DOCUMENT RESUME ED 136 556 FL 008 311 AUTHOR Paulston, Christina Bratt; Paulston, Rolland G. TITLE Language and Ethnic Boundaries. PUB DATE Sep 76 NOTE 38p.; Paper presented at the Scandinavian Symposium on Bilingualism (1st, Esbo, Finland, September 29r30, 1976) EDRS PRICE BF-$0.83 HC-$2.06 Plus Postage. DESCRIPTORS *Acculturation; Bias; Biculturalism; Bilingual Education; *Bilingualism; Blacks; Cultural Pluralism; *Educational Policy; English Language); Ethnic Groups; *Ethnic Relations; Immigrants; *Language Attitudes; Language Instruction; Minority Groups; Non English Speaking; Socialization; Sociolinguistics IDENTIFIERS Canada; Language Maintenance; Language Shift; Lapps; Latin America; Sweden ABSTRACT The paper examines the phenomenon of group bilingualism, the origin of the contact situations which lead to it, and the role of language in maintaining ethnic boundaries, especially in revitalization movements. Language shift and language maintenance are seen as indicators of the degree to which ethnic boundaries are being maintained. Many ethnic groups are discussed and the case of the Swedish Lapps examined at length. (Author) *****************************************************************#***** Documents acquireE by ERIC include many informal unpublished * materials not available from other sources. ERIC makes every effort * * to obtain the best copy available. Nevertheless, items of marginal * * reproducibility are often encountered and this affects the quality * * of the microfiche and hardcopy reproductions ERIC makes available * * via the ERIC Document Reproduction Service (EDRS). EDRS is not * responsible for the quality of the original document. Reproductions * * supplied by EDRS are the best that can be made from the original. * *********************************************************************** LANGUAGE AND ETHNIC BOUNDARIES Christina Bratt Pau 1st= Departrrent of General Linguistics Rolland G. Paulston International and Dave 1cl:trent Education Program University of Pittsburgh Paper presented at the First Scandinavian Conference on Bilingualism Est.:), Finland September 29 - 30, 1976 U S DEPARTMENT DF HEALTH. EDUCATION I. WELF AR E NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EDUCATION 11415 00CUMENT HAS BEEN REPRO- OUCEO EXACTLY AS RECEIVE!) FROM THE PERSON OR ORGANIZATION ORIGIN- ATING IT POINTS OF VIEW OR OPINIONS STA TEO 00 NOT NECESSARILY REPRE SENT OFFICIAL NATIONAL INSTITUTE OF EOUCATION POSITION ON POLICY Recently, in examining a colleague's research on the Canadian immer- sion programs, it struck me forcibly what a bother the Canadian language situation is, what a tremendous outpouring of energy and money -- and strife.1 I contented how much easier it would all be if the Franco- Canadians would just give up their French. She looked at me quizzically, grinned, and said: "Of course." Nbw,rothat simple exchange illustrates a number of issues that need to be considered in a discussion of bilingual- ism. The reason for her initial puzzLanent los that she for a moment took my remark as a scholarly statement about optative language policy goals for French speaking Canada, although she knew very well that I was a supporter of cultural pluralism and concomitant bilingual education, and so she was puzzled. In other words, she was well acquaintedwith the par- ticular bias with which I approach bilingualim and bilingual education. I am in favor of it. It is not only mbias; it is shared by every lin- guist and anthropologist Ilulw of who does scholarly work on bilingualisn and bilingual education. In all likelihood, it is a bias which is shared by Trost if not all of the participants at this conference. It is not a bias for which I apologize; rather I find it totA111, justified. Rut there is the crux; the burden is upon me to demonstrate such a justifica- tion and to do so on the basis of data and empiric-1 facts. I find much writing and research on bilingualism and bilingual education flawed by a lack of objectivity, which influences the research designs as well as leads to unwarranted conclusions and speculations. The first Scandinavian- 3 Conference on Bilingualism is an appropriate tine to acknowledge our bias, because it is only by acknowledging it that we can adequately oontrol for it in oar work as well as allow the reader a more accurate interpretation of our scholarly opinions. Once my aolleague realized what I neant, she agreed. language diver- sity within Ivations frevently leads to a minter of problem, especially in the educational sector, which may not occur in a monolingual state. Atterpts at solutions frequently carry a high econanic cost; e.g. federal funding alone in the Unitedr.States for bilingual educatio.n in 1977 is $118 million. A cannon rejoinder among my colleagues is "Good, let them build one less atanic submarine." In other words, the perception and evaluation of the social results of ethnic groups in contact become a natter of priorities. It is undeniable, just as my colleague did not atterpt to deny it, that social life in Canada would be simpler with only one language. But to her mind as to mine, increased efficacy and econany of ozurminication do not justify the enforced loss of cultural identity and way of life of a people, a choice of priorities which ultimately is based on moral values. Frovently reason has little to do with attenpts at solutions . It is not reasonable for students to riot and get killed because the authorities want to teach one language rather than another in the schools, yet I think we all understand the Black reaction to the introduction of Afrikaans in- stead of English in South Africa. Afrikaans is a very pcmerful symbol for the hated oppression, and as I write this, the riots are continuing. Clearly Afrikaans in and by itself was not the real reason behind the re- volt, but rather the reason lay in the nature of the relationship between the subordinate Blacks and the daninant whites. In our discussions on bilingualisn and bilingual situations, we need to recognize that often the problem has nothing or little to do with language m, se. 4 The present language situation in the province of Quebec is a result of a power struggle between the economically daninant Anglo Canadians and the politically dominant Franco Canadians. Through legal measures, the French have been able to enforce a knowledge of French as a requisite for access to a number of jobs. As a result about 50% of the English speaking children in. Montreal enter kindergarten in French immersion Programs, (programs in which Frendh is used as a median of instruction2), with the hope by their parents that they will learn sufficient French in school to be able to qualify for future positions. Ianquage is used by the French as a mechanism for maintaining ethnic boundaries in order to deny English- speaking Canadians access to scarce jobs. Language can similarly be used for the mailnumance Oi ethnic boun- daries in order to keep memberswithin the group. The trilingual Old Order Amish is an example of a group who uses language for the maintenance of group boundaries both to keep their members in and outsiders out. The Pennsylvania Cld Order Amish is a Protestant religious group characterized bY: horse and buggies for transportation, no electricity in their homes, farm animals for farming, the occupa- tion most engaged in, education only to the eighth grade, plain dress, refbsal to accept government benefits such as social security, and the use of Pennsylvania Dutch, aGerman dialect from the speech of German Rhenish Palatinate, German, and English (foder 1976:2-3). German is used for sermons, prayers, and bible reading fram the Luther Bible, the 1534 translation from the Latin. Since Pennsylvania law re- quires school attendance until 15, many Old Order Amish spend an addi- tional year after eighth grade in a special intensive progrsm learning German, thus fulfilling the legal requirement:while serving their own purpose. English is learnt in school and is used in any exchange uith "English" or "gay" persons, as non-mothers are referred to. English is also used for noir-religious reading. Pennsylvania Dutch is the mother 5 -4- tongue and is spoken in the home, always at church related social activi- ties and often to other church members even in the "English" world, such as in the grocery store (Yoder 1976). Members have a strong feeling that German is the better form of the language, richer, deeper, nore capable of expressing deep thoughts than either Pennsylvania Dutch or English The deep thoughts in one's life are those relating to God. So take away German, and one has taken away that aspect of his life. (Yoder 1976:10). For the deeply religious Amish, it is clear that the functional distribu- tion of language use contributes to the motivation for stayirtgwithin the church and for resisting the obvious temptations to join one of the less conservative churches, like that of the Mennonites, who do not have the same extreme restrictions on (7aily life bbr do the Miannonites make similar use of language and indeed their present day high school genera- tion is monolingual in English. In this paper, I would like to examine the phenomenon of group bi- lingualism, the origin of the contact situations which lead to it, and the role of language inraintaining ethnic boundaries, especially in revitalizationmovrerents. We need to examine such issues because we will newer be able to understand the nature of bilingualism if we consider it as a unifimmaphercmenon. Bilingualisrmay be a universal condition but it serves a variety of functions which need to be considered for an ade- quate understanding of the social oansequences of group bilingualism. Furthermore, group bilingualism nore often than not is not stable, and becomes the majorrrechanim of language shift,'a phenomenon which is poorly understood (Fishman 1966; Lieberson et al.1975). Revitalization movements are,likely to be a rechanism for language maintenance or lan- guage revival. Language shift and languagernainterance, with or without concomitant bdlingualism, are of course indicators of the degree to which ethnic boundaries are beingmaintained. Gaarder (iA.d.) rakes the crucial distinction between elitist bdlin- lingualimnand folk bilingualign. Elitist bilingualism is the hallmark of intellectuals and the learned in most societies, and'one might add, of upper class membership in many societies as it certainly is in Scandinavia. It is a matter of choice. Not so with folk bilingualism which is the re- sult of ethnic groups, in contact and competition within a single state, where "one of th2 peoples became bilingual involuntarily in order to sur- vive" (p.4). Elitist bilingualism is not likely to be a mechanism for language shift ,orinaintenance, and in this paper I will only consider folk bilingualism. In an earlier paper (C. B. Paulston 1975b), I drew on Schermerhorn's um "Inductive typology" of Comparative Ethnic Relations in an attempt to analyze the consequences of bilingual education in North Pmerica, the direct result of ethnic groups in contact, and I would briefly like to review it here. Schernertzorn points out that "the probability is over- whelming that when two groups with different cultural histories establish contacts that are regular rather than occasional or intermittent, one of the two groups will typically assune daninance over the other," (1970:68), and he says elsewhere it is the nature of this dominance whidh is the major factor in ethnic relations (1972:379ff). The central question then in comparative research in ethnic relations (immediate causal factor of a group's bilingual status) is 'What are the conditions:that foster or pre- vent the integration of ethnic groups into their environing societies?" (1970:14). The percentage of members of a group who become bilingual tan be seen as a concomitant condition of the degree of integration. Scher- merhorn sees three major causal factors as determining the nature of the relationship between ethnic groups and the process of integration into the environing society. The first refers to the origin of the contact situation between "the subordinate ethnic and dominant groups, such as annexation, migration, and colonization," the second to "the degree of 7 enclosure (institutional separation. or segmentation) of the subordinate group or grows from the society-wide network of institutions and asso- ciations," and the third to "the degree of control exercised by dominant groups over access to scarce resources by subordinate groups in a given society" (1970:15). Iieberson, Dalto and Johnston in a quantificationally very sophis- ticated article on "The Cborse of Mother-Ubngue Diversity in Nations" (1975) point out the failure of developmental factors, such as urbaniza- tion, to account for cross-national changes in language diversity. They consider the very rapid language shift in the United States: "For the descendants of literally tens of millions of immigrants, English becane the mather.tongue in a matter of a fed generations (Lbaberson and Curry 1971). It is reasonable to akk how it came about that the shift was so rapid in the United States compared with that in the vast majority of nations" (1975:53)._ They conclude, like Schermerhorn, that one must con- sider the origin of the contact Situation and go on to "develop a theory which suggests that the course of race and ethnic relaticos will be dif- ferent in settings where the subordinate group is indigenous as opposed to those where the migrant populations are subordinate" (1975:53). They consider, similarly to Schermerhorn to whom they refer, four groups: (1) indigenous supexordinate, (2) nigrant superordinate, (3) indigenous subordinate, and (4) migrant subordinate. They find it unlikely that much, if any, mother-tongue shift will occur among the first two groups. "Almost certainly a group enjoying both political and economic dominance will be in a position to ensure that its linguistic position is maintained. Bilingualism may occur, but this is not the same as mother-tongue shift: At the very most, one can normally expect only an extremely slow rate of mother-tongue change among such groups" (1975:53). The role of Swedish in Finland illustrates that point and gives us an example of an ethnic 8 group in demographic and political decline which uses its native tongue to maintain its boundaries for ethnic survival.(R. G. Paulston 1976b). Like the English-speakingCanadiams in Quebec, the Swedish-speakimg Finns lack political power in Finland and so are vulnerable to any legal mea- sures the Finnish-speaking majority might institute in regards to Swedish. Presumably the Status of Swedish as a lingua franca in Scandinavia (Skutnabb-Eangas 1975) and strong Eeelings of Scandinavian solidarity have contributed to the Finns' tolerance toward SwedishIbut its continued role in Finland is best explained by the former superordinate status of its mother-tongue speakers. Subordinate groups who are indigenous at the time of contact, either through colonization as in the case of the American Indians or through annexation as in the case of the Chicanos in the U. S. Southwest, are un- likely to change rapidly. Migrant subordinate groups are the only groups likely to Show rapid rates of mother..tongue shift, as the recent migrant FinntWaworking-class populationinSweden illustrates in so rapid a shift that there is anecdotal evidence of difficulties of communication between parents and children. In the United States, as Lieberson et al. show, the immigrant experience was one of extra-ordinarily rapid shift. In contrast, within the same nation and with access to the same educational institution of public schooling, the indigenous subordinategzoups have changed at a much slower rate. In 1940, 20% of the whites in Louisiana still reported French as their mother-tongue although the state had been purchased almost 150 years before, from France in 1803. In New Mexico, conquered in 1846, nearly 45% of the Native Parentage population (third or later generation) reported also in 1940, Spanish as their mother- tongue, which means that, since a fair proportion of this population was not of Spanish origin, much more than half of the Spanish-speaking popu- lation had not shifted (Liebexson et al. 1975). In contrast to Louisiana, 9 the Southwest has a steady trickle of new Immigrants legal and illegal, frail btbxico, and no one really knows the exact rate of language shift, but Thompson (1974) calculates that in Texas Spanish has remained the mother-tongue for eighty percent of the third generation. The Indian population probably has been the slowest to become bilin- gual. Liebe/son et al cite census data which show that as recently as 1900 slightly more tha4 40% of the Indian population could not speak English. Many of those who did speak English also maintained their Indian mother tongue, and Lieberson et al concludes that "it is clear that nother-tongue shift was far slower than for the subordinate immi- grant groups" (1975:56). The degree to which these populations become bilingual in mother- tongue and English varies, and the fact that many don't has resulted in national recognition of that problem in the form of federal legislation of the so called Bilingual Education Act of 1968. The official intent of this act is the more efficient teaching of English through the trarr sitional use of the mother tongue. The implementation of these programs, as I have written about elsewhere (C. B. Paulston, in press), is accom- panied by considerable strife by school personnel who cite their own immigrant emperience background as example that there is no need for bi- lingual education. The militant minority ethnic groups, the Chicanos, the Puerto Ricans, the Navajos, refuse to accept the assimilationist goals of the programs, and instead talk about (andwhere they can implement) bi- lingual/bicultural maintenance programs. It is a clear group conflict situation, played out in the educational sector, where the ethnic groups are insisting on their rights to naintain their ethnic boundaries, much to the disapproval of the dominant Anglos. These findings on language shift through a bilingual generation and languagerraintenance with or without concomitant bilingualism raise some 10 issues which are important for a wore accurate under0Ningcsf k-aata0 of bilingualism. They also illustrate, I think, the AkT120ce 0f parative approach in this field of study. Tne first 65tiNtiO0 413'41 2crne,4 toimird is why would the imadgrant experience result 3n 1.1ch LivioYe shift with no apparent educational problems when the Plq,tgenotls 4ING countered such difficulties; why have the Latter maii"ed t11 e0 44 tongue and what is the mechanism of language maint-n" Xt Nkr, think, that themohanism of language shift in the Un3tki State° 11N IDEO bilingualism: .A4k, Immigrant languages disappear because theY cli?mkbt tr'",".014` frcm one generation to the next. Typical-W the States the first generation:prefers to sPeeK't1e porr'%' '4mh tongue, the second generation is bilingualf_71 the claims English as its mother tongue, learrdsfax,&"%e'iSroll language mainly through contact with the gr"'%ret,1?;14:), Spanish language seems to be an exception.CA'Noson Mat is not clear are the factors which resulted jla e enguaOsilNten, Itti14'kance or sloc# rate of shift:of the indigenous popuIctiC414 j1j0 the role of mother tongue language in the ethnic sliacj-t groa° °1441mly do these groups insist =maintenance bilingual 1:0o9rOle k-athetr accept the transitional assimilation goals? In tDc xeNder. th I shall attempt to deal udth these issues. Language shift can be seen as an indicator of ihrANtioa 4.4e environing society, and we can rephrase the first que0i% aligh47 did the immigrants to the United States integrate int° th% Large sN..ety wore rapidly and ccmpletely than did the indigenotis g"? on et al point out, one reason was that the indigenous g21011N airecla5(N1q. set of social and cultural institutions in situ throllorqUch thel tempted to pursue their preconsiest activities. AnotiOr e..asor114°5 they tended to be spatially isolated. These two reasons are both subsumed under Sole="ala Vat3N of degree of enclosure. The less the two groups Share uulttiral \t±.- 1 1 -10- tutions like the same churchese the same schools, the same jobs the higher the degree of enclosure within that society. Schermrhorn points out that we do not have a very clear idea of the degree of enclosure of plural societies which are the result of annexation. In plural societies, "institutions of kinship, religion, the economy, education, recreation and the like are parallel but different in structure and norms Ordinarily this is cavolnxleelby differences in language and sometimes by race as weal" (1970:124). The relationship between degree of enclosure and the role of language in ethnic boundary maintenance processes is not under- stood, and I cannot think of any study which has eKsimincx1 this particular problem. Clearly it is an important topic for future investigation. The degree of control by-the Anglo dominant group over access to goods and services also influenced the situation. The contact situations within the same nation between the Anglo Americans and the Chicanos, the Puerto Ricans, the Amerindians, were all the result of military conquest. The Chicanos were segregated to one part of town and only given access to menial type jobs. The Indians Were isolated on reservations where no opportunity for jobs existed. The immigrants, on the other hand, were given access to jobs. Brudner's thesis (1972) that jobs select language learning strategies is one that I have never found an exception to. When jobs were available which required a knowledge of English, the ethnic minority members became bilingual. Without access to rewards, English was and is not salient. schermerhorn also posits three intervening or contextual variables which modify the effect of the independent variables. The most important is the agreement or disagreemera: between dominant and subordinate groups on collective goals for the latter, such as assimilation or plUralism. Schermrhorn sets up a paradigm of which one purpose is to "specify the social contexts that can serve as intervening variables in answer to the 12 -11- scientific query, 'under what conditiOns?" (1970:85). He bases his discussion on Wirth's typology of the different policies adopted by minority groups in response to their unprivileged position. These policies he called assimdlationist, pluralist, secessionist, and militant. Briefly, assimilation- ist policy seeks to merge the minority members into the_sdder_society__by_abandoning_their_orrat_cultural_ distinctiveness and adopting their superordinatas' values and style of life. The pauralist strategy solicits tolerance fram the dominant group that will allow the subordinates to retain much of their culcural distinctiveness. The secessionist:minority aims to separate or detach itself from the superor- dinates so as to pursue an independent existence. Finally, the militants . . . intend to gain control over the dominants who currently have the asceedency (1970:78). Schemmrhorn points out that assimilation and plural= really refer to cultural aspects while secession and militancy refer to structural. TO clarify this problem it is well to insist on the analytic distinction betwBen culture and social structime. Culture signifies the ways of action learned through socialization, based on norms and values that serve as guides or standards for that behaviaf. Social structure, on the otherhand, refers to "the set of crystallized social rela- tionships which its (the society's) members have with each other which places them in groups, large or small, permanent or temporary, formally organ- ized or unorganized, and which relates them to the major institutional activities of the society, such as economic and occupational life, religion, mar- riage and the family, education, goverment, and recreation" (Gordon, 1964:30-31). (1970:80) In order to dealwiththe difficulty of applying cultural features to conditions which involve social features, he suggests the paired con- cepts of centripetal and centrifugal trendsiirsocial life. "Centripetal tendencies refer both to cultural trends sudh as acceptance of common values, styles of life, etc., as well as structural features like in- creased participation in a common set of groups, associations, and in- stituticns" (1970:81) . To keep the two aspects distinct, he calls the first assimilation, the latter incorporation. 13 -12- Centrifugal tendencies among subordinate groups are those that foster separation from the dominant group or fnam societal bonds in one respect or another. Culturally this most frequentlyneems retention and preservation of the group's distinctive traditions in spheres like language, religion, recreation, etc., together with the particularistic values associated with them: Wirth's cultural requirements are needed, so there are demands for endogamy, separate associa- tions,-4and_even at tirmaq a_restricted_range of occu- pations (1970:81-2). Schernerhorn's major point is that integration, which involves the satisfaction of the ethnic group's modal tendency, whether it be centri- petal or centrifugal, depends on the agreement or congruence of views by the dominant and subordinate groups on the goals of the latter: Cbngruent and Incongruent Orientations Toward Centri- petal and Centrifugal Trends of Subordinates as Viewed by Themselves and Superordinates. Superordinates Subordinates Superordinates Subordinates Ass tion Incorporation Cf CP Poroad segregation with resistance Cp = Centripetal trends Cf = Centrifugal trends (1970:83) 14 Cf Cf Cultural piuralism Autonomy Tending toward Integration Tending toward Conflict Ilorced assamilation with resistance -13- The immigrants' goals were clearly those cf assimilation; they had voluntarily left "the old country" with its frequently unsatisfactory conditions behind. The indigenous groups, in contrast, did not seek con- tact with ths cibminantAnglos but found it imposed on them; their groups in their entirety were brought into the environing society with their culture intact. Tbdgy many subordinate ethnic groups in the United States do not want to abandon their cultural distinctiveness; rather they want access to goods and services, to the institutional privileges held by the English speak:L.11g mr:ddle class, i.e. econamicincorporationbut not assimilation. One important aspect of resisting assimilation is the maintenance of the mother tongue, in thesameway as language dhift is an important aspect of assimilation. Ihe goals for all non-Englibh speaking groups as seen by the domin- ant group have always been assimilation, the acceptance of "the American creed," the socialization into American ways and values. Since this was also the goal of the immigrants, they willingly acquiesced to the assimi- lation process, and the relationship between the dominant group and the immigrants is best characterized by Cell A4 a situation tending toward integration. Anything less became considered unpatriotic, and I have more than once when I criticized same feature cf American life been told "if you don't like it here, why don't:mug° back to where you came from." The indigenousgmoups, on the other hand, tended to resist assimila- tion, and their situation is sydbolimd by Cell D. It is slight wonder that, in a situation characterized by conflict, in which they resisted assimilation at the same time as theywere denied access to goods and services and were separated institutionally from the English-speaking group, members of indigenous groups did not shift to Ehglish to the same degree and at the same rate as the immigrant group. The degree to which the indigenous groups became bilingual probably depended mostly on access 15 -14- to jobs which required a knowledge of English; the degree to which they maintained the mother tongue probably depended most on the resistance against assimilation. The affluent Amish, who are an exception to the inmigrant experience of rapid language shift, exemplify both these points. They are perfectly bilingual as their business dealings with the "gay" ---liorId-necessitate-a-knowledge of English-i-which-ithey-learn-primarily-in-- the public schools. 'Ihey have stubbornly resisted assimilation into Anerican mainstream culture for religious reasons and not only have they maintained the mother tongue but also add standard German as an addition- al language, crucial to the transmittance of the group's basic values. However, the use of census data to establish language shift as Lieberson et al. do masks the variation of language use between the various immigrant groups. Furthermore, assimilation is not necessarily an irreversible process. The United States has lately experienced a re- surgence of ethnic awareness which brings into question the goal of can- plete assimilation for these ethnic groups. Elazar and Friedman discuss this new developrent of ethnic reaffirmation in Anerican society in their perceptive Diovin Up: Ethnic Succession in Anerica (1976) . They point out that ethnic identity has often been seen as a problem that must sat...-1- I= be overcare. Social scientists have often considered religious and ethnic grows as "vestiges of a priznitiv e. past that are destined to dis- appear" (1976:4) , but recent "writers on the 'new pluralism' have argued that racial, religious, and ethnic groups are a basic canponent of our social structure" (p. 5) who affect our institutions and at tines are ifore pouerful than econanic forces in their influence. As a result of the migration process, there has been a pattern of ethnic division of labor in the United States; e.g. the Irish have been draWri to local politics and civil service, the Slavic groups constitute a large part of labor in the coal mines and steel mills while the Jews have 16 -15- been.active inter alia in family style businesses. Elazar and Friedman point out that large groups within the American populacecontinueto be "ethnic outs" in 'various stages of their own struggle to become 'ethnic ins.'" These groups of Italian, Slovak, Polish, Jewish, Greek Hungarian, and Ukrainian background "are still struggling for recognition, upward ofiffibdest gains laboriously achieVed after years of struggle (p. 19). It is no coincidence that (with the excep- tion of Jewish which is not a language) all of those languages are still natively spokenityPittsburgh and mark group boundaries which are iso- morphic with limited access to social rewards. The capacity of the "outs" to change their status, say Elazar and Friedman, depend on their potential social and political power, their willingness to use unorthodox tactics, the extent ofopposition, and their ability to evoke sympathy (p. 14). They have befbre them the exmmple of the Blacks. Black gains during the 1960's and 1970's came about through ethnic solidarity and Nere obtained primarily through the institution- alization of their own political strength" (p. 15), which during the sixties resulted in highly visible ethnic confrontations. The results of these ethnic confrontations led other groups to make demands -- as groups. These demands come at a difficult time. From post-World War II through the late 1960's, AmericeLaystained rapid expansion and development of what has been called 'the metropolitan frontier.' There was a dramatic use of social, economic, and technical opportunities which the civil rights novement helped blacks to be able to take advan tage of. jobs, status and the good things of life were within the reach cl growing numbers of Mexi- cans in an expanding economy (p. 21). This expansion has now come to an end, and the present recession has exacerbated poverty and joblessness among the minorities. Unemployment has contributed to ethnic solidarity as the experience seems to show that competition for rewards is more successful when carried out by groups than 17 -16- by individuals, and the group boundaries have been those of ethnicity. (R. G. Paulston 1976c).. One resource of ethnic groups which can be used in stressing ethnic awareness and identity of the members is the original mother tongue. Pittsburgh radio stations, as do others in the country, carry radio pro- grams in Italian, Slovak, Croatian, etc. The Slok carramuty here, fOr example, offers a non-formal course in Slovak culture, cuisine, music, and language. Its students are from all social classes and all ages. Many Polish (for instance) families are changing their surname fram the anglofied version back to the original Polish. At the University of Pittsburgh, a number of students of Polish, Greek, Hungarian, etc. back- ground, who have completely shifted to English, are laboriously studying the language of their grandparents. Clearly this language learning will serve no immediate practical purpose but it does serve to reaffirm their ethnic identity and to reinforce old boundaries which in their case had become eliminated. The most extrema form of ethnic mobilization occurs in what Wallace (1956) has termed revitalization movements, "deliberate, organized, con- scious efforts by members of a society to construct a more satisfying culture" (1956:265). For Wallace, this process involved a cultural trans- formation of the group. For the purposes of this paper, I will extere the term to include ethnic revivalmoverrents as well (which may not be involved in a cultural transformation) since Wallace's concept of "revo- lutionary phase" (1975:22-23) applies to both movements. In his "Schools in Revolutionary and Conservative Societies" (1975), Wallace discusses the learning priorities of the two types of society: Mat a man is expected to do in his life will, in part, depend-on whether he lives in a revolution- ary, conservative, or reactionary society. And what he is expected to do determines what he is expected to learn (1975:21). 18 -17- He outlines the following model of learnimg priorities: Learning Priorities in Revolutionary, Conservative, and Readtiammry Societies. °°°°.4'4410Tectinic Revolutionary Phase 'Wallace 1975:26) Technic Morality Morality chni Intellect Intellect Cbnservative Phase I Social ) History Reactionary Phase WAllAce assigns very specific neanings to the terms technic, morality and intellect. By technic he refers to learning as a process of "reliability increase of action" through stimulus, reinforcemnt ard motivation; technic Is learning "haw to." Morality, on the cther hand, stresses Nhat." Mbr- ality concerns one particular kind of socially approved value: This kind of value is the conception that one's own behaviour, as well as the behaviour of others, should not merely take into consideration the attitude of the community, but should actively advance, or at least not retard, its welfare (1975:18). Although most commonly practiced in the humble endurance of dismal- fort by inconspicuous people, it is 'most conspicuously emeapliftedby such heroic actions as the soldier's throwilvhdnmelf on a handgrenade in order to smother the blast and save his buddies" (1975:18). The criterion for morality is its potential for sacrifice, and all ethnic groups in the re- volutionary phase have sacrificial heroes as leaders, i.e. leaders who are willing to risk freed= or life for thecause; Cesar Chavez and La Causa is a good exanyle. By intellect, Wallace refers to Jacques Barzun's metaphor in his The House of Intellect (1959) as an "establishment." Mllace cites Barzun: FLculthe image of a hae-and its economy, one-can SOB-- wh4 an inquiry into the institution of Intellect nust 19 include. Themin topics are: the state of the language, -18- the system of schooling, the neans and objects of communication, the supplies of money for thought and learning, and the code of feeling and conduct that goes with them. When the general tendency of these arrangements makes for order, logic, clarity, and speed of communication, one may say that a tra- dition of Ihbellect exists (1975:19). Wallace ooncludes his discussion of intellect by pointing out that it is the_only truly universal too1sahichis_t2capable_of Trinintaining mid restoring hunan arrangements against the erosions of time, capable of recognizing and solving new problems as well as learning answers to old ones" (1975:20) . A group, like the Nation of Islam (in common parlance often referred to as the Black Muslims), or an entire society, like Cuba, may enter a revolutionary phase when they perceive their present circumstances and state of affairs as intolerable to support further. The regressive re- sponse of individuals in the stage preceding a revitalization movement typically inclilaPq "alcoholism, extreme passivity and indolence, the development of highly ambivalent dependency relationships, intragroup violence, disregard of kinship and sexual mores, irresponsibility in public officials, states of depression and self-reproach, and probably a variety of psychosomatic and neurotic disorders" (1956:269). It is no accident that abstinence, hard Nonrk, independence, black brotherhood, the importance of the family unit, responsibility, and Black pride are some of the values most revered by. Embers of the Nation of Islam (4. E. Mohagmad 1976; see also Bilalian News). As is typical and necessary in revitalization movements, the Nation of Islam has its charismatic leaders, especially the late Elijah Mohanrnad, who formulated "the nature of the existing culture's deficiencies, the nature of a desirable goal culture, and the nature and mode of operation of the transfer culture. This foundation must be more than an exercise of intellect: it must be passionately moral" (1975:22). It speaks for 0 -19- the explicatory power of Wallace's theoretical framework of revitaliza- tionmovenents that it was formulated years before the creation of the Nation of Islam, yet it perfectly accounts for its de;elopment. Groups undergoing a revolutionary phase will always stress moral learning, and conflicts are certain to arise when a revitalization move- ----ment-takes-place-within-a amservative society-where-technic has-the highest learning priority, i.e. "in conservative societies, schools pre- pare people not for sacrifice but for jobs" (R. G. PatIqtan 1972:478). Indeed wherever possible, the Nation of Islam has its own private schocas in order to be abae to implement its own learning priorities of nmoral transformation of the population" (Wallace 1975:23). The success of a revitalization movenent within a larger society, such as the economic and cultural succesa of the Nation of Islam, depends on the larger society's tolerance for cultural pauralism. The extreme respectability of the members in dress and an emphasis on moral values which are not in conflict with those of the mainstream culture presumably have contri- buted to this success. Nor has there been any attempt to use language, so called non-standard Negro English or Black English, in the process of defining the group's new identity. The success of the Nation of Islam contrasts sharply with the fate of another Black revitalizationmoverent, the Black Panther Party. The second learning priority in a revolutionary phase is intellect, and says Wallace, the moral intellectuals often appear as fanatics tathe conser- vative society. It is interesting to speculate that the failure of the Black Panthers partially was due to an emphasis on intellect rather than co, morality and to the lack of a consistently outlined goal culture as the Nation of Islam very carefully had done: The Panthers, homever, like many other groups before them had a number of shortcomings. Probably the main one was the lack of a thorough radical analysis and 21 coupling that with a strong, organized set of strategies -20- and programs. As with many other groups, publicity and their image may have clouded their own ideas of what they wanted to do. But, when as they sometimes seemed to be doing, the leaaprehip changed its views so often, with not enough outside feedback to guide them, they did amazingly well . . .(Mason 1976:56). The very point is that leadership in revitalizationmovenents is mess- ianic and does not depend on outside feedback nor is the moral teaching of goals frequently changed. The Black Panthers were militant; they carried loaded weapons, while still legal; cited Nelcolm24 the assasin- ated Black leader, Mao Tte-tung and Marx; and some with Eldridge Cleaver called for underground terrorist-type activities. Huey Newton, a co- founder, titled his book TO Die for the People: The Wtitings of Huey P. Newton (1972). The larger society considered them as fanatics and showed no tolerance: Cleaverioent eventually into exile for many years, and Newton was jailed for the murder of a policeman (le was freed in 1970 after two years in jail). Says Mason, "The trial of Huey P. Newton it- self is regarded by many educators, as well as lawyers, ordinary black citizens, etc. as truly revealing the racist character of the legal system" (1976:24). The writings of the Black Panthers are also in impeccable standard English but intheir speeches there are occasional occurences of Black English for stylistic effect, to mark group solidaricy. Ethnic groups typically use its mother tongue or dialect to such purpose, and the re- liactance in both Black revitalization movements to use Black English reflects its stigmatized status as a former creole. 'lb members of the Nation of Islam, Black English is associated with the conditiond of life before their cultural transformation and plays no part in the group's moral teaching. It should be recognized that this is an unusual situa- tion in revitalization movesrents. Language skills in the official language can ordinarily be seen as an aspect of technic, an aspect of preparation for jobs which is the 22 major priority of learning in a conservative society. The mother tongue, on the other hand, is an aspect of moral learning,,reaffirming the soli- darity and cultural uniqueness of the ethnic group, underscoring the need to teadh the moral values of good and evil, right and wrong, the values of the old gods, in the language in wbidh those values were originally transmitted._ReaffirMation_of.sultural_values_are_fregUentlY-A-Part the moral teadhing, especially among ethnic groups wbo prior to the re- , vitalization novement have been taught by the dominant group to have nothing but contempt for theirdwn culture. The conflict over learning pxiorities explains the extreme impor- tance of control over local educational institutions. I have frequently 'heard commented among ny colleagues that the best bilingual sdhools are those that are under community control -- be it Navajo or Chicano.: I am not certain what 'best" means in this connection. In my discussion of the Erickson report (1969). in an earlier paper, I pointed out that "rhe,- tOric about cultural pluralism accounts for little if the objectives are not implemented (C. B. Paulston 1975a:25); the commurity-run Navajo sdhool, as neasured by the achievement test batteries fran the California Test Bureau, was markedly inferior to the gavernment-run sdhool academically. I was at the time only interested in investigating the learning of Eng- lidh language Skills, but even so that statement and the evaluation itself -- dhows our typical tendency to assess and evaluate the sdhooling of groups undergoing a revitalization movement with moral learning as the priority, in terms of the standards of the conservative society -- the standards of tedhnic. The following case study of "Ethnic Revival and Educational Conflict in Swedish Lapland" (R. G. Paulston 1976a) illustrates the importance of autonomy over eaucational programs by the group in a revitalization phase. It illustrates onde again the tendency to intolerance of cUltural pluralism 23 -22- by the larger society except when it sees its own purposes furthered; consistently, when the national economy favored reindeer herding, the collective goals for the Lapps as seen by Swedish officials included the use of Lappish and support of Same culture; otherwise, the goals were Swedish and assimilation. We also see here the typical support (maintenance and/or revival) of the mother tongue in ethnic revival movements. Swedish goverment relations with the Lapps began with the Lapp- mark edict of 1673 which sought to open the Lapp's traditional homeland to Swedish settlers and the State Church.3 This document promulgated a policy of minority integration, along with descriptions of stereotypi- callninority attributes, that has continued in large part down to the present day (cited in Ruong 1969b:203). It states that: (1) Lapps should devote themselves to reindeer breeding in the mountain areas, a task for which they are best suited. (2) Swedish settlers shouldhave the right to take land from the Forest Lapps, to hunt and fish on Lapp lands, and to burn and clearIviii land. (3) The Lapps are a barbaric people from else- where without legal title to the land they use. They are lazy and useless in war. In the following centuries, two themes pervaded ethnic relations. The dominant theme called for Lapps to withdraw before the advance of Western economic penetration. Lapps might indeed join this advance by rejecting their language and other core cultural traditions and becoming Swedes. The second and lesser theme, that the Lapp minority should be pre- served and protected, largely through paternalistic efforts Of the Swe- dish State Church, became increasingly important in the 19th century as traditional Lapp nomad society disintegrated under the onslaught of ex- panding Scandinavian societies. With a cultural-revitalizationmovemnt 24 -23- led by the minister Iars Laestadius the ensuring stzenheniP'J \%cial responsibility, and the increased value of reindeer herkng til° 14.\ tional'econamy, educational policy for the Lapps shifrA woes° Nitn 4e111), acculturation to socialized isolation (Nordberg 1956; 7,'"" about World War I, what might be called the "oamsevrik)ist° ia°Ny had gained predominance and became embodied in the tIomkt Sch°°1 iNara of 1913. The ,Act's rationale, both economic and earAtt4n51, i° Ntly, apparent in the position stated by the Bishop of Lule" leacr.A. school reform and the religious head of the Lappuork (ced in I4)°N 1969b:142): Lapps ladk the physical attributes necesed regular, heavy manual labor and therefore fP'k into deep poverty and misery when they adopt' settled way of life. If, on the other herld/m?)ey continue with reindeer breeding, they cat? eria- upon a secure source of livelihood. It 1st oor4ngly, of national economic interest th,he Lapps retain their inherited source of liVeY-"Ood. The vast tundra and mountain areas of Northern Scan(101Nia could' 4k that time, be most eoditinically exploited as pastaM reinele°' herding required that the LaPps live a nomadic exietalla% Thns' tl\ question of "What is an appropriate education for r-apV -11.iis3teX1? rg came clearly linked to the importance of..reindeerbteekilg far tile Ilk tional econany. Or as stated in the 1913 school re-W.04 yopP be a Lapp, for then he serves his motherland best." ish policycontinued,especially with the 1928 Reindeer D'Otik)e 14INNer possible to keep the Lapp childreri within LaPp culttlre 4:hd the 11°114kc economy (Ruong 1969b). Following Wotld War II, the conservationist poliO cl/re irLde 1.aLvy attadk from Lapps sicing greater educational 0pport001), ancl °6111..1.1e 0 Swedish Gacernmentwhich had replaced the Church in tr° Oontro- schooling. The Swedish Missionary Society's educatl&I'l efforts 473. focused almost entirely on the Lapp's Folk High Sch(N4 %undod' av -24- World War II (1942) and located above the Artic Circle at jokknokk after 1945. In this residential "folk college," Same youthin their late teens received training in general citizenship, local and national historY, reindeer breeding, and other practical subjects. Cbntinuing the "Lapp will be LaPP" orientation, students were encouraged not to let the two- year course seduce them away fram reindeer herding. A, policy statatent at that time, for examPle, stressed that: Not by folloWing Sweden and things Swedieh, but by prandting your mother tongue will you be best fitted to contribute to the common treasures of the father- land. AS Lapps it is through following ycur own ways of living and by remaining faithful to your cul- ture that you will keeP Your place as a part of the Swedieh nation (ftmag 1969a:142). Many young Lapps leaving the Lapp Foik High.Sdhool returned to the herding way of life, and a nuMber became leaders in sUbsequent ethnic organizational development, as in the Swedish Reindeer Herders Associa- tion founded in 1950. Others became sdhool teachers and taught Same children in settled communities and in nomad sdhools. A thitd very small group moved into nainstzeara Swedish society and culture through sUbsequent professional training. But a number of these assimilated Lapps maintained feelings of ethnic solidarity with their Same origins and a concern for greater social justice in Same attempts to fend off powerful state and, private interests seeking the continued economic ex- ploitation of Lapland's rich natural wealth cf ninerals, timber, water, and scenerY (Wallmark 1958). Thus, by the 1950's Swedish authorities offered two distinct educe- tional programs for Same Children. FOr those who lived by reindeer herding, the Nbmad Schools, which had become fixed and residential, con- tinued to stress skills and values thought necessary for a nomadic life. For children of the growing number of Same employed in forestry, agricul- ture, and fishing, regular primary and less frequently, secondary sdhools 26 were built in rural areas -- sdhools taught entirely in Swedish and atidende. by Swedish youth, schoolswhere the Iapp Language and cul- turaimere viewed as inferior, amildiere Lapp ethnic identity was un- desirable and, when possible, to be denied. School failure of Lapp childrem was and is conmon. In their public school experiences, gemmrations of Sane youth have learned that being a Lapp and speaking Iappish was strongly associated with defeat, contempt and poverty (With 1967; Ostlund 1973). With increasiivpmessure fran the Swedish Social Cemocratic Government for the acculturation and out-migration of Same youth, with continued serious infringement of forest and pasture land by "clear-cutting" forestry practices, by tourism, by mining and water- power develixerit interests, et al., the Lapps, a distinct people with thousands of years of traditions as-an ethnic community, began to seriously doub* :14eir ability to survive in the early 1950's (14bllmark 1958; Park 1959; Otm-s 1970; Lundegard 1973). Until recently, upwardlyinobile Lapps couLd avoid career defeat only by "paying" with their identity. One was either a Lapp, a Swede, a Norwegian, or a Finn. The few Sane who adhieved assimilation, or any Same Bar that natter, rarely protested this cost-mechanism (Por- sanger 1965). A few exceptions can be Bound, mostly among teachers, or isolated individuaLswlx, by paying the price had cane to knad the ideal democratic ideology of the doninant segment, and by simple trans- fer had came to seethe piiiiçation process as an injustice to a cul- ,; tural minority Midheint 1968 By attempting to point out what might be viewed as a moral injustice according to the dominant group ideo- logy, they jeopardized their careers were denounced as threats to na- tional security by their superiors, and were generallyviewed with alarm by *apps who rightfully feared the consequences of such public 27 --26\ pS 1019P tof ethr13-° relkictus and internal colo &la fevi fr°Irptski such non-. controversial otni") acti-Vir" foY 4L-t4 113 ,lafts &z1 efforts -to maintain swe., ellktty 14.115 rd/es 1Nrveci- t° .t"h laza:want seguent. Foll Vice 'kr a of OPC°rt144- challgee 4t the ra- tional and in leVel neif °3114toile 1-317°1 to ef- forts of Lano sliN.x"t eft irliklvido-ts arki illstitu- tions in the 'zIr%te a 014---'e 03v6fr*tk, ois collective efv- tOge" the first 'Ulre '°-1°se identi- fied with Lapo claPN 0ouet t° %6dref° seqpus e"rcrai kld cul- tural probler 9-/k141U from P°k-tio0 °3 11*':411itY 'e4 th% dAnal&" S4441taneouslY,that the Same 3,0d occuloi rapid econani ploigrO/A 14 &Ire-4 tterl f 13,ral s%ourc;es in traditiona r/9 kreas hacj N-511/ 'trirNtal °ffect.4 ori the herding econckgfr (el%r1 1970) At idle j/terrINonal arid 44t-ional- levels, wartiko e" by riazi. to ettetktnate the akii.zh et.h- llnajP411i% sule f°.t -the. tIrlitecnic minority, ft So i ktioos work on human 3-1-gli 11e1ped tt'lrl -the e3bl'Itt of 'ate %rival tO. .i0111P 'el4at on e stat c)fhane and to s und,er-privileS rifities 1441/14 th% Scar -11-t3n co°1trie (Finerstad Adina, 1973) . Accortirdf ciao." sNent ecave Itiore -`1' of alp 131:3Fosed injustiwe sys 444 uritp, °11 trio influential pJ teaCtie°' tNcal ecia4Sts 0%14 ottita sage a cOn°"els so, a's tO a renent ktioriale 0On 19) and program (5-0e6 81/e"-. )J Attk t has Since tk 1-b` mle S42)---1° kl-re" kovemeP %ght to rtIkt ti) stion mobilize minok3a ty TAL-- ore" -Z nevi orgarliZcAtions lciep/P91, sureal re0).stan that embody tko ethnic activiS -27- acculturation (Eidheim 1968). These groups in turn, have brought pressure on institutions of the dominant society to respond favorably to Lapp demands for altered ethnic relations, for a more culturally pluralistic soaietywhexe Same cultural survival and Same perticipetion will be accepted as legitimate national concerns. Lapp organizations in the past decade, for example, have called for a number of basic changes in the nine- year omprehensive school that most of their children attend. This reform program places priorities on bilingual instruction in Lappish and Swedish during the early grades, the creation of bilingual teacher- trainingpangxams, a revised curriculum including Same history and cul- tural themes, and a secondary school progrimeepecially adapted to the needs of reindeer-herding culture and managetrent. The conflict of interests that arise from intensifying government efforts to assimilate and incorporate the Lapps into the SmedishTtil- fare State, and Lapp efforts to mcve towards a more autonomous situa- tion in a more culturally pluralistic society are clearly evident in the schools. Same students despite recent special educational arrangements, continue as a group to be under-achievers, withdrawn, and seemingly unable to succeed in national schools. A, well-known Lapp educator, the Norwegian Anton Eoem, contends that the causes are to be found in competing and conflicting ideologies -- i.e. , those of the ethnic movement, and those of the-national society: The investments in special teacher training, text- books, and literature in Lappish, introductionof Lappish language and culture as subjects are efforts to raise the efficiency of teaching within the es- tablisheJ system. They are not efforts to adapt the school to the particular needs and values of Lappish society. Therefore, one will find different stanr dards. In fact, the more efficient the teaching, the greater the discrepancy between goals of educa- tion at home and in the school . . The main 2 9 -28- results are a cultural and social gap between the most successful pupils and the local Lapp society, and a barrier betmeen losers and the nationwide system (HO= 1968). Same movement activists have come to recognize that formal school- ing, despite gestures toward bilingual instruction, is essentially about the business of assimilation and social control, and not the strengthening of cultural pluralism. They have, accordingly, in the past few years sought to develop an alternative educational setting wheremovement ideology could be developed to shape goals, new learning, and action strategies. The Lapp Pak High School, a residential school for young adults at Jokkmokk in the Forest Lapp area above the Arctic Circle, has begun to carry out this function but only with protracted conflict with the local Commune authorities who reject the legitimacy of "Lapp Power" slogans, the Same ethnic-revivalrmyvenant, and the emer- gence of a Lapp-controlled folk school (Lidroth 1974). Despite local pressures and forceful arguments by a number of Cbmmune leaders to change the school's name and orientation from the Lapp's FOlk High School to something like "Jokkmokk Commune's F. H. S.," a small core of Same activists have, during the past several years, used the school to develop an educational strategy seekingtorrobilize individual Same into a politicized ethnic-interest group (6stlund 1973). Although the Same remain aminority on the folk high school's board of directors and must share control with representatives of the provincial government and the antagonistic local Commune, a number of notable innovations have been secured, albeit with growing animosity betwzan Lapp students and the Swedish population both at Jokkmokk and throughout Northern Sweden. Studies of how ethnic groups mobilize for political action suggests a number of basic problems that each group must solve (Barth 1969). These include questions about the distinc- tiveness of the group, and the need for agreement on standards by 30 -29- which group members can judge themselves and others and determine who lies within the ethnic boundary, and who lies without. These concerns, as well as problems of commaication, decisionmaking, authority and the legitimate use of power, of ideology and discipline, and of the in- doctrination necessary to keep ideology alive have all been addressed by educational activities at the Lapp's FHS. Before examining these activities, it may be useful to note that ethnicity has previously been viewed here as a phenomenon useful in the categorization ofpeople. At the folk school, ethnicity has also been a tool employed strategi- cally by movement activists seeking to assist Same youth to negotiate new individual identities, commitmnts to struggle, as well as the learning of organizational and communications skills needed to advance the movement's manifest goals of Same cultural revival and ethnic- minority survival. Where the Swedish Missionary Society used the Lapp's Folk High School during the 1940's and 1950's to further the national ethnic policy of socialized isolation, today, Lapp activists fight to gain complete control of the school and use it to address their problems and dreams of survival as an ethnic minority in a pluralistic society. Where earlier many of the Reindeer Herder's Association leaders had their first training in formal organizaticmal life and social science at the school, today special courses are offered that focus on prob- lems of collective actionandmimority mobilization. These critical seminars are taught and attended by Lapps of different socio-economic backgrounds and seek to unify the Lapps as an ethnic group. Lapps from the mountains, the forests, and the cities with differing professions and life-styles meet, discuss, and develop movement ideology and action strategies to strengthen ethnic identification and to gain greater ac- ceptance from a strongly ethnocentric Swedish society. 31 -30- Courses in the Lapp language are also provided and related to the movement's literary and journalistic activities. Classes in Lapp his- tory and handicrafts, in reindeer management, and admdnistrative tech- niques all view Same culture from perspectives that seek to raise stu- dents' consciousness of ethnic membership and the legitimacy of the group's dreams of survival and autonomy. The critical seminars, es- pecially, have frequently been starting points for reformulating the moveMent's ideological framework, i.e., the "Iworld vi.Emr" from dhich most Lapp political actions follow. The joint Nordic Lapp Ctilture Policy Statement of 1970 entitled, in English, "We 4re LaPPs and Want to Remain Lapps" clearly indicates efforts in statihg themmAment's argument-and goals (Svenska Samernas RiksfOrbund 1975). It is also a document that owes much to the educational and Political work of Same movement activists and supporters at the Lapp's Folk.Eigh School. The Lapp's Folk High School today presents an example of an educe- tional institution actively seeking to advanoe a Prccess of ethnic re- vival, confrontation and resistance to acculturatiO4 that is for the most part viewed unfavorably by members of the dominant society. At the local level, Swedes press for rapid acculturati% and incorporation through, if necessary, forced assimilation. At the national level, assimilation is sought instead through a policy of "tvgkulturell utbildning," or bicultural education where Swedish kid Same stodies will supposedly be given equal value and emphasis.(Norrbottenslgn 1968). So far, Same activists have been largely able to Subvert this pcaicy at Jokkmokk and stress the latter. But as this tolerant situation may end at any time, the ethnic moverrent is pressing fot a state-supported rural folk high sdhool undei complete Same control (6stlund 1973:287-88). While most Lapps are sympathetic to the moverethes broad goals, many express concern about the possible consequences of conflict. One of their older leaders has put it thus: "We are not a warlike people 32 -31- and we don't fight. Our culture is primitive, and I suppose we have to give in.to the stronger one." Many younger Lapps reject the re- signation of their elders and, under the rubric of "Lapp Power," seek to fight back: Ne are nOt Norwegians, Swedes, or Finns. We are dif- ferent and we intend to stay that way." It is thiS small activist group which seeks to make the Lapp's FOlk High School its own, much to the consternation of many fearful Lapps, the Jokkmokk Commune, and the National Board of Education (LidrothC1974; Sammallaht, 1975). Conclusions It is clear that language maintenance of an ethnic group rein- forces the boundaries between that group and the larger society. Boun dary maintenance reinforces the ethnic identity of a group and is undertaken for a number of reasons: religious, as in the case cf the Amish;politimeconomical, ai in the case of the French speaking Canadians; or economic, as in the case of the immigrant Anerican Italian, Slovak, Polish, etc. groups. Often, the major function of language in boundary maintenance is to enable a group to resist assimi- lation: this is as true of the former superordinate, migrant Finlands- svenskarna as it is of the subordinate, indigenous Lapps Natio both use language as a weapon in the fight for ethnic survival. The degree to which a group beccaes bilingual depends partly on the larger society's willingness to let that group assimilate, to grant that group access to the social institutions, and partly on the availability cf jabs which require a knowledge of the official lanr guage. The Canadian French immersionprograns form a very good example of how job language requirements influence language learning strategies. Group bilingualism is frequently accompanied by language shift to the official language when there are ample, material rewards in so doing. Institutional enclosure nay not be an issue as long as the 33' -32- parallel institutions are open. The French Canadians, who massively shifted to English (and gave cause to the legal measures) in spite of parallel institutions of church school, recreation, etc., are a case in point. Many migrant superordinate groups do not seem able to main- tain their original mother tongue once they are (legally-pcaitically) separated fram the home culture as in the case of the Normans and the Franks; probably demographic factors were also at issue (nlomason and Kaufman n.d..). Spanish certainly has been maintained in colonized Latin-America. It is a temptation to claim that language shift takes place when the socio-economical and political rewards of a nation, which are accessible, favor such a shift, but it is likely to be a simplification. It is a claim which is likely to account for the majority of situations of language shift but-it will not necessarily account for situations where one would expect language shift .but does not find it. It may be that the spatial isolation of the Lapps can account for the maintenance of Lappish, but it is more likely to be an expression of ethnic identity which will not be surrendered, a mecban- ism of ethnic boundary maintenance.4 Linguists do not have a clear understanding of these issues, and my contention is that in crder to understand the nature of bilingual- ism we need to consider the relationship of these issues. In this paper I have indicated the direction I believe such a discussion should take, but it is very obvious that this paper is only a beginning. 3 4 1. This paper is co-authoredinthat the Same case study is written by R. G. Paulston and the rest of the paper by C. B. Paulston. The case study is a much shortened version of the original "Eth- nic Revival and Education Cbnflict in Swedish Lapland." 2. Fbr references to the research on the Canadian inwersion pro- grams, see Merrill Swain's "Bibliography: Research on Immer- sion Education for the Majority Child." J. 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