asserted the same with so much confidence , but upon very good ground . The Men respectively of high estimation and reverend authority in the Church , worthily renowned for their Learning and Piety , of moderate and even Passions , of Orthodox belief , sundry of them uninteressed in the Quarrel , and some of them of later times by interest and education byassed the other way . Their assertions positive , peremptory and full of assurances ( Constat , & nemo ignorat , it is clear , none can be ignorant , and other such like expressions ; ) namely That Christ constituted Bishops in the Apostles , That it was founded upon a divine Law , That Episcopacy is 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 the Ordinance of God , That it seemed good to the Holy Ghost so to order it , &c. Insomuch as they accounted Aerius an Heretick for holding the contrary . And this their Judgment they delivered as led thereunto by evidence of Scripture ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , God's Word teacheth it ; apertis Scripturae testimoniis , it appeareth by plain testimonies of Scripture ; discimus ex hoc loco , from this place we learn , and the like . ) Which testimonies should they be encountred ( as His Majesty doth not yet believe they can be ) with a cloud of Witnesses to the contrary , for number , and in every other respect , equal thereunto ; yet should not the Authority of their evidence in reason be much lessened thereby ; inasmuch as one Witness for the Affirmative , ought to be of more value than ten for the Negative ; and the testimony of one person that is not interessed , than of an hundred that are . And whereas you seem in this Question to decline this kind of trial , because matter of Right is properly triable by Scripture ; His Majesty conceiveth this present Question , in what terms soever proposed , to be yet in the true stating of it , and in the last Resolution , clearly a Question of Fact , and not of Right : For what Right soever the Bishops have , or pretend to have , must be derived from the Fact of Christ or his Apostles . Which matter of Fact , if it be not in the most plain Historical manner that may be , related in the Scriptures , but is to be deduced thence by topical remote inferences and probability of Conjectures , the most rational and proper expedient for the finding out of the Right is to have recourse to the Judgment , but especially to the Practice , of the nearest and subsequent times , according to the received Maxims , Lex currit cum Praxi , & Consuetudo optimus interpres Legum . Now he that shall find by all the best Records extant , that the distinction of Bishops from , and the Superiority over Presbyters , was so universally and speedily spread over the face of the whole World , and their Government submitted unto so unanimously by the Presbyters , that there never was any considerable opposition made there-against before Aerius , ( and that cryed down as an Heresie ) nor since , till this last Age ; and shall duly consider withal , that if Episcopal Government had not then been conceived to have had its institution from the Authority of Christ or his Apostles , or if any other form of Church-Government could have pretended to such institution , it had been the most impossible thing in the world , when there neither was any outward coercive power to inforce it , nor could be any General Council to establish it , to have introduced such a Form of Government so suddenly and quietly into all Christian Churches , and not the Spirit of any one Presbyter , for ought that appeareth , for above Three Hundred years , to have been provoked either through Zeal , Ambition , or other motive , to stand up in the just defence of their own and the Churches liberty against such an Usurpation ; His Majesty believeth that whosoever shall consider the premisses , together with the Scripture-evidences that are brought for that Government , will see reason enough to conclude the same to have something of Divine Institution in it , notwithstanding all the evasions aad objections that the subtil wit of man can devise to perswade the contrary . And therefore His Majesty thinketh it fit plainly to tell you , that such Conjectural Interpretations of Scripture as He hath yet met with in this Argument , how handsomly soever set off , are not Engines of strength enough to remove Him from that Judgment wherein He hath been setled from His Childhood , and findeth so consonant to the Judgment of Antiquity , and to the constant Practice of the Christian Church for so many hundred years ; which in a matter of this nature ought to weigh more than mere Conjectural Inferences from Scripture-Texts that are not so attested . Which having now once told you , His Majesty thinketh Himself discharged from the necessity of making so large and particular an Answer to every Allegation in the sequel of your Reply , as hitherto He hath done . As to the Apostles Mission and Succession ; To make His Answer the shorter to so long a discourse , His Majesty declareth , that His meaning was not by distinguishing the Mission and Vnction of the Apostles , so to confine them as if they should relate precisely and exclusively , the one to the Office , the other to the Abilities ; but that they did more especially and eminently so relate : For the Apostles after their last Mission , ( Matth. xxviii . 19 , 20. ) whereby they were further warranted to their Office and Work , were yet to wait for that promised anointing , ( Luke xxiv . 49. Acts i. 4. ) the special effect whereof was the enduing them with Gifts of the Holy Ghost , for the better and more effectual performing of that their Work and Office. Nor was it His Majesties meaning to restrain the Extraordinaries in the Apostolical Office to those Gifts only : ( for His Majesty afterwards in the same Paper mentioneth other Extraordinaries also , as before is said ) but only to instance in those Gifts , as one sort of Extraordinaries , wherein the Apostles were to have no Successors . But His Majesties full meaning was , that the whole Apostolical Office ( setting aside all and only what was personal and extraordinary in them ) consisted in the work of Teaching and Governing ; which being both of necessary and perpetual use in the Church to the worlds end , the Office therefore was also to continue , and consequently , the persons of the Apostles being mortal , to be transmitted and derived to others in succession : And that the Ordinary Successors of the Apostles immediately , and into the whole Office both of Teaching and Governing , are properly the Bishops ; the Presbyters succeeding them also , but in part , and into the Office of Teaching only , and that mediately and subordinately to the Bishops , by whom they are to be ordained and authorized thereunto , which His Majesty taketh not to be , as you call it , a dissolving of the Apostolical Office. Now the ground of what His Majesty hath said concerning the manner of Succession to the Apostles , that it may appear not to have been said gratis , is this ; The things which the Scriptures record to have been done by Christ or his Apostles , or by others at their appointment , are of three sorts , some acts of Power merely extraordinary ; others acts of an ordinary power , but of necessary and perpetual use ; othersome , lastly , and those not a few , Occasional and Prudential , fitted to the present condition of the Church in several times . To the Apostles in matters of the first sort none pretend succession ; nor are either the Examples of what the Apostles themselves did , or the directions that they gave to others what they should do , in matters of the third sort , to be drawn into consequence so far as to be made necessary Rules , binding all succeeding Church-officers in all Times to perpetual observation . So that there remain the things of the middle sort only , which we may call Substantials , into which the Apostles are to have ordinary and standing Successors . But then the difficulty will be , by what certain marks Extraordinaries , Substantials and Prudentials may be known and distinguished each from other . Evident it is , the Scriptures do not afford any particular discriminating Characters whereby to discern them ; the Acts of all the three sorts being related in the like narrative forms , and the directions of all the three sorts expressed in the like preceptive forms . Recourse therefore must of necessity be had to those two more general Criterions [ the Laws of all human actions ] Reason and Common Usage . Our own Reason will tell us , that instructing the People of God in the Christian Faith , exhorting them to Piety and good Works , administring the Sacraments , &c. which belong to the Office of Teaching ; that Ordaining of Ministers , Inspection over their Lives and Doctrines , and other Administrations of Ecclesiastical Affairs belonging to the Office of Governing , are matters of great importance , and necessary concernment to the Church in all ages and times ; and therefore were to be concredited to standing Officers in a Line of succession , and accordingly were judged , and the continuance of them preserved in the constant usage of the Churches of Christ : But that , on the other side , the decrees concerning Abstinence from Blood and Strangled , Acts xv . the Directions given for the ordering some things in the Church-Assemblies , i Cor. xiv . for making Provisions for the Poor , i Cor. xvi . 1. for the choice and maintenance of Widows , i Tim. v. for the enoiling of the sick , James v. 14. and other like , were but Occasional , Prudential and Temporary , and were so esteemed by the Churches ; and the practice of them accordingly laid aside . So for the Succession into the Apostolical Office , we find in the Scriptures Evidence clear enough , that the Apostles committed to others , as namely to Timothy and Titus , the Power both of Teaching and Governing the Churches . And common Reason and Prudence dictating to us , that it is good for the edifying of the Church , that there should be many Teachers within a competent precinct , but not so that there should be many Governours ; and the difference of Bishops and Presbyters to the purposes aforesaid , having been by continual usage received and preserved in the Christian Church , down from the Apostles to the present times ; His Majesty conceiveth the succession of Bishops to the Apostles into so much of their Office as was ordinary and perpetual , and such a distinction of Bishops and Presbyters as His Majesty hath formerly expressed , needeth no further Confirmation from Scripture ( to such as are willing to make use of their Reason also , which in interpreting Scripture upon all other occasions they are inforced to do ) nor any thing by you produced in this Paragraph any further Answer : only that distinction of Eminently and Formally , because you illustrate it by instancing in Himself , His Majesty could not but take notice of , which He either understandeth not , or thinketh your Illustration thereof not to be very apposite : for Actions and Operations flow from the Forms of things , and demonstrate the same , as Effects do their Causes . The Apostles therefore acting in the ordinary exercise of Church-Government , did act not Eminently only , but Formally also , as Bishops rather than Apostles . As Concerning Timothy and Titus . First , Whether they were Evangelists or no , His Majesty never meant to dispute : Only , because you often call for Scripture-proof , His Majesty thought fit to admonish you , that in your Answer you take two things for granted ( viz. that Timothy and Titus were Evangelists and that Evangelists , were such Officers as you described ) neither of which , if it should be denied , you could clearly prove from Scripture alone , without calling in the help of other Writers to attest it , as in your Reply you have now done Master Hooker's : neither have you indeed brought any thing in this Reply out of Scripture to prove either of both , sufficient to convince him that were of a contrary mind . Secondly , you seem ( Sect. 12. ) to mistake that which was the Third Point in that part of His Majesties Paper , which was not , Whether Timothy and Titus were Evangelists or no ; ( concerning which His Majesty neither did , nor doth contend ) but Whether in the Church-Government they exercised , they acted as Evangelists ( as you affirm ) and so only as extraordinary Officers , or not . Zuinglius having said that the Name of a Bishop and Evangelist is the same thing , proveth it from ii Tim. iv . and concludeth , Constat idem fuisse officium utriusque , Bishop and Evangelist the same Office both . Gerard saith , the word Evangelist in that place is taken generally , and not in the special sense , that is to say , for a Minister of the Gospel at large , ( and the Context there indeed seemeth to import no more ) and not for an Evangelist by peculiar Office. And Scultetus not only affirmeth , that Saint Paul appointed Timothy and Titus to Ephesus and Crete , not as Evangelists , but as Church-Governours ; but saith further , that the Epistles written to them both do evince it , and also bringeth Reasons to prove it . Upon what particular Reasons Gillespy , &c. reject the conceit of their acting as Evangelists , His Majesty certainly knows not : But if this be one of their Arguments ( as , to their best remembrance from whom His Majesty had the Information , it is ) That if whatsoever is alleged from the Scripture to have been done by the Apostles , and by Timothy and Titus , in point of Ordination , Discipline and Government , may be eluded by this , that they acted therein as extraordinary Officers ; there will be no proof at all from Scripture of any power left in any ordinary Church-Officer to the purposes aforesaid : His Majesty then recommendeth to your most sober thoughts to consider , First , how this Conceit of their acting as extraordinary Ministers only tends to the subversion of all Ministers , as well as of the Bishops , ( since upon this very ground especially the Socinians deny all Mission and Ordination of Ministers in the Church ) ; and Secondly , if the contrary be proved by Gillespy , &c. by good Arguments , that they acted as ordinary Officers in the Church , then , whether they have not thereby laid a better foundation for the claim of the Bishops , ( viz. of Governing the Churches as single persons in Ordinary Office ) than either they or you are willing to acknowledg . Thirdly , His Majesty thinketh it a great liberty which you take in rendring the sense of His Reply as you have done ; viz. The Scriptures never call them Bishops , but the Fathers do , &c. Whereas if you had followed His sense in that Paper , you might rather have delivered thus , The Scripture describeth them as Bishops , and the Fathers call them so . For that of yours , The Scripture calls Timothy an Evangelist ; some of late have refuted it , and rejected it with scorn : you should have said rather , The Scripture doth not any where affirm of Titus , nor clearly prove of Timothy , that they were ( by peculiar Office ) Evangelists ; but that in governing the Churches they acted as Evangelists , or extraordinary Officers , is by sundry late Writers ( the Evasion it self having been but of late time minted ) refuted and rejected . For that of yours , The Scripture relates their motion from Church to Church ; but some affirm them to be fixed at Ephesus and in Crete ; It should have been , Neither doth their motion from Church to Church hinder but that they might afterward be fixed at Ephesus and in Crete : neither doth their being Bishops of Ephesus and Crete hinder but that they might afterwards , for propagation of the Gospel , be by the Apostles appointment often imployed other-where . For that of yours , The Scripture makes distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but some say that Timothy and Titus were both ; It should have been , The Scripture maketh no such distinction of Evangelists and Pastors , but that the same persons might not only successively be both , but even at the same time also be called by both Names . Fourthly , Tho you say , You do not undervalue the Testimonies and Catalogues mentioned , yet you endeavour ( which cometh not far short of undervaluing ) to lessen the reputation of both but too much . Of those Testimonies , by putting them off , as if , when they report Timothy and Titus and others to have been Bishops , they speak but vulgarly , or by way of allusion , and not exactly as to the point in Debate . But of Hierom , upon whom you chiefly rely in this cause , the contrary is evident , who in his Catalogue of Ecclesiastical Writers , wherein he was to deliver things Fide Historica , and to describe the persons of such as are Registred in that Catalogue by their proper and known distinctive Titles and Styles , expresly styleth Timothy , Titus , Mark , Polycarp and others , Bishops of such and such places ; and such on the other side as were but mere Presbyters , Ecclesioe Antiochenoe or Alexandrinoe Presbyteri , &c. observing the difference so constantly and exactly throughout the whole Book , that nothing can be more clear , than that he understood the word Episcopus no otherwise than in the ordinary Ecclesiastical sense , and as a Bishop is distinct from a Presbyter . As for that passage you allege out of him , by custome , in the judgment of Learned men , he must mean the practice of the Apostolick times ; and by Dominica dispositio , the express Precept of Christ : unless you will have himself contradict what himself hath written in sundry other places ; whose Testimonies in the behalf of Episcopal Superiority are so clear and frequent in his Writings , that ( altho he of all the Ancients be least suspected to favour that Function overmuch , yet ) the Bishops would not refuse to make him Arbitrator in the whole business . As for the Catalogues , there will be more convenient place to speak of them afterwards . Fifthly , your long Discourse concerning the several stations and removes of Timothy and Titus ( Sect. 13 , 14. ) and their being called away from Ephesus and Crete ( Sect. 15. ) His Majesty neither hath time to examine , nor thinketh it much needful ( in respect of what He hath said already ) so to do . It is sufficient to make His Majesty at least suspend His Assent to your Conjectures and Inferences , First , that He findeth other Learned men , from the like Conjectures , to have made other Inferences ; as namely , that Timothy and Titus having accompanied Paul in many journeys , postea & tandem were by him constituted Bishops of Ephesus and Crete . Secondly , that supposing they were , after the times of the several Epistles written to them , sent by the Apostles to other places , or did accompany them in some of their journeys , even for a long time together , it cannot be concluded thence that they were not then Bishops of those Churches , or that the Government of those Churches was not committed to their peculiar charge : If it be supposed withall ( which is but reasonable ) that their absence was commanded by the Apostle , and that they left their Churches cum animo revertendi . Thirdly , that the places which you press again of i Tim. i. 3. and Titus i. 5. weigh so little to the purpose intended by you , even in your own judgments ( for you say only , They put fair to prove it ) that you cannot expect they should weigh so much in His as to need any further Answer ; save only that His Majesty knoweth not what great need or use there should be of leaving Timothy at Ephesus , or Titus in Crete , for ordaining Presbyters and Deacons , with such directions and admonitions to them for their care therein , if they were not sent thither as Bishops . For either there were Colleges of Presbyters in those places before their coming thither , or there were not : if there were , and that such Colleges had power to ordain Presbyters and Deacons without a Bishop , then was there little need of sending Timothy and Titus so solemnly thither about the work ; if there were none , then had Timothy and Titus power of sole Ordination , which is a thing by you very much disliked . Those inconveniences His Majesty thinketh it will be hard wholly to avoid upon your Principles . That Discourse you conclude with this Observation , That in the very same Epistle to Timothy , out of which he is endeavoured to be proved a Bishop , there is clear evidence both for Presbyters imposing hands in Ordination , and for their Ruling : Yet His Majesty presumeth you cannot be ignorant , that the evidence is not so clear in either particular , but that in the former very many , of the Latin Fathers especially and sundry later Writers , as Calvin and others , refer the word 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to the remoter Substantive Grace or Gift , and not that of Imposition of Hands ; and so understand it as meant of the Office of Presbytery , or , as we were wont to call it in English , by derivation from that Greek word , of Priesthood , in Timothy himself , and not of a Colledg or Company of Presbyters collectively imposing hands on him : and that the Greek Fathers , who take the word collectively , do yet understand by 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 there a Company of Apostles or Bishops who laid hands on Timothy in his ordination to the Office of a Bishop , ( as was ordinarily done by three joyning in that act in the Primitive and succeeding times ) and not of a College of mere Presbyters : and that in the latter particular , to wit , that of Ruling , the place whereon His Majesty conceiveth your Observation to be grounded , hath been by the Adversaries of Episcopal Government generally and mainly insisted upon , as the only clear proof for the establishing of Ruling-Lay-Elders , which interpretation His Majesty knoweth not how far you will admit of . As to the Angels of the Churches . His Majesties purpose in naming these Angels in His first Paper , sufficiently declared in His second , required no more to be granted for the proving of what He intended , but these Two Things only : First , That they were Personae singulares ; and then , That they had a Superiority in their respective Churches , as well over Presbyters as others : which two being the Periphrasis or Definition of a Bishop , His Majesty conceived it would follow of it self , That they were Bishops . That the Epistles directed to them in their respective Reproofs , Precepts , Threatnings , and other the contents thereof , did concern their fellow-Presbyters also , and indeed the whole Churches ( which in your last you again remember ) His Majesty did then and doth still believe , finding it agreeable both to the tenor of the Epistles themselves , and to the consentient judgment of Interpreters . Only His Majesty said , and still doth , That that hindreth not but that the Angels to whom the Epistles were directed were Personae singulares still . This His Majesty illustrated by a Similitude , which tho it do not hold in some other respects , and namely those you observe , ( for His Majesty never dreamt of a four-footed Similitude ) yet it perfectly illustrates the thing it was then intended for ; as is evident enough , so that there needeth no more to be said about it . That which you insist upon to prove the contrary from Revel . xi . 24. But I say to you ( 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 plurally ) and the rest in Thyatira , is plainly of no force , if those Copies in which the copulative conjunction is wanting be true ; for then the Reading would be this , But I say to you the rest in Thyatira . But following the ordinary Copies , the difficulty is not great , such manner of Apostrophes by changing the number , or turning the speech to another person , being very usual both in Prophetick Writings , such as this Book of Revelation is , and in Epistles of this nature written to one , but with reference to many others therein concerned . Beza expoundeth it , 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 to you , ( that is , the Angel as President , and his Collegues the other Presbyters ) and to the rest , that is , to the whole flock or people : which manner of speaking might be illustrated by the like forms of speech to be used in a Letter written to a Corporation , wherein the Mayor and Aldermen especially , but yet the whole Town generally , were concerned , but directed to the Mayor alone ; or from a Lord , containing some Orders for his own houshould especially , and generally for the whole Township , but by the Inscription directed to his Steward only , or the like . The Consent of ancient and later Writers was produced by His Majesty for the proof of the two things before named only , but especially of the first , viz. That the Angels were Personae singulares : ( for the latter , viz. That they were superiour to Presbyters also , had been confessed by your selves in your first Grant before ) but was not produced to prove the Conclusion it self immediately , viz. That they were Bishops in distinct sense , altho sundry of their Testimonies come up even to that also . But to the first point , That they were Single persons , the concurrence is so general , that His Majesty remembreth not to have heard of any one single Interpreter , before Brightman , that ever expounded them otherwise : And yet the same man ( as His Majesty is informed ) in his whole Commentary upon the Revelation doth scarce , if at all , any where else , save in these Seven Epistles , expound the word Angel collectively , but still of one single person or other , insomuch as he maketh one Angel to be Gregory the Great , another Queen Elizabeth , another Cranmer , another Chemnitius , and the like . But generally both the Fathers and Protestant Divines agree in this , That the Angel was a Single person : some affirming plainly , and that in terminis , he was the Bishop ; some naming the very persons of some of them , as of Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna , and others ; some calling him the chief Pastor or Superintendent of that Church ; and those that speak least , and were more or less disaffected to Bishops , as Beza , Doctor Reynolds , the Geneva Notes , and even Cartwright himself , the 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 〈◊〉 , President or chief among the Presbyters . And this they do sundry of them , not crudely delivering their Opinions only , and then no more , but they give Reasons for it , and after examination of the several Opinions , prefer this before the rest , affirming , That Doctissimi quique interpretes , all the best learned Interpreters so understand it , and that they cannot understand it otherwise , vim nisi facere Textui velint , unless they will offer violence to the Text. That which His Majesty said concerning the Subdivision of those that had divided themselves from the common received judgment of the Church , was meant by His Majesty , as to the Subdivision , in respect of this particular of the Angels , wherein they differ one from another ; as to the Division , in respect of their dislike of Bishops , wherein they all agree . And truly His Majesty doth not yet see , how either their Differences can be possibly reconciled in the former ( no accommodation in the world being able to make all the people of the whole Church , nor yet a Colledg consisting of many Presbyters , to be one Single person ; ) or their recess wholly excused in the latter , their dissenting from the common and received Judgment and Practice of the Christian Church in the matter of Episcopacy , and the evil consequents thereof , having , in His Majesties Opinion , brought a greater reproach upon the Protestant Religion , and given more advantage ( or colour at least ) to the Romish party to asperse the Reformed Churches in such sort as we see they do , than their disagreement from the Church of Rome in any one controverted Point whatsoever besides hath done . As to the Apostles Successors . Here little is said , the substance whereof hath not been Answered before . His Majesty therefore briefly declares His meaning herein , That the Apostles were to have no necessary Successors in any thing that was extraordinary , either in their Mission or Unction ; That His Majesty spake not of Succession into Abilities otherwise than by instance , mentioning other particulars withal , which thing , He thinketh , needeth not to have been now the third time by you mentioned ; That in the Apostles Mission or Commission ( for His Majesty under the name of Mission comprehended both ) and consequently in the Apostolical Office , as there was something extraordinary , so there was something ordinary , wherein they were to have Successors ; That Bishops are properly their Successors in the whole Apostolical Office , so far as it was ordinary , and to have Successors ; That therefore the Bishops Office may in regard of that Succession be said to be Apostolical ; That yet it doth not follow that they must needs be called Apostles , taking the Denomination from the Office , inasmuch as the Denomination of the Apostles , peculiarly so called , was not given them from the Office whereunto they were sent , but ( as the word it self rather importeth ) from the immediateness of their Mission , being sent immediately by Christ himself , in respect whereof , for distinction sake , and in Honour to their Persons , it was thought fitter by those that succeeded , in common usage to abstain from that Denomination , and to be styled rather by the Name of Bishops ; That if the Apostles had no Successors , the Presbyters ( who are their Successors in part , mediately and subordinately to the Bishops ) will be very hard set to prove the Warrant of their own Office and Mission ; which if not derived from the Apostles ( who only received power of Mission from Christ ) by a continued line of Succession , His Majesty seeth not upon what other bottom it can stand . As to the standing Officers of the Church . You insisted upon Two Places of Scripture , Phil. i. 1. and 1 Tim. iii. to prove that there were to be no more standing Officers in the Church than the two in those places mentioned ( viz. ) Presbyters ( who are there called Bishops ) and Deacons ; whereunto His Majesties Answer was , That there might be other , tho not mentioned in those places : which Answer tho it were alone sufficient , yet , ex abundanti , His Majesty shewed withall , that supposing your interpretation of the word Bishop in both the places ( viz. ) to denote the Office of Presbyter only ) there might yet be given some probable conjectures , which ( likewise supposed true ) might satisfie us , why that of Bishop in the distinct sense should not be needful or proper to be named in those places . His Majesties former Reason , tho in Hypothesi , and as applied to the Church of Philippi it be but conjectural , yet upon the credit of all Ecclesiastical Histories and consideration of the Condition of those times , as it is set forth in the Scriptures also , it will appear in Thesi to be undoubtedly true ( viz. ) That the Apostles themselves first planted Churches ; That they were perpetual Governours , and , in chief , of all the Churches whilst they lived ; That as the burthen grew greater by the propagation of the Gospel , they assumed others in partem curae , committing to their charge the peculiar oversight of the Churches in some principal Cities , and the Towns and Villages adjacent , as James at Jerusalem , and others in other places , sooner or later , as they saw it expedient for the service of the Church ; That the persons so by them appointed to such peculiar charges did exercise the powers of Ordination , and other Government , under the Apostles , and are therefore in the Church Stories called Bishops of those places in a distinct sense ; That in some places , where the Apostles were themselves more frequently conversant , they did for some while govern the Churches immediately by themselves , before they set Bishops there ; and that after the Apostles times , Bishops only were the ordinary Governours of the Churches of Christ : And His Majesty believeth it cannot be proved , either from clear evidence of Scripture , or credible testimonies of Antiquity , that ever any Presbyter or Presbytery exercised the power either of Ordination at all without a Bishop , or of that which they call Ecclesiastical Jurisdiction in ordinary , and by their own sole Authority , or otherwise than as it was delegated unto them upon occasion , and for the time , by Apostles or Bishops . For that place of Phil. 1. 1. in particular , His Majesties purpose being not to interpret the place , ( a work fitter for Divines ) but to manifest the inconsequence of the Argument whereby you would conclude but two standing Officers only , because but two there named , He gave this as one probable conjecture why there might be no Bishop in distinct sense there mentioned , because possibly the Apostles had not as yet set any Bishop over that Church : which His Majesty did not propose as the only , no , nor yet as the most probable conjecture , ( for which cause He delivered it so cautiously , saying only , It might be probable ) but as that which for the present came first into His thoughts , and was sufficient for His purpose , without the least meaning thereby to prejudice other interpretations ; as , namely , of those Expositors who take the words ( with the Bishops and Deacons ) as belonging to the persons saluting , and not to the persons saluted , to this sense , Paul and Timotheus , the servants of Jesus Christ , with the Bishops and Deacons , to the Saints at Philippi , &c. or of those who affirm , and that with great probability too , that Epaphroditus was then actually Bishop of Philippi , but not to be mentioned in the Inscription of the Epistle , because he was not then at Philippi , but with Saint Paul at Rome when that Epistle was written . Any of which conjectures if they be true , ( as there is none of them utterly improbable ) that place of Phil. 1. 1. will not do you much service in this Question . In the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , the Apostle directeth and admonisheth them as Bishops , particularly concerning Ordination of Ministers , that they do it advisedly , and ordain none but such as are meetly qualified for the Service of the Church ; which Directions and Admonitions His Majesty believeth for the substance to belong to all Bishops of after-times as well as unto them : But His Majesty seeth no necessity why in those Epistles there should be any particular directions given concerning the Ordination of Bishops , at least unless it could be made appear that they were to ordain some such in those places , nor perhaps if that could be made to appear , inasmuch as in those Epistles there is not the least signification of any difference at all between Presbyters and Deacons in the manner of their Ordination , both being to be performed by the Bishop , and by Imposition of Hands , and so both comprehended under that general Rule ( Lay hands suddenly on no man ) but only , and that very little , and scarce considerable ( as to the making of distinct Offices ) in the qualification of their persons . The Ordination therefore of Bishops , Presbyters and Deacons , being to be performed in the same manner , and the same Qualifications after a sort , saving such differences as the importance of their several Offices make , ( which is more in the degree than in the things ) being required in both , it had been sufficient if in those Epistles there had been direction given concerning the Ordination and Qualification of but one sort of Church-Officers only ; as in the Epistle to Titus we see there are of Presbyters only , and no mention made of Deacons in the whole Epistle ; whence it may be as well concluded , That there was to be no other standing Officer in the Church of Crete but Presbyters only , because Saint Paul giveth no directions to Titus concerning any other , as it can be concluded , That there were to be no other Officers in the Church of Ephesus but Presbyters and Deacons only , because Saint Paul giveth no direction to Timothy concerning any other . As to the Ages succeeding the Apostles . Concerning the Judgment of Ecclesiastical Writers about the Divine Right of Episcopacy , His Majesty conceiveth the difference to be more in their Expressions than in their Meaning , some calling it Divine , others Apostolical , and some ( but not many ) Ecclesiastical . But that the Superiority of Bishops above Presbyters began in the Apostles times , and had its foundation in the Institution either of Christ himself or of his Apostles , His Majesty hath not heard ( Aerius exceped ) that any till these latter Ages have denied . For that which you touch upon concerning the word Infallible , His Majesty supposeth you knew His meaning , and He delighteth not to contend about words . As for the Catalogues , some uncertainties in a few ( a frailty which all human Histories are subject to ) His Majesty taketh to be insufficient to discredit all . Differences there are in Historiographers , in reciting the Succession of the Babylonian , Persian , and Macedonian Kings , and of the Saxon Kings in England . And we find far more inextricable intricacies in the Fasti Consulares , the Catalogues of the Roman Consuls ( notwithstanding their great care in keeping of the publick Records , and the exactness of the Roman Histories ) than are to be found in Epistcopal Catalogues , those especially of the chiefest Cities , as Jerusalem , Rome , Antioch , Alexandria , Ephesus , &c. Yet as all men believe there were Kings in those Countries , and Consuls in Rome in those times ; so ( as you might well foresee would be answered ) the discrediting of the Catalogues of Bishops in respect of some uncertainties , ( although His Majesty doubteth not but many of the differences you instance in may be fairly reconciled ) tendeth rather to the confirming of the thing it self . That which you say in Answer hereunto , that the Ecclesiastical Writers called them Bishops in compliance to the Language of their own Times , after the names of Presbyters and Bishops were distinguished , but that they were not indeed Bishops in the proper sense now in Question ; His Majesty , who believeth the distinction of those names to have begun presently after the Apostles times ( if not rather whilst some of them were living ) doth consequently believe , that as they were called , so they were indeed Bishops in that proper sense . It appeareth by Ignatius his Epistles every where , how wide the difference was in his time between a Bishop and a mere Presbyter . If Hierom only , and some a little ancienter than he , had applied the name Bishop to persons that lived some Ages before them , there might have been the more colour to have attributed it to such a compliance as you speak of ; but that they received both the Name and the truth of their relations from unquestionable Testimonies and Records , His Majesty thinketh it may be made good by many instances . For example , to instance in one only , Polycarp Bishop of Smyrna , who is thought to be the Angel of that Church in the Revelations ; Ignatius , who was contemporary with him , wrote one Epistle to him , and sends salutation to him in another , as Bishop of Smyrna . Many years after , Irenaeus , Bishop of Lyons in France , ( whose Writings were never yet called in question by any ) not only affirms him to have been constituted Bishop of Smyrna by the Apostles , but saith , That he himself when he was a Boy had seen him a very old man. Tertullian next , a very ancient Writer , affirmeth That he was Bishop of Smyrna , there placed by Saint John. After cometh Eusebius , who in his Ecclesiastical History not only Historically reporteth of his being Bishop there , as he doth of other Bishops ; but citeth also for it the Testimonies both of Ignatius and Irenaeus ( which , by the way , giveth good credit to Ignatius his Epistles too . ) Then Hierom also and others , lastly , attest the same . And it cannot be doubted but Eusebius and Hierom had in their times the like certain Testimonies and Grounds for sundry others , whom they report to have been Bishops ; which Testimonies and Records are not all come to our hands . For the Testimonies of Clemens and Ignatius , His Majesty saith , First , That tho it be not reasonable that the Testimony of one single Epistle should be so made the adequate measure of Clemens his Opinion , as to exclude all other proof from his Example , or otherwise ; yet His Majesty , since Clemens was first named by you , and the weight of the main cause lieth not much upon it , is content also for that matter to refer Himself to that Epistle . Secondly , That His Majesty could not but use some earnestness of expression in the cause of Ignatius against some who have rejected the whole Volume of his Epistles , but upon such Arguments as have more lessened the Reputation of their own Learning , than the Authority of those Epistles , in the opinion of moderate and judicious men : And yet Blondellus , a very Learned man , tho he reject those Epistles , confesseth notwithstanding the Ancient Fathers gave full Credence thereunto . The Apostles , you say , did not ordain themselves Bishops of any particular places ; and yet the Bishops of some particular places are reported in the Catalogues to have been Sucoessors to such or such of the Apostles , and even the Names of such Apostles are entred into the Catalogues . To this His Majesty saith , That the Apostles were formerly Bishops by virtue of their Mission from Christ , as hath been already declared , but did neither ordain themselves , nor could be ordained of others , Bishops of such or such particular Cities : Although His Majesty knoweth not but that they might , without prejudice to their Apostleship , and by mutual consent , make choice of their several quarters wherein to exercise that Function , as well as Saint Peter and Saint Paul by consent went , the one to the Circumcision , the other to the Gentiles . But such apportionments did not intitle them to be properly called Bishops of those places , unless any of them by such agreement did fixedly reside in some City ; of which there is not in the History of the Church any clear unquestionable Example . If James the Lord's Brother ( who was certainly Bishop of Jerusalem ) were not one of the twelve Apostles , as the more general opinion is that he was not ; yet did the Churches of succeeding times , for the greater honour of their Sees , and the memory of so great Benefactors , enter in the Head of the Lists or Catalogues of their Bishops , the Names of such of the Apostles as had either first planted the Faith , or placed Bishops , or made any long abode and continuance , or ended their days among them : yet doth not the true Title of being Successors to the Apostles thereby accrue to the Bishops of those places more than to other Bishops , but all Bishops are equally Successors to the Apostles in two other respects ; the one , for that they derive their Ordination by a continued Line of Succession from the Apostles ; the other , for that they succeed into the same Apostolical Power and Function , which the Apostles as ordinary Pastors had . Your motion , to reduce this whole Dispute to Scripture alone , were the more reasonable , if the matter in question were properly a Point of Faith : And yet even in points of Faith ( as the Doctrine of the Trinity , the Canon of Scripture , and sundry other ) the uniform judgment of the Church hath been ever held of very considerable regard . But being a matter of Fact , as before was said , which the Scriptures do not deliver entirely and perspicuously in any one place together , but obscurely and by parts , so that the understanding thereof dependeth merely upon conjectural Interpretations and uncertain probabilities , nor assure any certain distinguishing Characters whereby to discern what therein is extraordinary , what prudential , and what of necessary and perpetual Obligation , there seemeth to His Majesty to be a necessity of admitting the subsequent Judgment and Practice of the Christian Churches into the Trial. As to the Three Questions proposed by His Majesty . His Majesty resteth very much unsatisfied , that you have now again wholly declined the answering of those three Questions so clearly proposed by Him , which your selves also consess to be of great importance , upon this only pretence , That the whole Volume of Ecclesiastical Policy is contained in them : Whereas His Majesty did neither expect nor require from you any large or Polemical Discourse concerning those Questions ; but yet did conceive you were ( in order to His Satisfaction in your own Undertaking ) in some sort obliged to have declared in few words what your Judgment was therein , with the grounds thereof , that so His Majesty might have taken the same into His further Consideration , than which nothing could have more conduced to the informing of His Judgment , and the satisfaction of His Conscience : which His Majesty also further conceives you might have done with the tenth part of that pains you have hitherto bestowed to other purposes , and therein have given full as much satisfaction to His desires as he expected , and in all likelihood better satisfaction to His Judgment , than He yet findeth , or can hope to find from you , so long as you hold off from declaring your Opinions concerning those Questions . For certainly until one of these three things can be clearly evidenced unto His Majesty , ( viz. ) Either that there is no certain Form of Church-Government at all prescribed in the Word ; or if there be , that the Civil Power may change the same as they see cause ; or if it be unchangeable , that it was not Episcopal , but some other ; His Majesty thinks himself excuseable in the judgment of all reasonable men , if He cannot as yet be induced to give his Assent to the utter Abolition of that Government in the Church which He found here setled to His hands , which hath continued all over the Christian World from the times of the Apostles until this last Age , and in this Realm ever since the first plantation of Christianity , as well since the Reformation as before , which hath been confirmed by so many Acts of Parliament , approved as consonant to the holy Word of God in the Articles of our Religion , and by all the Ministers of the Church of England , as well by their personal Subscriptions as otherwise , so attested and declared , and which Himself in His Judgment and Conscience hath for so many years been , and yet is , perswaded to be at least of Apostolical Institution and Practice . Truly , His Majesty cannot but wonder what should be the reason of your great shiness and unwillingness to discover your minds in a matter of so great and necessary consequence : and for a final conclusion of this whole Dispute ( which His Majesty thinketh fit to shut up with this Paper ) He must plainly tell you , That your endeavours to have given Him satisfaction in the Questions proposed would have added much , in His opinion , to the reputation of your Ingenuity in the whole undertaking ; it being not probable you should work much upon His Judgment , whilst you are fearful to declare your own ; nor possible to relieve His Conscience , but by a free discharge of yours . Nevertheless , His Majesty liketh well of your Prayer in the close of your Paper , and thinketh you should do very well to joyn therewith your utmost possible endeavours towards the settling of Truth and a happy Peace in this unsettled Church and Kingdom . THE END . ΕΙΚΩΝ ΒΑΣΙΛΙΚΗ THE POURTRAICTURE OF HIS SACRED MAJESTY IN HIS SOLITUDES and SUFFERINGS . I. Vpon His MAJESTIES Calling this last PARLIAMENT . THIS last Parliament I called , not more by others advice , and necessity of my Affairs , than by my own choice and inclination ; who have always thought the right way of Parliaments most safe for my Crown , as best pleasing to my People . And altho I was not forgetful of those sparks which some mens distempers formerly studied to kindle in Parliaments , ( which by forbearing to convene for some years I hoped to have extinguished ; ) yet resolving with My self to give all just satisfaction to modest and sober desires , and to redress all publick Grievances in Church and State , I hoped ( by my freedom and their moderation ) to prevent all misunderstandings and miscarriages in this : In which as I feared affairs would meet with some Passion and Prejudice in other men , so I resolved they should find least of them in My self ; not doubting but by the weight of Reason I should counterpoise the over-balancings of any Factions . I was , inded , sorry to hear with what Partiality and Popular heat Elections were carried in many places : yet hoping that the Gravity and Discretion of other Gentlemen would allay and fix the Commons to a due temperament ( guiding some mens well-meaning zeal by such rules of moderation as are best both to preserve and restore the health of all States and Kingdoms ) no man was better pleased with the convening of this Parliament than My self , who knowing best the Largeness of my own Heart toward my Peoples good and just contentment , pleased My self most in that good and firm understanding which would hence grow between Me and my People . All Jealousies being laid aside , My own and My Childrens Interests gave Me many obligations to seek and preserve the Love and welfare of my Subjects ; the only temporal Blessing that is left to the ambition of just Monarchs , as their greatest Honour and Safety , next Gods Protection . I cared not to lessen My self in some things of my wonted Prerogative , since I knew I could be no loser , if I might gain but a recompence in my Subjects Affections . I intended not only to oblige my Friends , but mine Enemies also ; exceeding even the desires of those that were factiously discontented , if they did but pretend to any modest and sober sense . The Odium and offences which some mens Rigor or Remisness in Church and State had contracted upon my Government , I resolved to have expiated by such Laws and regulations for the future , as might not only rectify what was amiss in Practice , but supply what was defective in the Constitution : No man having a greater zeal to see Religion setled , and preserved in Truth , Unity and Order , than My self , whom it most concerns both in Piety and Policy ; as knowing that , No flames of civil Dissentions are more dangerous than those which make Religious pretensions the grounds of Factions . I resolved to reform what I should by free and full advice in Parliament be oonvinced of to be amiss , and to grant whatever my Reason and Conscience told Me was fit to be desired . I wish I had kept My self within those bounds , and not suffered my own Judgment to have been overborn in some things , more by others importunities than their Arguments : My confidence had less betrayed My self and my Kingdomes to those advantages which some men sought for , who wanted nothing but Power and Occasions to do mischief . But our Sins being ripe , there was no preventing of Gods Justice from reaping that Glory in our Calamities which we robb'd him of in our Prosperity . For Thou ( O Lord ) hast made us see , that Resolutions of future Reforming do not always satisfie thy Justice , nor prevent thy Vengeance for former miscarriages . Our Sins have overlaid our Hopes . Thou hast taught us to depend on thy Mercies to forgive , not on our purpose to amend . When Thou hast vindicated thy Glory by thy Judgments , and hast shewed us how unsafe it is to offend Thee , upon presumptions afterwards to please Thee ; then I trust thy Mercies will restore those Blessings to us , which we have so much abused as to force Thee to deprive us of them . For want of timely Repentance of our sins , Thou givest us cause to repent of those remedies we too late apply . Yet I do not repent of my calling this last Parliament ; because , O Lord , I did it with an upright intention , to thy Glory and my peoples good . The Miseries which have ensued upon Me and My Kingdoms , are the just effects of thy displeasure upon us ; and may be yet ( through thy mercy ) preparative of us to future Blessings , and better hearts to enjoy them . O Lord , tho Thou hast deprived us of many former comforts , yet grant Me and My people the benefit of our afflictions and thy chastisements ; that thy rod as well as thy staff may comfort us . Then shall we dare to account them the strokes not of an Enemy , but a Father , when thou givest us those humble affections , that measure of Patience in Repentance , which becomes thy Children . I shall have no cause to repent the Miseries this Parliament hath occasioned , when by them thou hast brought Me and My people unfeignedly to repent of the Sins we have committed . Thy Grace is infinitely better with our Sufferings , than our Peace could be with our Sins . O thou soveraign Goodness and Wisdom , who over-rulest all our Counsels , over-rule also all our hearts ; That the worse things we suffer by thy Justice , the better we may be by thy Mercy . As our Sins have turned our Antidotes into poyson , so let thy Grace turn our poysons into Antidotes . As the Sins of our Peace disposed us to this unhappy War , so let this War prepare us for thy blessed Peace . That although I have but troublesom Kingdoms here , yet I may attain to that Kingdom of Peace in my Heart and in thy Heaven , which Christ hath purchased , and thou wilt give to thy Servant ( tho a Sinner ) for my Saviours sake , Amen . II. Vpon the Earl of STRAFFORD's Death . I Looked upon my Lord of Strafford , as a Gentleman whose great Abilities might make a Prince rather afraid than ashamed to employ him in the greatest affairs of State. For those were prone to create in him great confidence of undertakings , and this was like enough to betray him to great errors and many enemies : Whereof he could not but contract good store , while moving in so high a sphear and with so vigorous a lustre , he must needs ( as the Sun ) raise many envious exhalations , which condensed by a Popular Odium , were capable to cast a cloud upon the brightest Merit and Integrity . Though I cannot in my Judgment approve all he did , driven ( it may be ) by the necessities of Times and the Temper of that People , more than led by his own disposition to any height and rigor of actions : yet I could never be convinced of any such Criminousness in him , as willingly to expose his life to the stroke of Justice , and Malice of his Enemies . I never met with a more unhappy conjuncture of affairs than in the business of that unfortunate Earl ; when between my own unsatisfiedness in Conscience , and a necessity ( as some told Me ) of satisfying the importunities of some people , I was perswaded by those that I think wished Me well , to chuse rather what was safe , than what seemed just ; preferring the outward Peace of my Kingdoms with men , before that inward exactness of Conscience before God. And indeed I am so far from excusing or denying that compliance on My part ( for plenary consent it was not ) to his destruction , whom in my Judgment I thought not , by any clear Law , guilty of Death ; that I never bare any touch of Conscience with greater regret : which , as a sign of my Repentance , I have often with sorrow confessed both to God and men , as an act of so sinful frailty , that it discovered more a fear of Man than of God , whose name and place on Earth no man is worthy to bear who will avoid inconveniencies of State by acts of so high injustice as no publick convenience can expiate or compensate . I see it a bad exchange to wound a mans own Conscience , thereby to salve State sores ; to calm the storms of Popular discontents , by stirring up a tempest in a mans own bosome . Nor hath Gods Justice failed in the event and sad consequences , to shew the world the fallacy of that Maxime , Better one man perish ( tho unjustly ) than the people be displeased , or destroyed . For , In all likelihood , I could never have suffered , with my people , greater calamities , ( yet with greater comfort ) had I vindicated Strafford's Innocency , at least by denying to sign that destructive BILL , according to that Justice which my Conscience suggested to Me , than I have done since I gratified some mens unthankful importunities with so cruel a favour . And I have observed , that those who counselled Me to sign that BILL , have been so far from receiving the rewards of such ingratiatings with the People , that no men have been harassed and crushed more than they ; He only hath been least vexed by them , who counselled Me not to consent against the Vote of my own Conscience . I hope God hath forgiven Me and them the sinful rashness of that business . To which being in my Soul so fully conscious , those Judgments God hath pleased to send upon Me , are so much the more welcome , as a means ( I hope ) which his Mercy hath sanctified so to Me , as to make Me repent of that unjust Act , ( for so it was to Me ) and for the future to teach Me , That the best rule of Policy is to prefer the doing of Justice before all enjoyments , and the Peace of my Conscience before the preservation of my Kingdoms . Nor hath any thing more fortified my resolutions against all those violent importunities , which since have sought to gain a like consent from Me to Acts wherein my Conscience is unsatisfied , than the sharp touches I have had for what passed Me in my Lord of Strafford's Business . Not that I resolved to have employed him in my Affairs , against the advice of my Parliament ; but I would not have had any hand in his Death , of whose Guiltlesness I was better assured than any man living could be . Nor were the Crimes objected against him so clear , as after a long and fair hearing to give convincing satisfaction to the Major part of both Houses ; especially that of the Lords , of whom scarce a third part were present when the Bill passed that House . And for the House of Commons , many Gentlemen , disposed enough to diminish my Lord of Strafford's greatness and power , yet unsatisfied of his guilt in Law , durst not condemn him to die : who for their Integrity in their Votes , were , by Posting their Names , exposed to the popular calumny , hatred and fury ; which grew then so exorbitant in their clamours for Justice , ( that is , to have both My self and the two Houses Vote and do as they would have us ) that many ( 't is thought ) were rather terrified to concur with the condemning party , than satisfied that of right they ought so to do . And that after-Act vacating the Authority of the precedent for future imitation , sufficiently tells the world , that some remorse touched even his most implacable Enemies , as knowing he had very hard measure , and such as they would be very loath should be repeated to themselves . This tenderness and regret I find in my Soul , for having had any hand ( and that very unwillingly , God knows ) in shedding one mans blood unjustly , ( tho under the colour and formalities of Justice , and pretences of avoiding publick mischiefs ; ) which may ( I hope ) be some evidence before God and Man , to all Posterity , that I am far from bearing justly the vast load and guilt of all that Blood which hath been shed in this unhappy War , which some men will needs charge on Me , to ease their own Souls , who am , and ever shall be , more afraid to take away any mans life unjustly , than to lose My own . But Thou , O God of infinite mercies , forgive Me that act of sinful compliance , which hath greater aggravations upon Me than any man. Since I had not the least temptation of Envy or Malice against him , and by My place should at least so far have been a preserver of him , as to have denied my consent to his destruction . O Lord , I acknowledg my transgression , and my sin is ever before Me. Deliver Me from blood-guiltiness , O God , thou God of my salvation , and my tongue shall sing of thy righteousness . Against Thee have I sinned , and done this evil in thy sight ; for Thou sawest the contradiction between my heart and my hand . Yet cast Me not away from thy presence , purge Me with the Blood of my Redeemer , and I shall be clean ; wash Me with that precious effusion , and I shall be whiter than snow . Teach Me to learn Righteousness by thy Judgments , and to see my frailty in thy Justice : While I was perswaded by shedding one mans blood to prevent after-troubles , thou hast for that , among other sins , brought upon Me and upon my Kingdoms great , long and heavy troubles . Make Me to prefer Justice , which is thy Will , before all contrary clamors , which are but the discoveries of mans injurious will. It is too much that they have once overcome Me , to please them by displeasing Thee : O never suffer Me for any reason of State , to go against my Reason of Conscience , which is highly to sin against Thee , the God of Reason and Judg of our Consciences . Whatever , O Lord , Thou seest fit to deprive Me of , yet restore unto Me the joy of thy Salvation , and ever uphold Me with thy free Spirit , which subjects my Will to none but thy Light of Reason , Justice and Religion , which shines in my Soul ; for Thou desirest Truth in the inward parts , and Integrity in the outward expressions . Lord , hear the voice of thy Sons and my Saviours Blood , which speaks better things ; O make Me and my People to hear the voice of Joy and Gladness , that the bones which thou hast broken may rejoyce in thy Salvation . III. Vpon his MAJESTIES going to the House of COMMONS . MY going to the House of Commons to demand Justice upon the Five Members , was an act which my Enemies loaded with all the obloquies and exasperations they could . It filled indifferent men with great jealousies and fears ; yea , and many of My Friends resented it as a motion rising rather from Passion than Reason , and not guided with such discretion as the touchiness of those times required . But these men knew not the just motives and pregnant grounds , with which I thought My self so furnished , that there needed nothing to such evidence as I could have produced against those I charged , save only a free and legal Tryal , which was all I desired . Nor had I any temptation of displeasure or revenge against those mens Persons , further than I had discovered those ( as I thought ) unlawful correspondencies they had used , and engagements they had made , to embroyl My Kingdoms : of all which I missed but little to have produced writings under some mens own hands , who were the chief Contrivers of the following Innovations . Providence would not have it so : yet I wanted not such probabilities as were sufficient to raise jealousies in any Kings heart , who is not wholly stupid and neglective of the publick Peace , which to preserve by calling in question half a dozen men in a fair and Legal way ( which God knows was all my design ) could have amounted to no worse effect , had it succeeded , than either to do Me and My Kingdom right , in case they had been found guilty ; or else to have cleared their Innocency , and removed My Suspicions ; which , as they were not raised out of any Malice , so neither were they in Reason to be smothered . What flames of Discontent this spark ( tho I sought by all speedy and possible means to quench it ) soon kindled , all the world is witness . The aspersion which some men cast upon that action , as if I had designed by force to assault the House of Commons , and invade their Privilege , is so false , that as God best knows I had no such intent , so none that attended Me could justly gather from any thing I then said or did , the least intimation of any such thoughts . That I went attended with some Gentlemen , as it was no unwonted thing for the Majesty and Safety of a King so to be attended , especially in discontented times ; so were My Followers at that time short of my ordinary Guard , and no way proportionable to hazard a tumultuary conflict . Nor were they more scared at my coming , than I was unassured of not having some affronts cast upon Me , if I had none with Me to preserve a Reverence to Me : For many people had ( at that time ) learn'd to think those hard thoughts , which they have since abundantly vented against Me both by words and deeds . The Sum of that business was this : Those men and their adherents were then looked upon by the affrighted Vulgar as greater Protectors of their Laws and Liberties than My self , and so worthier of their protection . I leave them to God and their own Consciences , who , if guilty of evil machinations , no present impunity or Popular vindications of them will be subterfuge sufficient to rescue them from those exact Tribunals . To which , in the obstructions of Justice among men , we must religiously appeal , as being an argument to us Christians of that after unavoidable Judgement , which shall re-judge what among men is but corruptly decided , or not at all . I endeavoured to have prevented , if God had seen fit , those future Commotions which I foresaw . would in all likelihood follow some mens activity ( if not restrained ) and so now have done , to the undoing of many thousands ; the more is the pity . But to over-awe the Freedom of the Houses , or to weaken their just Authority by any violent impressions upon them , was not at all My design : I thought I had so much Justice and Reason on My side , as should not have needed so rough assistance ; and I was resolved rather to bear the repulse with Patience , than to use such hazardous extremities . But thou , O Lord , art my witness in heaven , and in my heart : If I have purposed any violence or oppression against the Innocent , or if there were any such wickedness in my thoughts ; Then let the Enemy persecute my Soul , and tread my life to the ground , and lay mine Honour in the dust . Thou that seest not as man seeth , but lookest beyond all popular appearances , searching the heart and trying the reins , and bringing to light the hidden things of darkness , shew thy self . Let not my Afflictions be esteemed ( as with wise and godly men they cannot be ) any argument of my Sin in that matter ; more than their Impunity among good men is any sure token of their Innocency . But forgive them wherein they have done amiss , though they are not punished for it in this world . Save thy Servant from the privy Conspiracies and open Violence of bloody and unreasonable men , according to the uprightness of my heart and the innocency of my hands in this matter . Plead my cause , and maintain my right , O thou that sittest in the Throne judging rightly , that thy Servant may ever rejoyce in thy Salvation . IV. Vpon the Insolency of the Tumults . I Never thought any thing ( except our Sins ) more ominously presaging all these Mischiefs which have followed , than those Tumults in London and Westminster soon after the Convening of this Parliament ; which were not like a Storm at Sea , ( which yet wants not its Terror ) but like an Earthquake , shaking the very foundations of all ; than which nothing in the world hath more of horror . As it is one of the most convincing Arguments that there is a God , while his power sets bounds to the raging of the Sea : so 't is no less , that he restrains the Madness of the people . Nor doth any thing portend more Gods displeasure against a Nation , than when he suffers the confluence and clamors of the Vulgar to pass all boundaries of Laws and reverence to Authority . Which those Tumults did to so high degrees of Insolence , that they spared not to invade the Honour and Freedom of the two Houses , menacing , reproaching , shaking , yea and assaulting some Members of both Houses , as they fancied or disliked them : Nor did they forbear most rude and unseemly deportments , both in contemptuous words and actions , to My self and My Court. Nor was this a short fit or two of shaking , as an Ague , but a Quotidian Fever , always encreasing to higher inflammations , impatient of any mitigation , restraint , or remission . First , they must be a Guard against those Fears which some men scared themselves and others withall ; when indeed nothing was more to be feared , and less to be used by wise men , than those Tumultuary confluxes of mean and rude people , who are taught first to petition , then to protect , then to dictate , at last to command and over-awe the Parliament . All obstructions in Parliament ( that is , all freedom of differing in Votes , and debating matters with Reason and Candor ) must be taken away with these Tumults : By these must the Houses be purged , and all Rotten Members ( as they pleased to count them ) cast out ; by these the obstinacy of men resolved to discharge their Consciences must be subdued ; by these all factious , seditious and schismatical Proposals against Government Ecclesiastical or Civil must be backed and abetted , till they prevailed . Generally , whoever had most mind to bring forth Confusion and Ruin upon Church and State , used the midwifery of those Tumults : whose riot and impatience was such , that they would not stay the ripening and season of Counsels , or fair production of Acts in the order , gravity , and deliberateness befitting a Parliament ; but ripped up with barbarous cruelty , and forcibly cut out abortive Votes , such as their Inviters and Encouragers most fancied . Yea , so enormous and detestable were their Outrages , that no sober man could be without an infinite shame and sorrow to see them so tolerated and connived at by some ; countenanced , incouraged , and applauded by others . What good man had not rather want any thing he most desired for the publick good , than obtain it by such unlawful and irreligious means ? But mens Passions and Gods directions seldom agree : violent designs and motions must have suitable engines ; such as too much attend their own Ends , seldom confine themselves to Gods Means . Force must crowd in what Reason will not lead . Who were the chief Demagogues and Patrons of Tumults , to send for them , to flatter and embolden them , to direct and tune their clamorous importunities , some men yet living are too conscious to pretend ignorance : God in his due time will let these see , that those were no fit Means to be used for attaining his Ends. But , as it is no strange thing for the Sea to rage when strong Winds blow upon it ; so neither for Multitudes to become insolent , when they have men of some Reputation for Parts and Piety to set them on . That which made their Rudeness most formidable , was , that many complaints being made , and Messages sent by My self and some of both Houses , yet no order for redress could be obtained with any vigor and efficacy , proportionable to the malignity of that now far spread disease and predominant Mischief . Such was some mens Stupidity , that they feared no inconvenience ; others Petulancy , that they joyed to see their Betters shamefully outraged and abused , while they knew their only security consisted in vulgar flattery : So insensible were they of Mine or the two Houses common Safety and Honours . Nor could ever any order be obtained , impartially to examine , censure and punish the known Boutefeus and impudent Incendiaries , who boasted of the influence they had , and used to convoke those Tumults as their advantages served . Yea , some ( who should have been wiser Statesmen ) owned them as friends , commending their Courage , Zeal and Industry ; which to sober men could seem no better than that of the Devil , who goes about seeking whom he may deceive and devour . I confess , when I found such a deafness , that no Declaration from the Bishops , who were first foully insolenced and assaulted , nor yet from other Lords and Gentlemen of Honour , nor yet from My self , could take place for the due repression of these Tumults , and securing not only Our freedom in Parliament , but Our very Persons in the streets ; I thought My self not bound by My presence to provoke them to higher boldness and contempts ; I hoped by My withdrawing , to give time both for the ebbing of their tumultuous Fury , and others regaining some degrees of Modesty and sober sense . Some may interpret it as an effect of Pusillanimity in any man for Popular terrors , to desert his publick station : But I think it a hardiness beyond true Valour , for a wise man to set himself against the breaking in of a Sea ; which to resist at present , threatens imminent danger ; but to withdraw , gives it space to spend its fury , and gains a fitter time to repair the breach . Certainly , a Gallant man had rather fight to great disadvantages for number and place in the field , in an orderly way , than scuffle with an undisciplined rabble . Some suspected and affirmed that I meditated a War , when I went from Whitehall only to redeem My Person and Conscience from violence : God knows I did not then think of a War. Nor will any prudent man conceive that I would by so many former , and some after Acts , have so much weakned My self , if I had purposed to engage in a War , which to decline by all means , I denied My self in so many particulars : 't is evident I had then no Army to flie unto for Protection or Vindication . Who can blame Me , or any other , for withdrawing our selves from the daily baitings of the Tumults , not knowing whether their Fury and Discontent might not flie so high , as to worry and tear those in pieces , whom as yet they but played with in their paws ? God , who is my sole Judge , is my Witness in Heaven , that I never had any thoughts of going from my house at White-hall , if I could have had but any reasonable fair quarter : I was resolved to bear much , and did so ; but I did not think My self bound to prostitute the Majesty of My Place and Person , the safety of My Wife and Children , to those who are prone to insult most , when they have objects and opportunity most capable of their rudeness and petulancy . But this business of the Tumults ( whereof some have given already an account to God , others yet living know themselves desperately guilty ) Time and the guilt of many hath so smothered up and buried , that I think it best to leave it as it is ; Only I believe the just Avenger of all disorders will in time make those men and that City see their Sin in the glass of their Punishment . 'T is more than an even lay , that they may one day see themselves punished by that way they offended . Had this Parliament , as it was in its first Election and Constitution , sate full and free , the Members of both Houses being left to their freedom of Voting , as in all Reason , Honour and Religion they should have been , I doubt not but things would have been so carried , as would have given no less content to all good men than they wished or expected . For I was resolved to hear Reason in all things , and to consent to it so far as I could comprehend it : But as Swine are to Gardens and orderly Plantations , so are Tumults to Parliaments , and Plebeian Concourses to publick Counsels , turning all into Disorders and sordid Confusions . I am prone sometimes to think , that had I called this Parliament to any other place in England ( as I might opportunely enough have done ) the sad Consequences in all likelihood , with Gods Blessing , might have been prevented . A Parliament would have been welcom in any place ; no place afforded such confluence of various and vicious humours as that where it was unhappily convened . But we must leave all to God , who orders our Disorders , and magnifies his Wisdom most when our Follies and miseries are most discovered . But thou , O Lord , art my refuge and defence ; to Thee I may safely fly , who rulest the raging of the Sea , and the Madness of the People . The floods , O Lord , the floods are come in upon Me , and are ready to overwhelm Me. I look upon My Sins and the Sins of My People ( which are the tumults of our Souls against Thee , O Lord ) as the just cause of these Popular inundations which Thou permittest to over-bear all the banks of Loyalty , Modesty , Laws , Justice and Religion . But Thou that gatheredst the waters into one place , and madest the dry land to appear , and after didst asswage the Flood which drowned the World by the word of thy power , rebuke those Beasts of the People , and deliver Me from the Rudeness and strivings of the Multitude . Restore , we beseech Thee , unto us the freedoms of our Councels and Parliaments , make us unpassionately to see the light of Reason and Religion , and with all order and gravity to follow it , as it becomes Men and Christians ; so shall we praise thy Name , who art the God of Order and Counsel . What man cannot or will not repress , thy Omnipotent Justice can and will. O Lord , give them that are yet living a timely sense and sorrow for their great sin , whom Thou knowest guilty of raising or not suppressing those Disorders : Let Shame here , and not Suffering hereafter , be their Punishment . Set bounds to our Passions by Reason , to our Errors by Truth , to our Seditions by Laws duly executed , and to our Schisms by Charity ; that we may be , as thy Jerusalem , a City at unity in it self . This grant , O my God , in thy good time , for Jesus Christ's sake , Amen . V. Vpon His MAJESTIES passing the Bill for the Triennial Parliaments ; and after setling this , during the pleasure of the Two Houses . THAT the World might be fully confirmed in my purposes at first , to contribute what in Justice , Reason , Honour and Conscience I could to the happy success of this Parliament , ( which had in Me no other design but the general Good of my Kingdoms ) I willingly passed the BILL for Triennial Parliaments : which , as gentle and seasonable Physick , might ( if well applied ) prevent any distempers from getting any head or prevailing ; especially , if the Remedy proved not a Disease beyond all remedy . I conceived this Parliament would find work with convenient recesses for the first three years ; but I did not imagine that some men would thereby have occasioned more work than they found to do , by undoing so much as they found well done to their hands . Such is some mens activity , that they will needs make work rather than want it ; and chuse to be doing amiss , rather than do nothing . When that first Act seemed too scanty to satisfie some mens Fears , and compass publick Affairs ; I was perswaded to grant that BILL of Sitting during the pleasure of the Houses , which amounted in some mens sense to as much as the perpetuating this Parliament . By this Act of highest Confidence , I hoped for ever to shut out and lock the door upon all present Jealousies and future Mistakes : I confess I did not thereby intend to shut My self out of doors , as some men have now requited Me. True , it was an Act unparallel'd by any of my Predecessors ; yet cannot in reason admit of any worse interpretation than this , of an extreme Confidence I had , that My Subjects would not make ill use of an Act , by which I declared so much to trust them , as to deny My self in so high a point of my Prerogative . For good Subjects will never think it just or fit , that My condition should be worse by my bettering theirs : Nor indeed would it have been so in the events , if some men had known as well with moderation to use , as with earnestness to desire , advantages of doing good or evil . A continual Parliament ( I thought ) would but keep the Common-weal in tune , by preserving Laws in their due execution and vigor , wherein My interest lies more than any mans , since by those Laws My Rights as a KING would be preserved no less than My Subjects ; which is all I desired . More than the Law gives Me I would not have , and less the meanest Subject should not . Some ( as I have heard ) gave it out , that I soon repented Me of that setling Act ; and many would needs perswade Me , I had cause so to do : but I could not easily nor suddenly suspect such ingratitude in men of Honour , that the more I granted them , the less I should have and enjoy with them . I still counted My self undiminished by My largest Concessions , if by them I might gain and confirm the love of my People . Of which I do not yet despair , but that God will still bless Me with increase of it , when Men shall have more leisure and less prejudice ; that so with unpassionate representations they may reflect upon those ( as I think ) not more Princely than friendly contributions which I granted towards the perpetuating of their Happiness , who are now only miserable in this , That some mens ambition will not give them leave to enjoy what I intended for their good . Nor do I doubt but that in Gods due time , the Loyal and cleared affections of My People will strive to return such retributions of Honour and Love to Me or My Posterity , as may fully compensate both the acts of My Confidence and My Sufferings for them ; which ( God knows ) have been neither few , nor small , nor short ; occasioned chiefly by a perswasion I had , that I could not grant too much , or distrust too little , to men , that being professedly My Subjects , pretended singular Piety and Religious strictness . The Injury of all Injuries is , that which some men will needs load Me withal , as if were a wilful and resolved Occasioner of My own and My Subjects Miseries ; while ( as they confidently , but ( God knows ) falsly divulge ) I repining at the establishment of this Parliament , endeavoured by force and open hostility to undo what by My Royal assent I had done . Sure it had argued a very short sight of things , and extream fatuity of mind in Me , so far to bind My own hands at their request , if I had shortly meant to have used a Sword against them . God knows , tho I had then a sense of Injuries ; yet not such , as to think them worth vindicating by a War : I was not then compelled , as since , to injure My self by their not using favours with the same Candor wherewith they were conferred . The Tumults indeed threatned to abuse all Acts of Grace , and turn them into wantonness ; but I thought at length their own Fears , whose Black arts first raised up those turbulent Spirits , would force them to conjure them down again . Nor if I had justly resented any indignities put upon Me or others , was I then in any capacity to have taken just revenge in an Hostile and Warlike way upon those whom I knew so well fortified in the love of the meaner sort of the people , that I could not have given My Enemies greater and more desired advantages against Me , than by so unprincely Inconstancy to have assaulted them with Arms , thereby to scatter them , whom but lately I had solemnly setled by an Act of Parliament . God knows I longed for nothing more , than that My self and My Subjects might quietly enjoy the fruits of My many Condescendings . It had been a course full of Sin , as well as of Hazard and Dishonour , for Me to go about the cutting up of that by the Sword which I had so lately planted , so much ( as I thought ) to My Subjects content , and Mine own too , in all probability ; if some men had not feared where no fear was , whose security consisted in scaring others . I thank God , I know so well the sincerity and uprightness of My own Heart , in passing that great BILL , which exceeded the very thoughts of former times , that although I may seem less a Politician to men , yet I need no secret distinctions or evasions before God. Nor had I any reservations in My own Soul when I passed it , nor repentings after , till I saw that My letting some men go up to the Pinnacle of the Temple , was a temptation to them to cast Me down headlong ; concluding , that without a Miracle , Monarchy it self , together with Me , could not but be dashed in pieces by such a precipitious fall as they intended . Whom God in mercy forgive , and make them see at length , That as many Kingdoms as the Devil shewed our Saviour , and the glory of them , ( if they could be at once enjoyed by them ) are not worth the gaining by ways of sinful ingratitude and dishonour , which hazards a Soul worth more Worlds than this hath Kingdoms . But God hath hitherto preserved Me , and made Me to see , that it is no strange thing for men left to their own Passions , either to do much evil themselves , or abuse the overmuch goodness of others , whereof an ungrateful Surfeit is the most desperate and incurable disease . I cannot say properly that I repent of that Act , since I have no reflections upon it as a Sin of my Will , tho an Error of too charitable a Judgment : Only I am sorry other mens eyes should be evil , because Mine were good . To Thee ( O my God ) do I still appeal , whose all-discerning Justice sees through all the disguises of mens pretensions , and deceitful darknesses of their hearts . Thou gavest Me a heart to grant much to my Subjects ; and now I need a heart fitted to suffer much from some of them . Thy will be done , tho never so much to the crossing of ours , even when we hope to do what might be most conformable to thine and theirs too who pretended they aimed at nothing else . Let thy Grace teach Me wisely to enjoy as well the frustratings , as the fulfillings of my best hopes and most specious desires . I see while I thought to allay others Fears , I have raised mine own ; and by setling them , have unsetled My self . Thus have they requited me evil for good , and hatred for my good will towards them . O Lord , be thou my Pilot in this dark and dangerous storm , which neither admits my return to the Port whence I set out , nor my making any other with that Safety and Honour which I designed . 'T is easie for Thee to keep Me safe in the love and confidence of my people ; nor is it hard for Thee to preserve Me amidst the unjust hatred and jealousies of too many , which Thou hast suffered so far to prevail upon Me , as to be able to pervert and abuse my acts of greatest Indulgence to them , and assurance of them . But no Favors from Me can make others more guilty than My self may be , of misusing those many and great ones which Thou , O Lord , hast conferred on Me. I beseech Thee give Me and them such Repentance as thou wilt accept , and such Grace as we may not abuse . Make Me so far happy , as to make a right use of others abuses ; and by their failings of Me , to reflect with a reforming displeasure upon my Offences against Thee . So , altho for My sins I am by other mens sins deprived of thy temporal Blessings , yet I may be happy to enjoy the comfort of thy Mercies , which often raise the greatest Sufferers to be the most glorious Saints . VI. Vpon His MAJESTIES retirement from WESTMINSTER . WIth what unwillingness I withdrew from Westminster , let them judg , who unprovided of tackling and victual , are forced to Sea by a Storm ; yet better do so , than venture splitting or sinking on a Lee-shore . I stayed at White-hall till I was driven away by shame more than fear , to see the barbarous Rudeness of those Tumults who resolved they would take the boldness to demand any thing , and not leave either My self , or the Members of Parliament the liberty of Our Reason and Conscience to deny them any thing . Nor was this intolerable Oppression My case alone , ( though chiefly Mine : ) For the Lords and Commons might be content to be over-voted by the major part of their Houses , when they had used each their own freedom . Whose agreeing Votes were not by any Law or Reason conclusive to My Judgment ; nor can they include or carry with them My consent , whom they represent not in any kind ; nor am I further bound to agree with the Votes of both Houses , than I see them agree with the will of God , with my just Rights as a King , and the general good of my People . I see that , as many men , they are seldom of one mind ; and I may oft see that the major part of them are not in the right . I had formerly declared to sober and moderate minds , how desirous I was to give all just content , when I agreed to so many Bills , which had been enough to secure and satisfie all , if some mens Hydropick insatiableness had not learned to thirst the more by how much the more they drank ; whom no fountain of Royal Bounty was able to overcome , so resolved they seemed either utterly to exhaust it , or barbarously to obstruct it . Sure it ceases to be Counsel , when not Reason is used , as to men , to perswade , but Force and Terror , as to beasts , to drive and compel men to assent to whatever tumultuary Patrons shall project . He deserves to be a Slave without pity or redemption , that is content to have the Rational soveraignty of his Soul , and liberty of his Will and Words so captivated . Nor do I think my Kingdoms so considerable , as to preserve them with the forfeiture of that Freedom which cannot be denied Me as a King , because it belongs to Me as a Man and a Christian ; owning the dictates of none but God to be above Me , as obliging Me to consent . Better for Me to die enjoying this Empire of my Soul , which subjects Me only to God , so far as by Reason or Religion he directs Me , than live with the Title of a King , if it should carry such a vassalage with it , as not to suffer Me to use My Reason and Conscience , in which I declare as a King to like or dislike . So far am I from thinking the Majesty of the Crown of England to be bound by any Coronation-Oath , in a blind and brutish formality to consent to whatever its Subjects in Parliament shall require , as some men will needs infer ; while denying me any power of a Negative voice as King , they are not ashamed to seek to deprive Me of the liberty of using My Reason with a good Conscience , which themselves and all the Commons of England enjoy proportionable to their influence on the publick , who would take it very ill to be urged , not to deny whatever My self as King , or the House of Peers with Me should , not so much desire as enjoyn them to pass . I think My Oath fully discharged in that point , by my Governing only by such Laws as My People with the House of Peers have chosen , and My self consented to . I shall never think My self conscientiously tied to go as oft against My Conscience , as I should consent to such new Proposals which My reason , in Justice , Honour and Religion bids Me deny . Yet so tender I see some men are of their being subject to Arbitrary Government , ( that is , the Law of anothers will , to which themselves give no consent ) that they care not with how much dishonour and absurdity they make their King the only man that must be subject to the will of others , without having power left him to use his own Reason , either in Person , or by any Representation . And if my dissentings at any time were ( as some have suspected and uncharitably avowed ) out of Error , Opinionativeness , Weakness , or Wilfulness , and what they call Obstinacy in Me ( which not true Judgment of things , but some vehement Prejudice or Passion hath fixed on My Mind ; ) yet can no man think it other than the badg and method of Slavery , by savage Rudeness and importunate obtrusions of Violence to have the mist of his Error and Passion dispelled , which is a shadow of Reason , and must serve those that are destitute of the substance . Sure that man cannot be blameable to God or Man , who seriously endeavours to see the best reason of things , and faithfully follows what he takes for Reason : The uprightness of his Intentions will excuse the possible failings of his Understanding . If a Pilot at Sea cannot see the Pole-star , it can be no fault in him to steer his course by such Stars as do best appear to him . It argues rather those men to be conscious of their defects of Reason and convincing Arguments , who call in the assistance of mere force to carry on the weakness of their Counsels and Proposals . I may in the truth and uprightness of my Heart protest before God and Men , that I never wilfully opposed or denied any thing that was in a fair way , after full and free debates , propounded to Me by the Two Houses , further than I thought in good Reason I might and was bound to do . Nor did any thing ever please Me more , than when My Judgment so concurred with theirs , that I might with good Conscience consent to them : yea in many things , where not absolute and moral necessity of Reason , but temporary convenience on point of Honour was to be considered , I chose rather to deny My self than them ; as preferring that which they thought necessary for My Peoples good , before what I saw but convenient for My self . For I can be content to recede much from My own Interests and Personal Rights , of which I conceive My self to be Master ; but in what concerns Truth , Justice , the Rights of the Church , and my Crown , together with the general good of my Kingdoms , ( all which I am bound to preserve as much as morally lies in Me ) here I am and ever shall be fixt and resolute ; nor shall any man gain my consent to that wherein my Heart gives my Tongue or Hand the Lye ; nor will I be brought to affirm that to Men , which in my Conscience I denied before God. I will rather chuse to wear a Crown of Thorns with My Saviour , than to exchange that of Gold ( which is due to Me ) for one of Lead , whose embased flexibleness shall be forced to bend and comply to the various and oft contrary dictates of any Factions ; when in stead of Reason and Publick Concernments , they obtrude nothing but what makes for the interest of Parties , and flows from the partialities of private Wills and Passions . I know no resolutions more worthy a Christian King , than to prefer his Conscience before his Kingdoms . O my God , preserve thy Servant in this Native , Rational and Religious Freedom ; for this I believe is thy will that we should maintain : who , though Thou dost justly require us to submit our Vnderstandings and Wills to thine , whose Wisdom and Goodness can neither err nor misguide us , and so far to deny our carnal Reason in order to thy Sacred Mysteries and Commands , that we should believe and obey rather than dispute them ; yet dost Thou expect from us only such a reasonable Service of Thee , as not to do any thing for Thee against our Consciences ; and as to the desires of men , enjoinest us to try all things by the touch-stone of Reason and Laws , which are the Rules of Civil Justice , and to declare our Consents to that only which our Judgments approve . Thou knowest , O Lord , how unwilling I was to desert that place in which Thou hast set Me , and whereto the Affairs of My Kingdoms at present do call Me. My People can witness how far I have been content for their good , to deny My self in what Thou hast subjected to My disposal . O let not the unthankful importunities and Tumultuary Violence of some mens Immoderate demands , ever betray Me to that dangerous and unmanly slavery , which should make Me strengthen them by my Consent in those things which I think in my Conscience to be against thy Glory , the good of my Subjects , and the discharge of my own duty to Reason and Justice . Make Me willing to suffer the greatest Indignities and Injuries they press upon Me , rather than commit the least sin against my Conscience . Let the just Liberties of my People be ( as well they may ) preserved in fair and equal ways , without the slavery of my Soul. Thou that hast invested Me by thy Favours in the power of a Christian King , suffer Me not to subject my Reason to other mens Passions and Designs , which to Me seem unreasonable , unjust and irreligious : So shall I serve Thee in the truth and uprightness of my Heart , tho I cannot satisfie these men . Though I be driven from among them , yet give Me grace to walk always uprightly before Thee . Lead Me in the way of Truth and Justice : for these , I know , will bring Me at last to Peace and Happiness with Thee ; though for these I have much trouble among men . This I beg of Thee for my Saviours sake . VII . Vpon the QUEENS Departure and Absence out of ENGLAND . ALthough I have much cause to be troubled at my Wifes departure from Me , and out of my Dominions ; yet not her absence so much as the scandal of that Necessity which drives Her away , doth afflict Me : That She should be compelled by My own Subjects , and those pretending to be Protestants , to withdraw for her Safety : This being the first example of any Protestant Subjects that have taken up Arms against their King , a Protestant . For I look upon this now done in England , as another Act of the same Tragedy which was lately begun in Scotland ; the brands of that fire being ill quenched , have kindled the like flames here . I fear such motions ( so little to the adorning of the Protestant profession ) may occasion a further alienation of Mind and divorce of Affections in Her from that Religion , which is the only thing wherein We differ . Which yet God can , and I pray he would , in time take away , and not suffer these practices to be any obstruction to her Judgment , since it is the motion of those men ( for the most part ) who are yet to seek and settle their Religion for Doctrine , Government , and good Manners , and so not to be imputed to the true English Protestants , who continue firm to their former setled Principles and Laws . I am sorry my relation to so deserving a Lady should be any occasion of her Danger and Affliction , whose Merits would have served her for a protection among the savage Indians , while their Rudeness and Barbarity knows not so perfectly to hate all Virtues as some mens Subtilty doth ; among whom I yet think few are so malicious as to hate Her for Her self . The fault is , That She is my Wife . All Justice then as well as Affection commands Me to study Her Security , who is only in danger for My sake . I am content to be tossed , weather-beaten , and shipwrackt , so as She may be in safe Harbor . This comfort I shall enjoy by Her Safety in the midst of My Personal Dangers , that I can perish but half if She be preserved : In whose Memory and hopeful Posterity I may yet survive the Malice of My Enemies , altho they should be satiated with my Blood. I must leave her and Them to the Love and Loyalty of my good Subjects , and to his Protection who is able to punish the Faults of Princes , and no less severely to revenge the Injuries done to Them by those who in all duty and Allegiance ought to have made good that Safety which the Laws chiefly provide for Princes . But common Civility is in vain expected from those that dispute their Loyalty : Nor can it be safe ( for any relation ) to a King , to tarry among them who are shaking hands with their Allegiance , under pretence of laying faster hold on their Religion . 'T is pity so noble and peaceful a Soul should see , much more suffer the Rudeness of those who must make up their want of Justice with Inhumanity and Impudence . Her sympathy with Me in my Afflictions will make her Virtues shine with greater lustre , as Stars in the darkest nights , and assure the envious world that She loves Me , not my Fortunes . Neither of Us but can easily forgive , since We do not much blame the unkindness of the Generality and Vulgar : for we see God is pleased to try both our Patience by the most self-punishing sin , the Ingratitude of those , who having eaten of our Bread , and being enriched with our Bounty , have scornfully lift up themselves against Us ; and those of our own Houshold are become our Enemies . I pray God lay not their sin to their charge , who think to fatisfie all obligations to duty by their Corban of Religion ; and can less endure to see , than to sin against , their Benefactors as well as their Soveraigns . But even that Policy of my Enemies is so far venial as it was necessary to their designs , by scandalous Articles , and all irreverent demeanor to seek to drive Her out of my Kingdoms ; lest by the influence of her Example , eminent for Love as a Wife , and Loyalty as a Subject , She should have converted to , or retained in their Love and Loyalty , all those whom they had a purpose to pervert . The less I may be blest with her company , the more I will retire to God , and my own Heart , whence no Malice can banish Her. My Enemies may envy , but they can never deprive Me of the enjoyment of her Virtues , while I enjoy My self . Thou , O Lord , whose Justice at present sees fit to scatter Vs , let thy Mercy in the due time , re-unite Vs on Earth , if it be thy Will ; however , bring Vs both at last to thy Heavenly Kingdom . Preserve Vs from the hands of our despiteful and deadly Enemies ; and prepare Vs by our Sufferings for thy presence . Tho We differ in some things as to Religion , ( which is my greatest temporal Infelicity ; ) yet , Lord , give and accept the sincerity of our Affections , which desire to seek , to find , to embrace every Truth of thine . Let both our hearts agree in the Love of thy self , and Christ crucified for us . Teach Vs both what Thou wouldst have Vs to know in order to thy Glory , our publick relations , and our Souls eternal good ; and make Vs careful to do what good We know . Let neither Ignorance of what is necessary to be known , nor Vnbelief or Disobedience to what We know , be our misery , or our wilful default . Let not this great Scandal of those my Subjects which profess the same Religion with Me , be any hindrance to her love of any Truth thou wouldst have Her to learn , nor any hardning of Her in any Error Thou wouldst have cleared to Her. Let mine and other mens Constancy be an Antidote against the poyson of their Example . Let the truth of that Religion I profess be represented to Her Judgment with all the beauties of Humility , Loyalty , Charity , and Peaceableness ; which are the proper fruits and ornaments of it : not in the odious disguises of Levity , Schism , Heresie , Novelty , Cruelty , and Disloyalty , which some mens practices have lately put upon it . Let Her see thy Sacred and Saving Truths as Thine , that She may believe , love and obey them as Thine , cleared from all rust and dross of human mixtures . That in the glass of thy Truth , She may see Thee , in those Mercies which thou hast offered to us in thy Son Jesus Christ our only Saviour , and serve Thee in all those Holy Duties which most agree with his Holy Doctrine and most imitable Example . The experience We have of the vanity and uncertainty of all human Glory and Greatness in our scatterings and eclipses , let it make Vs both so much the more ambitious to he invested in those durable Honours and Perfections which are only to be found in Thy self , and obtained through Jesus Christ. VIII . Vpon His MAJESTIES repulse at HVLL , and the fates of the HOTHAMS . MY repulse at Hull seemed at the first view an act of so rude Disloyalty , that my greatest Enemies had scarce confidence enough to abet or own it : It was the first overt Essay to be made , how patiently I could bear the loss of my Kingdoms . God knows it affected Me more with shame and sorrow for others , than with Anger for My self : nor did the Affront done to Me trouble Me so much as their Sin , which admitted no colour or excuse . I was resolved how to bear this and much more with Patience : But I foresaw they could hardly contain themselves within the compass of this one unworthy act , who had effrontery enough to commit or countenance it . This was but the hand of that Cloud which was soon after to overspread the whole Kingdom , and cast all into Disorder and darkness . For 't is among the wicked Maxims of bold and disloyal undertakers , That bad actions must always be seconded with worse , and rather not be begun , than not carried on ; for they think the retreat more dangerous than the assault , and hate repentance more than perseverance in a Fault . This gave me to see clearly through all the pious disguises and soft palliations of some men ; whose words were sometime smoother than oyl , but now I saw they would prove very Swords . Against which I having ( as yet ) no defence but that of a good Conscience , thought it my best Policy , with Patience to bear what I could not remedy . And in this ( I thank God ) I had the better of Hotham , that no disdain or emotion of Passion transported Me , by the indignity of his carriage , to do or say any thing unbeseeming My self , or unsuitable to that temper which in greatest Injuries , I think , best becomes a Christian , as coming nearest to the great example of Christ . And indeed , I desire always more to remember I am a Christian than a King : for what the Majesty of the one might justly abhor , the Charity of the other is willing to bear ; what the height of a King tempteth to revenge , the humility of a Christian teacheth to forgive . Keeping in compass all those impotent Passions , whose excess injures a man more than his greatest enemies can : for these give their Malice a full impression on our Souls , which otherways cannot reach very far , nor do us much hurt . I cannot but observe how God not long after so pleaded and avenged my Cause in the eye of the world , that the most wilfully blind cannot avoid the displeasure to see it , and with some remorse and fear to own it as a notable stroke , and prediction of Divine Vengeance . For Sir John Hotham , unreproached , unthreatned , uncursed by any language or secret imprecation of Mine , only blasted with the Conscience of his own Wickedness , and falling from one Inconstancy to another , not long after pays his own and his eldest Sons heads as forfeitures of their Disloyalty , to those men from whom surely he might have expected another reward , than thus to divide their Heads from their bodies , whose Hearts with them were divided from their KING . Nor is it strange , that they who imployed them at first in so high a service and so successful to them , should not find mercy enough to forgive him who had so much premerited of them : For Apostasie unto Loyalty some men account the most unpardonable sin . Nor did a solitary Vengeance serve the turn ; the cutting off one Head in a Family is not enough to expiate the affront done to the Head of the Common-weal : The eldest Son must be involved in the punishment , as he was infected with the sin of the Father against the Father of his Country : Root and Branch God cuts off in one day . These observations are obvious to every fancy . God knows , I was so far from rejoicing in the Hothams ruin , ( tho it were such as was able to give the greatest thirst for revenge a full draught , being executed by them who first employed him against Me ) that I so far pitied him , as I thought he at first acted more against the light of his Conscience than I hope many other men do in the same Cause . For he was never thought to be of that superstitious sowreness which some men pretend to in matters of Religion ; which so darkens their Judgment , that they cannot see any thing of Sin and Rebellion in those means they use , with intents to reform to their Models , of what they call Religion , who think all is gold of Piety , which doth but glister with a shew of Zeal and fervency . Sir John Hotham was ( I think ) a man of another temper , and so most liable to those down-right temptations of Ambition , which have no cloak or cheat of Religion to impose upon themselves or others . That which makes Me more pity him is , that after he began to have some inclinations towards a repentance for his sin and reparation of his Duty to Me , he should be so unhappy as to fall into the hands of their Justice , and not My Mercy , who could as willingly have forgiven him as he could have asked that favour of Me. For I think Clemency a debt which we ought to pay to those that crave it , when we have cause to believe they would not after abuse it ; since God himself suffers us not to pay any thing for his Mercy , but only Prayers and Praises . Poor Gentleman , he is now become a notable monument of unprosperous Disloyalty , teaching the world by so sad and unfortunate a spectacle , That the rude carriage of a Subject towards his Soveraign carries always its own Vengeance as an unseparable shadow with it ; and those oft prove the most fatal and implacable Executioners of it , who were the first Employers in the service . After-times will dispute it , whether Hotham were more infamous at Hull or at Tower-hill : tho 't is certain that no punishment so stains a mans Honour , as wilful perpetrations of unworthy actions ; which besides the conscience of the sin , brand with most indeleble characters of infamy the name and memory to Posterity , who not engaged in the Factions of the times , have the most impartial reflections on the actions . But Thou , O Lord , who hast in so remarkable a way avenged thy Servant , suffer Me not to take any secret pleasure in it ; for as his death hath satisfied the Injury he did to Me , so let Me not by it gratifie any Passion in Me , lest I make thy vengeance to be mine , and consider the affront against Me more than the sin against Thee . Thou indeed , without any desire or endeavour of Mine , hast made his mischief to return on his own head , and his violent dealing to come down on his own pate . Thou hast pleaded my Cause , even before the sons of men , and taken the matter into thine own hands : That men may know it was thy work , and see that Thou , Lord , hast done it . I do not , I dare not say , So let mine Enemies perish , O Lord : yea , Lord , rather give them Repentance , Pardon and impunity , if it be thy blessed will. Let not thy Justice prevent the objects and opportunities of My Mercy ; yea , let them live and amend who have most offended Me in so high a nature ; that I may have those to forgive , who bear most proportion in their offences to those trespasses against thy Majesty , which I hope thy Mercy hath forgiven Me. Lord , lay not their sins ( who yet live ) to their charge for condemnation , but to their Consciences for amendment : Let the lightning of this thunderbolt , which hath been so severe a punishment to one , be a terror to all . Discover to them their sin , who know not they have done amiss ; and scare them from their sin , that sin of malicious wickedness . That preventing thy Judgments by their true Repentance , they may escape the strokes of thine eternal Vengeance . And do Thou , O Lord , establish the Throne of thy Servant in mercy and truth meeting together : let My Crown ever flourish in righteousness and peace kissing each other . Hear my Prayer , O Lord , who hast taught us to pray for , to do good to , and to love our Enemies for thy sake , who hast prevented us with offertures of thy love even when we were thine enemies , and hast sent thy Son Jesus Christ to die for us when we were disposed to crucisie him . IX . Vpon the listing and raising Armies against the KING . I Find that I am at the same point and posture I was when they forced Me to leave White-hall : what Tumults could not do , an Army must ; which is but Tumults listed , and enrolled to a better order , but as bad an End. My recess hath given them confidence that I may be conquered . And so I easily may , as to any outward strength , which , God knows , is little or none at all : But I have a Soul invincible through Gods grace enabling Me ; here I am sure to be Conqueror , if God will give Me such a measure of Constancy as to fear him more than man , and to love the inward peace of my Conscience before any outward tranquillity . And must I be opposed with Force , because they have not Reason wherewith to convince Me ? O my Soul be of good courage ; they confess their known weakness as to Truth and Justice , who chuse rather to contend by Armies than by Arguments . Is this the reward and thanks that I am to receive for those many Acts of Grace I have lately passed , and for those many Indignities I have endured ? Is there no way left to make Me a Glorious KING , but by my Sufferings ? It is hard and disputable choice for a King , that loves his People , and desires their love , either to kill his own Subjects , or to be killed by them . Are the hazards and miseries of Civil War in the bowels of my most flourishing Kingdom , the fruits I must now reap after Seventeen years living and Reigning among them with such a measure of Justice , Peace , Plenty and Religion , as all Nations about either admired or envied ? Notwithstanding some Miscarriages in Government , which might escape rather through ill counsel of some men driving on their private ends , or the peevishness of others , envying the Publick should be managed without them , or the hidden and insuperable necessities of State , than any propensity , I hope , of My self either to Injuriousness or Oppression . Whose innocent blood during my Reign have I shed to satisfy my Lust , Anger , or Covetousness ? What Widows or Orphans tears can witness against Me , the just cry of which must now be avenged with My own Blood ? For the hazards of War are equal , nor doth the Cannon know any respect of Persons . In vain is my Person excepted by a Parenthesis of Words , when so many hands are Armed against Me with Swords . God knows how much I have studied , to see what Ground of Justice is alledged for this War against Me ; that so I might ( by giving just satisfaction ) either prevent , or soon end so unnatural a motion : which ( to many men ) seems rather the production of a surfeit of Peace , and wantonness of minds , or of private discontents , Ambition and Faction ( which easily find or make causes of quarrel ) than any real obstruction of publick Justice or Parliamentary Priviledg . But this is pretended , and this I must be able to avoid and answer before God in my own Conscience , however some men are not willing to believe Me , lest they should condemn themselves . When I first withdrew from White-hall , to see if I could allay the Insolency of the Tumults , ( of the not suppressing of which no account in Reason can be given , ( where an orderly Guard was granted ) but only to oppress both Mine and the Two Houses freedom of declaring and voting according to every mans Conscience ) what obstructions of Justice were there further than this , that what seemed just to one man , might not seem so to another ? Whom did I by power protect against the Justice of Parliament ? That some men withdrew , who feared the partiality of their tryal , ( warned by my Lord of Strafford's death ) while the Vulgar threatned to be their Oppressors , and Judgers of their Judges , was from that instinct which is in all creatures to preserve themselves . If any others refused to appear , where they evidently saw the current of Justice and Freedom so stopped and troubled by the Rabble , that their lawful Judges either durst not come to the Houses , or not declare their sense with liberty and safety ; it cannot seem strange to any reasonable man , when the sole exposing them to the publick Odium was enough to ruine them , before their Cause could be heard or tried . Had not factious Tumults overborn the Freedom and Honor of the Two Houses ; had they asserted their Justice against them , and made the way open for all the Members quietly to come and declare their Consciences ; I know no man so dear to Me , whom I had the least inclination to advise either to withdraw himself , or deny appearing upon their Summons , to whose Sentence according to Law ( I think ) every Subject bound to stand . Distempers ( indeed ) were risen to so great a height , for want of timely repressing the vulgar Insolencies , that the greatest guilt of those which were Voted and demanded as Delinquents was this , That they would not suffer themselves to be over-aw'd with the Tumults and their Patrons , nor compelled to abet by their suffrages or presence , the designs of those men who agitated Innovations and Ruin both in Church and State. In this point I could not but approve their generous Constancy and Cautiousness : further than this I did never allow any mans refractoriness against the Priviledges and Orders of the Houses ; to whom I wished nothing more than Safety , Fulness and Freedom . But the truth is , some men , and those not many , despairing in fair and Parliamentary ways , by free deliberations and Votes , to gain the concurrence of the major part of Lords and Commons , betook themselves ( by the desperate activity of factious Tumults ) to sift and terrifie away all those Members whom they saw to be of contrary minds to their purposes . How oft was the business of the Bishops enjoying their Ancient places and undoubted Priviledges in the House of Peers carried for them by far the major part of Lords ? Yet after five repulses , contrary to all Order and Custom , it was by tumultuary instigations obtruded again , and by a few carried , when most of the Peers were forced to absent themselves . In like manner was the Bill against Root and Branch brought on by tumultuary Clamours and schismatical Terrors , which could never pass till both Houses were sufficiently thinned and over-awed . To which Partiality while in all Reason , Justice and Religion , my Conscience forbids Me by consenting to make up their Votes to Acts of Parliament ; I must now be urged with an Army , and constrained either to hazard My own and My Kingdoms ruine by My Defence ; or prostrate My Conscience to the blind obedience of those men , whose zealous Superstition thinks , or pretends , they cannot do God and the Church a greater service , than utterly to destroy that Primitive , Apostolical , and anciently-Universal Government of the Church by Bishops . Which if other mens Judgments bind them to maintain , or forbid them to consent to the abolishing of it , Mine much more ; who , besides the grounds I have in My Judgment , have also a most strict and indispensable Oath upon my Conscience , to preserve that Order and the Rights of the Church : to which most Sacrilegious and abhorred Perjury , most unbeseeming a Christian King , should I ever by giving My Consent be betrayed , I should account it infinitely greater Misery than any hath or can befal Me ; inasmuch as the least Sin hath more evil in it than the greatest Affliction . Had I gratified their Anti-episcopal Faction at first in this point with My Consent , and sacrificed the Ecclesiastical Government and Revenues to the fury of their Covetousness , Ambition and Revenge , I believe they would then have found no colourable necessity of raising an Army to fetch in and punish Delinquents . That I consented to the Bill of putting the Bishops out of the House of Peers , was done with a firm perswasion of their contentedness to suffer a present diminution in their Rights and Honour for My sake and the Common-weals ; which I was confident they would readily yield unto , rather than occasion ( by the least obstruction on their part ) any danger to Me or to My Kingdom . That I cannot add my consent for the total Extirpation of that Government , ( which I have often offered to all fit Regulations ) hath so much further tie upon My Conscience , as what I think Religious and Apostolical , and so very Sacred and Divine , is not to be dispensed with or destroyed , when what is only of civil Favour and priviledg of Honour granted to men of that Order , may with their Consent who are concerned in it be annulled . This is the true state of those Obstructions pretended to be in point of Justice and Authority of Parliament ; when I call God to witness , I knew none of such consequence as was worth speaking of to make a War , being only such as Justice , Reason and Religion had made in My own and other mens Consciences . Afterwards indeed a great shew of Delinquents was made ; which were but consequences necessarily following upon Mine or others withdrawing from , or defence against Violence : but those could not be the first occasion of raising an Army against Me. Wherein I was so far from preventing them , ( as they have declared often , that they might seem to have the advantage and Justice of the defensive part , and load Me with all the Envy and Injuries of first assaulting them ) that God knows , I had not so much as any hopes of an Army in my thoughts . Had the Tumults been honourably and effectually repressed by exemplary Justice , and the Liberty of the Houses so vindicated , that all Members of either House might with Honour and Freedom , becoming such a Senate , have come and discharged their Consciences , I had obtained all that I designed by my withdrawing , and had much more willingly and speedily returned than I retired ; this being my Necessity driving , the other my Choice desiring . But some men knew , I was like to bring the same Judgment and Constancy which I carried with Me , which would never fit their Designs ; and so while they invited Me to come , and grievously complained of my Absence , yet they could not but be pleased with it ; especially when they had found out that plausible and popular pretext , of raising an Army to fetch in Delinquents : when all that while they never punished the greatest and most intolerable Delinquency of the Tumults and their Exciters , which drave My self , and so many of both Houses from their places , by most barbarous indignities ; which yet in all Reason and Honour they were as loath to have deserted , as those others were willing they should , that so they might have occasion to persecute them with the Injuries of an Army , for not suffering more tamely the Injuries of the Tumults . That this is the true state and first drift and design in raising an Army against Me , is by the sequel so evident that all other pretences vanish . For when they declared by Propositions , or Treaties , what they would have to appease them ; there was nothing of consequence offered to Me , or demanded of Me , as any original difference in any point of Law or order of Justice . But among other lesser Innovations , this chiefly was urged , The Abolition of Episcopal , and the Establishment of Presbyterian Government . All other things at any time propounded were either impertinent as to any ground of a War , or easily granted by Me , and only to make up a number ; or else they were merely consequential and accessary , after the War was by them unjustly begun . I cannot hinder other mens thoughts , whom the noise and shew of Piety and heat for Reformation and Religion might easily so fill with Prejudice , that all equality and clearness of Judgment might be obstructed . But this was and is , as to my best observation , the true state of affairs between us , when they first raised an Army , with this design , either to stop my mouth , or to force my Consent . And in this truth , as to my Conscience , ( who was ( God knows ) as far from meditating a War , as I was in the eye of the world from having any preparation for one ) I find that comfort , that in the midst of all the unfortunate successes of this War on My side , I do not think My Innocency any whit prejudiced or darkned ; nor am I without that Integrity and Peace before God , as with humble confidence to address my Prayer to him . For Thou , O Lord , seest clearly through all the cloudings of humane affairs ; Thou judgest without prejudice : Thy Omniscience eternally guides thy unerrable Judgment . O my God , the proud are risen against Me , and the assemblies of violent men have sought after my Soul , and have not set Thee before their eyes . Consider my Enemies , O Lord , for they are many ; and they hate Me with a deadly hatred without a cause . For thou knowest , I had no Passion , Design or Preparation to embroil My Kingdoms in a Civil War ; whereto I had least temptation , as knowing I must adventure more than any , and could gain least of any by it . Thou , O Lord , art my witness how oft I have deplored , and studied to divert the necessity thereof ; wherein I cannot well be thought so prodigally thirsty of my Subjects blood , as to venture my own Life , which I have been oft compelled to do in this unhappy War ; and which were better spent to save , than to destroy my People . O Lord , I need much of thy grace , with Patience to bear the many Afflictions Thou hast suffered some men to bring upon Me : but much more to bear the unjust reproaches of those , who not content that I suffer most by the War , will needs perswade the world that I have raised it first , or given just cause to raise it . The confidence of some mens false tongues is such , that they would make Me almost suspect my own Innocency : Yea , I could be content ( at least by my silence ) to take upon Me so great a guilt before men , if by that I might allay the Malice of my Enemies , and redeem my People from this miserable War ; since thou , O Lord , knowest my Innocency in this thing . Thou wilt find out bloody and deceitful men ; many of whom have not lived out half their days , in which they promised themselves the enjoyment of the fruits of their violent and wicked Counsels . Save , O Lord , thy Servant , as hitherto Thou hast ; and in thy due time scatter the people that delight in War. Arise , O Lord , lift up thy self , because of the rage of mine Enemies , which encreaseth more and more : Behold them that have conceived mischief , travelled with iniquity , and brought forth falshood . Thou knowest the chief design of this War is , either to destroy My Person , or force My Judgment , and to make Me renege My Conscience and Thy Truth . I am driven to cross David's choice , and desire rather to fall into the hands of men , by denying them , ( tho their mercies be cruel ) than into thy hands , by sinning against My Conscience , and in that against Thee , who art a consuming fire : Better they destroy Me , than thou shouldst damn Me. Be thou ever the defence of My Soul , who wilt save the upright in heart . If nothing but My Blood will satisfie My Enemies , or quench the flames of My Kingdoms , or Thy temporal Justice , I am content , if it be Thy will , that it be shed by Mine own Subjects hands . But O let the Blood of Me , tho their King , yet a Sinner , be washed with the Blood of My innocent and peace-making Redeemer ; for in that Thy Justice will find not only a temporary expiation , but an eternal plenary satisfaction , both for My sins and the sins of My People : whom I beseech thee still own for Thine ; and when Thy wrath is appeased by My Death , O remember thy great Mercies toward them , and forgive them , O My Father , for they know not what they do . X. Vpon their seizing the KING's Magazines , Forts , Navy , and Militia . HOW untruly I am charged with the first raising of an Army , and beginning the Civil War , the eyes that only pity Me , and the Loyal hearts that durst only pray for Me at first , might witness , which yet appear not so many on My side , as there were men in Arms lifted against Me. My unpreparedness for a War may well dishearten those that would help Me ; while it argues ( truly ) my unwillingness to fight , yet it testifies for Me , that I am set on the defensive part ; having so little hopes or power to offend others , that I have none to defend My self , or to preserve what is Mine own from their prereption . No man can doubt but they prevented Me in their purposes as well as their injuries , who are so much before-hand in their Preparations against Me , and surprizals of My strength . Such as are not for Them , yet dare not be for Me ; so over-aw'd is their Loyalty by the others Numbers and Terrors . I believe My Innocency and unpreparedness to assert My Rights and Honour , makes Me the more guilty in their esteem ; who would not so easily have declared a War against Me , if I had first assaulted them . They knew My chiefest Arms left Me , were those only which the ancient Christians were wont to use against their Persecutors , Prayers and Tears . These may serve a good mans turn , if not to Conquer as a Soldier , yet to Suffer as a Martyr . Their preventing of Me , and surprizing My Castles , Forts , Arms and Navy , with the Militia , is so far best for Me , that it may drive Me from putting any trust in the arm of flesh , and wholly to cast My self into the protection of the living God , who can save by few or none , as well as by many . He that made the greedy Ravens to be Elias's Caterers , and bring him food , may also make their surprisal of outward Force and Defence , an opportunity to shew Me the special support of his Power and Protection . I thank God I reckon not now the want of the Militia so much in reference to My own protection , as My Peoples . Their many and sore Oppressions grieve Me ; I am above My own : what I want in the hands of Force and Power , I have in the wings of Faith and Prayer . But this is the strange method these men will needs take , to resolve their Riddle of making Me a Glorious King , by taking away My Kingly Power : Thus I shall become a Support to My Friends , and a Terror to my Enemies , by being unable to succour the one , or suppress the other . For thus have they designed and proposed to Me the new modelling of Soveraignty and Kingship , as without any reality of Power , so without any necessity of Subjection and Obedience : That the Majesty of the Kings of England might hereafter hang , like Mahomet's Tomb , by a magnetick Charm , between the Power and Priviledges of the Two Houses , in an aiery imagination of Regality . But I believe the surfeit of too much Power which some men have greedily seized on , and now seek wholly to devour , will ere long make the Common-wealth sick both of it and them , since they cannot well digest it ; Soveraign Power in Subjects seldom agreeing with the stomacks of fellow-Subjects . Yet I have even in this point of the constant Militia sought , by satisfying their Fears and importunities , both to secure My Friends , and overcome Mine Enemies , to gain the peace of all , by depriving My self of a sole power to help or hurt any ; yielding the Militia ( which is My undoubted Right no less than the Crown ) to be disposed of as the Two Houses shall think fit during My time . So willing am I to bury all Jealousies in them of Me , and to live above all Jealousies of them as to My self : I desire not to be safer than I wish them and My People . If I had the sole actual disposing of the Militia , I could not protect My People further than they protected Me and themselves : so that the use of the Militia is mutual . I would but defend My self so far , as to be able to defend My good Subjects from those mens violence and fraud , who , conscious to their own evil merits and designs , will needs perswade the World , That none but Wolves are fit to be trusted with the custody of the Shepherd and his Flock . Miserable experience hath taught My Subjects , since Power hath been wrested from Me , and employed against Me and them , That neither can be safe , if both be not in such a way as the Law hath entrusted the publick safety and welfare . Yet even this Concession of Mine as to the exercise of the Militia , so vast and large , is not satisfactory to some men ; which seem to be Enemies not to Me only , but to all Monarchy ; and are resolved to transmit to Posterity such Jealousies of the Crown , as they should never permit it to enjoy its just and necessary Rights in point of Power , to which ( at last ) all Law is resolved , while thereby it is best protected . But here Honour and Justice due to My Successors forbid Me to yield to such a total alienation of that Power from them , which Civility and Duty ( no less than Justice and Honour ) should have forbad them to have asked of Me. For although I can be content to eclipse My own beams , to satisfie their fears , who think they must needs be scorched or blinded , if I should shine in the full lustre of Kingly Power wherewith God and the Laws have invested Me : yet I will never consent to put out the Sun of Soveraignty to all Posterity and succeeding Kings , whose just recovery of their Rights from unjust Usurpations and Extortions , shall never be prejudiced or obstructed by any Act of Mine ; which indeed would not be more injurious to succeeding Kings than to my Subjects , whom I desire to leave in a condition not wholly desperate for the future , so as by a Law to be ever subjected to those many factious Distractions which must needs follow the many-headed Hydra of Government : which , as it makes a shew to the People to have more eyes to foresee , so they will find it hath more mouths too which must be satisfied ; and ( at best ) it hath rather a monstrosity , than any thing of perfection beyond that of right Monarchy , where Counsel may be in many as the Senses , but the Supreme Power can be but in One as the Head. Haply , when men have tried the horrors and malignant influence which will certainly follow my enforced Darkness and Eclipse ( occasioned by the interposition and shadow of that Body , which , as the Moon , receiveth its chiefest light from Me ) they will at length more esteem and welcome the restored glory and blessing of the Sun 's light . And if at present I may seem by my receding so much from the use of my Right in the Power of the Militia , to come short of the discharge of that Trust to which I am sworn for my Peoples protection ; I conceive those men are guilty of the enforced Perjury , ( if so it may seem ) who compel Me to take this new and strange way of discharging My Trust , by seeming to desert it ; of protecting My Subjects , by exposing My self to Danger or Dishonour for their safety and quiet . Which in the conflicts of Civil War , and advantages of Power , cannot be effected but by some side yielding : to which the greatest love of the Publick-Peace , and the firmest assurance of God's protection ( arising from a good Conscience ) doth more invite Me , than can be expected from other mens Fears , which arising from the Injustice of their actions ( tho never so successful ) yet dare not adventure their Authors upon any other way of safety than that of the Sword and Militia ; which yet are but weak defences against the stroaks of Divine Vengeance , which will overtake , or of mens own Consciences , which always attend injurious perpetrations . For My self , I do not think that I can want any thing which providential necessity is pleased to take from Me , in order to My Peoples tranquility and God's Glory , whose protection is sufficient for Me ; and he is able , by his being with Me , abundantly to compensate to Me , as he did to Job , whatever Honour , Power , or Liberty the Chaldoeans , the Saboeans , or the Devil himself can deprive Me of . Although they take from Me all defence of Arms and Militia , all refuge by Land of Forts and Castles , all flight by Sea in My Ships and Navy , yea tho they study to rob Me of the Hearts of my Subjects , the greatest treasure and best ammunition of a King ; yet cannot they deprive Me of My own Innocency or God's Mercy , nor obstruct My way to Heaven . Therefore , O My God , to Thee I flie for help : if Thou wilt be on my side , I shall have more with Me than can be against Me. There is none in Heaven or in Earth that I desire in comparison of Thee . In the loss of all , be Thou more than all to Me. Make hast to succor Me , Thou that never failest them that put their trust in Thee . Thou seest I have no power to oppose them that come against Me , who are encouraged to fight under the pretence of fighting for Me : But my eyes are toward Thee . Thou needest no help , nor shall I , if I may have thine ; if not to conquer , yet at least to suffer . If Thou delightest not in my safety and prosperity , behold here I am willing to be reduced to what Thou wilt have Me , whose Judgments oft begin with thy own Children . I am content to be nothing , that Thou mayest be all . Thou hast taught Me , That no King can be saved by the multitude of an Host ; but yet Thou canst save me by the multitude of thy Mercies , who art the Lord of Hosts , and the Father of Mercies . Help Me , O Lord , who am sore distressed on every side : yet be Thou on my side , and I shall not fear what man can do unto Me. I will give thy Justice the glory of my distress . O let thy Mercy have the glory of my deliverance from them that persecute my Soul. By my sins have I fought against Thee , and robbed Thee of thy Glory , who am thy Subject ; and justly mayest Thou by my own Subjects strip Me of my strength , and eclipse my glory . But shew thy self , O my hope and only refuge . Let not mine Enemies say , There is no help for him in his God. Hold up my goings in thy paths , that my footsteps slip not . Keep Me as the apple of thine eye , hide Me under the shadow of thy wings . Shew thy marvellous loving-kindness , O Thou that savest by thy right hand them that put their trust in Thee , from those that rise up against them ; From the wicked that oppress Me , from my deadly enemies that compass Me about . Shew Me the path of life . In thy presence is fulness of joy , at thy right hand there are pleasures for evermore . XI . Vpon the Nineteen Propositions first sent to the KING ; and more afterwards . ALtho there be many things they demand , yet if these be all , I am glad to see at what price they set My own safety and My Peoples peace ; which I cannot think I buy at too dear a rate , save only the parting with My Conscience and Honour . If nothing else will satisfie , I must chuse rather to be as miserable and inglorious as My Enemies can make or wish Me. Some things here propounded to Me have been offered by Me ; others are easily granted : The rest ( I think ) ought not to be obtruded upon Me with the point of the Sword , nor urged with the injuries of a War ; when I have already declared that I cannot yield to them , without violating my Conscience . 'T is strange , there can be no method of Peace , but by making War upon my Soul. Here are many things required of Me , but I see nothing offer'd to Me by the way of grateful exchange of Honour ; or any requital for those Favours I have , or can yet grant them . This Honour they do Me , to put Me on the giving part , which is more Princely and Divine . They cannot ask more than I can give , may I but reserve to My self the incommunicable Jewel of my Conscience , and not be forced to part with that whose loss nothing can repair or requite . Some things ( which they are pleased to propound ) seem unreasonable to Me ; and while I have any mastery of my Reason , how can they think I can consent to them ? who know they are such as are inconsistent with being either a King , or a good Christian . My yielding so much as I have already , makes some men confident I will deny nothing . The love I have of my Peoples Peace hath ( indeed ) great influence upon Me ; but the love of Truth and inward Peace hath more . Should I grant some things they require , I should not so much weaken my outward state of a King , as wound that inward quiet of my Conscience , which ought to be , is , and ever shall be ( by Gods grace ) dearer to Me than my Kingdoms . Some things which a King might approve , yet in Honour and Policy are at some time to be denied to some men ; lest he should seem not to dare to deny any thing , and give too much incouragement to unreasonable demands and importunities . But to bind My self to a general and implicit consent to whatever they shall desire or propound , ( for such is one of their Propositions ) were such a latitude of blind obedience as never was expected from any Freeman , nor fit to be required of any man , much less of a King by his own Subjects ; any of whom he may possibly exceed as much in Wisdom , as he doth in Place and Power . This were as if Sampson should have consented , not only to bind his own hands , and cut off his hair , but to put out his own eyes , that the Philistines might with the more safety mock and abuse him ; which they chose rather to do , than quite to destroy him , when he was become so tame an object , and fit occasion for their sport and scorn . Certainly , to exclude all power of denial , seems an arrogancy least of all becoming those who pretend to make their Addresses in an humble and loyal way of petitioning ; who by that sufficiently confess their own inferiority , which obligeth them to rest , if not satisfied , yet quietted , with such an answer as the will and reason of their Superior thinks fit to give ; who is acknowledged to have a freedom and power of Reason to consent or dissent , else it were very foolish and absurd to ask , what another having not liberty to deny , neither hath power to grant . But if this be My right belonging to Me in Reason as a Man , and in Honour as a Soveraign King , ( as undoubtedly it doth ) how can it be other than extreme injury to confine my Reason to a necessity of granting all they have a mind to ask , whose minds may be as differing from Mine both in Reason and Honour , as their aims my be , and their qualities are ? which last God and the Laws have sufficiently distinguisht , making Me their Soveraign , and them My Subjects : whose Propositions may soon prove violent Oppositions , if once they gain to be necessary Impositions upon the Regal Authority ; since no man seeks to limit and confine his King in Reason , who hath not a secret aim to share with him , or usurp upon him in Power and Dominion . But they would have Me trust to their moderation , and abandon Mine own discretion ; that so I might verifie what representations some have made of Me to the world , that I am fitter to be their Pupil than their Prince . Truly I am not so confident of My own sufficiency , as not willingly to admit the Counsel of others : But yet I am not so diffident of my self , as bruitishly to submit to any mens dictates , and at once to betray the Soveraignty of Reason in My Soul , and the Majesty of my own Crown to any of My Subjects . Least of all have I any ground of credulity , to induce Me fully to submit to all the desires of those men who will not admit or do refuse and neglect to vindicate , the freedom of their own and others sitting and voting in Parliament . Besides , all men that know them , know this , how young Statesmen the most part of these propounders are ; so that till experience of one seven years hath shewed Me how well they can Govern Themselves , and so much Power as is wrested from Me , I should be very foolish indeed , and unfaithful in my Trust , to put the reins of both Reason and Government wholly out of my own into their hands , whose driving is already too much like Jehu's , and whose forwardness to ascend the throne of Supremacy portends more of Phaeton than of Phoebus . God divert the Omen if it be his will. They may remember , that at best they sit in Parliament as my Subjects , not my Superiors ; called to be my Counsellors , not Dictators : Their Summons extends to recommend their Advice , not to command My Duty . When I first heard of Propositions to be sent me , I expected either some good Laws which had been antiquated by the course of time or overlaid by the corruption of manners , had been desired to a restauration of their vigor and due execution ; or some evil Customs preterlegal and abuses personal had been to be removed , or some injuries done by My self and others to the Common-weal were to be repaired ; or some equable offertures were to be tendred to Me , wherein the advantages of my Crown being considered by them , might fairly induce Me to condescend to what tended to My Subjects good , without any great diminution of My self , whom Nature , Law , Reason and Religion bind Me ( in the first place ) to preserve , without which 't is impossible to preserve My People according to My place . Or ( at least ) I looked for such moderate desires of due Reformation of what was ( indeed ) amiss in Church and State , as might still preserve the Foundation and Essentials of Government in both ; not shake and quite overthrow either of them , without any regard to the Laws in force , the Wisdom and Piety of former Parliaments , the ancient and universal practice of Christian Churches , the Rights and Priviledges of particular men : nor yet any thing offered in lieu or in the room of what must be destroyed , which might at once reach the good end of the others Institution , and also supply its pretended defects , reform its abuses , and satisfie sober and wise men , not with soft and specious words , pretending zeal and special piety , but with pregnant and solid Reasons , both Divine and humane , which might justifie the abruptness and necessity of such vast alterations . But in all their Propositions I can observe little of these kinds or to these ends : Nothing of any Laws dis-jointed , which are to be restored , of any Right invaded , of any Justice to be unobstructed , of any Compensations to be made , of any impartial Reformation to be granted ; to all or any of which Reason , Religion , true Policy , or any other human motives might induce Me. But as to the main matters propounded by them at any time , in which is either great Novelty or Difficulty ; I perceive that what were formerly look'd upon as Factions in the State , and Schisms in the Church , and so punishable by the Laws , have now the confidence , by vulgar clamors and assistance ( chiefly ) to demand not only Tolerations of themselves in their vanity , novelty and confusion , but also Abolition of the Laws against them , and a total extirpation of that Government whose Rights they have a mind to invade . This , as to the main . Other Propositions are ( for the most part ) but as waste paper , in which those are wrapped up , to present them somewhat more handsomly . Nor do I so much wonder at the variety and horrible novelty of some Propositions ( there being nothing so monstrous , which some fancies are not prone to long for : ) This casts Me into , not an Admiration , but an Extasie , how such things should have the fortune to be propounded in the name of the Two Houses of the Parliament of England ; among whom I am very confident there was not a fourth part of the Members of either House , whose Judgments , free , single and apart , did approve or desire such destructive changes in the Government of the Church . I am perswaded there remains in far the major part of both Houses ( if free and full ) so much Learning , Reason , Religion , and just Moderation , as to know how to sever between the use and the abuse of things , the institution and the corruption , the Government and the mis-government , the Primitive Patterns and the aberrations or blottings of after Copies . Sure they could not all , upon so little or no Reason ( as yet produced to the contrary ) so soon renounce all regard to the Laws in force , to Antiquity , to the Piety of their Reforming Progenitors , to the Prosperity of former times in this Church and State under the present Government of the Church . Yet by a strange fatality , these men suffer , either by their absence , or silence , or negligence , or supine credulity , ( believing that all is good which is gilded with shews of Zeal and Reformation ) their private dissenting in Judgment to be drawn into the common Sewer or stream of the present vogue and humor ; which hath its chief rise and abetment from those popular Clamors and Tumults , which served to give life and strength to the infinite activity of those men , who studied with all diligence and policy to improve to their Innovating designs the present Distractions . Such Armies of Propositions having so little , in my Judgment , of Reason , Justice and Religion on their side , as they had Tumult and Faction for their rise , must not go alone , but ever be back'd and seconded with Armies of Soldiers . Tho the second should prevail against my Person , yet the first shall never overcome Me , further than I see cause ; for I look not at their Number and Power so much , as I weigh their Reason and Justice . Had the Two Houses first sued out their Livery , and once effectually redeemed themselves from the Wardship of the Tumults , ( which can be no other than the Hounds that attend the Cry and Hollow of those men who hunt after Factious and private Designs , to the ruin of Church and State : ) Did my Judgment tell Me , that the Propositions sent to Me were the Results of the major part of their Votes , who exercise their freedom , as well as they have a right to sit in Parliament ; I should then suspect My own Judgment , for not speedily and fully concurring with every one of them . For I have Charity enough to think there are wise men among them ; and Humility to think that , as in some things I may want , so 't is fit I should use their Advice , which is the end for which I called them to a Parliament . But yet I cannot allow their wisdom such a compleatness and inerrability as to exclude My self ; since none of them hath that Part to act , that Trust to discharge , nor that Estate and Honour to preserve , as My self ; without whose Reason concurrent with theirs ( as the Suns influence is necessary in all Natures productions ) they cannot beget or bring forth any one compleat and authoritative Act of publick Wisdom , which makes the Laws . But the unreasonableness of some Propositions is not more evident to Me than this is , That they are not the joynt and free desires of those in their Major number , who are of right to sit and Vote in Parliament . For many of them savor very strong of that old leaven of Innovations , masked under the name of Reformation , which in my two last famous Predecessors days heaved at , and sometime threatned both Prince and Parliaments ; but , I am sure , was never wont so far to infect the whole mass of the Nobility and Gentry of this Kingdom , however it dispersed among the Vulgar : Nor was it likely so suddenly to taint the major part of both Houses , as that they should unanimously desire and affect so enormous and dangerous Innovations in Church and State , contrary to their former education , practice and judgment . Not that I am ignorant how the choice of many Members was carried by much Faction in the Countreys ; some thirsting after nothing more than a passionate revenge of whatever displeasure they had conceived against Me , My Court , or the Clergy . But all Reason bids Me impute these sudden and vast desires of change to those few , who armed themselves with the many-headed and many-handed Tumults . No less doth Reason , Honour , and Safety both of Church and State , command Me to chew such morsels before I let them down . If the streightness of my Conscience will not give Me leave to swallow down such Camels as others do of Sacriledg and Injustice both to God and Man , they have no more cause to quarrel with Me than for this , that My throat is not so wide as theirs . Yet by Gods help I am resolved , that nothing of Passion , or Peevishness , or list to contradict , or vanity to shew my Negative Power , shall have any biass upon my Judgment , to make Me gratifie My Will , by denying any thing which my Reason and Conscience commands Me not . Nor on the other side will I consent to more than Reason , Justice , Honour and Religion perswade Me to be for Gods Glory , the Churches good , my Peoples welfare , and my own Peace . I will study to satisfie My Parliament and My People ; but I will never , for fear or flattery , gratifie any Faction , how potent soever ; for this were to nourish the Disease , and oppress the body . Altho many mens Loyalty and prudence are terrified from giving Me that free and faithful Counsel which they are able and willing to impart , and I may want ; yet none can hinder Me from craving of the Counsel of that mighty Counsellor , who can both suggest what is best , and incline My Heart stedfastly to follow it . O Thou first and Eternal Reason , whose Wisdom is fortified with Omnipotency , furnish thy Servant first with clear discoveries of Truth , Reason and Justice in My Vnderstanding ; then so confirm My Will and Resolution to adhere to them , that no Terrors , Injuries or Oppressions of My Enemies may ever inforce Me against those rules which Thou by them hast planted in My Conscience . Thou never madest Me a King , that I should be less than a Man , and not dare to say Yea or Nay , as I see cause ; which freedom is not denied to the meanest creature that hath the use of Reason and liberty of Speech . Shall that be blamable in Me , which is commendable veracity and constancy in others ? Thou seest , O Lord , with what Partiality and Injustice they deny that freedom to Me their KING , which Thou hast given to all men , and which themselves pertinaciously challenge to themselves , while they are so tender of the least breach of their Priviledges . To Thee I make my Supplication , who canst guide us by an un-erring rule through the perplexed Labyrinths of our own thoughts and other mens Proposals ; which I have some cause to suspect are purposely cast as Snares , that by my granting or denying them , I might be more entangled in those difficulties wherewith they lie in wait to afflict Me. O Lord , make thy way plain before Me. Let not My own sinful Passions cloud or divert thy Sacred Suggestions . Let thy Glory be my End , thy Word my Rule ; and then thy Will be done . I cannot please all ; I care not to please some men : If I may be happy to please Thee , I need not fear whom I displease . Thou that makest the wisdom of the world foolishness , and takest in their own devices such as are Wise in their own conceits ; make Me wise by thy Truth , for thy Honour , My Kingdoms general good , and My own Souls Salvation ; and I shall not much regard the Worlds opinion or diminution of Me. The less Wisdom they are willing to impute to Me , the more they shall be convinced of thy Wisdom directing Me ; while I deny nothing fit to be granted out of crossness or humor , nor grant any thing which is to be denied out of any fear or flattery of men . Suffer Me not to be guilty or unhappy , by willing or inconsiderate advancing any mens Designs which are injurious to the publick good , while I confirm them by my Consent . Nor let Me be any occasion to hinder or defraud the Publick of what is best , by any morose or perverse dissentings . Make Me so humbly charitable , as to follow their Advice when it appears to be for the publick good , of whose Affections to Me I have yet but few evidences to assure Me. Thou canst as well bless honest Errors , as blast fraudulent Counsels . Since we must give an account of every evil and idle world in private at thy Tribunal ; Lord , make Me careful of those solemn Declarations of My mind which are like to have the greatest influence upon the Publick , either for woe or weal. The less others consider what they ask , make Me the more solicitous what I answer . Tho Mine own and My Peoples Pressures are grievous , and Peace would be very pleasing : yet , Lord , never suffer me to avoid the one , or purchase the other , with the least expence or waste of my Conscience ; whereof Thou , O Lord , only art deservedly more Master than My self . XII . Vpon the Rebellion and Troubles in IRELAND . THE Commotions in Ireland were so sudden and so violent , that it was hard at first either to discern the rise , or apply a remedy to that precipitant Rebellion . Indeed that sea of Blood which hath there been cruelly and barbarously shed , is enough to drown any man in eternal both infamy and misery , whom God shall find the malicious Author or Instigator of its effusion . It fell out , as a most unhappy advantage to some mens Malice against Me , that when they had impudence enough to lay any thing to My charge , this bloodyopportunity should be offered them , with which I must be aspersed . Altho there was nothing which could be more abhorred to Me , being so full of sin against God , Disloyalty to My self , and destructive to My Subjects . Some men took it very ill not to be believed , when they affirmed that what the Irish Rebels did was done with My privity ( at least ) if not by My Commission . But these knew too well , that it is no news for some of My Subjects to fight , not only without My Commission , but against My Command and Person too ; yet all the while to pretend they fight by My Authority , and for My Safety . I would to God the Irish had nothing to alledg for their imitation against those whose blame must needs be the greater , by how much Protestant Principles are more against all Rebellion against Princes than those of Papists . Nor will the goodness of mens intentions excuse the scandal and contagion of their Examples . But whoever fail of their Duty toward Me , I must bear the blame ; this Honour My Enemies have always done Me , to think moderate injuries not proportionate to Me , nor competent trials either of My Patience under them , or My Pardon of them . Therefore with exquisite malice they have mixed the gall and vinegar of Falsity and Contempt with the cup of My Affliction ; charging Me not only with Untruths , but such as wherein I have the greatest share of Loss and Dishonour by what is committed ; whereby ( in all Policy , Reason and Religion , having least cause to give the least consent , and most grounds of utter detestation ) I might be represented by them to the World the more inhumane and barbarous ; like some Cyclopick Monster , whom nothing will serve to eat and drink but the flesh and blood of My own Subjects , in whose common Welfare My Interest lies as much as some mens doth in their Perturbations ; who think they cannot do well but in evil times , nor so cunningly , as in laying the odium of those sad events on others , wherewith themselves are most pleased , and whereof they have been not the least occasion . And certainly , 't is thought by many wise men , that the preposterous rigor and unreasonable severity which some men carried before them in England , was not the least Incentive that kindled and blew up into those horrid flames the sparks of Discontent , which wanted not predisposed fewel for Rebellion , in Ireland : where Despair being added to their former Discontents , and the fears of utter Extirpation to their wonted Oppressions , it was easy to provoke to an open Rebellion a people prone enough to break out to all exorbitant violence , both by some Principles of their Religion , and the natural desires of Liberty ; both to exempt themselves from their present restraints , and to prevent those after Rigors wherewith they saw themselves apparently threatned by the covetous Zeal and uncharitable Fury of some men , who think it a great Argument of the truth of their Religion , to endure no other but their own . God knows , as I can with truth wash My hands in Innocency as to any Guilt in that Rebellion ; so I might wash them in my Tears , as to the sad apprehensions I had to see it spread so far and make such waste . And this in a time when Distractions and Jealousies here in England made most men rather intent to their own safety , or designs they were driving , than to the relief of those who were every day inhumanly butchered in Ireland : whose Tears and Blood might , if nothing else , have quenched , or at least for a time repressed and smothered , those sparks of Civil Dissentions and Jealousies which in England some men most industriously scattered . I would to God no man had been less affected with Ireland's sad estate than My self I offered to go My self in Person upon that expedition : But some men were either afraid I should have any one Kingdom quieted ; or loath they were to shoot at any mark here less than My self ; or that any should have the glory of my Destruction but themselves . Had My many offers been accepted , I am confident neither the Ruine had been so great , nor the Calamity so long , nor the Remedy so desperate . So that , next to the sin of those who began that Rebellion , theirs must needs be , who either hindred the speedy suppressing of it by Domestick Dissentions , or diverted the Aids , or exasperated the Rebels to the most desperate resolutions and actions , by threatning all Extremities , not only to the known Heads and chief Incendiaries , but even to the whole community of that Nation ; resolving to destroy Root and branch , men , women and children , without any regard to those usual pleas for Mercy which Conquerors , not wholly barbarous , are wont to hear from their own breasts in behalf of those whose oppressive Fears , rather than their Malice , engaged them ; or whose imbecillity for Sex and Age was such , as they could neither lift up a hand against them , nor distinguish between their right hand and their left . Which preposterous and ( I think ) un-evangelical Zeal is too like that of the rebuked Disciples , who would go no lower in their revenge , than to call for fire from Heaven upon whole Cities for the repulse or neglect of a few ; or like that of Jacob's sons , which the Father both blamed and cursed : chusing rather to use all extremities which might drive men to desperate obstinancy , than to apply moderate remedies ; such as might punish some with exemplary Justice , yet disarm others , with tenders of mercy upon their submission , and our protection of them from the fury of those who would soon drown them if they refused to swim down the popular stream with them . But some kind of Zeal counts all merciful moderation Lukewarmness , and had rather be cruel than counted cold , and is not seldom more greedy to kill the Bear for his skin , than for any harm he hath done ; the confiscation of mens Estates being more beneficial , than the Charity of saving their Lives , or reforming their Errors . When all proportionable succors of the poor Protestants in Ireland , ( who were daily massacred , and overborn with numbers of now desperate Enemies ) was diverted and obstructed here , I was earnestly entreated and generally advised by the chief of the Protestant party there , to get them some respite and breathing by a cessation , without which they saw no probability ( unless by Miracle ) to preserve the remnant that had yet escaped . God knows with how much Commiseration and solicitous Caution I carried on that business , by persons of Honour and Integrity , that so I might neither incourage the Rebels Insolence , nor discourage the Protestants Loyalty and Patience . Yet when this was effected in the best sort that the necessity and difficulty of affairs would then permit , I was then to suffer again in my Reputation and Honour , because I suffered not the Rebels utterly to devour the remaining handfuls of the Protestants there . I thought that in all reason , the gaining of that respite could not be so much to the Rebels advantages ( which some have highly calumniated against Me ) as it might have been for the Protestants future as well as present safety ; if during the time of that Cessation , some men had had the grace to have laid Ireland's sad condition more to heart , and laid aside those violent motions which were here carried on by those that had better skill to let blood than to stanch it . But in all the misconstructions of my Actions , ( which are prone to find more credulity in men to what is false and evil , than love or charity to what is true and good ) as I have no Judg but God above Me ; so I can have comfort to appeal to his Omniscience , who doth not therefore deny my Innocence , because he is pleased so far to try my Patience , as he did his servant Job's . I have enough to do to look to My own Conscience , and the faithful discharge of My Trust as a KING : I have scarce leisure to consider those swarms of reproaches which issue out of some mens mouths and hearts , as easily as smoke or sparks do out of a furnace ; much less to make such prolix Apologies as might give those men satisfaction , who conscious to their own depth of wickedness , are loath to believe any man not to be as bad as themselves . 'T is Kingly to do well , and hear ill ; if I can but act the one , I shall not much regard to hear the other . I thank God , I can hear with patience as bad as my worst Enemies can falsly say : and I hope I shall still do better than they desire or deserve I should . I believe it will at last appear , that they who first began to embroil my other Kingdoms , are in great part guilty , if not of the first letting out , yet of the not timely stopping , those horrid effusions of blood in Ireland . Which ( whatever my Enemies please to say or think ) I look upon , as that of my other Kingdoms , exhausted out of My own veins ; no man being so much weakned by it as My self . And I hope , tho mens unsatiable Cruelties never will , yet the Mercy of God will at length say to his Justice , It is enough ; and command the Sword of Civil wars to sheath it self : his merciful Justice intending , I trust , not our utter Confusion , but our Cure ; the abatement of our Sins , not the desolating of these Nations . O my God , let those infinite Mercies prevent us once again , which I and My Kingdoms have formerly abused , and can never deserve should be restored . Thou seest how much Cruelty among Christians is acted under the colour of Religion ; as if we could not be Christians , unless we crucifie one another . Because we have not more loved thy Truth , and practised in Charity , Thou hast suffered a spirit of Error and bitterness , of mutual and mortal Hatred to rise among us . O Lord , forgive wherein we have sinned , and sanstifie what we have suffered . Let our Repentance be our Recovery , as our great Sins have been onr Ruine . Let not the Miseries I and My Kingdoms have hitherto suffered seem small to Thee : but make our Sins appear to our Consciences as they are represented in the glass of thy Judgments ; for Thou never punishest small failings with so severe Afflictions . O therefore , according to the multitude of thy great Mercies pardon our Sins ; and remove thy Judgments , which are very many and very heavy . Yet let our Sins be ever more grievous to us than thy Judgments ; and make us more willing to repent , than to be relieved : first give us the Peace of penitent Consciences , and then the tranquillity of united Kingdoms . In the sea of our Saviours Blood drown our Sins ; and through this Red sea of our own blood bring us at last to a state of Piety , Peace and Plenty . As My publick relations to all make Me share in all My Subjects sufferings ; so give Me such a pious sense of them as becomes a Christian King , and a loving Father of My People . Let the scandalous and unjust Reproaches cast upon Me be as a breath , more to kindle My Compassion : Give Me grace to heap Charitable coals of fire upon their heads to melt them , whose Malice or cruel Zeal hath kindled , or hindred the quenching of those Flames , which have so much wasted My Three Kingdoms . O rescue and assist those poor Protestants in Ireland whom Thou hast hitherto preserved . And lead those in the ways of Thy saving Truths , whose Ignorance or Errors have filled them with Rebellious and destructive Principles ; which they act under an opinion that they do Thee good service . Let the hand of Thy Justice be against those who maliciously and despitefully have raised or fomented those cruel and desperate Wars . Thou art far from destroying the innocent with tho guilty , and the erroneous with the malicious ; thou that hadst pity on Nineveh for the many Children that were therein , give not over the whole stock of that populous and seduced Nation to the wrath of those whose Covetousness makes them Cruel ; nor to their Anger , which is too fierce , and therefore justly cursed . Preserve , if it be thy will , in the midst of the furnace of thy severe Justice , a Posterity which may praise Thee for Thy Mercy . And deal with Me , not according to mans unjust Reproaches , but according to the Innocency of My hands in Thy sight . If I have desired or delighted in the woful day of My Kingdoms Calamities , if I have not earnestly studied and faithfully endeavoured the preventing and composing of these bloody Distractions ; then let thy hand be against Me and My Fathers house . O Lord , Thou seest I have Enemies enough of men ; as I need not , so I should not dare thus to imprecate Thy Curse on Me and Mine , if My Conscience did not witness my Integrity , which Thou , O Lord , knowest right well . But I trust not to My own Merit , but thy Mercies . Spare us , O Lord , and be not angry with us for ever . XIII . Vpon the calling in of the SCOTS , and their Coming . THE Scots are a Nation upon whom I have not only common ties of Nature , Soveraignty and Bounty , with my Father of Blessed memory ; but also special and late obligations of Favours , having gratified the active Spirits among them so far , that I seemed to many to prefer the desires of that Party before My own Interest and Honour . But , I see , Royal bounty emboldens some men to ask and act beyond all bounds of Modesty and Gratitude . My Charity and Act of Pacification forbids Me to reflect on former passages ; wherein I shall ever be far from letting any mans ingratitude or inconstancy make Me repent of what I granted them for the publick good . I pray God it may so prove . The coming again of that Party into England with an Army , only to conform this Church to their late New model , cannot but seem as unreasonable , as they would have thought the same measure offered from hence to themselves . Other Errand I could never understand they had , ( besides those common and vulgar flourishes for Religion and Liberty ) save only to confirm the Presbyterian Copy they had set , by making this Church to write after them , tho it were in bloody Characters . Which Design and End , whether it will justifie the use of such violent Means before the Divine Justice , I leave to their Consciences to judg who have already felt the misery of the Means , but not reaped the benefit of the End , either in this Kingdom or that . Such knots and crosness of grain being objected here , as will hardly suffer that Form which they cry up as the only just Reformation , and setling of Government and Discipline in Churches , to go on so smoothly here as it might do in Scotland ; and was by them imagined would have done in England , when so many of the English Clergy , through levity or discontent , if no worse Passion , suddenly quitted their former engagements to Episcopacy , and faced about to their Presbytery . It cannot but seem either Passion or some Self-seeking , more than true Zeal and pious Discretion , for any foreign State or Church to prescribe such medicines only for others , which themselves have used rather successfully than commendably ; not considering that the same Physick on different constitutions will have different operations ; that may kill one , which doth but cure another . Nor do I know any such tough and malignant Humours in the constitution of the English Church , which gentler applications than those of an Army might not easily have removed : Nor is it so proper to hew out religious Reformations by the Sword , as to polish them by fair and equal Disputations among those that are most concerned in the Differences , whom not Force but Reason ought to convince . But their design now seemed rather to cut off all Disputation here , than to procure a fair and equal one : For it was concluded there , that the English Clergy must conform to the Scots pattern , before ever they could be heard what they could say for themselves , or against the others Way . I could have wished fairer proceedings , both for their credits who urge things with such Violence ; and for other mens Consciences too , who can receive little satisfaction in these Points , which are maintained rather by Soldiers fighting in the Field , than Scholars disputing in free and learned Synods . Sure , in matters of Religion , those Truths gain most on mens Judgments and Consciences which are least urged with secular Violence , which weakens Truth with Prejudices ; and is unreasonable to be used , till such means of rational Conviction have been applied , as leaving no excuse for Ignorance , condemns mens Obstinacy to deserved penalties . Which no Charity will easily suspect of so many Learned and Pious Church-men in England ; who being always bred up , and conformable to the Government of Episcopacy , cannot so soon renounce both their former Opinion and practice , only because that Party of the Scots will needs by Force assist a like Party here , either to drive all Ministers as sheep into the common fold of Presbytery , or destroy them , at least fleece them , by depriving them of the benefit of their Flocks . If the Scotch sole Presbytery were proved to be the only institution of Jesus Christ for all Churches Government ; yet I believe it would be hard to prove that Christ had given those Scots , or any other of My Subjects , Commission by the Sword to set it up in any of My Kingdoms without My consent . What respect and obedience Christ and his Apostles pay'd to the chief Governors of States where they lived , is very clear in the Gospel : but that he or they ever commanded to set up such a Parity of Presbyters , and in such a way as those Scots endeavour , I think is not very disputable . If Presbytery , in such a supremacy , be an institution of Christ , sure it differs from all others , and is the first and only Point of Christianity that was to be planted and watered with so much Christian blood ; whose effusions run in a stream so contrary to that of the Primitive Planters both of Christianity and Episcopacy , which was with patient shedding of their own blood , not violent drawing other mens . Sure there is too much of Man in it , to have much of Christ , none of whose institutions were carried on or begun with the temptations of Covetousness or Ambition ; of both which this is vehemently suspected . Yet was there never any thing upon the point which those Scots had by Army or Commissioners to move Me with , by their many solemn Obtestations and pious Threatnings , but only this , To represent to Me the wonderful necessity of setting up their Presbytery in England , to avoid the further miseries of a War ; which some men chiefly on this design at first had begun , and now further engaged themselves to continue . What hinders that any Sects , Schisms or Heresies , if they can get but numbers , strength and opportunity , may not , according to this opinion and pattern , set up their ways by the like methods of violence ? All which Presbytery seeks to suppress , and render odious under those Names : when Wise and Learned men think that nothing hath more marks of Schism and Sectarism than this Presbyterian way , both as to the Ancient , and still most Universal way of the Church-Government , and specially as to the particular Laws and Constitutions of this English Church ; which are not yet repealed , nor are like to be for Me , till I see more Rational and Religious motives than Soldiers use to carry in their Knapsacks . But we must leave the success of all to God , who hath many ways ( having first taken us off from the folly of our Opinions , and fury of our Passion ) to teach us those Rules of true Reason and peaceable Wisdom which is from above , tending most to Gods glory and his Churches good : which I think My self so much the more bound in Conscience to attend with the most judicious zeal and care , by how much I esteem the Church above the State , the glory of Christ above Mine own , and the Salvation of mens Souls above the Preservation of their Bodies and Estates . Nor may any men , I think , without sin and presumption , forcibly endeavour to cast the Churches under My care and tuition , into the moulds they have fancied and fashioned to their designs , till they have first gained My consent , and resolved both My own and other mens Consciences by the strength of their Reasons . Other violent motions , which are neither Manly , Christian nor Loyal , shall never either shake or settle My Religion ; nor any mans else who knows what Religion means , and how far it is removed from all Faction , whose proper engine is Force , the Arbitrator of Beasts , not of reasonable Men , much less of humble Christians and loyal Subjects in matters of Religion . But men are prone to have such high conceits of themselves , that they care not what cost they lay out upon their Opinions ; especially those that have some temptations of Gain , to recompence their losses and hazards . Yet I was not more scandalized at the Scots Armies coming in against my will , and their forfeiture of so many Obligations of Duty and Gratitude to Me , than I wondred how those here could so much distrust Gods assistance , who so much pretended Gods Cause to the People , as if they had the certainty of some Divine Revelation : considering they were more than competently furnished with My Subjects Arms and Ammunition , My Navy by Sea , My Forts , Castles and Cities by Land. But I find , that men jealous of the justifiableness of their doings and designs before God , never think they have humane strength enough to carry their work on , seem it never so plausible to the People . What cannot be justified in Law or Religion , had need be fortified with Power . And yet such is the inconstancy that attends all minds engaged in violent motion , that whom some of them one while earnestly invite to come in to their Assistance , others of them soon after are weary of , and with nauseating cast them out : what one Party thought to rivet to a setledness by the strength and influence of the Scots , that the other rejects and contemns ; at once despising the Kirk-Government and Discipline of the Scots , and frustrating the Success of so chargeable , more than charitable , Assistance . For sure the Church of England might have purchased at a far cheaper rate the Truth and Happiness of Reformed Government and Discipline ( if it had been wanting , ) tho it had entertained the best Divines of Christendom for their Advice in a full and free Synod : which I was ever willing to , and desirous of , that matters being impartially setled , might be more satisfactory to all , and more durable . But much of Gods Justice and Mans folly will at length be discovered through all the films and pretensions of Religion , in which Politicians wrap up their designs : In vain do men hope to build their Piety on the ruines of Loyalty . Nor can those confederations or designs be durable , when Subjects make Bankrupt of their Allegiance , under pretence of setting up a quicker trade for Religion . But as my best Subjects of Scotland never deserted Me ; so I cannot think that the most are gone so far from Me , in a Prodigality of their love and respects toward Me , as to make Me to despair of their return : when besides the bonds of Nature and Conscience which they have to Me , all Reason and true Policy will teach them , that their chiefest interest consists in their Fidelity to the Crown , not in their serviceableness to any Party of the People , to a neglect and betraying of my Safety and Honour for their own advantages . However , the less cause I have to trust to men , the more I shall apply My self to God. The troubles of My Soul are enlarged : O Lord , bring Thou Me out of My distress . Lord , direct Thy Servant in the ways of that Pious Simplicity , which is the best Policy . Deliver Me from the combined strength of those , who have so much of the Serpents Subtility , that they forget the Doves Innocency . Tho hand joyn in hand , yet let them not prevail against My Soul , to the betraying of My Conscience and Honour . Thou , O Lord , canst turn the hearts of those Parties in both Nations , as Thou didst the men of Judah and Israel , to restore David with as much loyal zeal , as they did with inconstancy and eagerness pursue him . Preserve the love of thy Truth and Vprightness in Me , and I shall not despair of My Subjects affections returning towards Me. Thou canst soon cause the overflowing Seas to ebb , and retire back again to the bounds which Thou hast appointed for them . O My God , I trust in Thee : let Me not be ashamed ; let not My Enemies triumph over Me. Let them be ashamed who transgress without a cause : let them be turned back that persecute My Soul. Let Integrity and Vprightness preserve Me , for I wait on Thee , O Lord. Redeem thy Church , O God , out of all its Troubles . XIV . Vpon the COVENANT . THE Presbyterian Scots are not to be hired at the ordinary rate of Auxiliaries ; nothing will induce them to engage , till those that call them in have pawned their Souls to them by a Solemn League and Covenant : Where many engines of Religious and fair pretensions are brought , chiefly to batter or rase Episcopacy . This they make the grand evil Spirit , which , with some other Imps purposely added , to make it more odious and terrible to the Vulgar , must by so solemn a Charm and Exorcism be cast out of this Church , after more than a Thousand years possession here , from the first plantation of Christianity in this Island , and an universal prescription of time and practice in all other Churches since the Apostles times till this last Century . But no Antiquity must plead for it : Presbytery , like a young Heir , thinks the Father hath lived long enough ; and impatient not to be in the Bishops Chair and Authority ( tho Lay-men go away with the Revenues ) all Art is used to sink Episcopacy , and lanch Presbytery in England , which was lately boyed up in Scotland by the like artifice of a Covenant . Altho I am unsatisfied with many passages in that Covenant ( some referring to My self with very dubious and dangerous limitations ) yet I chiefly wonder at the design and drift touching the Discipline and Government of the Church ; and such a manner of carrying them on to new ways , by Oaths and Covenants , where it is hard for men to be engaged by no less than swearing for or against those things which are of no clear Moral necessity , but very disputable , and controverted among Learned and Godly men : whereto the application of Oaths can hardly be made and enjoined with that Judgment and certainty in ones self , or that Charity and candor to others of different Opinion , as I think Religion requires ; which never refuses fair and equable Deliberations , yea and Dissentings too in matters only probable . The enjoyning of Oaths upon People , must needs in things doubtful be dangerous , as in things unlawful damnable ; and no less superfluous , where former Religious and Legal Engagements bound men sufficiently to all necessary duties . Nor can I see how they will reconcile such an Innovating Oath and Covenant with that former Protestation which was so lately taken , To maintain the Religion established in the Church of England ; since they count Discipline so great a part of Religion . But ambitious minds never think they have laid snares and gins enough to catch and hold the Vulgar credulity ; for by such politick and seemingly-pious Stratagems they think to keep the populacy fast to their Parties , under the terror of Perjury : Whereas certainly all honest and wise men ever thought themselves sufficiently bound by former ties of Religion , Allegiance , and Laws , to God and Man. Nor can such after-Contracts , devised and imposed by a few men in a declared Party , without My consent , and without any like power or precedent from God's or Mans Laws , be ever thought by judicious men sufficient either to absolve or slacken those Moral and Eternal bonds of Duty , which lie upon all my Subjects Consciences , both to God and Me. Yet as things now stand , good men shall least offend God or Me by keeping their Covenant in honest and lawful ways ; since I have the Charity to think , that the chief End of the Covenant in such mens intentions was , To preserve Religion in Purity , and the Kingdoms in Peace : To other than such ends and means they cannot think themselves engaged . Nor will those that have any true touches of Conscience endeavour to carry on the best designs ( much less such as are and will be daily more apparently factious and ambitious ) by any unlawful means , under that Title of the Covenant : unless they dare prefer ambiguous , dangerous and unauthorized Novelties before their known and sworn Duties , which are indispensable , both to God and My self . I am prone to believe and hope , that many who took the Covenant are yet firm to this Judgment , That such later Vows , Oaths or Leagues , can never blot out those former gravings and characters which by just and lawful Oaths were made upon their Souls . That which makes such Confederations by way of Solemn Leagues and Covenants more to be suspected is , That they are the common road used in all Factions and Powerful Perturbations of State or Church : Where formalities of extraordinary Zeal and Piety are never more studied and elaborate , than when Politicians most agitate desperate designs against all that is setled or sacred in Religion and Laws ; which by such screws are cunningly , yet forcibly , wrested by secret steps and less sensible degrees from their known Rule and wonted Practice , to comply with the Humours of those men who aim to subdue all to their own Will and Power , under the disguises of Holy Combinations . Which cords and withes will hold mens Consciences no longer than Force attends and twists them : For every man soon grows his own Pope , and easily absolves himself of those ties which , not the commands of God's Word , or the Laws of the Land , but only the subtilty and terror of a Party casts upon him ; either superfluous and vain , when they were sufficiently tied before ; or fraudulent and injurious , if by such after-ligaments they find the Imposers really aiming to dissolve or suspend their former just and necessary Obligations . Indeed , such Illegal ways seldom or never intend the engaging men more to Duties , but only to Parties ; therefore it is not regarded how they keep their Covenants in point of Piety pretended , provided they adhere firmly to the Party and Design intended . I see the Imposers of it are content to make their Covenant like Manna ( not that it came from Heaven as this did ) agreeable to every mans palate and relish who will but swallow it : They admit any mens senses of it , tho divers or contrary , with any Salvo's , Cautions and Reservations ; so as they cross not their chief Design , which is laid against the Church and Me. It is enough , if they get but the reputation of a seeming encrease to their Party : So little do men remember that God is not mocked . In such latitudes of sense , I believe many that love Me and the Church well may have taken the Covenant , who yet are not so fondly and superstitiously taken by it , as now to act clearly against both all Piety and Loyalty : who first yielded to it , more to prevent that imminent Violence and Ruine which hung over their heads , in case they wholy refused it , than for any value of it or devotion to it . Wherein the latitude of some general clauses may ( perhaps ) serve somewhat to relieve them , as of Doing and endeavouring what lawfully they may , in their Places and Callings , and according to the Word of God : For these ( indeed ) carry no man beyond those bounds of good Conscience which are certain and fixed , either in Gods Laws , as to the general , or the Laws of the State and Kingdom , as to the particular regulation and exercise of mens duties . I would to God such as glory most in the name of Covenanters , would keep themselves within those lawful bounds to which God hath called them ; surely it were the best way to expiate the rashness of taking it : which must needs then appear , when besides the want of a full and lawful Authority at first to enjoyn it , it shall actually be carried on beyond and against those Ends which were in it specified and pretended . I willingly forgive such mens taking the Covenant , who keep it within such bounds of Piety , Law and Loyalty , as can never hurt either the Church , My self , or the Publick Peace : against which no mans lawful Calling can engage him . As for that Reformation of the Church which the Covenant pretends , I cannot think it just or comely , that by the partial Advice of a few Divines , ( of so soft and servile tempers , as disposed them to so sudden acting and compliance , contrary to their former Judgments , Profession and Practice ) such foul Scandals and Suspicions should be cast upon the Doctrine and Government of the Church of England , as was never done ( that I have heard ) by any that deserved the name of Reformed Churches abroad , nor by any men of Learning and Candor at home : all whose Judgments I cannot but prefer before any mens now factiously engaged . No man can be more forward than My self , to carry on all due Reformations with mature Judgment and a good Conscience , in what things I shall ( after impartial advice ) be by God's Word and right Reason convinced to be amiss . I have offered more than ever the fullest , freest , and wisest Parliaments did desire . But the sequel of some mens Actions makes it evident , that the main Reformation intended is , The abasing of Episcopacy into Presbytery , and the robbing the Church of its Lands and Revenues : For , no men have been more injuriously used , as to their legal Rights , than the Bishops and Church-men . These , as the fattest Deer , must be destroyed ; the other Rascal-herd of Schisms , Heresies , &c. being lean , may enjoy the benefit of a Toleration . Thus Naboth's Vineyard made him the only Blasphemer of his City , and fit to dye . Still , I see , while the breath of Religion fills the Sails , Profit is the Compass by which Factious men steer their course in all seditious Commotions . I thank God , as no man lay more open to the Sacrilegious temptations of usurping the Churches Lands and Revenues , ( which issuing chiefly from the Crown , are held of it , and legally can revert only to the Crown with My Consent ; ) so I have always had such a perfect abhorrence of it in my Soul , that I never found the least inclination to such Sacrilegious Reformings : yet no man hath a greater desire to have Bishops and all Church-men so reformed , that they may best deserve and use , not only what the pious Munificence of My Predecessors hath given to God and the Church , but all other additions of Christian Bounty . But no necessity shall ever , I hope , drive Me or Mine to invade or sell the Priests Lands , which both Pharaoh's divinity , and Joseph's true Piety abhorred to do . So unjust I think it both in the eye of Reason and Religion , to deprive the most Sacred Employment of all due encouragements ; and like that other hard-hearted Pharaoh , to withdraw the Straw , and encrease the Task ; so pursuing the oppressed Church , as some have done , to the Red sea of a Civil War , where nothing but a Miracle can save either It , or Him who esteems it his greatest Title to be called , and his chiefest glory to be , The Desender of the Church , both in its true Faith and its just Fruitions , equally abhorring Sacriledg and Apostasy . I had rather live , as My Predecessor Henry the Third sometime did , on the Churches Alms , than violently to take the bread out of Bishops and Ministers mouths . The next work will be Jeroboam's Reformation , consecrating the meanest of the People to be Priests in Israel , to serve those Golden Calves who have enriched themselves with the Churches Patrimony and Dowry ; which how it thrived both with Prince , Priests and People , is well enough known : And so it will be here , when from the tuition of Kings and Queens , which have been nursing Fathers and Mothers of this Church , it shall be at their allowance who have already discovered what hard Fathers and Stepmothers they will be . If the Poverty of Scotland might , yet the Plenty of England cannot excuse the Envy and Rapine of the Churches Rights and Revenues . I cannot so much as pray God to prevent those sad Consequences which will inevitably follow the Parity and Poverty of Ministers , both in Church and State ; since I think it no less than a mocking and tempting of God , to desire him to hinder those mischiefs whose occasions and remedies are in our own power ; it being every mans sin not to avoid the one , and not to use the other . There are ways enough to repair the Breaches of the State without the Ruines of the Church : as I would be a Restorer of the one , so I would not be an Oppressor of the other , under the pretence of Publick Debts : The occasions contracting them were bad enough , but such a discharging of them would be much worse . I pray God neither I nor Mine may be accessary to either . To Thee , O Lord , do I address my Prayer , beseeching Thee to pardon the rashness of my Subjects Swearings , and to quicken their sense and observation of those just , moral , and indispensable bonds , which thy Word and the Laws of this Kingdom have laid upon their Consciences : From which no pretensions of Piety and Reformation are sufficient to absolve them , or to engage them to any contrary practices . Make them at length seriously to consider , that nothing Violent and Injurious , can be Religious . Thou allowest no mans committing Sacriledg , under the zeal of abhorring Idols . Suffer not Sacrilegious designs to have the countenance of Religious ties . Thou hast taught us by the wisest of Kings , that it is a snare to take things that are holy , and after Vows to make enquiry . Ever keep thy Servant from consenting to Perjurious and Sacrilegious Rapines , that I may not have the brand and curse to all posterity , of robbing Thee and Thy Church of what thy Bounty hath given us , and thy Clemency hath accepted from us , wherewith to encourage Learning and Religion . Tho my Treasures are exhausted , my Revenues diminished , and my Debts encreased , yet never suffer Me to be tempted to use such profane Reparations ; lest a Coal from thine Altar set such a fire on my Throne and Conscience as will be hardly quenched . Let not the Debts and Engagements of the Publick , which some mens Folly and Prodigality hath contracted , be an occasion to impoverish thy Church . The State may soon recover by thy blessing of Peace upon us : the Church is never likely , in Times where the Charity of most men is grown so cold , and their Religion so illiberal . Continue to those that serve Thee and thy Church all those Incouragements which by the will of the pious Donors and the Justice of the Laws are due unto them ; and give them grace to deserve and use them aright to thy Glory , and the relief of the Poor : That thy Priests may be cloathed with Righteousness , and the Poor may be satisfied with bread . Let not Holy things be given to Swine , nor the Churches bread to Dogs ; rather let them go about the City , grin like a Dog , and grudge that they are not satisfied . Let those Sacred morsels , which some men already by violence devoured , never digest with them nor theirs . Let them be as Naboth's Vineyard to Ahab , gall in their mouths , rottenness to their Names , a moth to their Families , and a sting to their Consciences . Break in sunder , O Lord , all violent and Sacrilegious Confederations to do wickedly and injuriously . Divide their hearts and tongues who have bandied together against the Church and State ; that the Folly of such may be manifest to all men , and proceed no further . But so favour My righteous dealing , O Lord , that in the Mercies of Thee , the Most High , I may never miscarry . XV. Vpon the many Jealousies raised , and Scandals cast upon the KING , to stir up the People against Him. IF I had not My own Innocency and Gods Protection , it were hard for Me to stand out against those stratagems and conflicts of Malice which by Falsities seek to oppress the Truth , and by Jealousies to supply the defect of real causes , which might seem to justifie so unjust Engagements against Me. And indeed , the worst effects of open hostility come short of these Designs : For I can more willingly lose my Crowns than my Credit ; nor are my Kingdoms so dear to Me as my Reputation and Honour . Those must have a period with my Life ; but these may survive to a glorious kind of Immortality , when I am dead and gone : A good name being the embalming of Princes , and a sweet consecration of them to an Eternity of Love and Gratitude among Posterity . Those foul and false Aspersions were secret engines at first employed against my Peoples love of Me ; that undermining their opinion and value of Me , My Enemies , and theirs too , might at once blow up their Affections , and batter down their Loyalty . Wherein yet ( I thank God ) the detriment of my Honour is not so afflictive to Me , as the sin and danger of my Peoples Souls , whose eyes once blinded with such mists of Suspicions , they are soon misled into the most desperate precipices of actions : wherein they do not only not consider their Sin and Danger , but glory in their zealous adventures ; while I am rendred to them so fit to be destroyed , that many are ambitious to merit the name of my Destroyers , imagining they then fear God most , when they least honour their King. I thank God , I never found but my Pity was above my Anger ; nor have my Passions ever so prevailed against Me , as to exclude my most compassionate Prayers for them whom devout Errors , more than their own Malice , have betrayed to a most Religious Rebellion . I had the Charity to interpret , that most part of my Subjects fought against my supposed Errors , not my Person ; and intended to mend Me , not to end Me. And I hope that God pardoning their Errors , hath so far accepted and answered their good Intentions , that as he hath yet preserved Me , so he hath by these Afflictions prepared Me both to do Him better service , and My people more good than hitherto I have done . I do not more willingly forgive their seductions , which occasioned their loyal Injuries , than I am ambitious by all Princely merits to redeem them from their unjust Suspicions , and reward them for their good Intentions . I am too conscious to My own Affections towards the generality of my People , to suspect theirs to Me ; nor shall the Malice of my Enemies ever be able to deprive Me of the comfort which that confidence gives Me. I shall never gratifie the spightfulness of a few , with any sinister thoughts of all their Allegiance whom Pious frauds have seduced . The worst some mens Ambition can do shall never perswade Me to make so bad interpretations of most of my Subjects actions ; who possibly may be Erroneous , but not Heretical in point of Loyalty . The sense of the Injuries done to my Subjects is as sharp as those done to My self ; our welfares being inseperable ; in this only they suffer more than My self , that they are animated by some Seducers to injure at once both themselves and Me. For this is not enough to the Malice of my Enemies , that I be afflicted ; but it must be done by such instruments , that my Afflictions grieve Me not more than this doth , that I am afflicted by those whose Prosperity I earnestly desire , and whose Seduction I heartily deplore . If they had been my open and forein Enemies , I could have born it ; bur they must be my own Subjects , who are , next to my Children , dear to Me ; and for the restoring of whose Tranquility I could willingly be the Jonah , if I did not evidently foresee , that by the divided Interests of their and Mine Enemies , as by contrary winds , the storm of their Miseries would be rather encreased than allayed . I had rather prevent my Peoples Ruine than rule over them ; nor am I so ambitious of that Dominion which is but my Right , as of their Happiness , if it could expiate or countervail such a way of obtaining it , by the highest Injuries of Subjects committed against their Soveraign . Yet I had rather suffer all the miseries of Life , and die many Deaths , than shamefully to desert or dishonourably to betray my own just Rights and Soveraignty , thereby to gratify the Ambition , or justifie the Malice of my Enemies ; between whose Malice and other mens Mistakes I put as great a difference , as between an ordinary Ague and the Plague , or the Itch of Novelty and the Leprosie of Disloyalty . As Liars need have good memories , so Malicious persons need good inventions , that their Calumnies may fit every mans fancy ; and what their Reproaches want of truth , they may make up with number and shew . My Patience ( I thank God ) will better serve Me to bear , and my Charity to forgive , than my Leisure to answer the many false aspersions which some men have cast upon Me. Did I not more consider my Subjects Satisfaction than My own Vindication , I should never have given the Malice of some men that pleasure , as to see Me take notice of , or remember what they say or object . I would leave the Authors to be punished by their own evil Manners and seared Consciences , which will , I believe , in a shorter time than they be aware of , both confute and revenge all those black and false Scandals which they have cast on Me ; and make the world see , there is as little truth in them , as there was little worth in the broaching of them , or Civility ( I need not say Loyalty ) in the not-suppressing of them : whose credit and reputation , even with the People , shall ere long be quite blasted by the breath of that same fornace of Popular obloquy and detraction , which they have studied to heat and inflame to the highest degree of infamy , and wherein they have sought to cast and consume my Name and Honour . First , nothing gave Me more cause to suspect and search My own Innocency , than when I observed so many forward to engage against Me who had made great professions of singular Piety : For this gave to vulgar minds so bad a reflection upon Me and My Cause , as if it had been impossible to adhere to Me , and not withal depart from God ; to think or speak well of Me , and not to blaspheme him ; so many were perswaded that these two were utterly inconsistent , to be at once Loyal to Me , and truly Religious toward God. Not but that I had ( I thank God ) many with Me which were both Learned and Religious , ( much above that ordinary size and that vulgar proportion wherein some men glory so much ) who were so well satisfied in the cause of my Sufferings , that they chose rather to suffer with Me than forsake Me. Nor is it strange , that so religious Pretensions as were used against Me should be to many well-minded men a great temptation to oppose Me ; especially being urged by such popular Preachers as think it no sin to lye for God , and what they please to call Gods Cause , cursing all that will not curse with them ; looking so much at , and crying up the goodness of the End propounded , that they consider not the lawfulness of the Means used , nor the depth of the Mischief chiefly plotted and intended . The weakness of these mens Judgments must be made up by their Clamors and activity . It was a great part of some mens Religion to scandalize Me and Mine , they thought theirs could not be true , if they cryed not down Mine as false . I thank God , I have had more tryal of his Grace as to the constancy of My Religion in the Protestant profession of the Church of England , both abroad and at home , than ever they are like to have . Nor do I know any Exception I am so lyable to in their opinion , as too great a Fixedness in that Religion ; whose judicious and solid grounds , both from Scripture and Antiquity , will not give My Conscience leave to approve or consent to those many dangerous and divided Innovations , which the bold ignorance of some men would needs obtrude upon Me and My People . Contrary to those well-tryed foundations both of Truth and Order , which men of far greater Learning and clearer Zeal have setled in the Confession and Constitution of this Church in England , which many former Parliaments , in the most calm and unpassionate times , have oft confirmed ; in which I should ever , by Gods help , persevere , as believing it hath most of Primitive Truth and Order . Nor did My using the assistance of some Papists which were my Subjects any way fight against My Religion , as some men would needs interpret it ; especially those who least of all men cared whom they imployed , or what they said or did , so they might prevail . 'T is strange that so wise men as they would be esteemed , should not conceive , that differences of perswasion in matters of Religion may easily fall out , where there is the sameness of Duty , Allegiance and Subjection . The first they owe as Men and Christians , to God ; the second they owe to Me in common , as their KING . Different professions in point of Religion cannot ( any more than in civil Trades ) take away the community of Relations either to Parents or to Princes : And where is there such an Oglio or medly of various Religions in the World again , as those men entertain in their service ( who find most fault with Me ) without any scruple , as to the diversity of their Sects and Opinions ? It was , indeed , a foul and indeleble shame for such as would be counted Protestants , to enforce Me , a declared Protestant , their Lord and King , to a necessary use of Papists or any other , who did but their duty to help Me to defend My self . Nor did I more than is lawful for any King in such exigents , to use the aid of any his Subjects . I am sorry the Papists should have a greater sense of their Allegiance than many Protestant Professors , who seem to have learned and to practise the worst Principles of the worst Papists . Indeed , it had been a very impertinent and unseasonable scruple in Me ( and very pleasing no doubt to My Enemies ) to have been then disputing the points of different Beliefs in My Subjects , when I was disputed with by Swords points ; and when I needed the help of My Subjects as Men , no less than their Prayers as Christians . The noise of my Evil Counsellors was another useful device for those who were impatient any mens counsels but their own should be followed in Church or State ; who were so eager in giving Me better counsel , that they would not give Me leave to take it with Freedom , as a Man , or Honour , as a King ; making their counsels more like a Drench , that must be poured down , than a Draught , which might be fairly and leisurely drank , if I liked it . I will not justifie beyond humane errors and frailties My self or my Counsellors : They might be subject to some Miscarriages , yet such as were far more reparable by second and better thoughts , than those enormous Extravagances wherewith some men have now even wildred and almost quite lost both Church and State. The event of things at last will make it evident to my Subjects , that had I followed the worst counsels that My worst Counsellors ever had the boldness to offer to Me , or My self any inclination to use , I could not so soon have brought both Church and State in Three flourishing Kingdoms to such a Chaos of Confusions and Hell of Miseries as some have done ; out of which they cannot , or will not , in the midst of their many great advantages , redeem either Me or my Subjects . No men were more willing to complain , than I was to redress what I saw in Reason was either done or advised amiss : and this I thought I had done even beyond the expectation of moderate men , who were sorry to see Me prone even to injure My self out of a Zeal to relieve my Subjects . But other mens insatiable desire of Revenge upon Me , My Court and My Clergy , hath wholly beguiled both Church and State of the benefit of all my either Retractations or Concessions ; and withal , hath deprived all those ( now so zealous Persecutors ) both of the comfort and reward of their former pretended Persecutions , wherein they so much gloried among the Vulgar ; and which indeed a truly-humble Christian will so highly prize , as rather not to be relieved than be revenged , so as to be bereaved of that Crown of Christian Patience which attends humble and injured Sufferers . Another artifice used to withdraw My Peoples Affections from Me to their designs was , The noise and ostentation of Liberty , which men are not more prone to desire , than unapt to bear in the Popular sense ; which is to do what every man liketh best . If the divinest Liberty be to will what men should , and to do what they so will , according to Reason , Laws and Religion , I envy not my Subjects that Liberty , which is all I desire to enjoy My self ; so far am I from the desire of oppressing theirs : Nor were those Lords and Gentlemen which assisted Me so prodigal of their Liberties , as with their Lives and Fortunes to help on the enslaving of Themselves and their Posterities . As to Civil Immunities , none but such as desire to drive on their Ambitious and Covetous Designs over the Ruines of Church and State , Prince , Peers and People , will ever desire greater Freedoms than the Laws allow ; whose bounds good men count their Ornament and Protection , others their Manacles and Oppression . Nor is it just any man should expect the Reward and Benefit of the Law , who despiseth its Rule and Direction ; losing justly his Safety , while he seeks an unreasonable Liberty . Time will best inform my Subjects , that those are the best preservers of their true Liberties , who allow themselves the least licentiousness against or beyond the Laws . They will feel it at last to their cost , that it is impossible those men should be really tender of their fellow-Subjects Liberties , who have the hardiness to use their King with so severe restraints , against all Laws , both Divine and Humane ; under which yet I will rather perish , than complain to those who want nothing to compleat their mirth and Triumph but such Musick . In point of true Conscientious Tenderness ( attended with Humility and Meekness , not with proud and arrogant activity , which seeks to hatch every egg of different opinion to a Faction or Schism ) I have oft declared , how little I desire my Laws and Scepter should intrench on Gods Soveraignty , which is the only King of mens Consciences ; and yet He hath laid such restraints upon men , as commands them to be subject for Conscience sake , giving no men liberty to break the Law established , further than with Meekness and Patience they are content to suffer the Penalties annexed , rather than perturb the publick Peace . The truth is , some mens thirst after Novelties , others despair to relieve the necessities of their Fortunes , or satisfie their Ambition in Peaceable times , ( distrusting Gods Providence as well as their own Merits ) were the secret ( but principal ) impulsives to these Popular Commotions , by which Subjects have been perswaded to expend much of those plentiful Estates they got and enjoyed under My Government in peaceable times ; which yet must now be blasted with all the odious Reproaches which impotent Malice can invent , and My self exposed to all those Contempts which may most diminish the Majesty of a King , and encrease the ungrateful insolences of my People . For mine Honour , I am well assured that as mine Innocency is clear before God in point of any Calumnies they object ; so My Reputation shall , like the Sun , ( after Owls and Bats have had their freedom in the night and darker times ) rise and recover it self to such a degree of splendor as those feral Birds shall be grieved to behold and unable to bear . For never were any Princes more glorious than those whom God hath suffer'd to be tried in the furnace of Afflictions by their injurious Subjects . And who knows but the just and merciful God will do Me good for some mens hard , false and evil speeches against Me ? Wherein they speak rather what they wish , than what they believe or know . Nor can I suffer so much in point of Honour by those rude and scandalous Pamphlets ( which , like fire in great Conflagrations , flie up and down to set all places on like flames ) as those men do , who pretending to so much Piety , are so forgetful of their duty to God and Me : by no way ever vindicating the Majesty of their KING against any of those who , contrary to the precept of God and precedent of Angels , speak evil of dignities , and bring railing accusations against those who are honoured with the name of Gods. But 't is no wonder if men not fearing GOD , should not Honour their KING . They will easily contemn such shadows of God , who reverence not that Supreme and adorable Majesty , in comparison of whom all the Glory of Men and Angels is but obscurity ; yet hath he graven such Characters of Divine Authority and Sacred power upon Kings , as none may without sin seek to blot them out . Nor shall their black veils be able to hide the shining of My face , while God gives Me a heart frequently and humbly to converse with him , from whom alone are all the irradiations of true Glory and Majesty . Thou , O Lord , knowest my reproach and my dishonour , my Adversaries are all before Thee . My Soul is among Lions , among them that are set on fire , even the sons of men ; whose teeth are spears and arrows , their tongue a sharp sword . Mine Enemies reproach Me all the day long , and those that are mad against Me are sworn together . O my God , how long shall the sons of men turn my glory into shame ? how long shall they love vanity , and seek after lies ? Thou hast heard the reproaches of wicked men on every side , Hold not thy peace , lest my Enemies prevail against Me , and lay mine honour in the dust . Thou , O Lord , shalt destroy them that speak lies ; the Lord will abhor both the Blood-thirsty and Deceitful men . Make my Righteousness to appear as the light , and mine Innocency to shine forth as the Sun at noon-day . Suffer not my silence to betray mine Innocency , nor my displeasure my Patience : That after my Saviours example , being reviled , I may not revile again ; and being cursed by them , I may bless them . Thou that wouldst not suffer Shimei's tongue to go unpunished , when by thy Judgments on David he might seem to justifie his disdainful reproaches ; give Me grace to intercede with thy Mercy for these my Enemies , that the reward of false and lying tongues , even hot burning coals of eternal fire , may not be brought upon them . Let my Prayers and Patience be as water to cool and quench their tongues , who are already set on fire with the fire of Hell , and tormented with those malicious flames . Let Me be happy to refute and put to silence their evil-speaking by well-doing ; and let them enjoy not the fruit of their lips , but of my Prayer for their Repentance and thy Pardon . Teach Me David's Patience and Hezekiah's Devotion ; that I may look to thy Mercy through mans Malice , and see thy Justice in their Sin. Let Sheba's Seditious speeches , Rabshekah's Railing , and Shimei's Cursing , provoke , as my humble Prayer to Thee , so thy renewed Blessing toward Me. Though they curse , do Thou bless ; and I shall be blessed , and made a Blessing to my People : That the stone which some builders refuse , may become the head-stone of the corner . Look down from Heaven , and save Me from the reproach of them that would swallow Me up . Hide Me in the secret of thy presence from the pride of man , and keep Me from the strife of tongues . XVI . Vpon the Ordinance against the Common-Prayer-Book . IT is no news to have all Innovations ushered in with the name of Reformations in Church and State , by those , who seeking to gain reputation with the Vulgar for their extraordinary Parts and Piety , must needs undo whatever was formerly setled never so well and wisely . So hardly can the Pride of those that study Novelties allow former times any share or degree of Wisdom or Godliness . And because matter of Prayer and Devotion to God justly bears a great part in Religion , ( being the Souls more immediate converse with the Divine Majesty ) nothing could be more plausible to the People than to tell them they served God amiss in that point . Hence our publick Liturgy , or Forms of constant Prayers , must be ( not amended , in what upon free and publick advice might seem to sober men inconvenient for matter or manner , to which I should easily consent , but ) wholly cashiered and abolished : and after many Popular contempts offered to the Book and those that used it according to their Consciences and the Laws in force , it must be crucified by an Ordinance , the better to please either those men who gloried in their extemporary vein and fluency ; or others , who conscious to their own formality in the use of it , thought they fully expiated their sin of not using it aright , by laying all the blame upon it , and a total rejecting of it as a dead letter , thereby to excuse the deadness of their hearts . As for the matter contained in the Book , sober and Learned men have sufficiently vindicated it against the Cavils and exceptions of those , who thought it a part of Piety to make what profane objections they could against it , especially for Popery and Superstition : whereas no doubt the Liturgy was exactly conformed to the Doctrine of the Church of England ; and this by all Reformed Churches is confessed to be most sound and Orthodox . For the manner of using Set and Prescribed Forms , there is no doubt but that wholesom words being known and fitted to mens Understandings , are soonest received into their Hearts , and aptest to excite and carry along with them judicious and fervent Affections . Nor do I see any reason why Christians should be weary of a well-composed Liturgy ( as I hold this to be ) more than of all other things , wherein the constancy abates nothing of the Excellency and Usefulness . I could never see any Reason why any Christian should abhor , or be forbidden to use the same Forms of Prayer ; since he prays to the same God , believes in the same Saviour , professeth the same Truths , reads the same Scriptures , hath the same Duties upon him , and feels the same daily wants for the most part , both inward and outward , which are common to the whole Church . Sure we may as well beforehand know what we pray as to whom we pray , and in what words as to what sense ; when we desire the same things , what hinders we may not use the same Words ? our appetite and digestion too may be good when we use , as we pray for , our daily bread . Some men I hear are so impatient not to use in all their Devotions their own invention and gifts , that they not only disuse ( as too many ) but wholly cast away and contemn the Lords Prayer ; whose great guilt is , that it is the warrant and original Pattern of all set Liturgies in the Christian Church . I ever thought that the proud ostentation of mens abilities for invention , and the vain affectations of variety for expressions in Publick Prayer , or any sacred administrations , merits a greater brand of sin than that which they call Coldness and Barrenness : Nor are men in those Novelties less subject to formal and superficial tempers ( as to their hearts ) than in the use of constant Forms , where not the words , but mens hearts are to blame . I make no doubt but a man may be very Formal in the most extemporary variety , and very fervently Devout in the most wonted expressions : nor is God more a God of variety than of constancy : nor are constant Forms of Prayers more likely to flat and hinder the Spirit of Prayer and Devotion , than unpremeditated and confused variety to distract and lose it . Tho I am not against a grave , modest , discreet and humble use of Ministers gifts even in publick , the better to fit and excite their own and the Peoples affections to the present occasions ; yet I know no necessity why private and single abilities should quite justle out and deprive the Church of the joynt abilities and concurrent gifts of many Learned and Godly men , such as the Composers of the Service-Book were , who may in all reason be thought to have more of Gifts and Graces enabling them to compose , with serious deliberation and concurrent advice , such Forms of Prayers as may best fit the Churches common wants , inform the Hearers understanding , and stir up that fiduciary and fervent application of their spirits ( wherein consists the very life and soul of Prayer , and that so much pretended Spirit of Prayer ) than any private man by his solitary abilities can be presumed to have : which what they are many times , ( even there where they make a great noise and shew ) the affectations , emptiness , impertinency , rudeness , confusions , flatness , levity , obscurity , vain and ridiculous repetitions , the sensless and oft-times blasphemous expressions , all these burthened with a most tedious and intolerable length , do sufficiently convince all men but those who glory in that Pharisaick way . Wherein men must be strangely impudent and flatterers of themselves , not to have an infinite shame of what they so do and say , in things of so sacred a nature , before God and the Church , after so ridiculous and ( indeed ) profane a manner . Nor can it be expected but that in duties of frequent performance , as Sacramental administrations and the like , which are still the same , Ministers must either come to use their own Forms constantly , which are not like to be so sound or comprehensive of the nature of the Duty , as Forms of Publick composure ; or else they must every time affect new expressions when the Subject is the same : which can hardly be presumed in any mans greatest sufficiencies , not to want ( many times ) much of that compleatness , order and gravity becoming those Duties , which by this means are exposed at every celebration to every Ministers private Infirmities , Indispositions , Errors , Disorders and Defects , both for Judgment and Expression . A serious sense of which inconveniences in the Church unavoidably following every mans several manner of officiating , no doubt , first occasioned the Wisdom and Piety of the Ancient Churches , to remedy those mischiefs by the use of constant Liturgies of Publick composure . The want of which , I believe , this Church will sufficiently feel , when the unhappy fruits of many mens ungoverned Ignorance and confident defects shall be discovered in more Errors , Schisms , Disorders and uncharitable Distractions in Religion , which are already but too many , the more is the pity . However , if Violence must needs bring in and abet those Innovations ( that men may not seem to have nothing to do ) which Law , Reason and Religion forbids at least to be so obtruded , as wholly to justle out the Publick Liturgy : Yet nothing can excuse that most unjust and partial severity of those men , who either lately had subscribed to , used and maintained the Service-book ; or refusing to use it , cryed out of the rigor of the Laws and Bishops , which suffered them not to use the liberty of their Consciences in not using it . That these men ( I say ) should so suddenly change the Liturgy into a Directory ; as if the Spirit needed help for Invention , tho not for Expresions ; or as if matter prescribed did not as much stint and obstruct the Spirit , as if it were cloathed in and confined to fit words : ( So slight and easie is that Legerdemain which will serve to delude the Vulgar . ) That further , they should use such severity , as not to suffer without penalty any to use the Common-prayer-Book publickly , although their Consciences bind them to it , as a duty of Piety to God and Obedience to the Laws . Thus I see no men are prone to be greater Tyrants , and more rigorous exacters upon others to conform to their illegal Novelties , than such whose Pride was formerly least disposed to the obedience of lawful constitutions , and whose licentious humors most pretended conscientious liberties : which freedom with much regret they now allow to Me and my Chaplains , when they may have leave to serve Me , whose Abilities even in their extemporary way comes not short of the others , but their Modesty and Learning far exceeds the most of them . But this matter is of so popular a nature , as some men knew it would not bear learned and sober Debates ; lest being convinced by the evidence of Reason as well as Laws , they should have been driven either to sin more against their Knowledg , by taking away the Liturgy ; or to displease some Faction of the People , by continuing the use of it . Tho I believe they have offended more considerable men , not only for their numbers and estates , but for their weighty and judicious Piety , than those are whose Weakness or Giddiness they sought to gratify by taking it away . One of the greatest faults some men found with the Common-Prayer-Book , I believe , was this , that it taught them to pray so oft for Me : to which Petitions they had not Loyalty enough to say Amen ; nor yet Charity enough to forbear Reproaches , and even Cursings of Me in their own Forms , in stead of praying for Me. I wish their Repentance may be their only Punishment ; that seeing the mischiefs which the disuse of Publick Liturgies hath already produced , they may restore that credit , use and reverence to them , which by the ancient Churches were given to Set Forms of sound and wholesom words . And Thou , O Lord , which art the same God , blessed for ever , whose Mercies are full of variety , and yet of constancy ; Thou deniest us not a new and fresh sense of our old and daily wants , nor despisest renewed affections joyned to constant expressions . Let us not want the benefit of thy Churches united and well-advised Devotions . Let the matters of our Prayers be agreeable to thy will , which is always the same ; and the fervency of our spirits to the motions of thy Holy Spirit in us . And then we doubt not but thy Spiritual perfections are such , as Thou art neither to be pleased with affected Novelties for matter or manner , nor offended with the Pious constancy of our Petitions in them both . Whose variety or constancy Thou hast no where either forbidden or commanded , but left them to the Piety and Prudence of thy Church , that both may be used , neither despised . Keep men in that pious moderation of their Judgments in matters of Religion , that their Ignorance may not offend others , nor their opinion of their own Abilities tempt them to deprive others of what they may lawfully and devoutly use to help their infirmities . And since the advantage of Error consists in Novelty and Variety , as Truth 's in Vnity and Constancy ; suffer not thy Church to be pestered with Errors , and deformed with Vndecencies in thy Service , under the pretence of Variety and Novelty : nor to be deprived of Truth , Vnity and Order , under this fallacy , That Constancy is the cause of Formality . Lord , keep us from formal Hypocrifie in our own hearts ; and then we know that praying to Thee , or praising of Thee ( with David and other Holy men ) in the same Forms cannot hurt us . Give us Wisdom to amend what is amiss within us , and there will be less to mend without us . Evermore defend and deliver thy Church from the effects of blind Zeal and over-bold Devotion . XVII . Of the Differences between the KING and the Two Houses , in point of CHURCH-GOVERNMENT . TOuching the Government of the Church by Bishops , the common Jealousie hath been , that I am earnest and resolute to maintain it , not so much out of Piety , as Policy and reason of State. Wherein so far indeed reason of State doth induce Me to approve that Government above any other , as I find it impossible for a Prince to preserve the State in quiet , unless he hath such an influence upon Church-men , and they such a dependance on Him , as may best restrain the seditious exorbitancies of Ministers tongues ; who with the Keys of Heaven have so far the Keys of the Peoples Hearts , as they prevail much by their Oratory to let in or shut out both Peace and Loyalty . So that I being ( as KING ) intrusted by God and the Laws with the good both of Church and State ; I see no reason I should give up , or weaken by any change , that power and influence which in right and reason I ought to have over both . The removing Bishops out of the House of Peers ( of which I have elsewhere given an account ) was sufficient to take off any suspicion , that I encline to them for any use to be made of their Votes in State-affairs : Tho indeed I never thought any Bishop worthy to sit in that House , who would not Vote according to his Conscience . I must now in Charity be thought desirous to preserve that Government in its right constitution , as a matter of Religion , wherein both my Judgment is fully satisfied that it hath of all other the fullest Scripture grounds , and also the constant Practice of all Christian Churches ; till of late years the Tumultuariness of people , or the Factiousness and Pride of Presbyters , or the Covetousness of some States and Princes , gave occasion to some mens wits to invent new models , and propose them under the specious titles of Christs Government , Scepter and Kingdom , the better to serve their turns , to whom the change was beneficial . They must give Me leave , having none of their temptations to invite Me to alter the Government of Bishops , ( that I may have a title to their Estates ) not to believe their pretended grounds to any new ways ; contrary to the full and constant testimony of all Histories , sufficiently convincing unbiassed men , that as the Primitive Churches were undoubtedly governed by the Apostles , and their immediate Successors , the first and best Bishops , so it cannot in Reason or Charity be supposed that all Churches in the world should either be ignorant of the Rule by them prescribed , or so soon deviate from their Divine and Holy Pattern : That since the first Age , for fifteen hundred years , not one Example can be produced of any setled Church , wherein were many Ministers and Congregations , which had not some Bishop above them , under whose Jurisdiction and Government they were . Whose constant and universal practice agreeing with so large and evident Scripture-Directions and Examples , as are set down in the Epistles to Timothy and Titus , for the setling of that Government , not in the Persons only of Timothy and Titus , but in the Succession ; ( the want of Government being that which the Church can no more dispense with in point of well-being , than the want of the Word and Sacraments in point of being : ) I wonder how men came to look with so envious an eye upon Bishops power and authority , as to oversee both the Ecclesiastical use of them , and Apostolical constitution : which to Me seems no less evidently set forth , as to the main scope and design of those Epistles , for the setling of a peculiar Office , Power and Authority in them , as President-Bishops above others , in point of Ordination , Censures , and other acts of Ecclesiastical Discipline ; than those shorter characters of the qualities and duties of Presbyter-Bishops and Deacons are described in some parts of the same Epistles ; who in the latitude and community of the name were then , and may now , not improperly be call'd Bishops , as to the oversight and care of single Congregations committed to them by the Apostles , or those Apostolical Bishops who ( as Timothy and Titus ) succeeded them in that ordinary power , there assigned over larger divisions , in which were many Presbyters . The Humility of those first Bishops avoiding the eminent title of Apostles , as a name in the Churches style appropriated from its common notion ( of a Messenger , or one sent ) to that special Dignity which had extraordinary Call , Mission , Gifts , and Power immediately from Christ ; they contented themselves with the ordinary titles of Bishops and Presbyters : until use ( the great arbitrator of words and master of language ) finding reason to distinguish by a peculiar name , those Persons whose Power and Office were indeed distinct from and above all other in the Church , as succeeding the Apostles in the ordinary and constant power of governing the Churches , ( the honour of whose name they moderately , yet commendably , declined ) all Christian Churches ( submitting to that special authority ) appropriated also the name of Bishop , without any suspicion or reproach of arrogancy , to those who were by Apostolical propagation rightly descended and invested into that highest and largest power of governing even the most pure and Primitive Churches : which , without all doubt , had many such holy Bishops , after the pattern of Timothy and Titus ; whose special power is not more clearly set down in those Epistles ( the chief grounds and limits of all Episcopal claim as from Divine Right ) than are the characters of these perilous times , and those men that make them such , who not enduring sound Doctrine , and clear testimonies of all Churches practice , are most perverse Disputers , and proud Usurpers against true Episcopacy : who , if they be not Traitors and Boasters , yet they seem to be very covetous , heady , high-minded , inordinate and fierce , lovers of themselves , having much of the Form , little of the power of Godliness . Who , by popular heaps of weak , light and unlearned Teachers , seek to over-lay and smother the pregnancy and authority of that power of Episcopal Government , which , beyond all equivocation and vulgar fallacy of names , is most convincingly set forth both by Scripture and all after-Histories of the Church . This I write rather like a Divine than a Prince , that Posterity may see ( if ever these Papers be publick ) that I had fair grounds , both from Scripture-Canons and Ecclesiastical Examples , whereon my Judgment was stated for Episcopal Government . Nor was it any Policy of State , or obstinacy of Will , or partiality of Affection , either to the men or their Function , which fixed Me ; who cannot in point of worldly respects be so considerable to Me , as to recompence the injuries and losses I and My dearest Relations , with My Kingdoms , have sustained and hazarded , chiefly at first upon this quarrel . And not only in Religion , of which Scripture is the best rule , and the Churches Universal Practice the best commentary ; but also in right Reason and the true nature of Government , it cannot be thought that an orderly Subordination among Presbyters or Ministers should be any more against Christianity , than it is in all secular and Civil Governments , where Parity breeds Confusion and Faction . I can no more believe that such Order is inconsistent with true Religion , than good Features are with Beauty , or Numbers with Harmony . Nor is it likely that God , who appointed several orders and a Prelacy in the Government of his Church among the Jewish Priests , should abhor or forbid them among Christian Ministers , who have as much of the Principles of Schism and Division as other men ; for preventing and suppressing of which , the Apostolical Wisdom ( which was divine ) after that Christians were multiplied to many Congregations , and Presbyters with them , appointed this way of Government , which might best preserve Order and Union with Authority . So that I conceive it was not the Favour of Princes or Ambition of Presbyters , but the Wisdom and Piety of the Apostles , that first setled Bishops in the Church ; which Authority they constantly used , and enjoyed in those times which were purest for Religion , tho sharpest for Persecution . Not that I am against the managing of this Presidency and Authority in one man by the joynt counsel and consent of many Presbyters : I have offered to restore that , as a fit means to avoid those Errors , Corruptions and Partialities , which are incident to any one man ; also to avoid Tyranny , which becomes no Christians , least of all Church-men ; besides , it will be a means to take away that burthen and odium of affairs which may lie too heavy on one mans shoulders , as indeed I think it formerly did on the Bishops here . Nor can I see what can be more agreeable both to Reason and Religion , than such a frame of Government which is Paternal , not Magisterial : and wherein not only the necessity of avoiding Faction and Confusion , Emulations and Contempts , which are prone to arise among equals in Power and Function ; but also the differences of some Ministers gifts , and aptitudes for Government above others , doth invite to employ them , in reference to those Abilities wherein they are eminent . Nor is this Judgment of Mine touching Episcopacy any pre-occupation of Opinion which will not admit any oppositions against it : It is well known I have endeavoured to satisfie My self in what the chief Patrons for other ways can say against this or for theirs : And I find as they have far less of Scripture grounds and of Reason , so for Examples , and Practice of the Church , or testimonies of Histories , they are wholly destitute , wherein the whole stream runs so for Episcopacy , that there is not the least rivulet for any others . As for those obtruded Examples of some late Reformed Churches , ( for many retain Bishops still ) whom necessity of times and affairs rather excuseth than commendeth for their Inconformity to all Antiquity ; I could never see any reason why Churches orderly reformed , and governed by Bishops , should be forced to conform to those few , rather than to the Catholick example of all Ancient Churches which needed no Reformation , and to those Churches at this day , who governed by Bishops in all the Christian world , are many more than Presbyterians or Independents can pretend to be : All whom the Churches in My Three Kingdoms lately governed by Bishops would equalize , ( I think ) if not exceed . Nor is it any point of Wisdom or Charity , where Christians differ , ( as many do in some points ) there to widen the differences , and at once to give all the Christian world ( except a handful of some Protestants ) so great a scandal in point of Church-Government ; whom tho you may convince of their Errors in some points of Doctrine , yet you shall never perswade them , that to compleat their Reformation , they must necessarily desert and wholly cast off that Government which they and all before them have ever owned as Catholick , Primitive and Apostolical , so far , that never Schismaticks nor Hereticks ( except those Aerians ) have strayed from the Unity and Conformity of the Church in that point , ever having Bishops above Presbyters . Besides , the late general Approbation and Submission to this Government of Bishops by the Clergy as well as the Laity of these Kingdoms , is a great confirmation of My Judgment ; and their Inconstancy is a great prejudice against their Novelty . I cannot in charity so far doubt of their Learning or Integrity , as if they understood not what heretofore they did , or that they did conform contrary to their Consciences : So that their facility and Levity is never to be excused , who before ever the point of Church-government had any free and impartial debate , contrary to their former Oaths and Practice , against their obedience to the Laws in force , and against My Consent , have not only quite cried down the Government by Bishops , but have approved and encouraged the violent and most illegal stripping all the Bishops , and many other Church-men , of all their due Authority and Revenues , even to the selling away and utter alienation of those Church-lands from any Eclesiastical uses . So great a power hath the stream of Times and the prevalency of Parties over some mens Judgments ; of whose so sudden and so total change little reason can be given , besides the Scots Army coming into England . But the Folly of these men will at last punish it self , and the Desertors of Episcopacy will appear the greatest Enemies to and Betrayers of their own Interest : for Presbytery is never so considerable or effectual as when it is joined to and crowned with Episcopacy . All Ministers will find as great a difference in point of thriving between the favour of the People and of Princes , as Plants do between being watered by hand , or by the sweet and liberal dews of Heaven . The tenuity and contempt of Clergy-men will soon let them see , what a poor Carcass they are when parted from the influence of that Head to whose Supremacy they have been sworn . A little Moderation might have prevented great mischiefs . I am firm to Primitive Episcopacy , not to have it extirpated , ( if I can hinder it . ) Discretion without Passion might easily reform whatever the rust of Times or indulgence of Laws or corruption of Manners have brough upon it . It being a gross vulgar Error , to impute to or revenge upon the Function the faults of Times or Persons ; which Seditious and popular Principle and Practice all wise men abhor . For those Secular additaments and ornaments of Authority , Civil Honour and Estate , which My Predecessors and Christian Princes in all Countries have annexed to Bishops and Church-men , I look upon them but as just Rewards of their Learning and Piety , who are fit to be in any degree of Church-Government ; also enablements to works of Charity and Hospitality , meet strengthenings of their Authority in point of Respect and Observance , which in peaceful times is hardly payed to any Governors by the measure of their Virtues so much as by that of their Estates ; poverty and meanness exposing them and their Authority to the contempt of licentious minds and manners , which persecuting Times much restrained . I would have such men Bishops as are most worthy of those encouragements , and best able to use them . If at any time My Judgment of men failed , My good Intention made my error venial : And some Bishops I am sure I had , whose Learning , Gravity and Piety no men of any worth or forehead can deny . But of all men , I would have Church-men , especially the Governors , to be redeemed from that vulgar Neglect , which ( besides an innate principle of vicious opposition which is in all men against those that seem to reprove or restrain them ) will necessarily follow both the Presbyterian Parity , which makes all Ministers equal , and the Independent Inferiority , which sets their Pastors below the People . This for my Judgment touching Episcopacy ; wherein ( God knows ) I do not gratifie any design or Passion with the least perverting of Truth . And now I appeal to God above , and all the Christian World , whether it be just for Subjects , or pious for Christians , by Violence and infinite Indignities , with servile restraints to seek to force Me their KING and Soveraign , as some men have endeavoured to do , against all these grounds of My Judgment , to consent to their weak and divided Novelties . The greatest Pretender of them desires not more than I do , that the Church should be governed as Christ hath appointed , in true Reason and in Scripture ; of which I could never see any probable shew for any other ways : who either content themselves with the examples of some Churches in their infancy and solitude , when one Presbyter might serve one Congregation , in a City or Countrey ; or else they deny these most evident Truths , That the Apostles were Bishops over those Presbyters they ordained as well as over the Churches they planted ; and That Government being necessary for the Churches well-being , when multiplied and sociated , must also necessarily descend from the Apostles to others , after the example of that power and superiority they had above others ; which could not end with their Persons , since the use and Ends of such Government still continue . It is most sure , that the purest Primitive and best Churches flourished under Episcopacy ; and may so still , if Ignorance , Superstition , Avarice , Revenge , and other disorderly and disloyal Passions had not so blown up some mens minds against it , that what they want of Reasons or Primitive Patterns , they supply with Violence and Oppression ; wherein some mens zeal for Bishops Lands , Houses and Revenues , hath set them on work to eat up Episcopacy ; which ( however other men esteem ) to Me is no less sin than Sacriledg , or a Robbery of God ( the giver of all we have ) of that portion which devout minds have thankfully given again to him in giving it to his Church and Prophets ; through whose hands he graciously accepts even a cup of cold water as a libation offered to himself . Furthe●more , as to My particular engagement above other men , by an Oath agreeable to my Judgment . I am solemnly obliged to preserve that Government and the Rights of the Church . Were I convinced of the Unlawfulness of the Function , as Antichristian , ( which some men boldly , but weakly , calumniate ) I could soon with Judgment break that Oath , which erroneously was taken by Me. But being daily by the best disquisition of Truth more confirmed in the Reason and Religion of that to which I am sworn , how can any man that wisheth not my Damnation , perswade Me at once to so notorious and combined sins of Sacriledg and Perjury ? besides the many personal Injustices I must do to many worthy men , who are as legally invested in their Estates as any who seek to deprive them ; and they have by no Law been convicted of those Crimes which might forfeit their Estates and Livelihoods . I have oft wondred , how men pretending to Tenderness of Conscience and Reformation , can at once tell Me , that My Coronation-Oath binds Me to consent to whatsoever they shall propound to Me ( which they urge with such Violence ) tho contrary to all that Rational and Religious Freedom which every man ought to preserve , and of which they seem so tender in their own Votes ; yet at the same time these men will needs perswade Me , that I must and ought to dispense with , and roundly break that part of My Oath , which binds Me ( agreeable to the best light of Reason and Religion I have ) to maintain the Government and legal Rights of the Church . 'T is strange My Oath should be valid in that part , which both My self and all men in their own case esteem injurious and unreasonable , as being against the very natural and essential liberty of our Souls ; yet it should be invalid and to be broken in another clause , wherein I think My self justly obliged both to God and Man. Yet upon this Rack chiefly have I been held so long , by some mens ambitious Covetousness and Sacrilegious Cruelty , torturing ( with Me ) both Church and State in Civil dissentions , till I shall be forced to consent , and declare that I do approve what ( God knows ) I utterly dislike and in my Soul abhor , as many ways highly against Reason , Justice , and Religion ; and whereto if I should shamefully and dishonourably give my Consent , yet should I not by so doing satisfie the divided Interests and Opinions of those Parties which contend with each other , as well as both against Me and Episcopacy . Nor can My late condescending to the Scots in point of Church-Government be rightly objected against Me , as an inducement for Me to consent to the like in my other Kingdoms : for it should be considered , that Episcopacy was not so rooted and setled there as 't is here ; nor I ( in that respect ) so strictly bound to continue it in that Kingdom as in this : for what I think in my Judgment best , I may not think so absolutely necessary for all places and at all times . If any shall impute My yielding to them as My Failing and Sin , I can easily acknowledg it ; but that is no argument to do so again , or much worse , I being now more convinced in that point : nor indeed hath My yielding to them been so happy and succesful as to encourage Me to grant the like to others . Did I see any thing more of Christ , as to Meekness , Justice , Order , Charity and Loyalty , in those that pretend to other modes of Government , I might suspect My Judgment to be biassed or forestalled with some Prejudice and wontedness of Opinion : but I have hitherto so much cause to suspect the contrary in the Manners of many of those men , that I cannot from them gain the least reputation for their new ways of Government . Nor can I find that in any Reformed Churches ( whose patterns are so cried up and obtruded upon the Churches under my Dominion ) either Learning or Religion , works of Piety or Charity , have so flourished beyond what they have done in My Kingdoms , ( by Gods blessing ) which might make Me believe either Presbytery or Independency have a more benign influence upon the Church and mens hearts and lives , than Episcopacy in its right constitution . The Abuses of which deserve to be extirpated as much as the use retained ; for I think it far better to hold to Primitive and Uniform Antiquity , than to comply with divided Novelty . A right Episcopacy would at once satisfie all just desires and interests of good Bishops , humble Presbyters , and sober People ; so as Church affairs should be managed neither with Tyranny , Parity , nor Popularity ; neither Bishops ejected , nor Presbyters despised , nor People oppressed . And in this Integrity both of My Judgment and Conscience I hope God will preserve Me. For Thou , O Lord , knowest my Vprightness and Tenderness . As Thou hast set Me to be a Defender of the Faith , and a Protector of thy Church , so suffer Me not by any violence to be over-born against My Conscience . Arise , O Lord , maintain thine own Cause ; let not thy Church be deformed as to that Government , which derived from thy Apostles , hath been retained in purest and Primitive times , till the Revenues of the Church became the object of secular Envy ; which seeks to rob it of all the encouragements of Learning and Religion . Make Me as the good Samaritan , compassionate and helpful to thy afflicted Church ; which some men have wounded and robbed , others pass by without regard either to pity or relieve . As My Power is from Thee , so give Me grace to use it for Thee . And though I am not suffered to be Master of my other Rights as a KING ; yet preserve Me in that liberty of Reason , love of Religion , and thy Churches welfare , which are fixed in My Conscience as a Christian . Preserve from Sacrilegious invasions those temporal Blessings which thy Providence hath bestowed on thy Church for thy Glory Forgive their Sins and Errors who have deserved thy just permission thus to let in the wild Boar and subtile Foxes , to waste and deform thy Vineyard , which thy right hand hath planted , and the dew of Heaven so long watered to a happy and flourishing estate . O let Me not bear the infamous brand to all posterity , of being the first Christian KING in this Kingdom who should consent to the oppression of thy Church and the Fathers of it ; whose Errors I would rather , with Constantine , cover with silence and reform with meekness , than expose their Persons and Sacred Functions to vulgar contempt . Thou , O Lord , seest how much I have suffered with and for thy Church ; make no long tarrying , O my God , to deliver both Me and It from unreasonable men , whose counsels have brought forth and continue such violent Confusions , by a precipitant destroying the ancient boundaries of thy Churches Peace , thereby letting in all manner of Errors , Schisms and Disorders . O thou God of Order and of Truth , in thy good time abate the Malice , asswage the Rage , and confound all the mischievous Devices of Thine , Mine , and thy Churches Enemies . That I , and all that love thy Church , may sing Praises to Thee , and ever magnifie thy Salvation , even before the Sons of men . XVIII . Vpon Uxbridg Treaty , and other Offers made by the KING . I Look upon the way of Treaties , as a retiring from fighting like Beasts , to arguing like Men , whose strength should be more in their Understandings than in their Limbs . And tho I could seldom get opportunities to Treat , yet I never wanted either desire or disposition to it : having greater confidence of my Reason , than my Sword : I was so wholly resolved to yield to the first , that I thought neither My self nor others should need to use the second , if once we rightly understood each other . Nor did I ever think it a diminution of Me , to prevent them with expresses of My Desires , and even Importunities to Treat : It being an office not only of Humanity , rather to use Reason than Force ; but also of Christianity , to seek peace and ensue it . As I was very unwillingly compelled to defend My self with Arms , so I very willingly embraced any thing tending to Peace . The events of all War by the Sword being very dubious , and of a Civil War uncomfortable ; the End hardly recompencing , and late repairing the mischief of the Means . Nor did any success I had , ever enhaunce with Me the price of Peace , as earnestly desired by Me as any man , tho I was like to pay dearer for it than any man : All that I sought to reserve was Mine Honour and My Conscience ; the one I could not part with as a KING , the other as a Christian . The Treaty at Vxbridg gave the fairest hopes of an happy Composure ; had others applied themselves to it with the same Moderation as I did , I am confident the War had then ended . I was willing to condescend as far as Reason , Honour and Conscience would give Me leave : nor were the remaining Differences so essential to my Peoples Happiness , or of such consequence as in the least kind to have hindred My Subjects either Security or Prosperity : for they better enjoyed both many years before ever those demands were made ; some of which to deny , I think the greatest Justice to My self , and Favor to my Subjects . I see Jealousies are not so easily allayed as they are raised : Some men are more afraid to retreat from violent Engagements , than to engage ; what is wanting in Equity , must be made up in Pertinacy . Such as had little to enjoy in Peace , or to lose in War , studied to render the very name of Peace odious and suspected . In Church affairs , where I had least liberty of Prudence , having so many strict ties of Conscience upon Me , yet I was willing to condescend so far to the setling of them as might have given fair satisfaction to all men whom Faction , Covetousness , or Superstition had not engaged more than any true Zeal , Charity , or love of Reformation . I was content to yield to all that might seem to advance true Piety : I only sought to continue what was necessary in point of Order , Maintenance and Authority , to the Churches Government ; and what , I am perswaded ( as I have elsewhere set down My thoughts more fully ) is most agreeable to the true Principles of all Government , raised to its full stature and perfection , as also to the primitive Apostolical Pattern , and the practice of the Universal Church conform thereto . From which wholly to recede , without any probable reason urged or answered , only to satisfie some mens wills and phantasies ( which yet agree not among themselves in any point , but that of extirpating Episcopacy , and fighting against Me ) must needs argue such a softness and infirmity of Mind in Me , as will rather part with Gods Truth than Mans Peace ; and rather lose the Churches Honour , than cross some mens Factious humors . God knows , and time will discover , who were most to blame for the unsuccessfulness of that Treaty , and who must bear the guilt of after-calamities . I believe , I am very excusable both before God and all unpassionate men , who have seriously weighed those Transactions , wherein I endeavoured no less the restauration of Peace to My People , than the preservation of My own Crowns to My Posterity . Some men have that height , as to interpret all fair Condescendings as Arguments of Feebleness , and glory most in an unflexible stifness , when they see others most supple and inclinable to them . A grand Maxime with them was , always to ask something which in reason and Honour must be denied , that they might have some colour to refuse all that was in other things granted ; setting Peace at as high a rate as the worst effects of War ; endeavouring first to make Me destroy My self by dishonourable Concessions , that so they might have the less to do . This was all which that Treaty or any other produced , to let the world see how little I would deny , or they grant , in order to the Publick Peace . That it gave occasion to some mens further restiveness , is imputable to their own depraved tempers , not to any Concessions or Negations of Mine : I have always the content of what I offered , and they the regret and blame for what they refused . The highest tide of Success set Me not above a Treaty , nor the lowest ebb below a Fight : tho I never thought it any sign of true Valor to be prodigal of mens lives , rather than to be drawn to produce our own Reasons , or subscribe to other mens . That which made Me for the most part presage the unsuccessfulness of any Treaty was , some mens unwillingness to Treat : which implied some things were to be gained by the Sword , whose unreasonableness they were loath to have fairly scanned , being more proper to be acted by Soldiers than by Counsellors . I pray God forgive them that were guilty of that Treaties breaking , and give them grace to make their advantages gotten by the Sword , a better opportunity to use such Moderation as was then wanting ; that so , tho Peace were for our sins justly deferred , yet at last it may be happily obtain'd : What we could not get by our Treaties , we may gain by our Prayers . O Thou that art the God of Reason and of Peace , who disdainest not to Treat with Sinners , preventing them with offers of Atonement , and beseeching them to be reconciled with thy self , who wantest not Power or Justice to destroy them , yet aboundest in Mercy to save ; soften our hearts by the Blood of our Redeemer , and perswade us to accept of Peace with Thy self , and both to procure and preserve Peace among our selves , as Men and Christians . How oft have I intreated for Peace , but when I speak thereof , they make them ready to War ? Condemn us not to our Passions , which are destructive both of our selves and of others . Clear up our Vnderstandings to see thy Truth , both in Reason , as Men , and in Religion , as Christians : and encline all our hearts to hold the Vnity of the Spirit in the bond of Peace . Take from us that Enmity which is now in our hearts against Thee : and give us that Charity which should be among our selves . Remove the evils of War we have deserved ; and bestow upon us that Peace which only Christ our great Peace-maker can merit . XIX . Vpon the various Events of the War ; Victories and Defeats . THE various Successes of this unhappy War have at least afforded Me variety of good Meditations . Sometimes God was pleased to try Me with Victory , by worsting my Enemies , that I might know how with Moderation and thanks to own and use his Power , who is only the true Lord of Hosts , able when he pleases to repress the Confidence of those that fought against Me with so great advantages for Power and Number . From small beginnings on My part he let me see , that I was not wholly forsaken by My Peoples Love or his Protection . Other times God was pleased to exercise my Patience , and teach Me not to trust in the arm of Flesh , but in the living God. My Sins sometimes prevailed against the Justice of my Cause : and those that were with Me wanted not matter and occasion for his just Chastisement both of them and Me. Nor were my Enemies less punished by that Prosperity , which hardened them to continue that Injustice by open Hostility , which was begun by most riotous and unparliamentary Tumults . There is no doubt but personal and private Sins may oft-times over-balance the Justice of publick engagements ; nor doth God account every gallant man ( in the worlds esteem ) a fit instrument to assert in the way of War a righteous Cause . The more men are prone to arrogate to their own Skill , Valour and Strength , the less doth God ordinarily work by them for his own Glory . I am sure the Event or Success can never state the Justice of any Cause , nor the peace of mens Consciences , nor the eternal fate of their Souls . Those with Me had ( I think ) clearly and undoubtedly for their Justification the Word of Cod and the Laws of the Land , together with their own Oaths ; all requiring Obedience to My just Commands ; but to none other under Heaven without Me , or against Me , in the point of raising Arms. Those on the other side are forced to flie to the shifts of some pretended Fears , and wild fundamentals of State ( as they call them ) which actually overthrow the present Fabrick both of Church and State ; being such imaginary Reasons for self-defence as are most impertinent for those men to alledg , who being My Subjects , were manifestly the first assaulters of Me and the Laws , first by unsuppressed Tumults , after by listed Forces . The same Allegations they use , will fit any Faction that hath but power and Confidence enough to second with the Sword all their demands against the Present Laws and Governors ; which can never be such as some Side or other will not find fault with , so as to urge what they call a Reformation of them , to a Rebellion against them . Some parasitick Preachers have dared to call those Martyrs who died fighting against Me , the Laws , their Oaths , and the Religion established : But sober Christians know , that glorious Title can with truth be applied only to those who sincerely preferred God's Truth and their Duty in all these particulars before their Lives and all that was dear to them in this world ; who having no advantagious designs by any Innovation , were religiously sensible of those ties to God , the Church , and My self , which lay upon their Souls , both for Obedience and just Assistance . God could , and I doubt not but he did , through his Mercy , crown many of them with Eternal Life whose lives were lost in so just a Cause ; the destruction of their Bodies being sanctified as a means to save their Souls . Their Wounds and temporal Ruine serving as a gracious opportunity for their eternal Health and Happiness , while the evident approach of Death , did through Gods Grace , effectually dispose their hearts to such Humility , Faith and Repentance , which , together with the Rectitude of their present Engagement , would fully prepare them for a better Life than that which their Enemies brutish and disloyal Fierceness could deprive them of , or without Repentance hope to enjoy . They have often indeed had the better against My side in the Field , but never , I believe , at the Bar of Gods Tribunal , or their own Consciences ; where they are more afraid to encounter those many pregnant Reasons , both from Law , Allegiance and all true Christian grounds , which conflict with , and accuse them in their own thoughts , than they oft were in a desperate bravery to fight against those Forces which sometimes God gave Me. Whose condition conquered and dying I make no question but is infinitely more to be chosen by a sober man ( that duly values his Duty , his Soul and Eternity beyond the enjoyments of this present Life ) than the most triumphant glory wherein their and Mine Enemies supervive ; who can hardly avoid to be daily tormented by that horrid guilt wherewith their suspitious or now-convincted Consciences do pursue them ; especially since they and all the World have seen how false and un-intended those pretensions were which they first set forth as the only plausible ( tho not justifiable ) grounds of raising a War , and continuing it thus long against Me and the Laws established , in whose safety and preservation all honest men think the welfare of their Country doth consist . For and with all which it is far more honourable and comfortable to suffer , than to prosper in their ruine and subversion . I have often prayed , that all on My side might joyn true Piety with the sense of their Loyalty , and be as faithful to God and their own Souls as they were to Me : That the defects of the one might not blast the endeavours of the other . Yet I cannot think that any shews or truth of Piety on the other side were sufficient to dispence with , or expiate the defects of their Duty and Loyalty to Me , which have so pregnant convictions on mens Consciences , that even profaner men are moved by the sense of them to venture their lives for Me. I never had any Victory which was without My Sorrow , because it was on mine own Subjects , who , like Absolom , died many of them in their sin : And yet I never suffered any Defeat which made Me despair of Gods Mercy and Defence . I never desired such Victories as might serve to conquer , but only restore the Laws and Liberties of My People ; which I saw were extremely oppressed , together with My Rights , by those men who were impatient of any just restraint . When Providence gave Me or denied Me Victory , My desire was neither to boast of My Power , nor to charge God foolishly ; who I believe at last would make all things to work together for My good . I wished no greater advantages by the War , than to bring My Enemies to Moderation , and My Friends to Peace . I was afraid of the temptation of an absolute Conquest , and never prayed more for Victory over others than over My self . When the first was denied , the second was granted Me , which God saw best for Me. The different events were but the methods of Divne Justice , by contrary winds to winnow us : That by punishing our Sins he might purge them from us ; and by dedeferring Peace , he might prepare us more to prize and better to use so great a Blessing . My often Messages for Peace shewed that I delighted not in War : as my former Concessions sufficiently testified how willingly I would have prevented it ; and my total unpreparedness for it , how little I intended it . The conscience of my Innocency forbade Me to fear a War ; but the love of My Kingdoms commanded Me ( if possible ) to avoid it . I am guilty in this War of nothing but this , That I gave such advantages to some men by confirming their Power , which they knew not to use with that modesty and gratitude which became their Loyalty and My Confidence . Had I yielded less , I had been opposed less ; had I denied more , I had been more obeyed . 'T is now too late to review the Occasions of the War ; I wish only a happy Conclusion of so unhappy Beginnings . The inevitable fate of our Sins was ( no doubt ) such , as would no longer suffer the Divine Justice to be quiet : we having conquered his Patience , are condemned by mutual conquerings to destroy one another ; for the most prosperous Successes on either side impair the welfare of the whole . Those Victories are still miserable that leave our Sins un-subdued , flushing our Pride , and animating to continue Injuries . Peace it self is not desirable , till Repentance have prepared us for it . When we fight more against our selves and less against God , we shall cease fighting one against another . I pray God these may all meet in our hearts , and so dispose us to an happy conclusion of these Civil Wars , that I may know better to obey God , and govern my People , and they may learn better to obey both God and Me. Nor do I desire any man should be further subject to Me , than all of us may be subject to God. O my God , make Me content to be overcome , when Thou wilt have it so . Teach Me the noblest Victory over My self and my Enemies by Patience ; which was Christs Conquest , and may well become a Christian King. Between both thy hands , the right sometimes supporting , and the left afflicting , fashion us to that frame of Piety Thou likest best . Forgive the Pride that attends our prosperous , and the Repinings which follow our disastrous events ; when going forth in our own strength , Thou withdrawest thine , and goest not forth with our Armies . Be Thou all , when we are something , and when we are nothing ; that Thou mayest have the Glory , when we are in a victorious or inglorious condition . Thou , O Lord , knowest how hard it is for Me to suffer so much evil from my Subjects , to whom I intend nothing but good ; and I cannot but suffer in those Evils which they compel Me to inflict upon them , punishing My self in their Punishments . Since therefore both in conquering and being conquered I am still a Sufferer ; I beseech Thee to give Me a double portion of thy Spirit , and that measure of Grace which only can be sufficient for Me. As I am most afflicted , so make Me most reformed ; that I may be not only happy to see an end of these Civil Distractions , but a chief instrument to restore and establish a firm and blessed Peace to My Kingdoms . Stir up in all parties pious ambitions to overcome each other with Reason , Moderation , and such Self-denial as becomes those who consider , that our mutual Divisions are our common Distractions , and the Vnion of all is every good mans chiefest Interest . If , O Lord , as for the sins of our Peace Thou hast brought upon us the miseries of War , so for the sins of War Thou shouldst see fit still to deny us the blessing of Peace , and so keep us in a circulation of Miseries ; yet give Me thy Servant , and all Loyal ( tho afflicted ) Subjects , to enjoy that Peace which the world can neither give to us nor take from us . Impute not to Me the Blood of My Subjects , which with infinite unwillingness and grief hath been shed by Me in My just and necessary Defence ; but wash Me with that precious Blood which hath been shed for Me by my great Peace-maker , Jesus Christ : who will , I trust , redeem Me shortly out of all My Troubles ; for I know the triumphing of the Wicked is but short , and the joy of Hypocrites is but for a moment . XX. Vpon the Reformations of the Times . NO Glory is more to be envied than that of due Reforming either Church or State , when Deformities are such that the Perturbation and Novelty are not like to exceed the benefit of Reforming . Altho God should not honour Me so far as to make Me an instrument of so good a work , yet I should be glad to see it done . As I was well pleased with this Parliaments first intentions , to reform what the indulgence of Times and corruption of Manners might have depraved ; so I am sorry to see , after the freedom of Parliament was by factious Tumults oppressed , how little regard was had to the good Laws established and the Religion setled , which ought to be the first Rule and Standard of Reforming : with how much Partiality and popular Compliance the Passions and Opinions of men have been gratified , to the detriment of the Publick , and the infinite Scandal of the Reformed Religion . What dissolutions of all Order and Government in the Church ; what Novelties of Schisms and corrupt Opinions ; what Undecencies and Confusions in Sacred Administrations ; what Sacrilegious invasions upon the Rights and Revenues of the Church ; what Contempt and Oppressions of the Clergy ; what injurious Diminutions and Persecutings of Me , have followed ( as showres do warm gleams ) the talk of Reformation , all sober men are Witnesses , and with My self sad Spectators hitherto . The great miscarriage , I think , is , that Popular clamors and fury have been allowed the Reputation of Zeal and the publick Sense ; so that the study to please some Parties hath indeed injured all . Freedom , Moderation and Impartiality , are sure the best tempers of Reforming Counsels and endeavours : What is acted by Factions cannot but offend more than it pleaseth . I have offered to put all differences in Church affairs and Religion to the free consultation of a Synod or Convocation rightly chosen ; the results of whose Counsels as they would have included the Votes of all , so it 's like they would have given most satisfaction to all . The Assembly of Divines , whom the Two Houses have applied ( in an unwonted way ) to advise of Church Affairs , I dislike not further than that they are not legally convened and chosen , nor act in the name of all the Clergy of England ; nor with freedom and impartiality can do any thing , being limited and confined , if not over-awed , to do and declare what they do . For I cannot think so many men , cried up for Learning and Piety , who formerly allowed the Liturgy and Government of the Church of England as to the main , would have so suddenly agreed quite to abolish both of them , ( the last of which they knew to be of Apostolical institution at least , as of Primitive and Universal practice ) if they had been left to the liberty of their own sussrages ; and if the influence of contrary Factions had not by secret encroachments of hopes and fears prevailed upon them , to comply with so great and dangerous Innovations in the Church , without any regard to their own former Judgment and Practice , or to the common Interest and Honour of all the Clergy , and in them of Order , Learning and Religion ; against examples of all Ancient Churches , the Laws in force , and My Consent , which is never to be gained against so pregnant light as in that point shines on My Understanding . For I conceive that where the Scripture is not so clear and punctual in Precepts , there the constant and universal Practice of the Church in things not contrary to Reason , Faith , Good Manners , or any positive Command , is the best Rule that Christians can follow . I was willing to grant or restore to Presbytery what with Reason or Discretion it can pretend to , in a conjuncture with Episcopacy : but for that wholly to invade the Power , and by the Sword to arrogate and quite abrogate the Authority of that Ancient Order , I think neither just as to Episcopacy , nor safe for Presbytery , nor yet any way convenient for this Church or State. A due Reformation had easily followed moderate Counsels , and such ( I believe ) as would have given more content even to the most of those Divines who have been led on with much Gravity and Formality to carry on other mens designs : which no doubt many of them by this time discover , tho they dare not but smother their frustrations and discontents . The specious and popular titles of Christ's Government , Throne , Scepter and Kingdom ( which certainly is not divided , nor hath two faces , as their Parties now have at least ) as also the noise of a thorough Reformation , may as easily be fixed on new models , as fair colours may be put to ill-favoured figures . The breaking of Church-Windows , which time had sufficiently defaced ; pulling down of Crosses , which were but Civil , not Religious marks ; defacing of the Monuments and Inscriptions of the Dead , which served but to put Posterity in mind to thank God for that clearer light wherein they live ; the leaving of all Ministers to their liberties and private abilities in the Publick Service of God , where no Christian can tell to what he may say Amen , nor what adventure he may make of seeming , at least , to consent to the Errors , Blasphemies and ridiculous Undecencies , which bold and ignorant men list to vent in their Prayers , Preaching , and other Offices ; the setting forth also of old Catechisms and Confessions of Faith new drest , importing as much as if there had been no sound or clear Doctrine of Faith in this Church , before some four or five years consultation had matured their thoughts touching their first Principles of Religion : All these and the like are the effects of popular , specious and deceitful Reformations ( that they might not seem to have nothing to do ) and may give some short flashes of content to the Vulgar ( who are taken with Novelties , as Children with Babies , very much , but not very long : ) but all this amounts not to , nor can in Justice merit the glory of the Churches thorough Reformation ; since they leave all things more deformed , disorderly and discontented than when they began , in point of Piety , Morality , Charity , and good Order . Nor can they easily recompence or remedy the Inconveniencies and Mischiefs which they have purchased so dearly , and which have and ever will necessarily ensue , till due Remedies be applied . I wish they would at last make it their Unanimous work to do Gods work , and not their own : Had Religion been first considered ( as it merited ) much trouble might have been prevented . But some men thought that the Government of this Church and State , fixed by so many Laws and long Customs , would not run into their new moulds , till they had first melted it in the fire of a Civil War ; by the advantages of which they resolved , if they prevailed , to make My self and all My Subjects fall down and worship the Images they should form and set up . If there had been as much of Christs Spirit for Meekness , Wisdom and Charity , in mens hearts , as there was of his Name used in the pretensions to reform all to Christs Rule , it would certainly have obtained more of God's Blessing , and produced more of Christs Glory , the Churches good , the Honour of Religion , and the Unity of Christians . Publick Reformers had need first act in private , and practise that on their own hearts which they purpose to try on others ; for Deformities within will soon betray the Pretenders of publick Reformation to such private Designs as must needs hinder the publick good . I am sure the right methods of Reforming the Church cannot consist with that of perturbing the Civil State , nor can Religion be justly advanced by depressing Loyalty , which is one of the chiefest Ingredients and Ornaments of true Religion ; for next to Fear God , is , Honour the King. I doubt not but Christs Kingdom may be set up without pulling down Mine ; nor will any men in impartial times appear good Christians , that approve not themselves good Subjects . Christ's Government will confirm Mine , not overthrow it ; since as I own Mine from Him , so I desire to Rule for his Glory and his Churches good . Had some men truly intended Christ's Government , or knew what it meant in their hearts , they could never have been so ill governed in their words and actions both against Me and one another . As good Ends cannot justifie evil Means , so nor will evil Beginnings ever bring forth good Conclusions ; unless God , by a miracle of Mercy , create Light out of Darkness , Order out of our Confusions , and Peace out of our Passions . Thou , O Lord , who only canst give us beauty for ashes , and Truth for Hypocrisie , suffer us not to be miserably deluded with Pharisaical washings , in stead of Christian Reformings . Our greatest Deformities are within : make us the severest Censurers and first Reformers of our own Souls . That we may in clearness of Judgment and Vprightness of heart be a means to reform what is indeed amiss in Church and State. Create in us clean hearts , O Lord , and renew right spirits within-us ; that we may do all by thy directions , to thy Glory , and with thy Blessing . Pity the Deformities which some rash and cruel Reformers have brought upon this Church and State ; quench the fires which Factions have kindled under the pretence of Reforming . As thou hast shewed the world by their Divisions and Confusions what is the pravity of some mens Intentions , and weakness of their Judgments ; so bring us at last more refined out of these fires , by the methods of Christian and charitable Reformations ; wherein nothing of Ambition , Revenge , Covetousness or Sacrilege may have any influence upon their counsels whom thy Providence in just and lawful ways shall entrnst with so great , good , and now most necessary a work . That I and My People may be so blest with inward Piety , as may best teach us how to use the Blessing of outward Peace . XXI . Vpon His MAJESTIES Letters taken and divulged . THE taking of My Letters was an opportunity , which as the malice of Mine Enemies could hardly have expected , so they knew not how with honour and civility to use it . Nor do I think , with sober and worthy minds , any thing in them could tend so much to My Reproach , as the odious divulging of them did to the infamy of the Divulgers : The greatest experiments of Virtue and Nobleness being discovered in the greatest advantages against an Enemy ; and the greatest Obligations being those which are put upon us by them from whom we could least have expected them . And such I should have esteemed the concealing of My Papers : The freedom and secrecy of which commands a Civility from all men not wholly barbarous ; nor is there any thing more inhumane than to expose them to publick view . Yet since Providence will have it so , I am content so much of My Heart ( which I study to approve to Gods Omniscience ) should be discovered to the world , without any of those dresses or popular captations which some men use in their Speeches and Expresses . I wish my Subjects had yet a clearer sight into My most retired Thoughts : Where they might discover how they are divided between the Love and Care I have , not more to preserve My own Rights , than to procure their Peace and Happiness ; and that extreme Grief to see them both deceived and destroyed . Nor can any mens Malice be gratified further by My Letters , than to see My Constancy to my Wife , the Laws and Religion . Bees will gather Honey where the Spider sucks Poyson . That I endeavour to avoid the pressures of my Enemies by all fair and just Correspondencies , no man can blame who loves Me or the Commonwealth ; since My Subjects can hardly be happy if I be miserable , or enjoy their Peace and Liberty while I am oppressed . The World may see how some Mens design , like Absolom's , is by enormous Actions to widen differences , and exasperate all Sides to such distances , as may make all Reconciliation desperate . Yet I thank God I can not only with Patience bear this as other Indignities , but with Charity forgive them . The Integrity of My Intentions is not jealous of any injury My Expressions can do them ; for although the confidence of Privacy may admit greater freedom in Writing such Letters which may be liable to envious exceptions ; yet the Innocency of My chief Purposes cannot be so stained or mis-interpreted by them , as not to let all men see , that I wish nothing more than an happy composure of Differences with Justice and Honour , not more to My own than My Peoples content , who have any sparks of Love or Loyalty left in them : who by those My Letters may be convinced , that I can both mind and act My own and My Kingdoms Affairs , so as becomes a Prince ; which Mine Enemies have always been very loth should be believed of Me , as if I were wholly confined to the Dictates and Directions of others , whom they please to brand with the name of Evil Counsellors . It 's probable some men will now look upon Me as My own Counsellor , and having none else to quarrel with , under that notion they will hereafter confine their anger to My self : Altho I know they are very unwilling I should enjoy the liberty of My own Thoughts , or follow the light of My own Conscience , which they labour to bring into an absolute captivity to themselves ; not allowing Me to think their Counsels to be other than good for Me , which have so long maintained a War against Me. The Victory they obtained that day when My Letters became their prize , had been enough to have satiated the most ambitious thirst of Popular glory among the Vulgar , with whom Prosperity gains the greatest esteem and applause , as Adversity exposeth to their greatest slighting and disrespect : As if good fortune were always the shadow of Virtue and Justice , and did not oftner attend Vicious and Injurious actions as to this world . But I see no Secular advantages seem sufficient to that Cause which began with Tumults , and depends chiefly upon the reputation with the Vulgar . They think no Victories so effectual to their designs as those that most rout and waste My Credit with My People ; in whose hearts they seek by all means to smother and extinguish all sparks of Love , Respect and Loyalty to Me , that they may never kindle again , so as recover Mine , the Laws and the Kingdoms Liberties , which some men seek to overthrow . The taking away of My Credit is but a necessary preparation to the taking away of My Life and My Kingdoms : first I must seem neither fit to Live , nor worthy to Reign ; by exquisite methods of Cunning and Cruelty I must be compelled first to follow the Funerals of My Honour , and then be destroyed . But I know God's un-erring and impartial Justice can and will over-rule the most perverse wills and designs of men ; He is able , and ( I hope ) will turn even the worst of Mine Enemies thoughts and actions to My good . Nor do I think that by the surprize of My Letters I have lost any more than so many Papers : How much they have lost of that reputation for Civility and Humanity , ( which ought to be paid to all men , and most becomes such as pretend to Religion ) besides that of Respect and Honour which they owe to their King , present and after-times will judge . And I cannot think that their own Consciences are so stupid , as not to inflict upon them some secret impressions of that Shame and Dishonour which attends all unworthy actions , have they never so much of publick flattery and popular countenance . I am sure they can never expect the Divine approbation of such indecent actions , if they do but remember how God blest the modest respect and filial tenderness which Noah's Sons bare to their Father ; nor did his open infirmity justify Cham's impudency , or exempt him from that Curse of being Servant of Servants : which Curse must needs be on them who seek by dishonourable actions to please the Vulgar , and confirm by ignoble acts their dependance upon the People . Nor can their Malicious intentions be ever either excusable or prosperous , who thought by this means to expose Me to the highest Reproach and Contempt of my People ; forgetting that duty of Modest concealment which they owed to the Father of their Country , in case they had discovered any real Uncomeliness , which , I thank God , they did not ; who can , and , I believe , hath made Me more respected in the hearts of many , ( as he did David ) to whom they thought , by publishing My private Letters , to have rendred me as a vile Person , not fit to be trusted , or considered under any notion of Majesty . But Thou , O Lord , whose wise and all-disposing Providence ordereth the greatest contingencies of humane affairs , make Me to see the constancy of Thy Mercies to Me in the greatest advantages Thou seemest to give the Malice of My Enemies against Me. As Thou didst blast the counsel of Achitophel , turning it to David's good and his own ruine ; so canst Thou defeat their design who intended by publishing My private Letters nothing else but to render Me more odious and contemptible to my People . I must first appeal to thy Omniscience , who canst witness with my Integrity , how unjust and false those scandalous Misconstructions are , which My Enemies endeavour by those Papers of Mine to represent to the world . Make the evil they imagined , and displeasure they intended thereby against Me , so to return on their own heads , that they may be ashamed , and covered with their own Confusion as with a cloak . Thou seest how Mine Enemies use all means to cloud Mine Honour , to pervert My purposes , and to slander the footsteps of thine Anointed . But give Me an heart content to be dishonoured for thy sake and thy Churches good . Fix in Me a purpose to honour Thee , and then I know Thou wilt honour Me , either by restoring to Me the enjoyment of that Power and Majesty which Thou hast suffered some men to seek to deprive Me of ; or by bestowing on Me that crown of Christian Patience , which knows how to serve Thee in honour or dishonour , in good report or evil . Thou , O Lord , art the fountain of Goodness and Honour , Thou art clothed with excellent Majesty ; make Me to partake of thy Excellency for Wisdom , Justice and Mercy , and I shall not want that degree of Honour and Majesty which becomes the Place in which thou hast set Me , who art the lifter up of my head , and my Salvation . Lord , by thy Grace lead Me to thy Glory , which is both true and eternal . XXII . Vpon His MAJESTIES leaving Oxford , and going to the SCOTS . ALtho God hath given Me Three Kingdoms , yet in these He hath not now left Me any place where I may with safety and Honor rest My Head ; shewing Me that Himself is the safest Refuge , and the strongest Tower of Defence , in which I may put My Trust . In these Extremities I look not to man so much as to God : He will have it thus ; that I may wholly cast My self , and My now distressed Affairs upon his Mercy , who hath both the hearts and hands of all men in his dispose . What Providence denies to Force , it may grant to Prudence : Necessity is now My Counsellor , and commands Me to study My Safety by a disguised withdrawing from My chiefest Strength , and adventuring upon their Loyalty who first began my Troubles . Haply God may make them a means honourably to compose them . This My Confidence of them may disarm and overcome them : My rendring My Person to them may engage their Affections to Me , who have oft professed , They fought not against Me , but for Me. I must now resolve the riddle of their Loyalty , and give them opportunity to let the world see they mean not what they do , but what they say . Yet must God be My chiefest Guard , and My Conscience both My Counsellor and My Comforter . Tho I put my Body into their hands , yet I shall reserve My Soul to God and My self ; nor shall any Necessities compel Me to desert mine Honour , or swerve from My Judgment . What they sought to take by Force , shall now be given them in such a way of unusual Confidence of them , as may make them ashamed not to be really such as they ought , and professed to be . God sees it not enough to deprive Me of all Military Power , to defend My self ; but to put Me upon using their power , who seem to fight against Me , yet ought in duty to defend Me. So various are all human affairs , and so necessitous may the state of Princes be , that their greatest Danger may be in their supposed Safety , and their Safety in their supposed Danger . I must now leave those that have adhered to Me , and apply to those that have opposed Me : this method of Peace may be more prosperous than that of War , both to stop the effusion of blood , and to close those wounds already made . And in it I am no less solicitous for My Friends safety than Mine own ; chusing to venture My self upon further hazards , rather than expose their resolute Loyalty to all extremities . It is some skill in play to know when a game is lost : better fairly to give over , than to contest in vain . I must now study to re-inforce my Judgment , and fortifie my Mind with Reason and Religion ; that I may not seem to offer up My Souls Liberty , or make My Conscience their Captive , who ought at first to have used Arguments , nor Arms , to have perswaded My Consent to their new demands . I thank God , no Success darkens or disguises Truth to Me ; and I shall no less conform my words to my inward dictates now , than if they had been , as the words of a KING ought to be among Loyal Subjects , full of power . Reason is the Divinest power : I shall never think My self weakned , while I may make full and free use of that . No eclipse of outward fortune shall rob me of that light : what God hath denied of outward Strength , his Grace , I hope , will supply with inward Resolutions ; not morosely to deny what is fit to be granted , but not to grant any thing which Reason and Religion bids me deny . I shall never think My self less than My self , while I am able thus to preserve the Integrity of My Conscience , the only Jewel now left Me which is worth keeping . O Thou Soveraign of our Souls , the only Commander of our Consciences ; tho I know not what to do , yet mine eyes are toward Thee : To the protection of thy Mercy I still commend My self . As Thou hast preserved Me in the day of Battel , so Thou canst still shew Me thy strength in My weakness . Be Thou unto Me in My darkest night a pillar of Fire , to enlighten and direct Me ; in the day of my hottest Affliction be also a pillar of Cloud , to overshadow and protect Me ; be to Me both a Sun and a Shield . Thou knowest that it is not any perverseness of Will ; but just perswasions of Honour , Reason and Religion , which have made Me thus far to hazard my Person , Peace and safety , against those that by Force have sought to wrest them from Me. Suffer not My just Resolutions to abate with My outward Forces ; let a good Conscience always accompany Me in my greatest Solitude and Desertions . Suffer Me not to betray the powers of Reason , and that Fortress of My Soul , which I am intrusted to keep for Thee . Lead Me in the paths of thy Righteousness , and shew Me thy Salvation . Make My ways to please Thee , and then Thou wilt make Mine Enemies to be at Peace with Me. XXIII . Vpon the SCOTS delivering the KING to the English , and His Captivity at Holdenby . YET may I justifie those Scots to all the world in this , that they have not deceived Me , for I never trusted to them further than to men : If I am sold by them , I am only sorry they should do it ; and that My price should be so much above my Saviour's . These are but further Essays which God will have Me make of mans Uncertainty , the more to fix Me on Himself , who never faileth them that trust in him . Tho the Reeds of Egypt break under the hand of him that leans on them ; yet the Rock of Israel will be an everlasting stay and defence . Gods Providence commands Me to retire from all to himself , that in him I may enjoy My self , whom I lose while I let out my hopes to others . The Solitude and Captivity to which I am now reduced , gives Me leisure enough to study the World's Vanity and Inconstancy . God sees it fit to deprive Me of Wife , Children , Army , Friends and Freedom , that I may be wholly His , who alone is all . I care not much to be reckoned among the Unfortunate , if I be not in the black list of Irreligious and Sacrilegious Princes . No Restraint shall ensnare My Soul in sin , nor gain that of Me which may make My Enemies more insolent , My Friends ashamed , or My Name accursed . They have no great cause to triumph that they have got My Person into their power , since My Soul is still My own : nor shall they ever gain My Consent against My Conscience . What they call Obstinacy , I know God accounts honest Constancy , from which Reason and Religion , as well as Honour , forbid Me to recede . 'T is evident now , that it was not Evil Counsellors with Me , but a good Conscience in Me , which hath been fought against ; nor did they ever intend to bring Me to My Parliament , till they had brought My Mind to their obedience . Should I grant what some men desire , I should be such as they wish Me ; not more a King , and far less both Man and Christian . What Tumults and Armies could not obtain , neither shall Restraint ; which tho it have as little of Safety to a Prince , yet it hath not more of Danger . The Fear of men shall never be My Snare , nor shall the love of any Liberty entangle my Soul : Better others betray Me than My self , and that the price of my Liberty should be My Conscience . The greatest Injuries My Enemies seek to inflict upon Me cannot be without My own Consent . While I can deny with Reason , I shall defeat the greatest impressions of their Malice , who neither know how to use worthily what I have already granted , nor what to require more of Me but this , that I would seem willing to help them to destroy My self and Mine . Altho they should destroy Me , yet they shall have no cause to despise Me. Neither Liberty nor Life are so dear to Me as the Peace of My Conscience , the Honour of My Crowns , and the welfare of My People ; which My Word may injure more than any War can do , while I gratifie a few to oppress all . The Laws will , by God's blessing , revive , with the Love and Loyalty of my Subjects , if I bury them not by My Consent , and cover them in that grave of dishonour and injustice which some mens Violence hath digged for them . If my Captivity or Death must be the price of their Redemption , I grudg not to pay it . No condition can make a King miserable , which carries not with it his Souls , his Peoples , and Posterities Thraldom . After-times may see what the Blindness of this Age will not ; and God may at length shew My subjects , that I chose rather to suffer for them than with them . Haply I might redeem My self to some shew of Liberty , if I would consent to enslave them . I had rather hazard the Ruin of one King , than to confirm many Tyrants over them ; from whom I pray God deliver them , whatever becomes of Me , whose Solitude hath not left Me alone For Thou , O God , infinitely good and great , art with Me , whose Presence is better than Life , and whose Service is perfect Freedom . Own Me for thy Servant , and I shall never have cause to complain for want of that Liberty which becomes a Man , a Christian , and a King. Bless Me still with Reason as a Man , with Religion as a Christian , and with Constancy in Justice as a King. Tho Thou sufferest Me to be stript of all outward Ornaments , yet preserve Me ever in those enjoyments wherein I may enjoy Thy self , and which cannot be taken from Me against My Will. Let no fire of Affliction boyl over my Passion to any Impatience or sordid Fears . There be many say of Me , there is no help for Me : do Thou lift up the light of thy Countenance upon Me , and I shall never want Safety , Liberty , nor Majesty . Give Me that measure of Patience and Constancy which my condition now requires . My strength is scattered , my expectation from men defeated , my Person restrained : O be not Thou far from Me , lest My Enemies prevail too much against Me. I am become a wonder and a scorn to many : O be Thou My Helper and Defender . Shew some token upon Me for good , that they that hate Me may be ashamed , because Thou , Lord , hast holpen and comforted Me. Establish Me with thy free Spirit , that I may do and suffer Thy will , as Thou wouldst have Me. Be merciful to Me , O Lord , for my Soul trusteth in Thee : yea and in the shadow of thy wings will I make my refuge , until these Calamities be over-past . Arise to deliver Me , make no long tarrying , O my God. Tho Thou killest Me , yet will I trust in thy Mercy and My Saviour's Merit . I know that My Redeemer liveth : tho Thou leadest Me through the vale and shadow of Death , yet shall I fear none ill . XXIV . Vpon their denying His MAJESTY the attendance of His Chaplains . WHen Providence was pleased to deprive Me of all other civil Comforts and secular Attendants , I thought the absence of them all might best be supplied by the attendance of some of My Chaplains ; whom for their Function I reverence , and for their Fidelity I have cause to love . By their Learning , Piety and Prayers I hoped to be either better enabled to sustain the want of all other enjoyments , or better fitted for the recovery and use of them in God's good time : so reaping by their Pious help a spiritual harvest of Grace , amidst the thorns and after the plowings of temporal Crosses . The truth is , I never needed or desired more the service and assistance of men judiciously Pious and soberly Devout . The Solitude they have confined Me unto , adds the Wilderness to My Temptations : For the company they obtrude upon Me is more sad than any Solitude can be . If I had asked My Revenues , My Power of the Militia , or any one of My Kingdoms , it had been no wonder to have been denied in those things , where the evil Policy of men forbids all just restitution , lest they should confess an injurious Usurpation : But to deny Me the Ghostly comfort of My Chaplains , seems a greater Rigor and Barbarity than is ever used by Christians to the meanest Prisoners and greatest Malefactors ; whom tho the Justice of the Law deprives of worldly comforts , yet the Mercy of Religion allows them the benefit of their Clergy , as not aiming at once to destroy their Bodies , and to damn their Souls . But My Agony must not be relieved with the presence of any one good Angel ; for such I account a Learned , Godly , and discreet Divine : and such I would have all mine to be . They that envy My being a King , are loth I should be a Christian ; while they seek to deprive Me of all things else , they are afraid I should save My Soul. Other sense Charity it self can hardly pick out of those many harsh Repulses I received , as to that Request so often made for the attendance of some of My Chaplains . I have sometime thought , the Unchristianness of those denials might arise from a displeasure some men had to see Me prefer My own Divines before their Ministers : whom tho I respect for that worth and piety which may be in them ; yet I cannot think them so proper for My present Comforters or Physicians , who have ( some of them at least ) had so great an influence in occasioning these Calamities , and inflicting these Wounds upon Me. Nor are the soberest of them so apt for that Devotional compliance and juncture of hearts , which I desire to bear in those holy Offices to be performed with Me and for Me ; since their Judgments standing at a distance from Me , or in jealousie of Me , or in opposition against Me , their Spirits cannot so harmoniously accord with Mine , or Mine with theirs , either in Prayer or other holy Duties , as is meet and most comfortable ; whose Golden Rule and bond of Perfection consists in that of mutual Love and Charity . Some Remedies are worse than the Disease , and some Comforters more miserable than Misery it self : when like Job's Friends , they seek not to fortifie ones mind with Patience , but perswade a man , by betraying his own Innocency , to despair of God's Mercy ; and by justifying their injuries , to strengthen the hands and harden the hearts of insolent Enemies . I am so much a friend to all Church-men that have any thing in them beseeming that Sacred Function , that I have hazarded My own Interest chiefly upon Conscience and Constancy to maintain their Rights : whom the more I looked upon as Orphans , and under the Sacrilegious eyes of many cruel and rapacious Reformers ; the more I thought it My duty to appear as a Father and a Patron for them and the Church . Although I am very unhandsomly requited by some of them , who may live to repent no less for My Sufferings than their own ungrateful Errors , and that injurious Contempt and Meanness which they have brought upon their Calling and Persons . I pity all of them , I despise none ; only I thought I might have leave to make choice of some for my special Attendants , who were best approved in My Judgment , and most suitable to My Affection . For I held it better to seem undevout , and to hear no mens Prayers , than to be forced , or seem to comply with those Petitions to which the Heart cannot consent , nor the Tongue say Amen , without contradicting a mans own Understanding , or belying his own Soul. In Devotions I love neither Profane Boldness , nor Pious Nonsense ; but such an humble and judicious Gravity , as shews the Speaker to be at once considerate of God's Majesty , the Churches Honour , and his own Vileness ; both knowing what things God allows him to ask , and in what manner it becomes a Sinner to supplicate the Divine Mercy for himself and others . I am equally scandalized with all Prayers that sound either imperiously , or rudely , or passionately ; as either wanting Humility to God , or Charity to men , or Respect to the Duty . I confess I am better pleased , as with studied and premeditated Sermons , so with such publick Forms of Prayer as are fitted to the Churches and every Christians daily and common necessities ; because I am by them better assured what I may joyn my Heart unto , than I can be of any mans Extemporary sufficiency ; which as I do not wholly exclude from publick occasions , so I allow its just liberty and use in private and devout retirements , where neither the solemnity of the Duty , nor the modest regard to others do require so great exactness as to the outward manner of performance . Tho the light of Understanding and the fervency of Affection , I hold the main and most necessary requisites both in constant and occasional , solitary and social Devotions . So that I must needs seem to all equal minds , with as much Reason to prefer the service of My own Chaplains before that of their Ministers , as I do the Liturgy before their Directory . In the one I have been always educated and exercised ; in the other I am not yet Catechised nor acquainted : And if I were , yet should I not by that , as by any certain Rule and Canon of Devotion , be able to follow or find out the indirect extravagancies of most of those men who highly cry up that as a piece of rare composure and use , which is already as much despised and disused by many of them , as the Common-prayer sometimes was by those men , a great part of whose piety hung upon that popular pin of railing against and contemning the Government and Liturgy of this Church . But I had rather be condemned to the woe of Vae soli , than to that of Vae vobis , Hypocritae , by seeming to pray what I do not approve . It may be , I am esteemed by my Deniers sufficient of My self to discharge My Duty to God as a Priest , tho not to Men as a Prince . Indeed I think both Offices , Regal and Sacerdotal , might well become the same Person ; as anciently they were under one name , and the united rights of primogeniture : Nor could I follow better precedents , if I were able , than those two eminent Kings , David and Solomon ; not more famous for their Scepters and Crowns , than one was for devout Psalms and Prayers , the other for his Divine Parables and Preaching : whence the one merited and assumed the name of a Prophet , the other of a Preacher . Titles indeed of greater honour , where rightly placed , than any of those the Roman Emperors affected from the Nations they subdued ; it being infinitely more glorious to convert Souls to Gods Church by the Word , than to conquer men to a subjection by the Sword. Yet since the order of Gods Wisdom and Providence hath , for the most part , always distinguished the gifts and Offices of Kings and Priests , of Princes and Preachers , both in the Jewish and Christian Churches ; I am sorry to find My self reduced to the necessity of being both , or enjoying neither . For such as seek to deprive Me of My Kingly Power and Soveraignty , would no less enforce Me to live many months without all Prayers , Sacraments and Sermons , unless I become My own Chaplain . As I owe the Clergy the protection of a Christian KING , so I desire to enjoy from them the benefit of their Gifts and Prayers ; which I look upon as more prevalent than My own or other mens , by how much they flow from Minds more enlightned , and Affections less distracted than those which are encumbred with Secular affairs : besides , I think a greater Blessing and acceptableness attends those Duties , which are rightly performed , as proper to and within the limits of that calling to which God and the Church have specially designed and consecrated some men . And however , as to that Spiritual Government by which the Devout Soul is subject to Christ , and through his Merits daily offers it self and its services to God , every private believer is a King and a Priest , invested with the honour of a Royal Priesthood ; yet as to Ecclesiastical order and the outward Polity of the Church , I think confusion in Religion will as certainly follow every mans turning Priest or Preacher , as it will in the State where every one affects to rule as King. I was always bred to more modest , and , I think , more Pious Principles : The consciousness to my Spiritual defects makes Me more prize and desire those Pious assistances which holy and good Ministers , either Bishops or Presbyters , may afford Me ; especially in these Extremities to which God hath been pleased to suffer some of my Subjects to reduce Me , so as to leave them nothing more but my Life to take from Me ; and to leave Me nothing to desire , which I thought might less provoke their Jealousy and offence to deny Me than this , of having some means afforded Me for my Souls comfort and support . To which end I made choice of men , as no way ( that I know ) scandalous , so every way eminent for their Learning and Piety , no less than for their Loyalty : nor can I imagine any exceptions to be made against them but only this , That they may seem too able , and too well-affected toward Me and my Service . But this is not the first service ( as I count it the best ) in which they have forced Me to serve My self : tho I must consess , I bear with more grief and impatience the want of my Chaplains than of any other my Servants , and next ( if not beyond in some things ) to the being sequestred from my Wife and Children ; since from these indeed more of human and temporary Affections , but from those more of Heavenly and Eternal Improvements may be expected . My comfort is , that in the enforced ( not neglected ) want of ordinary means , God is wont to afford extraordinary supplies of his Gifts and Graces . If his Spirit will teach Me , and help my infirmities in Prayer , Reading and Meditation , ( as I hope he will ) I shall need no other either Orator or Instructor . To Thee therefore , O My God , do I direct my now solitary Prayers : What I want of others help , supply with the more immediate assistances of thy Spirit , which alone can both enlighten my darkness , and quicken my dulness . O thou Sun of Righteousness , thou Sacred Fountain of Heavenly Light and Heat , at once clear and warm my Heart , both by instructing of Me , and interceding for Me. In Thee is all Fulness , from Thee is all Sufficiency , by Thee is all Acceptance . Thou art company enough , and comfort enough : Thou art my King , be also my Prophet and my Priest . Rule Me , teach Me , pray in Me , for Me , and be Thou ever with Me. The single wrestlings of Jacob prevailed with Thee in that Sacred Duel , when he had none to second him but Thy self , who didst assist him with power to overcome Thee , and by a welcome violence to wrest a Blessing from Thee , O look on Me thy Servant in infinite mercy , whom Thou didst once bless with the joint and sociated Devotions of others , whose fervency might inflame the coldness of my Affections towards Thee ; when we went to or met in thy House with the Voice of joy and gladness , worshipping Thee in the unity of Spirits and with the bond of Peace . O forgive the neglect and not improving of those happy Opportunities . It is now thy pleasure that I should be as a Pelican in the wilderness , as a Sparrow on the house top , and as a Coal scattered from all those pious glowings and devout reflections which might best kindle , preserve and encrease the holy fire of thy Graces on the Altar of my Heart , whence the sacrifice of Prayers and incense of Praises might be duly offered up to Thee . Yet , O Thou that breakest not the bruised Reed , nor quenchest the smoaking Flax , do not despise the weakness of my Prayers , nor the smotherings of my Soul in this uncomfortable loneness , to which I am constrained by some mens uncharitable denials of those helps which I much want , and no less desire . O let the hardness of Their Hearts occasion the softnings of mine to Thee and for them . Let their Hatred kindle my Love , let their unreasonable denials of my Religious desires the more excite my Prayers to Thee . Let their inexorable deafness encline thine ear to Me , who art a God easy to be entreated : Thine Ear is not heavy , that it cannot , nor thy Heart hard , that it will not hear ; nor thy Hand shortned , that it cannot help Me thy desolate Suppliant . Thou permittest men to deprive Me of those outward means which Thou hast appointed in thy Church ; but they cannot debar Me from the communion of that inward Grace which Thou alone breathest into humble hearts . O make Me such , and Thou wilt teach Me , Thou wilt hear Me , Thou wilt help Me : the broken and contrite heart , I know , Thou wilt not despise . Thou , O Lord , canst at once make Me thy Temple , thy Priest , thy Sacrifice , and thine Altar ; while from an humble Heart I ( alone ) daily offer up in holy Meditations , fervent Prayers , and unfeigned Tears , my self to Thee , who preparest Me for Thee , dwellest in Me , and acceptest of Me. Thou , O Lord , didst cause by secret supplies and miraculous infusions , that the handful of meal in the vessel should not spend , nor the little Oyl in the cruise fail the Widow , during the time of drought and dearth . O look on my Soul , which , as a Widow , is now desolate and forsaken : let not those saving truths I have formerly learned now fail my memory ; nor the sweet effusions of thy Spirit , which I have sometime felt , now be wanting to my Heart in this Famine of ordinary and wholsome food , for the refreshing of my Soul. Which yet I had rather chuse , than to feed from those hands who mingle my bread with ashes , and my wine with gall , rather tormenting than teaching Me ; whose mouths are proner to bitter Reproaches of Me , than to hearty Prayers for Me. Thou knowest , O Lord of Truth , how oft they wrest thy Holy Scriptures to my destruction , ( which are clear for their Subjection , and my Preservation : ) O let it not be to their damnation . Thou knowest how some men ( under colour of long Prayers ) have sought to devour the houses of their Brethren , their King , and their God. O let not those mens Balms break my head , nor their Cordials oppress my heart : I will evermore pray against their Wickedness . From the poison under their tongues , from the snares of their lips , from the fire and the swords of their words , ever deliver Me , O Lord , and all those Loyal and Religious hearts who desire and delight in the prosperity of my Soul , and who seek by their Prayers to relieve this Sadness and Solitude of thy Servant , O my King , and my God. XXV . Penitential Meditations and Vows in the KING's Solitude at Holdenby . GIve ear to my words , O Lord , consider my Meditation , and hearken to the voice of my cry , my King and my God ; for unto Thee will I pray . I said in mine hast , I am cast out of the sight of thine eyes ; nevertheless Thou hearest the voice of my supplication , when I cry unto Thee . If Thou , Lord , shouldst be extream to mark what is done amiss , who can abide it ? But there is mercy with Thee , that Thou mayest be feared ; therefore shall sinners fly unto Thee . I acknowledg my Sins before Thee , which have the aggravation of my Condition ; the eminency of my Place adding weight to my Offences . Forgive , I beseech Thee , my personal and my peoples Sins , which are so far Mine , as I have not improved The power thou gavest Me to thy Glory and my Subjects good . Thou hast now brought Me from the glory and freedom of a King , to be a Prisoner to my own Subjects : justly , O Lord , as to thy over-ruling hand , because in many things I have rebelled against Thee . Tho Thou hast restrained my Person , yet enlarge my Heart to Thee , and thy Grace towards Me. I come far shart of David's Piety ; yet since I may equal David's Afflictions , give Me also the Comforts and the sure Mercies of David . Let the penitent sense I have of my Sins be an evidence to Me that Thou hast pardoned them . Let not the Evils which I and my Kingdoms have suffered seem little unto Thee , the Thou hast not punished us according to our Sins . Turn Thee ( O Lord ) unto Me ; have mercy upon Me , for I am desolate and afflicted . The sorrows of my Heart are enlarged ; O bring Thou Me out of my Troubles . Hast Thou forgotten to be gracious , and shut up thy loving kindness in displeasure ? O remember thy Compassions of old , and thy loving kindnesses which have been for many generations . I had utterly fainted , if I had not believed to see thy Goodness in the land of the living . Let not the sins of our Prosperity deprive us of the benefit of thy Afflictions . Let this fiery trial consume the dross which in long Peace and Plenty we had contracted . Tho Thou continuest Miseries , yet withdraw not thy Grace ; what is wanting of Prosperity , make up in Patience and Repentance . And if thy Anger be not yet to be turned away , but thy hand of Justice must be stretched out still ; let it , I beseech Thee , be against Me and my Fathers house : as for these Sheep what have they done ? Let my Sufferings satiate the malice of mine and thy Churches Enemies . But let their Cruelty never exceed the measure of my Charity . Banish from Me all thoughts of Revenge , that I may not lose the reward , nor Thou the glory of my Patience . As Thou givest Me a heart to forgive them , so I beseech Thee do Thou forgive what they have done against Thee and Me. And now , O Lord , as Thou hast given Me an heart to pray unto Thee , so hear and accept this Vow which I make before Thee . If Thou wilt in mercy remember Me and my Kingdoms , in continuing the light of thy Gospel , and setling thy true Religion among us ; In restoring to us the benefit of the Laws , and the due execution of Justice ; In suppressing the many Schisms in Church , and Factions in State : If Thou wilt restore Me and mine to the ancient Rights and Glory of my Predecessors : If Thou wilt turn the hearts of my People to Thy self in Piety , to Me in Loyalty , and to one another in Charity : If Thou wilt quench the flames and withdraw the fewel of these Civil Wars . If Thou wilt bless us with the freedom of publick Counsels , and deliver the Honour of Parliaments from the insolency of the Vulgar . If Thou wilt keep Me from the great offence of enacting any thing against my Conscience ; and especially from consenting to Sacrilegious Rapines and spoilings of thy Church : If Thou wilt restore Me to a capacity to glorifie Thee , in doing good both to the Church and State ; Then shall my Soul praise Thee , and magnifie thy Name before my People . Then shall thy Glory be dearer to Me than my Crowns , and the advancement of true Religion both in purity and power be my chiefest care : Then will I rule My People with Justice , and My Kingdoms with Equity . To thy more immediate hand shall I ever owe , as the rightful Succession , so the merciful Restauration of My Kingdoms , and the glory of them . If Thou wilt bring Me again with Peace , Safety and Honour , to my chiefest City and My Parliament : If Thou wilt again put the Sword of Justice into My hand , to punish and protect : Then will I make all the world to see , and my very Enemies to enjoy , the benefit of this Vow and Resolution of Christian Charity which I now make unto Thee , O Lord. As I do freely pardon , for Christ's sake , those that have offended Me in any kind ; so my hand shall never be against any man , to revenge what is past , in regard of any particular injury done to Me. We have been mutually punished in our unnatural Divisions ; for thy sake , O Lord , and for the love of my Redeemer , have I purposed this in my heart , That I will use all means in the ways of Amnestie and Indemnity , which may most fully remove all Fears , and bury all Jealousies in forgetfulness . Let thy Mercies be toward Me and Mine , as my resolutions of Truth and Peace are toward my People . Hear my Prayer , O Lord , which goeth not out of feigned lips . Blessed be God , who hath not turned away my Prayer , nor taken his Mercy from Me. O my Soul , commit thy way to the Lord ; trust in him , and he shall bring it to pass . But if Thou wilt not restore Me and Mine , what am I that I should charge Thee foolishly ? Thou , O Lord , hast given , and thou hast taken ; Blessed be thy Name . May my People and thy Church be happy , if not by Me , yet without Me. XXVI . Vpon the Armies Surprizal of the KING at Holdenby , and the ensuing Distractions in the Two Houses , the Army , and the City . WHat part God will have Me now to act or suffer in this new and strange scene of affairs I am not much solicitous : some little practice will serve that man who only seeks to represent a part of Honesty and Honour . This surprize of Me tells the world , that a KING cannot be so low but he is considerable , adding weight to that Party where he appears . This motion , like others of the Times , seems eccentrick and irregular , yet not well to be resisted or quieted : Better swim down such a stream , than in vain to strive against it . These are but the struglings of those Twins which lately one Womb enclosed , the younger striving to prevail against the elder ; what the Presbyterians have hunted after , the Independents now seek to catch for themselves . So impossible is to for lines to be drawn from the Center , and not to divide from each other so much the wider , by how much they go farther from the point of union . That the Builders of Babel should from Division fall fall to Confusion is no wonder ; but for those that pretend to build Jerusalem to divide their tongues and hands , is but an ill omen , and sounds too like the fury of those Zealots , whose intestine bitterness and divisions were the greatest occasion of the last fatal destruction of that City . Well may I change My Keepers and Prison , but not my captive Condition ; only with this hope of bettering , that those who are so much professed Patrons for the Peoples Liberties , cannot be utterly against the Liberty of their KING : What they demand for their own Consciences , they cannot in reason deny to Mine . In this they seem more ingenuous than the Presbyterian Rigor , who sometimes complaining of exacting their conformity to Laws , are become the greatest Exactors of other mens submission to their novel injunctions before they are stamped with the Authority of Laws , which they cannot well have without My Consent . 'T is a great argument that the Independents think themselves manumitted from their Rivals service , in that they carry on a business of such consequence as the assuming My Person into the Armies custody , without any Commission but that of their own Will and Power . Such as will thus adventure on a KING , must not be thought over-modest or timorous to carry on any design they have a mind to . Their next motion menaces and scares both the Two Houses and the City : which soon after acting over again that former part of tumultuary motions , ( never questioned , punished , or repented ) must now suffer for both , and see their former Sin in the glass of the present Terrors and Distractions . No man is so blind as not to see herein the hand of Divine Justice : they that by Tumults first occasioned the raising of Armies , must now be chastened by their own Army for new Tumults . So hardly can men be content with one sin , but add sin to sin , till the latter punish the former . Such as were content to see Me and many Members of both Houses driven away by the first unsuppressed Tumults , are now forced to fly to an Army , or defend themselves against them . But who can unfold the riddle of some mens Justice ? The Members of both Houses who at first withdrew ( as My self was forced to do ) from the rudeness of the Tumults , were counted Desertors , and outed of their Places in Parliament : such as stayed then , and enjoyed the benefit of the Tumults , were asserted for the only Parliament-men . Now the Fliers from , and Forsakers of their Places carry the Parliamentary power along with them , complain highly against the Tumults , and vindicate themselves by an Army : such as remained and kept their stations , are looked upon as Abettors of tumultuary insolencies , and betrayers of the freedom and honour of Parliament . Thus is Power above all Rule , Order and Law ; where men look more to present Advantages than their Consciences , and the unchangeable rules of Justice : while they are Judges of others , they are forced to condemn themselves . Now the Plea against Tumults holds good , the Authors and Abettors of them are guilty of prodigious Insolencies ; whenas before they were counted as Friends and necessary Assistants . I see Vengeance pursues and overtakes ( as the Mice and Rats are said to have done a Bishop in Germany ) them that thought to have escaped , and fortified themselves most impregnably against it both by their Multitude and Compliance . Whom the Laws cannot , God will punish by their own Crimes and hands . I cannot but observe this Divine Justice , yet with sorrow and pity ; for I always wished so well to Parliament and City , that I was sorry to see them do or suffer any thing unworthy such great and considerable Bodies in this Kingdom . I was glad to see them only scared and humbled , not broken by that shaking : I never had so ill a thought of those Cities as to despair of their Loyalty to Me ; which Mistakes might eclipse , but I never believed Malice had quite put out . I pray God the Storm be yet wholly passed over them ; upon whom I look , as Christ did sometime over Jerusalem , as objects of My Prayers and Tears , with compassionate Grief , foreseeing those severer scatterings which will certainly befall such as wantonly refuse to be gathered to their Duty : fatal blindness frequently attending and punishing wilfulness , so that men shall not be able at last to prevent their Sorrows , who would not timely repent of their Sins ; nor shall they be suffered to enjoy the Comforts , who securely neglect the Counsels belonging to their Peace . They will find that Brethren in iniquity are not far from becoming insolent Enemies ; there being nothing harder than to keep ill men long in one mind . Nor is it possible to gain a fair period for those motions which go rather in a round and circle of Fancy , than in a right line of Reason tending to the Law , the only Center of publick consistency ; whither I pray God at last bring all sides . Which will easily be done , when we shall fully see how much more happy we are to be subject to the known Laws , than to the various Wills of any men , seem they never so plausible at first . Vulgar compliance with any illegal and extravagant ways , like violent motions in Nature , soon grows weary of it self , and ends in a refractory sullenness : Peoples rebounds are oft in their faces who first put them upon those violent strokes . For the Army ( which is so far excusable as they act according to Soldiers Principles and Interests , demanding Pay and Indemnity ) I think it necessary , in order to the Publick Peace , that they should be satisfied as far as is just ; no man being more prone to consider them than My self : tho they have fought against Me , yet I cannot but so far esteem that Valour and Gallantry they have some time shewed , as to wish I may never want such men to maintain My self , My Laws , and My Kingdoms , in such a Peace as wherein they may enjoy their share and proportion as much as any men . But Thou , O Lord , who art perfect Vnity in a Sacred Trinity , in Mercy behold those whom thy Justice hath divided . Deliver Me from the strivings of my People , and make Me to see how much they need my Prayers and Pity , who agreed to fight against Me , and yet are now ready to fight against one another , to the continuance of my Kingdoms Distractions . Discover to all sides the ways of Peace from which they have swerved : which consists not in the divided Wills of Parties , but in the joynt and due observation of the Laws . Make Me willing to go whither Thou wilt lead Me by thy Providence ; and be Thou ever with Me , that I may see thy Constancy in the worlds variety and Changes . Make Me even such as Thou wouldst have Me , that I may at last enjoy that Safety and Tranquillity which Thou alone canst give Me. Divert , I pray Thee , O Lord , thy heavy Wrath justly hanging over those populous Cities , whose Plenty is prone to add fewel to their Luxury , their Wealth to make them wanton , their Multitudes tempting them to Security , and their Security exposing them to unexpected Miseries . Give them eyes to see , hearts to consider , wills to embrace , and courage to act those things which belong to thy Glory and the publick Peace ; lest their Calamity come upon them as an armed man. Teach them , that they cannot want Enemies who abound in Sin ; nor shall they be long undisarmed and un-destroyed , who with a high hand persisting to fight against Thee and the clear convictions of their own Consciences , fight more against themselves than ever they did against Me. Their Sins exposing them to thy Justice , their Riches to others Injuries , their Number to Tumults , and their Tumults to Confusion . Tho they have with much forwardness helped to destroy Me , yet let not my Fall be their Ruine . Let Me not so much consider either what they have done or I have suffered , ( chiefly at first by them ) as to forget to imitate my crucified Redeemer , to plead their Ignorance for their Pardon ; and in my dying extremities to pray to Thee , O Father , to forgive them , for they knew not what they did . The tears they have denied Me in my saddest condition , give them grace to bestow upon themselves ; who the less they weep for Me , the more cause they have to weep for themselves . O let not my Blood be upon them and their Children , whom the Fraud and Faction of some , not the Malice of all , have excited to crucifie Me. But Thou , O Lord , canst and wilt ( as Thou didst my Redeemer ) both exalt and perfect Me by my Sufferings , which have more in them of thy Mercy , than of mans Cruelty or thy own Justice . XXVII . To the PRINCE of Wales . SON , if these Papers , with some others , wherein I have set down the private reflections of My Conscience , and My most impartial thoughts touching the chief passages which have been most remarkable or disputed in My late Troubles , come to Your hands , to whom they are chiefly design'd , they may be so far useful to You , as to state Your Judgment aright in what hath passed ; whereof a Pious is the best use can be made : and they may also give You some directions , how to remedy the present Distempers , and prevent ( if God will ) the like for time to come . It is some kind of deceiving and lessening the injury of My long Restraint , when I find My leisure and Solitude have produced something worthy of My self and useful to You ; that neither You nor any other may hereafter measure My Cause by the Success , nor My Judgment of things by My Misfortunes : which I count the greater by far , because they have so far lighted upon You , and some others , whom I have most cause to love as well as My self , and of whose unmerited Sufferings I have a greater sense than of Mine own . But this advantage of Wisdom You have above most Princes , that You have begun , and now spent some years of Discretion in the experience of Troubles and exercise of Patience ; wherein Piety , and all Virtues , both Moral and Political , are commonly better planted to a thriving , as Trees set in Winter , than in the warmth and serenity of times , or amidst those Delights which usually attend Princes Courts in times of Peace and Plenty ; which are prone either to root up all Plants of true Virtue and Honour , or to be contented only with some Leaves and withering Formalities of them , without any real Fruits , such as tend to the Publick good , for which Princes should always remember they are born , and by Providence designed . The evidence of which different Education the holy Writ affords us in the contemplation of David and Rehoboam : the one prepared by many Afflictions for a flourishing Kingdom ; the other softned by the unparallel'd prosperity of Solomon's Court , and so corrupted , to the great diminution both for Peace , Honour and Kingdom , by those Flatteries which are as unseparable from prosperous Princes as Flies are from Fruit in Summer , whom Adversity , like cold weather , drives away . I had rather You should be Charles le Bon than le Grand , Good than Great ; I hope God hath designed You to be both , having so early put You into that exercise of his Graces and Gifts bestowed upon You , which may best weed out all vicious inclinations , and dispose You to those Princely Endowments and Employments which will most gain the love and intend the welfare of those over whom God shall place You. With God I would have You begin and end , who is King of Kings , the Soveraign Disposer of the Kingdoms of the world , who pulleth down one and setteth up another . The best Government and highest Soveraignty You can attain to is , to be subject to Him , that the Scepter of his Word and Spirit may rule in your Heart . The true Glory of Princes consists in advancing God's Glory , in the maintenance of true Religion and the Churches good ; also in the dispensation of Civil Power with Justice and Honour to the publick Peace . Piety will make You prosperous ; at least it will keep You from being miserable : nor is he much a loser that loseth all , yet saveth his own Soul at last . To which center of true Happiness , God ( I trust ) hath and will graciously direct all these black lines of Affliction which he hath been pleased to draw on Me , and by which he hath ( I hope ) drawn Me nearer to Himself . You have already tasted of that Cup whereof I have liberally drank , which I look upon as God's Physick , having that in Healthfulness which it wants in Pleasure . Above all , I would have You , as I hope You are already , well grounded and setled in your Religion : the best Profession of which I have ever esteemed that of the Church of England , in which You have been educated : Yet I would have your own Judgment and Reason now seal to that sacred Bond which Education hath written , that it may be judiciously your own Religion , and not other mens Custom or Tradition , which You profess . In this I charge You to persevere , as coming nearest to God's Word for Doctrine , and to the Primitive examples for Government , with some little Amendment , which I have other-where expressed , and often offered , tho in vain . Your fixation in matters of Religion will not be more necessary for your Souls than your Kingdoms Peace , when God shall bring You to them . For I have observed , that the Devil of Rebellion doth commonly turn himself into an Angel of Reformation , and the old Serpent can pretend new Lights . When some mens Consciences accuse them for Sedition and Faction , they stop its mouth with the name and noise of Religion ; when Piety pleads for Peace and Patience , they cry out Zeal . So that unless in this point You be well setled , You shall never want temptations to destroy You and Yours , under pretensions of Reforming matters of Religion ; for that seems , even to worst men , as the best and most auspicious beginning of their worst Designs . Where besides the Novelty , which is taking enough with the Vulgar , every one hath an affectation , by seeming forward to an outward Reformation of Religion , to be thought Zealous ; hoping to cover those Irreligious deformities whereto they are conscious , by a severity of censuring other mens opinions or actions . Take heed of abetting any Factions , or applying to any publick Discriminations in matters of Religion , contrary to what is in your Judgment , and the Church well setled . Your partial adhering , as Head , to any one side , gains You not so great advantages in some men hearts ( who are prone to be of their King's Religion ) as it loseth You in others , who think themselves and their profession first despised , then persecuted by You. Take such a course as may either with Calmness and Charity quite remove the seeming differences and offences by impartiality ; or so order affairs in point of Power , that You shall not need to fear or flatter any Faction . For if ever You stand in need of them , or must stand to their courtesie , You are undone : The Serpent will devour the Dove . You may never expect less of Loyalty , Justice , or Humanity , than from those who engage into Religious Rebellion : Their Interest is always made God's ; under the colours of Piety ambitious Policies march , not only with greatest security , but applause , as to the populacy : You may hear from them Jacob's voice , but You shall feel they have Esau's hands . Nothing seemed less considerable than the Presbyterian Faction in England for many years , so compliant they were to publick Order : nor indeed was their Party great either in Church or State , as to mens Judgments . But as soon as Discontents drave men into Sidings , as ill Humors fall to the disaffected part , which causes Inflammations , so did all at first who affected any Novelties adhere to that Side , as the most remarkable and specious note of difference ( then ) in point of Religion . All the lesser Factions at first were officious Servants to Presbytery , their great Master : till Time and Military success discovering to each their peculiar Advantages , invited them to part stakes , and leaving the joynt stock of Uniform Religion , pretended each to drive for their Party the trade of Profits and Preferments , to the breaking and undoing not only of the Church and State , but even of Presbytery it self , which seemed and hoped at first to have ingrossed all . Let nothing seem little or despicable to You in matters which concern Religion and the Churches Peace ; so as to neglect a speedy reforming and effectual suppressing Errors and Schisms , which seem at first but as a hand-breadth , yet by Seditious Spirits , as by strong winds , are soon made to cover and darken the whole Heaven . When You have done Justice to God , Your own Soul , and his Church , in the profession and preservation both of Truth and Unity in Religion ; the next main hinge on which Your Prosperity will depend and move is that of Civil Justice , wherein the setled Laws of these Kingdoms , to which You are rightly Heir , are the most excellent Rules You can Govern by : which by an admirable temperament , give very much to Subjects Industry , Liberty and Happiness , and yet reserve enough to the Majesty and Prerogative of any King , who owns his People as Subjects , not as Slaves : whose Subjection , as it preserves their Property , Peace and Safety , so it will never diminish Your Rights , nor their ingenuous Liberties , which consist in the enjoyment of the fruits of their Industry , and the benefit of those Laws to which themselves have consented . Never charge Your head with such a Crown as shall by its heaviness oppress the whole Body ; the weakness of whose parts cannot return any thing of strength , honour or safety to the Head , but a necessary debilitation and Ruin. Your Prerogative is best shewed and exercised in remitting , rather than exacting the rigor of the Laws ; there being nothing worse than Legal Tyranny . In these two points , the preservation of established Religion and Laws , I may ( without vanity ) turn the reproach of My Sufferings , as to the worlds censure , into the honour of a kind of Martyrdom , as to the testimony of My own Conscience ; the Troublers of My Kingdoms having nothing else to object against Me but this , That I prefer Religion and Laws establisht before those Alterations they propounded . And so indeed I do and ever shall , till I am convinced by better Arguments than what hitherto have been chiefly used towards Me , Tumults , Armies , and Prisons . I cannot yet learn that Lesson , nor I hope ever will You , That it is safe for a King to gratifie any Faction with the Perturbation of the Laws , in which is wrap'd up the publick Interest and the good of the Community . How God will deal with Me as to the removal of these Pressures and Indignities , which his Justice by the very unjust hands of some of My Subjects hath been pleased to lay upon Me , I cannot tell : nor am I much solicitous what Wrong I suffer from men , while I retain in My Soul what I believe is right before God. I have offered all for Reformation and Safety that in Reason , Honour and Conscience I can ; reserving only what I cannot consent unto without an irreparable injury to My own Soul , the Church , and My People , and to You also , as the next and undoubted Heir of My Kingdoms . To which if the Divine Providence , to whom no Difficulties are insuperable , shall in his due time after My decease bring You , as I hope he will , My Counsel and Charge to You is , that You seriously consider the former real or objected Miscarriages which might occasion My Troubles , that You may avoid them . Never repose so much upon any mans single Counsel , Fidelity , and Discretion , in managing affairs of the first magnitude , ( that is , matters of Religion and Justice ) as to create in Your self or others a diffidence of Your own Judgment , which is likely to be always more constant and impartial to the interests of Your Crown and Kingdom than any mans . Next , beware of exasperating any Factions by the crosness and asperity of some mens Passions , Humors , or private Opinions , imployed by You , grounded only upon the differences in lesser matters , which are but the skirts and suburbs of Religion . Wherein a charitable Connivence and Christian Toleration often dissipates their strength whom rougher opposition fortifies , and puts the despised and oppressed Party into such Combinations , as may most enable them to get a full revenge on those they count their Persecutors ; who are commonly assisted by that Vulgar commiseration which attends all that are said to suffer under the notion of Religion . Provided the Differences amount not to an insolent opposition of Laws and Government , or Religion established , as to the essentials of them : Such motions and minings are intolerable . Always keep up solid Piety , and those Fundamental Truths which mend both hearts and lives of men , with impartial Favour and Justice . Take heed that outward circumstances and formalities of Religion devour not all or the best incouragements of Learning , Industry and Piety ; but with an equal eye and impartial hand distribute favours and rewards to all men , as You find them for their real Goodness , both in Abilities and Fidelity , worthy and capable of them . This will be sure to gain You the hearts of the best , and the most too ; who , tho they be not good themselves , yet are glad to see the severer ways of Virtue at any time sweetned by temporal rewards . I have , You see , conflicted with different and opposite Factions ; ( for so I must needs call and count all those that act not in any conformity to the Laws established in Church and State : ) No sooner have they by force subdued what they counted their Common Enemy , ( that is , all those that adhered to the Laws and to Me ) and are secured from that fear , but they are divided to so high a rivalty , as sets them more at defiance against each other than against their first Antagonists . Time will dissipate all Factions , when once the rough horns of private mens covetous and ambitious designs shall discover themselves , which were at first wrap'd up and hidden under the soft and smooth pretensions of Religion , Reformation , and Liberty . As the Wolf is not less cruel , so he will be more justly hated , when he shall appear no better than a Wolf under Sheeps cloathing . But as for the seduced Train of the Vulgar , who in their simplicity follow those disguises , My charge and counsel to You is , That as You need no palliations for any designs , ( as other men ) so that You study really to exceed ( in true and constant demonstrations of Goodness , Piety and Virtue , towards the People ) even all those men that make the greatest noise and ostentations of Religion : so You shall neither fear any detection , ( as they do who have but the face and mask of Goodness ; ) nor shall You frustrate the just expectations of Your People , who cannot in reason promise themselves so much good from any Subjects Novelties , as from the virtuous Constancy of their King. When these mountains of congealed Factions shall by the Sunshine of God's Mercy and the splendor of Your Virtues be thawed and dissipated , and the abused Vulgar shall have learned , that none are greater Oppressors of their Estates Liberties and Consciences , than those men that entitle themselves the Patrons and Vindicators of them , only to usurp power over them ; let then no Passion betray You to any study of Revenge upon those whose own Sin and Folly will sufficiently punish them in due time . But as soon as the forked arrow of factious Emulations is drawn out , use all Princely arts and Clemency to heal the Wounds ; that the smart of the Cure may not equal the anguish of the Hurt . I have offered Acts of Indemnity and Oblivion to so great a latitude , as may include all that can but suspect themselves to be any way obnoxious to the Laws ; and which might serve to exclude all future Jealousies and Insecurities . I would have You always propense to the same way ; whenever it shall be desired and accepted , let it be granted not only as an Act of State-policy and Necessity , but of Christian Charity and Choice . It is all I have now left Me , a power to forgive those that have deprived Me of all ; and I thank God I have a heart to do it , and joy as much in this Grace which God hath given Me , as in all my former enjoyments ; for this is a greater argument of God's love to Me , than any Prosperity can be . Be confident ( as I am ) that the most of all sides who have done amiss , have done so not out of Malice , but Mis-information , or Mis-apprehension of things . None will be more loyal and faithful to Me and You than those Subjects , who sensible of their Errors and our Injuries , will feel in their own Souls most vehement motives to Repentance , and earnest desires to make some reparations for their former defects . As Your quality sets you beyond any Duel with any Subject ; so the Nobleness of Your Mind must raise You above the meditating any Revenge , or executing Your Anger upon the many . The more conscious You shall be to Your own Merits upon Your People , the more prone You will be to expect all Love and Loyalty from them , and to inflict no Punishment upon them for former Miscarriages : You will have more inward complacency in Pardoning one , than in Punishing a thousand . This I write to You , not despairing of God's Mercy and My Subjects affections towards You ; both which I hope You will study to deserve , yet we cannot merit of God but by his own Mercy . If God shall see fit to restore Me , and You after Me , to those enjoyments which the Laws have assigned to Us , and no Subjects without an high degree of Guilt and Sin , can divest Us of ; then may I have better opportunity , when I shall be so happy to see You in Peace , to let You more fully understand the things that belong to God's Glory , Your own Honour , and the Kingdoms Peace . But if You never see My face again , and God will have Me buried in such a barbarous Imprisonment and Obscurity , ( which the perfecting some mens Designs requires ) wherein few hearts that love Me are permitted to exchange a word or a look with Me ; I do require and entreat You as Your Father and Your KING , that You never suffer Your Heart to receive the least check against or disaffection from the true Religion established in the Church of England . I tell You , I have tried it , and after much search and many Disputes , have concluded it to be the best in the world : not only in the Community , as Christian , but also in the special notion as Reformed ; keeping the middle way , between the pomp of Superstitious Tyranny , and the meanness of Fantastick Anarchy . Not but that ( the draught being excellent as to the main , both for Doctrine and Government , in the Church of England ) some lines , as in very good Figures may haply need some sweetning or polishing , which might here have easily been done by a safe and gentle hand , if some mens Precipitancy had not violently demanded such rude Alterations as would have quite destroyed all the Beauty and Proportions of the whole . The scandal of the late Troubles , which some may object and urge to You against the Protestant Religion established in England , is easily answered to them or Your own thoughts in this , That scarce any one who hath been a Beginner , or an active Prosecutor of this late War against the Church , the Laws and Me , either was or is a true Lover , Embracer , or Practiser of the Protestant Religion established in England : which neither gives such Rules , nor ever before set such Examples . 'T is true , some heretofore had the boldness to present threatning Petitions to their Princes and Parliaments , which others of the same Faction ( but of worse Spirits ) have now put in execution . But let not counterfeit and disorderly Zeal abate your value and esteem of true Piety : both of them are to be known by their fruits . The sweetness of the Vine and Fig-tree is not to be despised , tho the Brambles and Thorns should pretend to bear Figs and Grapes , thereby to rule over the Trees . Nor would I have you to entertain any aversation or dislike of Parliaments ; which in their right constitution , with Freedom and Honour , will never injure or diminish your Greatness ; but will rather be as interchangings of Love , Loyalty and Confidence between a Prince and his People . Nor would the events of this Black Parliament have been other than such ( however much biassed by Factions in the Elections ) if it had been preserved from the Insolencies of Popular dictates and Tumultuary impressions : The sad effects of which will , no doubt , make all Parliaments after this more cautious to preserve that Freedom and Honour which belongs to such Assemblies ( when once they have fully shaken off this yoke of Vulgar encroachment ) since the Publick Interest consists in the mutual and common good both of Prince and People . Nothing can be more happy for all , than in fair , grave and honourable ways to contribute their Counsels in common , enacting all things by publick consent , without Tyranny or Tumults . We must not starve our selves , because some men have surfeited of wholsom food . And if neither I nor You be ever restored to Our Rights , but God in his severest Justice will punish My Subjects with continuance in their Sin , and suffer them to be deluded with the prosperity of their Wickedness : I hope God will give Me and You that Grace , which will teach and enable Us to want as well as to wear a Crown , which is not worth taking up or enjoying upon sordid , dishonourable and irreligious terms . Keep You to true Principles of Piety , Virtue and Honour , You shall never want a Kingdom . A Principal point of Your Honour will consist in Your conferring all Respect , Love and Protection on Your Mother , My Wife ; who hath many ways deserved well of Me , and chiefly in this , ( that having been a means to bless Me with so many hopeful Children , all which , with their Mother , I recommend to your Love and Care ) She hath been content , with incomparable Magnanimity and Patience , to suffer both for and with Me and You. My Prayer to God Almighty is , ( whatever becomes of Me , who am , I thank God , wrapt up and fortified in My own Innocency and his Grace ) that he would be pleased to make You an Anchor , or Harbour rather , to these tossed and weather-beaten Kingdoms ; a Repairer , by Your Wisdom , Justice , Piety and Valour , of what the Folly and Wickedness of some men have so far ruined , as to leave nothing intire in Church or State , to the Crown , the Nobility , the Clergy or the Commons , either as to Laws , Liberties , Estates , Order , Honour , Conscience , or Lives . When they have destroyed Me ( for I know not how far God may permit the Malice and Cruelty of My Enemies to proceed , and such apprehensions some mens words and actions have already given Me ) as I doubt not but My Blood will cry aloud for Vengeance to Heaven ; so I beseech God not to pour out his Wrath upon the generality of the People , who have either deserted Me , or engaged against Me , through the Artifice and hypocrifie of their Leaders , whose inward Horror will be their first Tormentor , nor will they escape exemplary Judgments . For those that loved Me , I pray God they may have no miss of Me when I am gone : so much I wish and hope that all good Subjects may be satisfied with the Blessings of Your Presence and Virtues . For those that repent of any defects in their Duty toward Me , as I freely forgive them in the word of a Christian King ; so I believe You will find them truly zealous to repay with interest that Loyalty and Love to You which was due to Me. In sum , what Good I intended , do You perform , when God shall give you Power . Much Good I have offered , more I purposed to Church and State , if Times had been capable of it . The deception will soon vanish , and the Vizards will fall off apace : This mask of Religion on the face of Rebellion ( for so it now plainly appears , since My Restraint and cruel Usage , that they fought not for Me , as was pretended ) will not long serve to hide some mens Deformities . Happy times , I hope , attend You , wherein Your Subjects ( by their Miseries ) will have learned , That Religion to their God and Loyalty to their King cannot be parted without both their Sin and their Infelicity . I pray God bless You , and establish Your Kingdoms in Righteousness , Your Soul in true Religion , and Your Honour in the Love of God and Your People . And if God will have Disloyalty perfected by My Destruction , let My Memory ever with My Name live in You , as of Your Father that loves You , and once a KING of Three flourishing Kingdoms ; whom God thought fit to honour not only with the Scepter and Government of them , but also with the suffering many indignities and an untimely Death for them , while I studied to preserve the rights of the Church , the power of the Laws , the Honour of My Crown , the Priviledg of Parliaments , the Liberties of My People , and My own Conscience ; which , I thank God , is dearer to Me than a thousand Kingdoms . I know God can , I hope he yet will restore Me to My Rights : I cannot despair either of his Mercy , or of My Peoples Love and Pity . At worst , I trust I shall but go before You to a better Kingdom , which God hath prepared for Me , and Me for it , through My Saviour Jesus Christ , to whose Mercies I commend You and all Mine . Farewell , till We meet , if not on Earth , yet in Heaven . XXVIII . Meditations upon Death , after the Votes of Non-addresses , and His MAJESTIES closer Imprisonment in Carisbrook-Castle . AS I have leisure enough , so I have cause more than enough to meditate upon , and prepare for my Death ; for I know there are but few steps between the Prisons and Graves of Princes . It is God's Indulgence which gives Me the space , but Man's Cruelty that gives Me the sad occasions for these thoughts . For besides the common burthen of Mortality , which lies upon Me as a Man , I now bear the heavy load of other mens Ambitions , Fears , Jealousies , and cruel Passions , whose Envy or Enmity against Me , makes their own lives seem deadly to them , while I enjoy any part of Mine . I thank God , My Prosperity made Me not wholly a stranger to the contemplations of Mortality : Those are never unseasonable , since this is always uncertain : Death being an Eclipse which oft happeneth as well in clear as cloudy days . But My now long and sharp Adversity hath so reconciled in Me those natural Antipathies between Life and Death which are in all men , that , I thank God , the common terrors of it are dispelled , and the special horror of it as to My particular much allayed : for altho My Death at present may justly be represented to Me with all those terrible aggravations which the policy of Cruel and Implacable enemies can put upon it ( affairs being drawn to the very dregs of Malice ; ) yet , I bless God , I can look upon all those stings as unpoisonous , tho sharp , since My Redeemer hath either pulled them out , or given Me the Antidote of his Death against them ; which as to the Immaturity , Unjustice , Shame , Scorn and Cruelty of it , exceeded whatever I can fear . Indeed , I never did find so much the Life of Religion , the Feast of a good Conscience , and the brazen wall of a judicious Integrity and Constancy , as since I came to these closer conflicts with the thoughts of Death . I am not so old as to be weary of Life ; nor ( I hope ) so bad as to be either afraid to dye , or ashamed to live : true , I am so afflicted , as might make Me sometime even desire to dye ; if I did not consider , that it is the greatest glory of a Christians life to die daily , in conquering , by a lively Faith and patient Hopes of a better life , those partial and quotidian deaths which kill us ( as it were ) by piece-meals , and make us overlive our own fates ; while we are deprived of Health , Honour , Liberty , Power , Credit , Safety or Estate , and those other Comforts of dearest relations , which are as the Life of our lives . Tho , as a KING , I think My self to live in nothing temporal so much as in the Love and good will of My People ; for which as I have suffered many deaths , so I hope I am not in that point as yet wholly dead : notwithstanding My Enemies have used all the poison of Falsity and violence of Hostility to destroy , first the Love and Loyalty which is in my Subjects , and then all that content of Life in Me which from these I chiefly enjoyed . Indeed they have left Me but little of Life , and only the husk and shell ( as it were ) which their further Malice and Cruelty can take from Me ; having bereaved Me of all those worldly Comforts for which Life it self seems desirable to men . But , O my Soul , think not that life too long or tedious wherein God gives Thee any opportunities , if not to do , yet to suffer with such Christian Patience and Magnanimity in a good Cause , as are the greatest Honour of our lives , and the best improvement of our Deaths . I knows that in point of true Christian Valour it argues Pusillanimity to desire to dye out of weariness of life , and a want of that heroick greatness of spirit which becomes a Christian , in the patient and generous sustaining those Afflictions which as shadows necessarily attend us while we are in this Body , and which are lessened or enlarged as the Sun of our Prosperity moves higher or lower ; whose total absence is best recompenced with the dew of Heaven . The assaults of Affliction may be terrible , like Sampsom's Lion , but they yield much sweetness to those that dare to encounter and overcome them ; who know how to overlive the witherings of their Gourds without discontent or peevishness , while they may yet converse with God. That I must dye as a man is certain : that I may dye a King by the hands of my own Subjects , a violent , sudden and barbarous death , in the strength of my years , in the midst of my Kingdoms , my Friends and loving Subjects , being helpless Spectators , my Enemies insolent Revilers and Triumphers over me , living , dying , and dead , is so probable in humane reason , that God hath taught Me not to hope otherwise as to mans Cruelty ; however I despair not of God's infinite Mercy . I know my Life is the object of the Devils and Wicked mens Malice ; but yet under God's sole custody and disposal ; whom I do not think to flatter for longer Life , by seeming prepared to die : but I humbly desire to depend upon him , and to submit to his will both in life and death , in what order soever he is pleased to lay them out to Me. I confess it is not easie for Me to contend with those many horrors of Death wherewith God suffers Me to be tempted ; which are equally horrid either in the suddenness of a Barbarous Assassination , or in those greater Formalities whereby my Enemies ( being more solemnly cruel ) will , it may be , seek to add ( as those did who crucified Christ ) the Mockery of Justice to the Cruelty of Malice . That I may be destroyed , as with greater Pomp and artifice , so with less Pity , it will be but a necessary policy , to make my Death appear as an act of Justice done by Subjects upon their Soveraign ; who know that no Law of God or Man invests them with any power of Judicature without Me , much less against Me ; and who , being sworn and bound by all that is Sacred before God and Man to endeavour my preservation , must pretend Justice to cover their Perjury . It is , indeed , a sad fate for any man to have his Enemies to be his Accusers , Parties and Judges ; but most desperate , when this is acted by the insolence of Subjects against their Soveraign ; wherein those who have had the chiefest hand and are most guilty of contriving the publick Troubles , must by shedding My Blood seem to wash their own hands of that innocent blood whereof they are now most evidently guilty before God and man , and , I believe , in their own Consciences too ; while they carried on unreasonable demands , first by tumults , after by Armies . Nothing makes mean spirits more cowardly-cruel in managing their usurped power against their lawful Superiors than this , the Guilt of their unjust Vsurpation ; notwithstanding those specious and popular pretensions of Justice against Delinquents , applied only to disguise at first the monstrousness of their designs , who despaired , indeed , of possessing the power and profits of the Vineyard , till the Heir , whose right it is , be cast out and slain . With them my greatest Fault must be , that I would not either destroy My self , with the Church and State , by my word , or not suffer them to do it unresisted by the Sword ; whose covetous Ambition no Concessions of Mine could ever yet either satisfie or abate . Nor is it likely they will ever think that Kingdom of Brambles , which some men seek to erect ( at once , weak , sharp , and fruitless either to God or man ) is like to thrive , till watered with the Royal Blood of those whose right the Kingdom is . Well , God's will be done ; I doubt not but my innocency will find him both my Protector and my Advocate , who is my onely Judge , whom I own as King of Kings ; not onely for the eminency of his Power and Majesty above them , but also for that singular Care and Protection which he hath over them ; who knows them to be exposed to as many Dangers ( being the greatest Patrons of Law , Justice , Order , and Religion on Earth ) as there be either Men or Devils which love Confusion . Nor will he suffer those men long to prosper in their Babel , who build it with the Bones , and cement it with the Blood of their KINGS . I am confident they will find Avengers of my Death among themselves : the Injuries I have sustained from them , shall be first punished by them , who agreed in nothing so much as in opposing Me. Their impatience to bear the loud cry of my Blood , shall make them think no way better to expiate it then by Shedding theirs who with them most thirsted after Mine : The sad Confusions following my Destruction are already presaged and confirmed to Me by those I have lived to see since my Troubles , in which God alone ( who onely could ) hath many ways pleaded my Cause ; not suffering them to go unpunished whose confedaracy in Sin was their only Security ; who have cause to fear that God will both further divide , and by mutual Vengeance afterward destroy them . My greatest conquest of Death is from the Power and Love of Christ , who hath swallow'd up Death in the Victory of his Resurrection , and the glory of his Ascension . My next Comfort is , That he gives Me not only the Honour to imitate his Example in suffering for Righteousness sake , ( though obscured by the foulest charges of Tyranny and Injustice ) but also that Charity which is the noblest Revenge upon and Victory over my Destroyers ; by which , I thank God , I can both forgive them , and pray for them , that God would not impute my Blood to them , further than to convince them what need they have of Christs Blood to wash their Souls from the guilt of shedding Mine . At present , the Will of my Enemies seems to be their only rule , their Power the measure , and their Success the exactor of what they please to call Justice ; while they flatter themselves with the fancy of their own Safety by My Danger , and the security of their Lives and Designs by My Death : forgetting , that as the greatest temptations to Sin are wrapped up in seeming Prosperities , so the severest Vengeances of God are then most accomplished when men are suffered to compleat their wicked purposes . I bless God , I pray not so much that this bitter cup of a Violent Death may pass from Me , as that of his Wrath may pass from all those whose hands by deserting Me are sprinkled , or by acting and consenting to my Death are embrued with my Blood. The will of God hath confined and concluded Mine ; I shall have the pleasure of dying , without any pleasure of desired Vengeance . This I think becomes a Christian toward his Enemies , and a King toward his Subjects . They cannot deprive Me of more than I am content to lose , when God sees fit by their hands to take it from Me ; whose Mercy , I believe , will more than infinitely recompence whatever by mans Injustice he is pleased to deprive me of . The glory attending my Death will far surpass all I could enjoy or conceive in Life . I shall not want the heavy and envied Crowns of this world , when my God hath mercifully crowned and consummated his Graces with Glory , and exchanged the shadows of my Earthly Kingdoms among men , for the substance of that Heavenly Kingdom with Himself . For the censures of the world , I know the sharp and necessary Tyranny of my Destroyers will sufficienly confute the Calumnies of Tyranny against Me : I am perswaded I am happy in the judicious Love of the ablest and best of my Subjects , who do not only pity and pray for Me , but would be content even to die with Me or for Me. These know how to excuse my Failings as a man , and yet to retain and pay their Duty to Me as their KING ; there being no Religious necessity binding any Subjects , by pretending to punish , infinitely to exceed the faults and errors of their Princes , especially there where more than sufficient Satisfaction hath been made to the publick ; the enjoyment of which private Ambitions have hitherto frustrated . Others , I believe , of softer tempers , and less advantaged by My Ruin , do already feel sharp Convictions , and some remorse in their Consciences ; where they cannot but see the proportions of their evil dealings against Me in the measure of Gods retaliations upon them , who cannot hope long to enjoy their own thumbs and toes , having under pretence of paring others nails been so cruel as to cut off their chiefest strength . The punishment of the more insolent and obstinate may be like that of Korah and his Complices ( at once mutining against both Prince and Priest ) in such a method of Divine Justice as is not ordinary ; the Earth of the lowest and meanest People opening upon them and swallowing them up in a just disdain of their ill-gotten and wors-used Authority , upon whose support and strength they chiefly depended for their building and establishing their Desings against Me , the Church , and State. My chiefest comfort in Death consists in My Peace , which , I trust , is made with God , before whose exact Tribunal I shall not fear to appear as to the Cause so long disputed by the Sword between Me and My causless Enemies , where I doubt not but his Righteous Judgment will confute their fallacy , who from worldly Success ( rather like Sophisters than sound Christians ) draw those popular Conclusions for God's Approbation of their actions ; whose wise Providence ( we know ) oft permits many events which his revealed Word , ( the only clear , safe and fixed Rule of good Actions and good Consciences ) in no sort approves . I am confident , the Justice of my Cause and Clearness of my Conscience before God and toward my People will carry Me as much above them in God's decision , as their Successes have lifted them above Me in the Vulgar opinion : who consider not that many times those undertakings of men are lifted up to Heaven in the prosperity and applause of the world , whose rise is from Hell as to the Injuriousness and Oppression of the Design . The prosperous winds which oft fill the sails of Pirats , do not justifie their Piracy and Rapine . I look upon it with infinite more content and quiet of Soul , to have been worsted in my enforced Contestation for and Vindication of the Laws of the Land , the Freedom and Honour of Parliaments , the Rights of my Crown , the just Liberty of my Subjects , and the true Christian Religion in its Doctrine , Government and due Encouragements , than if I had with the greatest advantages of Success over-born them all ; as some men have now evidently done , what-ever Designs they at first pretended . The Prayers and Patience of my Friends and loving Subjects will contribute much to the sweetning of this bitter Cup , which I doubt not but I shall more cheerfully take , and drink as from God's hand , ( if it must be so ) than they can give it to Me whose hands are unjustly and barbarously lifted up against Me. And as to the last event I may seem to owe more to my Enemies than my Friends ; while those will put a period to the Sins and Sorrows attending this miserable Life , wherewith these desire I might still contend . I shall be more than Conqueror through Christ enabling Me , for whom I have hitherto suffered , as he is the Author of Truth , Order and Peace ; for all which I have been forced to contend against Error , Faction and Confusion . If I must suffer a Violent Death , with my Saviour , it is but Mortality crowned with Martyrdom : where the debt of Death which I owe for Sin to Nature , shall be raised as a gift of Faith and Patience offered to God. Which I humbly beseech him mercifully to accept : and altho Death be the wages of My own Sin as from God , and the effect of others Sins as men , both against God and Me ; yet as I hope My own Sins are so remitted that they shall be no ingredients to imbitter the cup of my Death , so I desire God to pardon their Sins who are most guilty of my Destruction . The Trophees of my Charity will be more glorious and durable over them , than their ill-managed Victories over Me. Tho their Sin be prosperous , yet they had need to be penitent , that they may be pardoned . Both which I pray God they may obtain ; that my Temporal Death unjustly inflicted by them may not be revenged by God's just inflicting Eternal Death upon them : for I look upon the Temporal Destruction of the greatest King as far less deprecable than the Eternal Damnation of the meanest Subject . Nor do I wish other than the safe bringing of the Ship to shore , when they have cast Me over-board : though it be very strange , that Mariners can find no other means to appease the Storm themselves have raised , but by drowning their Pilot. I thank God , my Enemies Cruelty cannot prevent my Preparation ; whose Malice in this I shall defeat , that they shall not have the satisfaction to have destroyed my Soul with my Body : of whose Salvation while some of them have themselves seemed and taught others to despair , they have only discovered this , that they do not much desire it . Whose uncharitable and cruel Restraints , denying Me even the assistance of any of my Chaplains , hath rather enlarged than any way obstructed my access to the Throne of Heaven . Where Thou dwellest , O King of Kings , who fillest Heaven and Earth , who art the fountain of Eternal Life , in whom is no shadow of Death . Thou , O God , art both the just Inflicter of Death upon us , and the merciful Saviour of us in it and from it . Yea it is better for us to be dead to our selves , and live in Thee , than by living in our selves to be deprived of Thee . O make the many bitter aggravations of my Death , as a Man and a King , the opportunities and advantages of thy special Graces and Comforts in my Soul , as a Christian . If Thou , Lord , wilt be with Me , I shall neither fear nor feel any evil , tho I walk through the valley of the shadow of Death . To contend with Death , is the work of a weak and mortal man ; to overcome it , is the Grace of Thee alone , who art the Almighty and Immortal God. O my Saviour , who knowest what it is to die with Me as a man , make Me to know what it is to pass through Death to Life with Thee my God. Tho I die , yet I know that Thou my Redeemer livest for ever : tho Thou slayest Me , yet Thou hast incouraged Me to trust in Thee for Eternal Life . O withdraw not thy Favour from Me , which is better than Life . O be not far from Me , for I know not how near a violent and cruel Death is to Me. As thy Omniscience , O God , discovers , so thy Omnipotence can defeat the Designs of those who have , or shall conspire my Destruction . O shew Me the goodness of thy Will , through the wickedness of theirs . Thou givest Me leave , as a man , to pray that this Cup may pass from Me ; but Thou hast taught Me , as a Christian , by the example of Christ , to add , Not My will , but thine be done . Yea , Lord , let our wills be one , by wholly resolving Mine into Thine : let not the desire of Life in Me be so great , as that of doing or suffering thy Will in either Life or Death . As I believe Thou hast forgiven all the Errors of my Life , so I hope Thou wilt save Me from the Terrors of my Death . Make Me content to leave the Worlds Nothing , that I may come really to enjoy All in Thee , who hast made Christ unto Me in Life Gain , nnd in Death Advantage . Tho my Destroyers forget their Duty to Thee and Me ; yet do not Thou , O Lord , forget to be merciful to them . For what profit is there in my Blood , or in their gaining my Kingdoms , if they lose their own Souls ? Such as have not only resisted my just Power , but wholly usurped and turned it against My self , tho they may deserve , yet let them not receive to themselves Damnation . Thou madest thy Son a Saviour to many that crucified Him , while at once He suffered violently by them , and yet willingly for them . O let the voice of his Blood be heard for my Murtherers , louder than the Cry of Mine against them . Prepare them for thy Mercy by due Convictions of their Sin , and let them not at once deceive and damn their own Souls , by fallacious pretensions of Justice in destroying Me ; while the conscience of their unjust Vsurpation of power against Me chiefly tempts them to use all extremities against Me. O Lord , Thou knowest I have found their Mercies to Me , as very false , so very cruel ; who pretending to preserve Me , have meditated nothing but my Ruine . O deal not with them as blood-thirsty and deceitful men ; but overcome their Cruelty with Thy Compassion and My Charity . And when Thou makest inquisition for my Blood , O sprinkle their polluted , yet penitent , Souls with the Blood of thy Son , that thy destroying Angel may pass over them . Tho they think my Kingdoms on Earth too little to entertain at once both them and Me ; yet let the capacious Kingdom of thy infinite Mercy at last receive both Me and my Enemies . When being reconciled to Thee in the Blood of the same Redeemer , we shall live far above these Ambitious desires , which beget such mortal Enmities . When their hands shall be heaviest and cruellest upon Me , O let Me fall into the arms of thy tender and eternal Mercies . That what is cut off of my Life in this miserable moment , may be repayed in thy ever-blessed Eternity . Lord , let thy Servant depart in Peace , for my eyes have seen thy Salvation . Vota dabunt quae bella negârunt . FINIS . An Historical TABLE of both PARTS . That the Reader may the more easily discern the Order of those Historical Papers which are digested under their several Heads in the First Part , and more readily conjoyn them in their proper Places with the Second ; it is thought fit to represent both together , in this Table , according to their Dates and Dependencies . MDCXXV . HIS Majesties Speech at the Opening of His First Parliament , June 18. 1625. page 159 , 160 His Speech to both Houses at Oxford , Aug. 4. 1625. ibid. MDCXXV . VI. His Speech to the Speaker of the Lower House of His Second Parliament , 1625 , 6. p. 160 His Speech to both Houses at White-Hall , March 29. 1626. p. 161 His Speech to the House of Lords at Westminster , May 11. 1626. ibid. A Declaration concerning His Two First Parliaments , p. 217 MDCXXVII . VIII . His Majesties Speech at the Opening of His Third Parliament , March 17. 1627 , 8. p. 162 His Speech to both Houses at White-Hall , April 4. 1628. ibid. His Speech to the Speaker and House of Commons , April 14. 1628. p. 163 His Speeches to both Houses in Answer to their Petition , Jun. 2. 7. 1628. ibid. His Speech to the Lower House , at the Reading their Remonstrance , June 11. 1628. ibid. His Speech to both Houses at the Prorogation , Jun. 26. 1628. p. 164 MDCXXVIII . IX . His Speech to both Houses , Jan. 24. 31. 1828 , 9. p. 164 , 165 His Speech to the Lower-House concerning Tonnage and Poundage , Feb. 3. 1628 , 9. p. 165 A Declaration concerning His Third Parliament , p. 222 A Proclamation for suppressing false Rumours touching Parliaments , Mar. 27. 1629. p. 230 MDCXXXVI . VII . His Majesties Letter to the Judges concerning Ship-money , Feb. 2. 1636 , 7. With their Answer , p. 231 , 232 MDCXL . His Majesty's Speech to the Speaker of the Lower House of His Fourth Parliament , 1640. p. 166 A Declaration concerning His Fourth Parliament , p. 233 His Speech to the Great Council of the Lords at York , Septemb. 24. 1640. p. 167 MDCXL . XLI . Of His Calling His Fifth Parliament , See Icon Basil . I. p. 647 His Speech at the Opening of His Fifth Parliament , Nov. 3. 1640. p. 168 Six Speeches to both Houses , Nov. 5. 1640. Jan. 25. Feb. 3. 10. 15. 1640 , 4. 1. Apr. 28. 1641. p. 168 , & seqq . MDCXLI . His Speech to the Lords concerning the Earl of Strafford , May 1. 1641. p. 172 His Letter to the Lords , May. 11. p. 138 See also Icon Basil . II. V. p. 648 , 654 Two Speeches to both Houses , Jun. 22. Jul. 5. 1641. p. 172 , 173 His Speech to the Scotish Parliament at Edinburgh , Aug. 19. 1641. p. 173 Two Speeches to both Houses after His Return out of Scotland , Dec. 2. 14. 1641. p. 174 A Petition of the Lower House , With a Remonstrance of the State of the Kingdom , Dec. 1. 1641. p. 241 , 243 His Majesty's Answer to the Petition , p. 254 His Declaration in Answer to the Remonstrance , p. 255 The Petition and Protestation of the Bishops , Dec. 28. 1641. p. 258 MDCXLI . II. Articles of High Treason against the Five Members , Jan. 3. 1641 , 2. p. 259 His Majesties Speech to the Lower House concerning them , Jan. 4. 1641 , 2. p. 175 His Speech to the Londoners at Guild-Hall , Jan. 5. 1641 , 2. p. 175 See also Icon Bafil . III. IV. VI. VII . p. 650 , 651 , 656 , 658 His Message for Peace from Canterbury Jan. 20. 1641 , 2. p. 97 His Speeches to the Committees of both Houses at Theobalds , Mar. 1. at Newmarket , Mar. 9. 1641 , 2. p. 175 His Message from Huntingdon , Mar. 15. 1641 , 2. p. 97 MDCXLII . Two Speeches to the Gentry of Yorkshire , April 5. May 12. 1642. p. 177 Of His Majesty's Repulse at Hull , See Icon Basil . VIII . p. 659 The Nineteen Propositions , Jun. 2. 1642 p. 260 His Majesty's Answer , p. 262 See also Icon Basil . XI . p. 659 His Majesty's Declaration to the Lords at York , Jun. 13. 1642. p. 271 With their promise thereupon , p. 272 His Declaration concerning the Scandalous Imputation of His Raising War , Jan. 1642. p. 273 With the Declaration and Profession of the Lords , p. 276 Of the many Jealousies and Scandals cast upon His Majesty , See Icon Basil . XV. p. 680 A Proclamation forbidding Levies of Forces , Jun. 18. 1642. p. 277 See also Icon Basil . IX . X. p. 661 , 665 His Majesty's Speeches to the Inhabitants of Nottinghamshire , Jul. 4. of Lincolnshire , Jul. 15. of Leicester , Jul. 20. and the Gentry of Yorkshire , Aug. 4. 1642. p. 178 , 179 , 180 Votes for Raising an Army against the King , Jul. 12. 1642. p. 279 A Declaration of both Houses for Raising Forces , Aug. 8. 1642. p. 280 His Majesty's Declaration in Answer , p. 281 A Proclamation against the Earl of Essex , Aug. 9. 1642. p. 283 His Majesty's Proclamation for the setting up His Standard , Aug. 12. 1642. p. 285 His large Declaration of Aug. 12. 1642. p. 286. His Declaration concerning His Messages for Peace , p. 315 His Speeches to His Army , Sept. 19. to the Inhabitants of Denbigh and Flint , Sept. 27. of Shropshire , Sept. 28. 1642. p. 181 , 183 His Declaration after the Battle at Edge-Hill , p. 323 His Speech to the Inhabitants of Oxfordshire , Nov. 2. 1642. p. 183 His Declaration concerning His Advance to Brentford , p. 325 The Answer of both Houses to His Message from thence , With His Reply p. 327 , 328 The Petition of both Houses , Nov. 24. 1642. With His Answer , p. 329 MDCXLII . III. The Proceedings in the Treaty at Oxford , p. 330. His Majesty's Messages Apr. 12. 1643. p. 353. and May 19. 1643. p. 101 A Declaration of both Houses upon the Treaty , p. 372. With His Majesties Declaration in Answer , Jun. 3. 1643. p. 380 His Proclamation against the pretended Orders of the Two Houses , Jun. 20. 1643. p. 397 Concerning the Rebellion and Troubles in Ireland , See Icon Basil . XII . p. 671 Articles between the two Houses and the Scots concerning Ireland , Aug. 6. 1642. p. 524 Letters of the Lords Justices and Council of Ireland , Apr. 4. May 11. 1643. p. 527 , 528 , 529 The Grounds and Motives of the Cessation in Ireland , Oct. 19. 1643. p. 401 Of the Coming in of the Scots , and their Covenant , See Icon Basil . XIII . XIV . p. 674 , 677 Articles between the two Houses and the Scots , Nov. 29. 1643. p. 519 A Proclamation for Assembling the Members of Parliament at Oxford , Dec. 22. 1643. p. 409 MDCXLIII . IV. A Letter of the Lords at Oxford to the Scots , Jan. 1643 , 4. p. 410 His Majesty's Speeches to the Lords and Commons at Oxford , Jan 22. Feb. 7. 1643 , 4. p. 184 , 185. Votes of the Commons at Oxford , Jan. 26. Mar. 12. 1643 , 4. p. 411 A Declaration of the Lords and Commons at Oxford , of their Proceedings for a Treaty , Mar. 19. 1643 , 4. p. 412 Another Declaration concerning their Endeavours for Peace , March 19. 1643 , 4. p. 422 MDCXLIV . Their Petition to His Majesty , Apr. 25. 1644. With His Answer , p. 433 His Speech at their Recess , Apr. 26. 1644. p. 185 A Declaration to Foreign Churches , May 13. 1644. p. 436 His Majesty's Message from Evesholme , Jul. 4. 1644. after the Defeat of Waller at Cropredy , p. 102 His Speech to the Inhabitants of Somerset at Kingsmore , Jul. 23. 1644. p. 186 His Letter to the Earl of Essex , Aug. 6. 1644. p. 141 His Message from Tavestock , Sept. 8. after the Defeat of Essex in Cornwal , 1644. p. 103 A Proclamation , Declaring His Resolution for Peace , Sept. 30. 1644. p. 437 His Majesties Message from Oxford , Dec. 13. 1644. p. 103 MDCXLIV . V. A Proclamation for a Fast upon occasion of the Treaty , Jan. 27. 1644 , 5. p. 439 His Majesty's Letters to the Queen , With His Instructions to His Commissioners at Vxbridge , and Secretary Nicholas , p. 143 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 148 A Full Relation of the Treaty at Vxbridge , p. 437. With the Appendix , p. 515. And His Majesty's Answer to their three last Papers , p. 531 Of Vxbridge Treaty , See also Icon Basil . XVIII . p. 692 His Majesty's Letters to the Queen , Mar. 13. 1644 , 5. Mar. 30. 1645. p. 150 , 152 MDCXLV . His Majesty's Letter to Prince Rupert , Aug. 3. 1645. p. 155 His Letter to Secretary Nicholas concerning the publishing His Letters , Aug. 4. 1645. ibid. Of which , See also Icon Basil . XXI . p. 699 MDCXLV . VI. Ten Messages of His Majesty to both Houses , Dec. 5 , 15 , 26 , 29 , 1645. Jan. 15 , 17 , 24 , 29. Feb. 26. Mar. 23. 1645 , 6. With two or three Answers of theirs , p. 547 , & seqq . MDCXLVI . His Majesty's Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland , Apr. 13. 1646. p. 557 Of His going to the Scots , See Icon Basil . XXII . p. 701 His Messages to both Houses , From Southwell , May 18. From New-Castle , Jun. 10. With His Letter to the Governours of His Garrisons , Jun. 10. 1646. p. 558 , 560 , 561 His Letter to the Lieutenant of Ireland , Jun. 11. 1646. p. 561 The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at New-Castle , Jul. 24. With His Answer , Aug. 1. 1646. p. 562 , 570 His Message from New-Castle , Dec. 20. 1646. p. 571 MDCXLVI . VII . His Queries to the Scots , Jan. 14. 1646 , 7. With their Answer , and His Reply , p. 572 , 573 Of their delivering Him to the English , and His Captivity at Holdenby , See Icon Basil . XXIII . p. 702 His Messages for His Chaplains , Feb. 17. Mar. 6. 1646 , 7. p. 115 , 116 Of which , See also Icon Basil . XXIV . XXV . p. 703 , 707 MDCXLVII . His Majesties Message from Holdenby , May 12. 1647. p. 573 Of the Armies Surprisal of him at Holdenby , and the insuing Distractions , See Icon Basil . XXVI . p. 708 The Petition and Engagement of the Londoners , With the Declaration of both Houses thereupon , Jul. 24. And an Ordinance and Votes , Jul. 26. 31. 1647. p. 576 , 577 The Proposals of the Army , Aug. 1. 1647 p. 578. The Propositions of both Houses to His Majesty at Hampton-Court , Sept. 7. With His Answer , Sept. 9. 1647. p. 584 , 585 His Message left at Hampton Court , Nov. 11. 1647. p. 586 His Letter to Colonel Whaley , p. 156 To the Lord Montague , ibid. His Message from the Isle of Wight , Nov. 17. 1647. p. 586 His Letters to Sir Thomas Fairfax , p. 157 His Message for an Answer to the Former , Dec. 6. 1647. p. 590 The Four Bills and Propositions to His Majesty , with the Scots Papers , Dec. 24. And His Answer , Dec. 28. 1647. p. 590. 594 MDCXLVII . VIII . A Declaration and Votes for no further Address to His Majesty , p. 595 His Majesty's Declaration thereupon , Jan. 18. 1647 , 8. p. 596 His Answer to the Reasons for their Votes for No Address . p. 132 See also Icon Basil . XXVIII . p. 716 MDCXLVIII . His Majesty's Letter to the Scots , Jul. 31. 1648. p. 157 Votes for a Treaty , p. 598 His Majesty's Speech to the Committee , Aug. 7. 1648. p. 187 His Message in Answer to the Votes , Aug. 10. 1648. p. 598 Votes in Order to the Treaty , With His Majesty's Answer , Aug. 28. 1648. p. 600 , 601 A Letter of both Speakers , Sept. 2. With His Majesty's Answer , Sept. 7. 1648. p. 601 , 602 His Majesty's Message with Propositions , Sept. 29. 1648. p. 602 A Vote concerning them , Oct. 2. 1648. p. 606 His Majesty's Speech to the Commissioners of both Houses , Nov. 4. 1648. p. 188 The Heads of the Remonstrance of the Army , Nov. 20. 1648. p. 607 His Majesty's Queries concerning it , p. 608 His Speech to the Commissioners at their taking leave , p. 188 His Letter to the Prince , p. 158 His Declaration concerning the Treaty , and the Army , p. 608 MDCXLVIII . IX . His Majesty's Speeches to the Pretended High Court of Justice , With the History of His Trial , Jan. 1648 , 9. p. 189 His Speeches to His Children , Jan. 29. 1648 , 9. p. 205 His Speech upon the Scaffold , With the manner of His Martyrdom , Jan. 30. 1648 , 9. p. 206 APPENDIX . Concerning Church-Government . Of the Differences between His Majesty , and the two Houses in point of Church-Government , See Icon Basil . XVII . p. 687 The Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and Henderson concerning the Change of Church-Government , 1646. p. 75 The Papers which passed betwixt His Majesty and the Divines attending the Commissioners of both Houses at Newport , 1648. Append. p. 612 , & seqq . THE END . Notes, typically marginal, from the original text Notes for div A31771-e7530 The Duke of Lenox & the Earl of Arran in Scotland . Some Writers ( who since have been convinced of their misinformation ) have named amongst those seven Lords , the Lord Bruce Earl of Elgin ; but his Lordship upon the first notice of this report , did to several Persons of Quality and Honour he conversed with , and since hath affirmed to me , that he was not then present , and that his heart could never consent to the shedding of the blood of that excellent Prelate . * A full Answer . † The Regal Apology . His Majestie 's Religion . His Justice . His Clemency . His Fortitude . His Patience . His Humility . His Choice of Ministers of State. His Affection to His People . His Obliging Converse . His Fidelity . His Chastity . His Temperance . His Frugality . His Intellectual Abilities . His Skill in all Arts. His Eloquence . His Political Prudence . The Censure of His Fortune . A Presage of His Fall , and the future State of the Royal Family . His Recreations . The Features of His Body . His Children . Notes for div A31771-e32290 Acts 14. 23. Acts 6. 6. 1 Cor. 16. 1. 1 Cor. 14. 1 Cor. 5. 5. 3 Joh. 9 , 10. 1 Tim. 5. 22. Tit. 1. 5. Revel . 2. 3. 1 Tim. 5. 19. Tit. 3. 10. Notes for div A31771-e49520 * 5 , 15 , 26 , 29. of Decemb. 84 15. of Jan. 1645. Notes for div A31771-e50990 * Jan. 23. 2 Feb. Notes for div A31771-e60920 [ Passed by the Fag-end of the House of Commons ; Jan. 4. having been cast out by the Lords , Jan. 2. ] Hereabout I was stopt , and not suffered to speak any more concerning Reasons . * defiance . * Answer . * four ( for it seems some came in after ) Here a Lady interposed , saying ▪ Not half the People ; but was silenced with threats . Upon the Earl of Strafford . Pointing to the Bishop . Turning to some Gentlemen that wrote . Pointing to the Bishop . These words were spoken upon occasion of private Discourse between His Majesty and the Bishop concerning the several Stages of man's life , and his course through them , in allusion to Posts and Stages in a Race . Notes for div A31771-e85430 * Cook 7. Report . Calvin's Case . Mr. Stroud . Mr. Pym. Sir John Biron . Lord Say. His Majesty's gracious Message to both Houses of Parliament , sent from Nottingham Aug. 25. 1642. by the Earls of Southampton and Dorset , Sr. John Culpeper Chancellor of the Exchequer , and Sr. William Vdal . The Answer of the Lords and Commons to His Majesty's Message the 25. of Aug. 1642. His Majesty's Reply to an Answer sent by the two Houses of Parliament to His Majesty's Message of the 25 of August , concerning a Treaty of Accommodation . The humble Answer and Petition of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament unto the Kings last Message . The humble Answer of the Lords and Commons assembled in Parliament unto His Majesty's last Message . Notes for div A31771-e99420 Message of Feb. 20. * [ to the Votes of both Houses , and to their desire of a safe Con●uct . ] [ His Majesty's Message of Apr. 12. at the end of the Treaty . ] Inserted before , pag. 353. * were presently . [ His Majesty's Message replying to this Paper is inserted before , p. 250. ] In His Message of April 12. pag. 353. Pag. 353. April 5. * The fourth of Edward the Third , Artic. 1. against Roger Mortimer . The King had put to him four Bishops , four Earls , and four Barons ; without whose consent , or of four of them , no great business was to be transacted . Rot. Parliam . 13 E. 3. N. 15 , 16. The whole Navy disposed of by Parliament . N. 13 , 14. Admirals appointed , and Instructions given to them . N. 32. Instructions for the defence of Jersey , and a Deputy-Governour appointed in Parliament N. 35. Souldiers of York , Nottingham , &c. to go at the cost of the Countrey ; and what they are to do . N. 36. A Clark appointed for payment of their wages by the oversight of the Lord Percy and Nevil . N. 38. Sir Walter Creak appointed Keeper of Berwick . N. 39. Sir Tho. de Wake appointed to set forth the Array of Soldiers for the County of York , and N. 40 , 41 , 42 , 43. others for other Counties . 14 E. 3. N. 36. The Parliament agreeth that in the Kings absence the Duke of Cornwal shall be Keeper of England . N. 35. They appoint the Archbishop of Canterbury , the Earls of Lancaster , Warren and Huntington , Councellors to the Duke , with power to call such others as they shall think fit . N. 19. Certain appointed to keep the Islands and Sea-coasts . N. 42. The Lord of Mowbray appointed Keeper of Berwick . N. 48. Commission to the Lord Mowbray of the Justices of Lentham . N. 53 , 54 , &c. Commissions of Array to the Earl of Angois , and others . 15 E. 3. N. 15. That the Chancellors , chief Justices , Treasurers , Chancellors and Barons of the Exchequer , &c. may be chosen in open Parliament , and there openly sworn to observe the Laws . Answer thus , That as they sall by death or otherwise , it shall be so done in the choice of a new , with your assents , &c. 50 E. 3. N. 10 , 11. Ordered in Parliament , That the King should have at the least ten or twelve Counsellors , without whom no weighty matters should pass , &c. N. 15. A Commission to the L. Percy and others , to appoint able persons for the defence of the Marches of the East-Riding . 1. R. 2. N. 18 , 19. The Parliament wholly disposeth of the Education of the King , and of the Officers , &c. N. 51. Officers for Gascoign , Ireland , and Artois , Keepers of the Ports , Castles , &c. 2. R. 2. Rot. Parl. par . 2. artic . 39. The Admiralty . N. 37. In a Schedule is contained the order of the E. of Northumb. and others for the defence of the North Sea-coasts , and confirmed in Parliament . 6 R. 2. N. 11. The Proffer of the Bishop of Norwich to keep the Sca-coasts , and accepted in Parliament 8 R. 2. 11 , 16. The names of the chief Officers of the Kingdom to be known to the Parliament , and not to be removed without just cause . 11 R. 2. N. 23. No persons to be about the King , or intermeddle with the Affairs of the Realm , other than such as be appointed by Parliament . 15 R. 2. N. 15. The Commons name the person to treat of a Peace with the Kings enemies . Rot. Parl. 1 H. 4. N. 106. That the King will appoint able Captains in England and Wales . Stat. 4. H. 4. cap. 31 , 32 , 33. printed , The Welch-men shall bear Office. 5 H. 4. N. 16. The King , at the request of the Commons , removed his Confessor and three other Men from about him . N. 37. At the request of the Commons , nameth divers Privy-Councellors . 7 , and 8 H. 4 26. Power given to the Merchants to name two persons to be Admirals . 7 , and 8 H. 4. N. 31. Councellors appointed by Authority of Parliament . N. 26. Commissions granted in Parliament to keep the Sea. Rot. Parl. 1 H. 6. N. 61. Chancellor , Treasurer , and Privy Seal appointed by Parliament . N. 24. Protector , and Defensor Regni , appointed by Parliament . N. 26. Privy Councellors . 2 H. 6. N. 15. Counsels named by Parliament . 4 H. 6. N. 19. The Duke , by common consent in Parliament , appoints a Deputy to keep Berwick Castle . 14 H. 6. N. 10. The keeping of the Town of Calice is committed to the Duke of Gloucester , by Indenture between him and the King , and confirmed in Parliament . 31 H. 6. N. 41. Rich. Earl of Salisbury and others are appointed by Parliament to keep the Seas , Tunnage and Poundage appointed to them for three years . 33 H. 6. N. 27. Discharged . 39 H. 6. N. 32. The Duke of York made by Parliament , General . Stat. 21 Jac. cap. 34. Treasurers and a Council of War appointed by Parliament , and an Oath directed to be by them taken . The Earl of Essex made Lord Lieutenant of the County of York , and Sir Jo. Conyers Lieut. of the Tower , upon the desire of the Lords and Commons this Parliament . With very many more Precedents , which , to avoid prolixity , are purposely omitted . In His Message of April 12. His Message of May 5. Message of May 19. Notes for div A31771-e117350 Mr. Alexander Hampden . Dan. Kniveton . * He. As in the case of the late Earl of Manchester , Lord Privy-Seal . Mr. Gamul . * Bound . Mr. Pym. M. Yeomans & M. Bourchier of Bristol . M. Tompkins , M. Chaloner , at London , and divers others . [ Published in Latine , English , & French. ] Notes for div A31771-e134010 See these Messages in the Appendix , n. 1. and 2. [ In the Appendix ] [ In the Appendix . ] Together with this inclosed in a Letter from Prince Rupert to the Earl of Essex , His Majesty sent a safe Conduct for their Commissioners and their Retinue . Prince Rupert's Letter . His Majesty's Propositions . All their Commissioners were not then come to Vxbridge . * The Papers intended are the Propositions concerning Religion , which were not then delivered . It was on Thursday being Market-day , and the first day of the Meeting . * The Paper intended , is that before of 30. Jan. num . 13. The Propositions here intended are those before mentioned on their part , sent by the Earl of Denbigh and others to Oxford . And the Bill for abolishing Episcopacy is in the Appendix , n. 3. * Meaning the next present Paper . * This joynt Declaration is already printed . But the Articles being not Printed are in the Appendix , n. 4. * See before num . 31. * The Directory which was delivered in is of great length , and the Covenant delivered with it , both now Printed and obvious , are therefore forborn to be inserted here or in the Appendix . * See them in the Appendix n. 5. and 6. * The Alterations intended here and in the third Proposition , are according to the Articles of the Treaty at Edenburgh , ( which see in the Appendix , n. 4. ) and the joynt Declaration of both Kingdoms , which are ; That whereas by the Bill the Bishops Lands are mentioned to be given to the King , and other Church-Lands for other uses , by those Articles and Declarations they may be taken away , and imployed to payment and recompence of the Scots , and for paying the publick Debts , and repairing of particular Losses . * That was by Conference . See num . 59. * These words are in the preamble of the Bill presented by them for abolishing Episcopacy . See before in the margin to the Paper , num . 44. * See that Clause in the Bill in the Appendix , n 3. at this mark † * Num. 52. * None were made * None at all were delivered in . * See these Papers after , n 170. 192 , and 193. * The Paper intended , is the King's Commissioners Reply to their first Answer , 13. Feb. n. 61. * See the Paper , 20. Feb. after n. 196 being delivered upon another occasion . * See before , num . 56. * See num . 84. * See num . 86. & 88. * See the Paper intended , n. 91. * The precedent Paper . * The next precedent Paper . * The Paper after n. 128 was delivered with this . * See before n. 16. * See the printed Act. * See n. 107. and 109. and n. 105. * See the Papers intended , n. 92. & 106 ▪ * Nu. 111. * See before , n. 111 The Admiralty is an office of Inheritance in Scotland , and setled by Act of Parliament . * Num. 84. * n. 361. * Copies of the Letters and Advices were accordingly delivered . [ In the Appendix . ] See the late Statute concerning the Adventures for Irish Lands . * See the Letters and Advices in the Appendix . num . 9. See all these in the Appendix . * Demand . * Which were the the two next precedent Papers . * The two Papers following , n. 171 , & 172. were delivered in before this Paper , and the reference is to them & others formerly delivered on that Subject . * See the Paper , 20. Feb. n. 192. touching His Majesties return to Westminster . * of * given . * It is the sixth of His Majesties Propositions . See His Majesties Propositions , n. 8. and the Letter from the Earl of Essex , n. 9. that their Commissioners should have Instructions to Treat upon them . * See their Paper before , 11. Feb. num . 184. * See their Paper , num . 63. referring to this . * See their last Paper . * Manner . * protest . See them in the Narrative , num . 136 , 177 & 178. * See it in the Narrative , num . 136. See the Narrative , n. 77. num . 78. num . 80. num . 81. num . 105. & 107. num . 106 , 107 , 112. num . 109. num . 110. num . 111. num . 113. 115. num . 116. num . 117. num . 118. num . 119. * These are their words , but seem to be mistaken , for Our Commissioners always insisted , We should name some of them . See Our Commissioners Paper , touching Our Return to the two Houses , after Disbanding of Armies , num . 191. num . 130. Num. 131. See num . 132. Num. 130. Num. 136. See these in the Narrative , nnm . 177 , & 178. Notes for div A31771-e172700 [ Presented Jul. . 24. ] [ These Propositions are for the most part the same with those at Vxbridge . ] [ Representation of the Army , Jun. 14. 1647. ] [ The Propositions being the same with those at Newcastle , we have only repeated the heads , as we found them . ] [ This is part of the third , in the Propositions . ] [ 14. To null all Honours conferred since 1642. by the old Seal . ] [ These Propositions being generally the same with those at Vxbridge , Newcastle , and Hampton-Court , it was thought fit to represent only the Heads . ] Notes for div A31771-e192260 Acts xiv . 23. Acts vi . 6. 1 Cor. xvi . 1. 1 Cor. xiv . 1 Cor. v. 3. iii Joh. 9 , 10. 1 Tim. v. 22. Tit. i. 5. Rev. ii . iii. 1 Tim. v. 19. Tit. iii. 10. Tit. i. 5 , 7. Acts xx . 17 , 18. 1 Pet. v. 1 , 2. * by . * Exercit. 8. in Ignat. c. 3. a Act. xvii . 14. b 15. c i Thes . iii. 1 , 2. d Act. xviii . 5. e Act. xix . 22. f Act. xx . 4. g ver . 5 , 6. h ver . 17. h i Tim. i. 3. i Heb. xiii . 23. * Phil. i. 1. Philem. ver . 1. Col. i. 1. Heb. xiii . 23. ii Tim. iv . 6 , 10. 11 , 12 , 16. k Gal. i. 2. l Tit. iii. 12. m ii Cor. ii . 12. n ii Cor. v. 6. o ii Cor. viii 6. p ii Tim. iv . 10. 1. Reply , Sect. 1 , 2 , 2. Reply , Sect. 3. 4 , 5. 3. Reply , Sect. 6. 4. Reply , Sect. 7. 5. Reply , Sect. 8. 6. Reply , Sect. 9. 7. Reply , Sect. 10. — 15. 8. Reply , 16. 9. Reply , 17 , 18. 10. Reply , 19 , 28. 11. Reply , 23 , — 27. 12. Reply , 19 , &c.